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THE LADY'S MUSEUM.

BY THE Author of the FEMALE QUIXOTE.

VOL. II.

LONDON, Printed for J. NEWBERY, in St. Paul's Churchyard; and J. COOTE, in Pater-noſter Row

THE LADY'S MUSEUM.

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The TRIFLER. [NUMBER VI.]

MADAM,

I Take up my pen once more to give you the remainder of my ſad ſtory; and am pleaſed to find that many of your female readers expreſs a juſt abhorrence of the character of Belinda. I feel my heart too much affected with the remembrance of the ſorrows ſhe occaſioned me, to enter into a detail of all her little artifices to enſnare the heart of my huſband: there was an endleſs variety in her temper, which kept his attention perpetually awake, and prevended all ſatiety; and ſhe had ſo perfect a command of her features, that whatever diſpoſition [404] ſhe pleaſed to aſſume, her countenance expreſſed it as naturally as if ſhe really felt it.

My huſband grew every day more fond of the company of one who always preſented a new face to him, ſometimes airy and ſparkling, ſometimes tender and melancholy, now haughty and imperious, then ſoftened into a gentle languiſhment. While I was ignorant of her inſidious deſign, I diverted myſelf with her fantaſtic behaviour; but Alcander now diſcovered ſuch an extreme attachment to her, that I began to grow uneaſy. I was afraid of examining into the nature of my own doubts and fears; the ſuſpicion that my Alcander was grown indifferent to me, and loved another, was ſomething ſo new, ſo ſtrange, ſo ſhocking to my heart, that I rejected it with horror; yet ſpite of myſelf I ſought the melancholy conviction, and found it in his looks, his words, and every circumſtance of his behaviour.

My firſt thought was to expoſtulate with him upon his change; but my pride oppoſed this, and reaſon told me that upbraidings would not recal his affections: I reſolved, therefore to ſeem ignorant of my misfortune, and flattering myſelf that when my dangerous gueſt had left me, the impreſſion ſhe had made would be removed, I patiently waited for her departure.

When ſhe told me of her intention to return to London in a day or two, my heart bounded with joy, and I ſcorned to diſſemble ſo far as to deſire her to ſtay any longer; but what became of me! when turning my eyes upon Alcander, I ſaw him pale as death, and unable to utter a word, ſo greatly [405] was he affected with the thoughts of parting. At length recovering himſelf, he ſolicited her to ſtay ſome time longer, with ſuch beſeeching looks, and ſuch earneſtneſs of intreaty, that finding myſelf unable to ſupport this ſcene, I roſe up, and complaining of a ſudden indiſpoſition, retired to my chamber.

My huſband followed me immediately; and I, eager to admit every thought that could give me comfort, conſidered this as an effect of his tenderneſs and concern for me; but I was ſoon undeceived: he came only to reprove me for my incivility to my gueſt, in not preſſing her to ſtay longer; and he had the cruelty to deſire I would uſe my undeavours to keep her with us.

I anſwered nothing, but burſt into tears. Alcander, who doubtleſs knew the cauſe, and dreaded an explanation, left the room without taking any notice of my diſorder. Oh, how unlike was this to his former behaviour! I thought I ſhould have died with grief; but pride and reſentment came to my aid: I reſolved not to add to Belinda's triumph, by ſuffering my uneaſineſs to appear. I therefore compoſed my looks; and when ſhe came with an affected ſolicitude to enquire after my health, ſhe found me in appearance eaſy and tranquil.

My huſband finding me fully determined not to hinder Belinda from leaving us, declared his intention to go to London, and coldly aſked me if it would be agreeable to me? I replied, that I would certainly accompany him; ſo we all ſet out together. Belinda and I parted with great indifference [406] on both ſides. I dropt all intercourſe with her; and this put my huſband into ſo bad a humour, that he treated me with the moſt mortifying neglect.

My father was dead: my mother, who loved me tenderly, and was attentive to the behaviour of my huſband, ſoon perceived the eſtrangement of his affections. In her boſom I poured out all my ſorrows, and regulated my conduct by her prudence: ſhe recommended to me patience and ſilence; and above all, conjured me to keep the fatal ſecret from my brother; his temper was raſh and impetuous; he was extremely fond of me, and every thing was to be dreaded from his reſentment, if my huſband's injurious treatment ever came to his knowledge. This however it was impoſſible to prevent; my unhappy ſituation became generally known, ſo open was Alcander in his neglect of me, and his gallantries to Belinda.

My brother expoſtulated with him upon his behaviour: the event was what my mother and I had often apprehended; they fought, Alcander was wounded; he was brought home in a chair, in a very weak condition. I ſwooned at the ſight of him, and when I recovered I found myſelf in my mother's arms: ſhe informed me my brother was not hurt, and that Alcander's ſurgeons had aſſured her he was not in the leaſt danger. The horrors I had laboured under were relieved by this news, but my peace was loſt for ever. I attended my huſband conſtantly during his illneſs, which was but of ſhort continuance; he received my cares with a coldneſs that pierced me to the [407] heart; and when he was ſo far recovered as to be able to go into the country, he gave me to underſtand that he would diſpenſe with my company there.

I was beginning to expoſtulate with him; but he ſtopped my mouth, by telling me with a determined air, that he never could pardon me for having expoſed him to the inſult he had received from my brother; that I had made it impoſſible for him to alter his conduct, ſince the world would conſtrue it into a baſe fear of my brother: he concluded, with adviſing me to go and reſide with my mother, and without waiting for my anſwer, left me.

I will not attempt to deſcribe the various paſſions which tortured me by turns; but fond as I ſtill was of my faithleſs huſband, the indignation I felt for his unworthy uſage of me, helped to ſupport my ſpirits, and hindered me from yielding to the violence of my grief. I put myſelf under my mother's protection, and reſigned myſelf quietly to my fate.

My huſband a few months afterwards went to Italy, diſguſted, as I have heard, with the behaviour of Belinda; who, to recover her reputation, which this affair had greatly ſullied, ſacrificed him to her mirth upon all occaſions, and made her contempt of him as public as his attachment to her had been. Her triumph however was ſhort: ſhe experienced the greateſt misfortune that could happen to a woman who thought beauty the ſupremeſt good: ſhe was ſeized with the ſmall-pox, [408] which made ſuch ravage in her face that ſhe was hardly to be known: her paſſion for admiration ſtill remains, though the power of exciting it is gone. Hence ariſes her puniſhment; and ſhe who delighted in giving pain to others, finds in herſelf a perpetual ſource of vexation. I am,

Madam,
Your Obliged Humble Servant, PERDITA.
[409]

TO THE AUTHOR of the TRIFLER.

MADAM,

AS you confeſs that you are not ſuperior to trifles, will you accept of a trifling criticiſm, which if honoured with a place in your Muſeum, may, for the future, perhaps occaſion a different manner of reading and acting one particular paſſage in Macbeth, that hitherto has been generally, if not always, miſunderſtood and miſapplied.

In the ſixth ſcene of the fourth act, a meſſenger of ſome rank, Roſſe, comes to let Macduff know that his caſtle has been ſurpriſed, and his wife and children ſavagely ſlaughtered. The young king of Scotland, Malcolm, who had been ſome time at the Engliſh court, ſolliciting troops and aſſiſtance from Edward the Confeſſor, undertakes to comfort his friend and ſubject Macduff, who had attended him to England, and was deeply involved in his cauſe. Macduff, for ſome moments, remains thunder-ſtruck and ſilent. Malcolm, by way of conſolation, ſays,

What, man, ne'er pull your hat upon your brows. Give ſorrow words; the grief that does not ſpeak, whiſpers the o'er fraught heart, and bids it break.

Macduff pays no regard or attention to Malcolm, but turning to Roſſe, ſays, My children too! [410] Roſſe replies, Wife, children, ſervants, all that could be found. Macduff. And I muſt be from thence: my wife killed too? Roſſe. I've ſaid. Macduff makes no immediate anſwer; but enfolding his arms, and hanging down his head, in all the melancholy ſilence of inexpreſſible grief, ſtands fixed like a ſtatue on the farther ſide of the ſtage. Malcolm, endeavouring to awaken Macduff from this lethargy of woe, approaches near to him, and ſays, Be comforted, let's make us medicines of our griefs revenge, to cure this deadly grief. Macduff ſtill remains motionleſs and unmoved; but when he looks up, and ſees his royal friend Malcolm returned to Roſſe, on the other ſide of the ſtage, he ſighs deeply, and in a low voice expreſſes himſelf thus: He has no children. What all my pretty ones? did you ſay all? what all? The expreſſion, He has no children, is ſuppoſed and underſtood to refer to Macbeth, who having no children, could not afford to Macduff an adequate revenge. The ſuppoſition undoubtedly is natural. In caſes of injury, the law of retaliation never fails to occur to our minds, and to be the object of our paſſions: but the fact is not true. Macbeth had a ſon, his name was Luthlac. After the death of his father he was extremely troubleſome to Malcolm: he claimed the crown; and though a very weak deficient young man, he anſwered the intentions of a rebellious party, conſiſting of ſuch followers as had been attached to the late Macbeth. They carried him to Scone, and he was there ſaluted king. The competition was ſhort, nor had it any very dangerous or extraordinary circumſtances. In leſs than three [411] months the uſurper Luthlac was ſlain by Malcolm: then, and not till then, ended the race of Macbeth.

From hence it evidently appears that the ſentence, He has no children, cannot refer to Macbeth. At whom then is it pointed? At Malcolm. The heart-ſtruck Macduff heard with patience the conſolatory advice, adminiſtred by his royal maſter; but well knew, and could not avoid expreſſing to himſelf, that as Malcolm had no children he could little judge of that torrent of grief with which Macduff muſt naturally be overwhelmed, at the loſs of a wife, and all his pretty ones.

Malcolm was not married; he could not feel the throbs of a parent's heart, or the anguiſh of an huſband's love. To him the ſweet and inexpreſſible ſenſations of nuptial happineſs were unknown: he was ignorant of the decent pride, the riſing hopes, the alluring proſpects, that occupy, and ſwell alternately a father's breaſt. Young and unexperienced, he had not felt thoſe thilling nerves of nature, which are never ſtrung but by virtuous love and parental palpitations. The good natured Malcolm offered his advice unſeaſonably: he broke prematurely in upon ſorrow that muſt require time and reaſon to ſink itſelf into the gulph of ſatiety. The intention of Malcolm was kind to the higheſt degree. The effect of that intention was exerted in too haſty and too improper a manner, for Malcolm had no children.

This conſtruction ſeems ſupported by a ſentence which ſoon follows, where Malcolm again comes to the friendly charge of conſolation, and ſays, [412] Support it like a man. I ſhall, ſays Macduff; but I muſt alſo feel it as a man; that is, ‘I muſt feel it as an huſband and as a parent:’ or to expatiate upon the thought, Macduff in thoſe few words means thus to expreſs himſelf: ‘I muſt in the relation of father and huſband, ſuffer the deepeſt ſenſations of grief that human nature can imbibe. Not all the world can repair my loſs. By the cruel murder of my wife, I am deprived, for ever deprived, of the beſt of all my friends. Many are dear to me: ſhe was the deareſt. In my children, I have loſt the pride of my houſe, the comforts of my age, the engaging amuſements of my domeſtic hours, the future ſervants, ſubjects, and defenders of my king and country. You muſt be a father and a huſband, Malcolm, 'ere you can meaſure my grief; for I cannot but remember ſuch things were, that were moſt precious to me.

According to this interpretation, the actor muſt ſhew by ſome geſture, ſome motion either of his head or hand, that Malcolm is the perſon in his thoughts, when he ſays, He has no children. After ſtaying ſome time in the place where he was firſt ſtruck motionleſs, he is rouzed at once by indignation and croſſing the ſtage, ſays to Roſſe, What, all my pretty ones?

In this view, I think, Shakeſpear diſplays his own character, and reveals his own ſentiments as a parent. If the ſentence had referred ſolely to Macbeth (ſuppoſing he had no children) it carries with it rage, fury, and revenge? If to Malcolm, it is the reflection of a wiſe conſiderate man, who is thankful [413] to his friend for his advice, but conſcious that that advice is, for the preſent, to no purpoſe,

Buchanan in his Hiſtory of Scotland evidently proves, that Macbeth had a ſon at the time when Macduff's wife and children were ſlain. Shakeſpear, the moſt exact of all dramatic hiſtorians, could never intend that he ſhould appear he had none. The following quotation * will ſupport me in my aſſertion.

‘Whilſt theſe things were tranſacted at Forfar, they who remained of the faction of Macbeth, carried his ſon Luthlac to Scone (who was ſirnamed Fatuus from his want of wit) and there he was ſaluted king. Malcolm aſſaulted him in the valley Bogian, where he was ſlain three months after he had uſurped the name of king; out of reſpect to the kingly race, his, and his father's bodies were buried in the royal ſepulchres in Ionia.’ I am,

Madam,
Your moſt obedient Humble Servant, C. D.
*
Buchanan, Book VII. the reign of Malcolm III. the eighty-ſixth king of Scotland.

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT AND SOPHIA CONTINUED.

[414]

IT was not long before Sophia had an account of Sir Charles's viſit from her mother, who, forgetting the part ſhe had acted before, wrote her a letter full of invectives againſt her obſtinacy and diſobedience, and bitter upbraidings of her folly, for loſing by her ill-timed pride, the heart of ſuch a man as Sir Charles.

She told her, with a kind of exultation, that he had utterly forgot her, and repeated every circumſtance of his behaviour while he was with her, and every word he had ſpoke, as all tending to ſhew his indifference; but though this was done to mortify Sophia, and make her repent of her precipitate departure, yet her diſcernment, and that facility which lovers have, in flattering their own wiſhes, pointed out to her many things in this minute relation, which ſerved rather to nouriſh hope than deſtroy it.

Mrs. Darnley added, as the finiſhing ſtroke, that Sir Charles looked pale and thin; ſhe attributed this alteration in his health to the efforts he had made [415] to baniſh her from his heart, and thence inferred that a reſolution which had coſt him ſo much trouble to confirm, would not be eaſily broke through; and that ſhe had no reaſon to expect he would ever deſire to ſee her more.

Sophia could not read this part of the letter without tears, tears that flowed from tender ſenſibility, accompanied with a ſenſation which was neither grief nor joy, but compoſed of both: that Sir Charles ſhould reſolve to forget her was indeed afflicting, but that this reſolution ſhould coſt him ſtruggles ſo painful as to affect his health, could not but raiſe her depreſſed hopes, ſince it ſhewed the difficulty of the attempt, and conſequently that the ſucceſs was doubtful.

This letter gave ſo much employment to her thoughts, that to be at liberty to indulge them ſhe took her evening walk without ſoliciting the company of her beloved Dolly, and wandered far into the wood, attracted by thoſe romantic ſhades which afford ſuch ſoothing pleaſure to a love-ſick mind. Here, while ſhe meditated on her mother's letter, and read it over and over, ſtill ſeeking, and ſtill finding ſomething new in it to engage her attention, ſhe heard the voices of ſome perſons talking behind her, and ſuddenly recollecting Dolly's adventure, ſhe began to be alarmed at the diſtance to which ſhe had unwarily ſtrayed, and turned her ſteps haſtily towards home.

Mean time a ſudden guſt of wind blew off her hat, and carried it ſeveral paces back: ſhe turned, in order to recover it, and ſaw it taken up by a genteel young man, who on a nearer approach ſhe [416] knew to be the lover of her young friend. Pleaſed at this encounter, ſhe advanced to receive her hat from him, which he gave her with a bluſhing grace, awed by the dignity of her mein, and that ſparkling intelligence which beamed in her eyes, and ſeemed to penetrate into his inmoſt ſoul; for Sophia, who was deeply intereſted for her innocent and unhappy friend, conſidered him attentively, and was deſirous of entering into ſome converſation with him, that ſhe might be enabled to form a more exact judgment of his underſtanding and manners than ſhe could from the accounts of the partial Dolly.

While ſhe was talking to him they were joined by an ancient gentlewoman, who accoſting Sophia, told her in an affected ſtyle and formal accent, that her nephew was very happy in having had an opportunity to do her this little piece of ſervice.

Sophia, who ſaw an old woman, apparently oppreſt with the infirmities of years, dreſt in all the ridiculous foppery of the laſt age, was ſo little pleaſed with her, that ſhe would have anſwered this compliment with great coldneſs, had not the deſire and hope of being ſerviceable to her friend made her conquer her growing diſguſt; ſhe therefore reſolved to improve this opportunity of commencing an acquaintance with the aunt of young William, and met her advances with her uſual ſweetneſs and affability, ſo that the old woman was quite charmed with her; and being very deſirous to gain her good opinion, and to ſhew her breeding, of which ſhe was extremely vain, overwhelmed her with troubleſome ceremony; and, to diſplay her underſtanding, [417] of which ſhe was equally proud, murdered ſo many hard words, that her diſcourſe was ſcarcely intelligible.

Sophia would fain have drawn in the youth to partake of their converſation, but his aunt's volubility left him very little to ſay; yet in that little Sophia thought ſhe diſcovered both good ſenſe and politeneſs.

The evening being now pretty far advanced, Sophia thought it time to ſeparate, and took leave of her new acquaintance. Their parting was protracted by ſo many courteſies and compliments from the old lady, that her patience was almoſt wearied out; at laſt ſhe get free from her, and quickened her pace towards home, when on a ſudden ſhe heard her in a tremulous voice calling out, "Madam, madam, pray ſtop one moment." Sophia looked back, and ſeeing Mrs. Gibbons come tottering up to her with mere ſpeed than was conſiſtent with her weakneſs, ſhe met her half way, and ſmiling, aſked her why ſhe had turned back?

‘Oh, madam, replied ſhe, I am ready to ſink with confuſion! what a ſolſim in good breeding have I committed! to be ſure you will think I have been uſed to converſe with ſavages only.’ Sophia, not able to gueſs what this ſpeech tended to, looked at Mr. Gibbons as if ſhe wiſhed for an explanation.

‘My aunt, madam, ſaid the youth, (bluſhing a little at the old woman's affectation,) is concerned that you ſhould walk home alone, and [418] that I can't offer my ſervice to attend you, being obliged to lead her, as you ſee.’

‘That is not all, nephew, ſaid the ceremonious gentlewoman: you do not tell the young lady the true cauſe of the dilemnia I am in: I would not leave you, madam, purſued ſhe, till I ſaw you ſafe home, but you live with a family who has affronted me, and I cannot endure to come within ſight of the houſe. I never can forgive an affront, that would be to ſhew I do not underſtand the laws of good breeding: but I thank heaven no body can charge me with that, I was very early inſtituted into polite life; but ſome people are not to be aſſeſſed with.’

‘I hope, ſaid Sophia, (ſcarce able to compoſe her countenance to any tolerable degree of ſeriouſneſs) that none of Mr. Lawſon's family have given you cauſe of complaint: they ſeem to me incapable of affronting any one, much more a perſon that.’

‘Oh, dear madam, interrupted the old lady, courteſying low, you do me a great deal of honour; but you will find, nay you muſt have obſerved already, that Mrs. Lawſon is vulgar, very vulgar, ſhe knows nothing of decorums.’

‘I am very ſorry for this miſunderſtanding between you, ſaid Sophia, and I ſhould think it a very great happineſs if I could be any way uſeful in renewing your friendſhip.’

‘Oh, cried Mrs. Gibbons, you might as well think of joining the Antipoles, madam, as of bringing us together again; and I am grieved [419] beyond meaſure when I think that it is impoſſible for me to wait on you.’

‘However, anſwered Sophia, you will have no objection, I hope, to my coming to ſee you.’

‘By no means, madam, replied Mrs. Gibbons, you came laſt into the country, and you are entitled to the firſt viſit; I would not for the world break through the laws of politeneſs; I am ſorry you have ſo indifferent an opinion of my breeding.’

Sophia perceiving that the old gentlewoman was a little diſcompoſed, for this article of good breeding was a tender point with her, endeavoured to bring her into good humour, by ſome well-timed compliments, and once more took leave of her; but Mrs. Gibbons now inſiſted upon her nephew's ſeeing her ſafe home, ſaying, ‘She would reſt herſelf under a tree till he came back.’

Sophia but faintly declined this civility, for ſhe feared to offend her again; and the joy that ſparkled in William's eyes when his aunt made this offer of his attendance, made her unwilling to diſappoint him of the hope of ſeeing his miſtreſs; ſo after much ceremony on the part of Mrs. Gibbons, they ſeparated.

As they walked, Sophia took occaſion to expreſs her concern for the violent reſentment his aunt had entertained againſt Mr. Lawſon's family, and which ſeemed to make a reconciliation hopeleſs.

The youth told her, that nothing could be more trivial than the accident that had occaſioned it; and yet, purſued he, ſighing deeply, ‘ſlight as it is, the conſequences are likely to be fatal enough.’

[420]During their converſation Sophia diſcovered ſo much good ſenſe and delicacy of ſentiment in the young William, that ſhe more than ever pitied the fate of theſe poor lovers, whoſe happineſs was ſacrificed to the capricious temper of an affected old woman: ſhe aſſured him ſhe would neglect no opportunity to improve her acquaintance with his aunt: ‘And perhaps, ſaid ſhe, with an inchanting ſmile, that expreſſed the benevolence of her heart, I may be ſo fortunate as to effect a reconciliation between her and my Dolly's family.’

Mr. Gibbons thanked her in tranſports of joy and gratitude; and now Dolly and her ſiſter, who had walked out in ſearch of Sophia, appearing in ſight, ſhe mended her pace, in order to come up with them ſoon; for in the ardent glances that William ſent towards his miſtreſs, ſhe read his impatience to ſpeak to her.

Dolly, who was in the utmoſt ſurpriſe, to ſee Sophia thus accompanied, took no notice of William; but avoiding, with a ſweet baſhfulneſs, his earneſt and paſſionate looks: ſhe fixed her eyes on Miſs Darnley, as if ſhe wiſhed to hear from her by what chance they had met.

‘I know, ſaid Sophia to her ſmiling, that you did not expect to ſee me ſo agreeably engaged; but Mr. Gibbons can inform you how his aunt, whom we left in the foreſt yonder, and I became acquainted.’ She then addreſſed ſome diſcourſe to Fanny, to give the lovers an opportunity of talking to each other.

Dolly aſked a thouſand queſtions concerning their meeting, and his aunt's behaviour to Miſs Darnley; [421] but the paſſionate youth leaving it to Sophia to ſatisfy her curioſity, employed the few moments he had to ſtay with her in tender aſſurances of his own unaltered affection, and complaints of her indifference.

‘Surely, ſaid Dolly, with tears in her eyes, I ought not to be blamed for obeying my father.’

‘Ah, my dear Dolly, replied William, our affections are not in the power of our fathers; and if you hate me now becauſe your father commands you to do ſo, you never loved me.’

‘Hate you, cried Dolly; no, Mr. William, my father never bid me hate you; and if he had I am ſure I could not have obeyed him: he only commanded me to forget you.’

‘Only to forget me, repeated William, in a melancholy tone: then you think that little, Dolly; and perhaps you will be able to obey him; but be aſſured I would rather be hated by you than forgotten.’

"That is ſtrange, indeed," ſaid Dolly, ſmiling through her tears.

‘You would not think it ſtrange, replied the youth, in an accent that expreſſed at once grief and reſentment, if you had ever loved. Ah Dolly, are all your tender promiſes come to this! little did I imagine I ſhould ever ſee you altered thus! but I will trouble you no more, added he, ſighing, as if his heart would break; I will endeavour to follow your example: perhaps it is not ſo difficult a thing as I imagined to cure one's ſelf of love; you have ſhewn me it is poſſible, and if I fail in the attempt I can be [422] but miſerable, and that you have made me now.’ As he ſpoke theſe words, he turned half from her, and let fall ſome tears.

Dolly, who had no intention to make him uneaſy, was exceſſively affected with this ſight, and not a little alarmed at what he had ſaid: ‘And will you try to forget me, ſaid ſhe, in the moſt moving tone imaginable; then indeed you will be falſe and perjured too, for you have ſworn a thouſand times that you would love me for ever.’

‘Why ſhould you wiſh to ſee me wretched, ſaid he; you have reſolved to love me no longer, and it is but reaſonable that I ſhould try to forget you.’

He would have proceeded in this ſtrain; but turning to look on her, he ſaw her ſweet face overſpread with tears. ‘Oh my Dolly, cried he, we are very cruel to each other; but I am moſt to blame: can you pardon me, my deareſt: ſay you can; alas, I know I do not deſerve it.’

Dolly's heart was ſo oppreſt that ſhe was not able to ſpeak; but ſhe held out her hand to her young lover, who ſeizing it eagerly, preſt it to his lips, ‘Yes, I will love you, ſaid he, though you ſhould hate me; I will love you to my lateſt breath.’

Dolly perceiving Sophia and her ſiſter coming up to them, drew away her hand haſtily; but looked on him at the ſame time, with inexpreſſible tenderneſs: Sophia told him with a ſmile, that ſhe was afraid his aunt would be impatient: upon which he made his bow, and haſtened back to her.

[423]Fanny now left her ſiſter alone with Miſs Darnley, who perceiving that ſhe had been weeping, aſked her tenderly the cauſe. ‘Oh my dear miſs, ſaid the poor girl, bluſhing and preſſing her hand, if I had but a little of your prudence and good ſenſe, I ſhould obey my father better; but when one has once given one's heart, it is very difficult to recal it.’

‘Very true, my dear, ſaid Sophia; therefore one ought not to be in haſte to give it.’

‘I hope, interupted Dolly with an anxious look, you have obſerved nothing in Mr. William to make you change your good opinion of him.’

‘Quite the contrary, ſaid Sophia, I believe him to be a good, and I am ſure he is a ſenſible youth: nay more, I believe he has a ſincere regard for you; and that, purſued ſhe, ſighing, is ſaying a great deal, conſidering what reaſon I have to judge unfavourably of men: but, my dear, I would have you keep your paſſion ſo far ſubjected to your reaſon, as to make it not too difficult for you to obey your father, if he is fully determined to refuſe his content.’ I know, added ſhe, with a gentle ſmile, ‘That it is eaſier to be wiſe for others than for ourſelves; but I know it is not impoſſible for a heart in love to follow the dictates of reaſon: I think ſo highly of Mr. Lawſon's underſtanding and goodneſs, that I am perſuaded he would not lay an unreaſonable command upon you, and by what I could collect from ſome hints dropt by Mrs. Gibbons, and the little diſcourſe I had with your lover, the old gentlewoman is wholly to blame.’

[424] ‘Did Mr. William tell you, ſaid Dolly, what was the occaſion of their quarrel?’

‘No, replied Sophia: I ſhould be glad to hear it from yourſelf.’

‘Well, reſumed Dolly, taking her under the arm, let us go to our dear oak then, and there we ſhall be out of ſight; but I am impatient to know how you met, and what converſation you had.’ Sophia ſatisfied her curioſity, diverting herſelf a little with the old lady's hard words, and her ſtrict regard to ceremony.

‘Ah, ſaid Dolly, it was thoſe hard words, and the clutter ſhe made about ceremony and decorum, that occaſioned all our unhappineſs; for as I told you, miſs, ſhe was well enough pleaſed with her nephew's choice, ſaying, that he was in the right to marry like a gentleman, and prefer perſon and breeding to money: however, ſoon after ſhe came into the country, ſhe ſhewed herſelf a little diſſatisfied with my education, and ſaid, that as my father was a gentleman and a ſcholar, he ought to have taught his daughters a little Greek and Latin, to have diſtinguiſhed them from meer country girls.’

‘Your mother, I ſuppoſe, ſaid Sophia, laughed at this notion.’

‘It does not become me, ſaid Dolly, to blame my mother; but to be ſure ſhe took great delight in ridiculing Mrs. Gibbons: indeed it was ſcarce poſſible to help ſmiling now and then at her hard words, and her formal politeneſs; but my mother, as Mr. William often told me with great concern, carried her raillery ſo far that [425] his aunt would certainly be offended with it at laſt; and ſo indeed ſhe was, and grew every day cooler, with regard to the marriage. This diſguſted my mother more, ſo every thing wore a melancholy appearance: at length Mrs. Gibbons broke out one day violently, upon my mother's ſending a diſh of tea to another gentlewoman before her. I ſaw a ſtorm in her countenance, and dreading the conſequence, I made haſte to carry her, her diſh myſelf, but ſhe refuſed it ſcornfully, and then began to attack my mother in her ſtrange language, upon her want of breeding, and ignorance of the rules of precendency, that was her word. My mother at firſt only laughed, and rallied; but when the reſt of our viſitors was gone, and Mrs. Gibbons only remained, the quarrel grew ſerious. My mother, who was out of patience with her folly, ſaid ſome ſevere things, which provoked Mrs. Gibbons ſo much, that ſhe roſe up in a fury, and declared ſhe would never more have any collection with ſuch vulgar creatures. At that moment my father and Mr. William, who had been walking together, came into the room: they both were exceſſively ſurpriſed at the diſorder that appeared among us; and poor Mr. William, who was moſt apprehenſive, turned as pale as death: he gave me a melancholy look, as fearing what had happened, and had ſcarce courage enough to aſk his aunt what was the matter? Mean time, my mother, in a laughing way gave my father an account of what had happened, repeating ſome of Mrs. Gibbons's ſtrange words, and made the whole affair appear [426] ſo ridiculous, that Mrs. Gibbons in a great fury, flung out of the houſe, declaring that from that moment ſhe broke off any treatiſe of marriage between her nephew and me; and that, if he continued to make his addreſſes to me, ſhe would make a will and leave all her money to a diſtant relation. Mr. William was obliged to follow his aunt; but he begged my father's leave to return as ſoon as he had ſeen her ſafe home. When he came back, he implor'd my father, with tears in his eyes, not to forbid his ſeeing me: he ſaid the loſs of his aunt's fortune would give him no concern if he durſt hope that it would make no alteration in my father's reſolutions, ſince his own little inheritance was ſufficient to maintain us comfortably. My father was pleaſed with his generous affection for me, and ſaid a great many obliging things to him, as did my mother likewiſe, ſo that we thought our misfortune not ſo bad; but the next day old Mr. Gibbons came plodding to our houſe, and with a great deal of confuſion and aukwardneſs, told my father that he was very ſorry for what had happened; but ſiſter had changed her mind, and would not let her nephew marry, and he was afraid if he diſobliged her ſhe would leave all her money to ſtrangers; ſo he begged him to give his ſon no encouragement, but to tell him plainly he muſt obey his aunt and his father; and he ſaid he was ſure his ſon would mind what my father ſaid to him more than any body elſe.’

‘I am in pain for poor Mr. Lawſon, ſaid Sophia. What a booriſh ſpeech was this!’

[427] ‘My father, reſum'd Dolly, ſaid afterwards, that if it had not been for the concern he felt for me and Mr. William, he would have been exceſſively diverted with the old man's ſimplicity; but he anſwered him gravely and with great civility: he promiſed him that the affair ſhould go no farther; that I ſhould receive no more viſits from his ſon; and that he would talk with him, and endeavour to make him ſubmit patiently to what his father and his aunt had determined for him. The old man thanked my father a thouſand times over for his kindneſs, and after a great many bows and ſcrapes he went away. My father was as good as his word: he laid his commands on me to think no more of Mr. William, and forbad me to ſee or ſpeak to him; and when Mr. William came next, he took him with him into his ſtudy and talked to him a long time. He acknowledged that Mr. William had oftener than once moved him even to tears; but for all that he did not relent, and we were not allowed ſo much as to ſpeak to each other alone, for fear we ſhould take any meaſures to meet in private. This I thought very ſevere, purſued Dolly, ſighing, we might at leaſt have been indulged in taking leave, ſince we were to be ſeparated for ever.’

‘I cannot blame your father, ſaid Sophia, he was indiſpenſably obliged to act as he did: it is to be wiſhed indeed that Mrs. Lawſon had paſſed over the poor woman's follies with more temper; but this cannot be helped now: perhaps I may be able to ſerve you. The old gentlewoman [428] ſeems to have taken a liking to me; I ſhall endeavour to improve it, that I may have an opportunity to ſoften her: it is not impoſſible but this matter may end well yet.’

‘Poor Dolly was ready enough to admit a hope ſo pleaſing, and felt her heart more at eaſe than it had been a long time. As for William, his aunt's extravagant praiſes of Sophia, and ſome expreſſions which ſhe dropped, intimating that ſhe ſhould be pleaſed if he could make himſelf acceptable to ſo fine a lady, hinted to him a ſcheme which might afford him the means of ſeeing his miſtreſs ſometimes: he ſeemed therefore to liſten with ſatisfaction to theſe dark overtures made by his aunt, and upon her ſpeaking ſtill plainer, he ſaid it would be preſumption in him to think that a young lady ſo accompliſhed as Miſs Darnley would look down upon him; and beſides, he had no opportunity of improving an acquaintance with her, being forbid Mr. Lawſon's houſe, at her requeſt.’

The old woman, pleaſed to find he made ſo little oppoſition to her deſire, told him, ‘That he would have opportunities enough of ſeeing and converſing with the lady; ſhe often walks out, ſaid ſhe, either in the foreſt or the fields about the houſe: cannot you throw yourſelf in her way, and accoſt her politely, as you very well know how; and, to felicitate your ſucceſs, I will let her know that I am willing to receive the honour of a viſit from her, though this is againſt all the rules of decorum, for it is my part to viſit her firſt, ſhe being the greateſt ſtranger here: you [429] ſhall deliver my meſſage to her to-morrow yourſelf.’

‘The youth replied, coldly, that it was poſſible he might not meet with her to-morrow: nevertheleſs he would go every day to the foreſt, and wherever it was likely ſhe would walk, in hopes of ſeeing her.’

Mrs. Gibbons, exulting in the hope of mortifying Mrs. Lawſon, told her nephew, ‘That if he could ſucceed in his addreſſes to miſs Darnley, and give her ſo fine a lady for a niece, ſhe would ſettle the beſt part of her fortune on him immediately.’

William ſuffered her to pleaſe herſelf with theſe imaginations, having ſecured the liberty of going unſuſpected, and as often as he pleaſed, to thoſe places where he could ſee his beloved Dolly; hitherto he had not dared to indulge himſelf frequently in theſe ſtolen interviews, leſt his aunt being informed of them, ſhould take meaſures to engage Mr. Lawſon to keep his daughter under a greater reſtraint; but now he continually haunted the park, the wood, and the fields about Mr. Lawſon's houſe: here he could not fail of often ſeeing his miſtreſs, and ſometimes of ſpeaking to her unobſerved by any one.

Dolly never failed to chide him as often as this happened, for thus laying her under a neceſſity of diſobeying her father's injunctions; but ſhe took no pains to ſhun thoſe places where ſhe was almoſt ſure of meeting him; and her chiding was ſo gentle, that he was convinced ſhe was not greatly offended.

[430]Sophia happening to meet him one morning, while he was thus ſauntering about, ſhe enquired for his aunt, and hearing from him how deſirous the old gentlewoman was of ſeeing her, ſhe who was full of her benevolent ſcheme, and eager to put it in execution, delayed her viſit no longer than till the afternoon.

Mrs. Gibbons conſidered this as a proof of her nephew's ſincerity, and was in ſo good a humour, that ſhe liſtened without any ſigns of diſpleaſure, to the praiſes which Sophia artfully introduced of Dolly; and even ſometimes joined in them: Sophia thought this a very favourable beginning, and went away full of hope that ſhe ſhould ſucced in her deſign: but while ſhe was thus endeavouring to make others happy, her ſiſter was preparing a new mortification for her.

Sir Charles continued to viſit Mrs. Darnley as uſual: he paſſed ſome hours every day at her houſe, and while he applauded himſelf for the ſteadineſs of his reſolution, not to follow his miſtreſs, he perceived not his own weakneſs in ſeeking every alleviation of her abſence. He went to the houſe where ſhe had formerly dwelt, becauſe every object he ſaw in it brought her dear idea to his mind: he loved to turn over the books he had ſeen her read, to ſit in thoſe places where ſhe uſed to ſit: he was tranſported when he ſaw any thing that belonged to her; and when he was not obſerved by the inquiſitive eyes of Harriot, he indulged his own in gazing upon Sophia's picture, faintly as it expreſſed the attractive graces of the original: he endured the trifling diſcourſe of Mrs, Darnley [431] and the inſipid gaiety of Harriot, and left all other company and amuſements to converſe with them, that he might hear ſomething concerning Sophia; for he had the art, without ſeeming to deſign it, to turn the diſcourſe frequently upon her, and thus drew from the loquacious mother all he deſired to know, without appearing to be intereſted in it.

Mrs. Darnley knew not what judgment to form of his aſſiduity in viſiting her, and vainly endeavoured to penetrate into his views. As for Harriot, who had no idea of thoſe refinements of tenderneſs which influenced Sir Charles's conduct on this occaſion, ſhe concluded that her charms had once more enſlaved him, and exulted in her fancied conqueſt the more, as it was a triumph over her ſiſter, who had been the occaſion of ſo many mortifications to her.

Nothing is ſo eaſy or ſo fallacious as the belief that we are beloved and admired; our own vanity helps the deceit, where a deceit is intended: and a coquet who has a double portion of it, willingly deceives herſelf.

Harriot was now fully perſuaded that Sir Charles had forgot Sophia, and was wholly devoted to her. Impatient to inſult her with the news of his change, ſhe propoſed to her mother to make her a viſit: Mrs. Darnley immediately conſented, not becauſe ſhe was very deſirous to ſee her daughter, but becauſe every thing that wore the face of amuſement was always acceptable to her. Sir Charles, upon being made acquainted with their [432] intention, offered to accommodate them with his chariot; and although he only deſired them coldly to preſent his compliments to Sophia, yet when he reflected that they would ſoon ſee and converſe with her, he could not help envying their happineſs; and it was with great difficulty he conquered himſelf ſo far as to forbear going with them.

[To be continued.]

ESSAY ON THE Original Inhabitants of GREAT BRITAIN, CONTINUED.

[]

THE tranquility of Britain periſhed with Conſtantine the Great. He was ſurvived by three of his ſons*, all men of worthleſs, or of infamous characters. It would be time very, ill employed to notify any particulars of their reigns: let the imperial ſavages, and one or two of their ſucceſſors paſs by nameleſs and forgotten. Be it ſufficient to ſay, that the miniſters and officers whom they appointed, were their exact repreſentatives; haughty tyrants, bloody inquiſitors, and rapacious governors. Britain bore the ſhare of burdens impoſed upon her by theſe task-maſters; and her inhabitants, like the Iſraelites, were fruitful, increaſed abundantly, and waxed exceedingly mighty: otherwiſe how could they have withſtood the inundation of Picts, Scots, Saxons, and Attacotti, who, in the firſt year of Valentinian, broke [434] in at once, though in different places, upon the Roman territories in Britain.

Hiſtorians have not told us in what manner the Britains ſuſtained themſelves againſt ſuch numbers of invaders, till Severus was ſent to their relief in the year 368. But neither Severus, nor his ſucceſſor Jovinus were able to vye with the barbarians, who were now diſperſed throughout the whole kingdom, and had made great devaſtations in the city of London. Valentinian ſaw an immediate neceſſity for a reinforcement of troops under the conduct of a veteran and experienced commander: he choſe Theodoſius, as a man of great experience, and of a moſt martial character. Theodoſius loſt no time in executing his commiſſion: he ſet ſail from Boulogne, and landed at Sandwich, with the choiceſt troops that could be gathered throughout the continent. He marched directly to London, and found the city in the greateſt diſtreſs. He immediately relieved the metropolis; and, by a diviſion of his army into different parties, ſurpriſed the lawleſs freebooters in ſeveral places, and diveſted them of their plunder, which conſiſted of captives and herds of cattle. For ſome time afterwards he choſe rather to obſerve than to moleſt his adverſaries. His caution and ſagacity, joined to the force of his arms, at length entirely effected the purpoſes for which he was deputed into the kingdom. By degrees he drove back the Picts, the Scots, and all the invaders into their own territories: he replaced garriſons to defend the boundaries; he repaired walls, and reſtored cities; and, at his return to [435] Rome, he left the iſland in a ſtate of ſecurity and peace. He was attended to the ſhore by vaſt numbers of Romans and Britons, all full of expreſſions of regret and ſorrow at his departure. He was received by his imperial maſter with the moſt public demonſtrations of friendſhip, gratitude, and affection: honours which he moſt juſtly deſerved.

The emperor Valentinian died in the year 375. He was ſucceeded in the weſtern empire by his ſon Gratianus, a young man addicted to pleaſures, reſigned to favourites, and in every reſpect unfit for his dignity. As only chance of birth had made him an emperor, and as nature had given him abilities only for a huntſman, he ſoon found himſelf under a neceſſity of ſummoning a coadjutor to his aſſiſtance. He choſe Flavius Magnus Theodoſius *, the ſon of the Roman general, who, not many years before, had made ſo conſiderable a figure in Britain.

At the time when the emperor Gratianus made this choice, Maximus, a Spaniard by birth, of a very noble family, and an officer of great merit and diſtinction, was at the head of the Roman army in Britain. He was perſonally beloved by the ſoldiers, and had rendered himſelf much eſteemed and revered among the Britons. All his military actions had been planned upon the model of that great general Theodoſius, by whom he had been left in Britain, in a high poſt of command. Soon [436] afterwards, probably in the order of ſucceſſion, he became the captain-general of the Roman and Britiſh forces. Maximus was of an ambitious temper, and he was much diſguſted at the ſudden riſe of the younger Theodoſius. He complained loudly of the injuſtice which he ſuffered by the election of any other emperor than himſelf: he drew his pretenſions from his near degree of affinity to Conſtantine the Great: and his army, without an examination into the truth or falſhood of thoſe pretenſions, immediately ſaluted him Caeſar, and offered to him their ſervice and obedience.

In what a ſtate of confuſion were the Romans and the Britons at this period? little able to help themſelves, much leſs to aſſiſt their allies: two emperors in Italy, and one * riſen up on a ſudden in Britain. The account of theſe times is very elaborately, although in many points very differently, ſet forth by the Scotch and Engliſh hiſtorians. But the proſpect we receive from all thoſe commentaries are only melancholy, and various views of rage and bloodſhed. Revolutions upon revolutions. Gratianus killed by the troops of Maximus; Maximus put to death by Theodoſius; Britain invaded by the Scots and Picts; the Scots extirpated by the Picts from Scotland, and driven into Ireland; in the continent, a declining empire; in our own iſland, a perpetual civil war; throughout the world, an iron age.

Inſidiae (que) et vis, et amor ſceleratus habendi.

‘Mix'd with curs'd avarice falſhood and rapine ſhone.’

[437]Such was the diſmal ſcene, ſome little intervals excepted, during the whole reign of Theodoſius, who died in the beginning of the year 395. He left two ſons, Arcadius and Honorius. The weſtern empire fell to the lot of Honorius, who was only ten years of age at the death of his father: he was committed to the tuition and conduct of Stilico. Under his government the Saxons, Scots, and Picts, thoſe perpetual invaders of the Britiſh territories, were effectually ſuppreſſed and repulſed.

But Stilico was called off from his attention to the affairs of Britain, by the appearance of Alaric * in Italy at the head of a moſt numerous army of Goths. The Roman troops were immediately ſummoned to the continent; as not only the empire, but the whole world ſeemed to be in danger of ruin, and was afterwards over run by this ſet of barbarians.

Here, I think, may be dated the end of the Roman government in Britain. Some aſſiſtance, ſome legions were ſent now and then, upon the ſupplication of the Britons in the ſouthern parts of the iſland, to relieve them from immediate deſtruction; but ſuch ſuccours were few, uncertain, and at laſt abſolutely withdrawn.

At this particular period, let us endeavour to take a general retroſpect of the Britons; their manners, their laws, and their government, as far as the obſcurity, and the many chaſms of our hiſtory will allow the ſearch.

[438]Caeſar and many other authors deſcribe the original Britons appearing in the wildeſt ſtate of nature: ſavages living upon plunder, inhabiting woods and mountains, and ignorant of all laws and order. The deſcription, I am afraid, is in many inſtances too true; but however licentious and untamed theſe barbarians may have been, ſome form of government certainly ſubſiſted amongſt them, eſpecially, as Caeſar himſelf ſays, that the cuſtoms of the Britons were almoſt the ſame as the cuſtoms of the Gauls. But he ſpeaks indeed there only of the Cantii *, who, living neareſt to the Gallic ſhores, were moſt humanized.

In his account of the Gauls, he tells us in how great a degree of obedience the lower claſſes of people were held by the nobility; an obedience which could not have been formed or regulated without a complete and acknowledged ſyſtem of laws. The particulars of thoſe laws are not perfectly aſcertained: they were always compoſed by the Druids, who never ſuffered any of their inſtitutions to be committed to writing.

Some of them, however, have been handed down to us, and are ſufficiently curious to be inſerted. They are theſe:

I. None muſt be inſtructed but in the ſacred groves.

II. Miſletoe muſt be gathered with reverence, and, if poſſible, in the ſixth moon. It muſt be cut with a golden bill.

III. Every thing derives its origin from heaven.

[439]IV. The arcana of the ſciences muſt not be committed to writing, but to the memory.

V. Great care is to be taken of the education of children.

VI. The powder of miſletoe makes women fruitful.

VII. The diſobedient* are to be ſhut out from the ſacrifices.

VIII. Souls are immortal.

IX. The ſoul after death goes into other bodies.

X. If the world is deſtroyed, it will be by fire and water.

XI. Upon extraordinary emergencies a man muſt be ſacrificed. According as the body falls, or moves after it is fallen: according as the blood flows, or the wound opens, future events are foretold.

XII. Priſoners are to be ſlain upon the altars, or burnt alive, incloſed in wicker, in honour of the Gods.

XIII. All commerce with ſtrangers muſt be prohibited.

XIV. He that comes laſt to the aſſembly of the ſtates ought to be puniſhed with death.

XV. Children are to be brought up apart from their parents, till they are fourteen years of age.

XVI. Money lent in this world will be repaid in the next.

XVII. There is another world, and they who kill themſelves to accompany their friends thither, will live with them there.

[440]XVIII. Letters given to dying perſons, or thrown on the funeral piles of the dead, will faithfully be delivered in the other world.

XIX. The moon is a ſovereign remedy for all things, as its name in Celtic implies.

XX. Let the diſobedient be excommunicated; let him be deprived of the benefit of the law; let him be avoided, and rendered incapable of any employ.

XXI. All maſters of families are kings in their own houſes: they have a power of life and death over their wives, children, and ſlaves.

The learning, and the religious tenets of the Druids are ſpecified in various authors. Diogenes Laertius aſſures us, that their chief precepts were ‘the worſhip of the Gods; an abſtinence from all kinds of evil; and a conſtant exerciſe of manly fortitude.’

Pomponius Mela informs us, that the Druids were remarkably expert in geography and aſtronomy*: and Caeſar ſays, that they taught the tranſmigration of ſouls, and by that means inſpired their diſciples with an abſolute contempt of death, which, in their articles of faith, was looked upon only as a paſſage from one body to another; or, as Mr. Rowe expreſſes it from Lucan's deſcription of the Druids,

"A ſtop, which can but for a moment laſt,
"A point between the preſent and the paſt."

The character of theſe prieſts muſt have appeared extremely venerable, had not their doctrines [441] been attended by the moſt ſanguinary acts of ſuperſtition, which certainly augmented, or at leaſt never could ſuppreſs the natural ſavageneſs and barbarity of the natives. The Bards were a lower order of the Druids: their ſacerdotal employments were the celebration of the Britiſh heroes in verſes, which they ſung to the harp; and which were probably compoſed to excite emulation in the hearers of their poetry. Such a deſign had an a [...] of policy, and might, in ſome meaſure, be conducive to tame the ferocious natures of thoſe who liſtened, either from piety or curioſity, to their ſongs. There were ſtill a third and inferior o [...] of Druids called Eubates: and there were alſo Druids (not many I preſume) of the female [...]

The original conſtitution of Britain was [...] monarchical. All authors agree that [...] iſland was divided into colonies, each of [...] ſubject to a particular ſovereign. U [...] [...] and dangerous emergencies, the Britons [...] general aſſembly of their princes, unanimo [...] [...] one ſuperior chieftain, to whom they [...] the command of the army, and the govern [...] [...]f the ſtate: ſuch were Caſſivelaunus, [...], Boudicea, Carauſius, and Galga [...]us. [...] theſe royal magiſtrates were temporary or [...] dictators, is a point that does not ſeem perfec [...]y cleared up by any of the hiſtorians: when they had the power, it is probable they kept it: moſt, if not all of them, came to ſudden and fatal cataſtrophes. The Britons were ſubdued by Julius Caeſar, and they were treated with great tyranny and oppreſſion by all ſucceeding Roman empe [...]o [...]s, [442] governors, legates, and pro-praetors, till Agricola lightened and diverſified, if he did not remove the oppreſſion. In the reigns of Nerva and Trajan, the Caledonians and the Britons were moſt firmly united, and the conſequence of their union had almoſt produced a total extirpation of the Romans. Adrian , probably with a deſign to ſow the ſeeds of diſagreement between the two nations, enlarged the frontiers of the Scots, permitted them to come forwarder towards the ſouth, and reſigned to them that portion of lands, which, in the time of the elder Theodoſius, was diſtinguiſhed as a fifth province, and was called Valentia. The Meatae and the Picti ſettled themſelves in this diſtrict.

Whatever might be Adrian's motives, diſſenſion grew up moſt proſperouſly, and rooted itſelf ſo firmly and deeply in the ſoil, that no aſſociation was afterwards formed between the Britons and the Caledonians. By the Caledonians, I would be underſtood to mean tbe inhabitants of Scotland; whether diſtinguiſhed by the names of Picts, Meatae, Scots, Scythians, or any other denominations. To fix the time of their arrival, and their ſettlement in Great Britain, is difficult, if not impoſſible: the inquiry is now intirely uſeleſs. Their wars, their incurſions, their depredations, and their policy are points to reflect ſome entertainment; their origin, and the fabulous tales that attend it, muſt in general be deſpiſed and forgotten.

The Caledonians, ever a crafty, and a wiſe nation, had taſted the ſweets, and had experienced [443] the advantages ariſing from frequent inroads into Britain. Their own country was barren and uncultivated: the adjoining territories were rich and fruitful: their gains, conſequently, might be great; their loſſes could only amount to a repulſe. Caeſar tells us, that the Britons thought it unlawful to taſte hares, hens, or geeſe, of which they kept great plenty for their pleaſure and diverſion: the Caledonians had no ſuch ſcruple of taſte or conſcience. The Britiſh fowl, their game of all kinds, and their numerous herds of cattle, were a ſort of plunder eaſily taken, and as eaſily carried away: and theſe tempting objects of hoſtility drew the Saxons and the Hibernians almoſt annually acroſs the ſea, in ſearch of prizes and acquiſitions from Britain. They were conſtantly joined and aſſiſted by the Picts and the Meatae; ſo that a variety of repeated invaſions totally employ the firſt annals of our hiſtory, and leave us ſcarce any other characteriſtical idea of our forefathers than their bravery and reſiſtance.

Early in the fifth century, the Romans, now grown ſo weak as to perceive within themſelves evident ſymptoms of diſſolution, took a laſt farewel of our anceſtors; and, like expiring friends, exerted their laſt efforts, amidſt convulſive pangs, to aſſiſt and direct the Britons how to build a wall of ſtone in the ſame ſituation where the wall of Severus had formerly ſtood: and ſtill, as a final inſtance of their friendſhip, they adviſed the natives to practiſe the art of war, and to become expert and regular in military diſcipline; but moſt eſpecially to act upon one general confederate plan, by making [444] uſe of their own collective ſtrength againſt the Caledonians and all other invaders. The advice was excellent, and, if purſued with conſtancy and firmneſs, might have rendered the Britons for ever impregnable to their enemies. But unanimity among Britons was reſerved for diſtant times, and the happieſt age that our iſland has ever known.

By the departure of the Romans, the Britons looked upon themſelves as delivered from their firſt conquerors: but they little conſidered that they were ſtill ſubject to a worſe ſet of tyrants, their own paſſions and diſunion: no people upon earth are formed with more acute ſenſations, or deeper reſentments againſt each other. Theſe are the cauſes that fill our hiſtory with ſuch frequent revolutions. Our climate is a repreſentation of our nature: it is uncertain, and in the ſpace of one week affords as much variety of weather as is known in other countries throughout a twelvemonth. A ſingle day is often a ſcene of ſummer and of winter; and of great heat and of violent cold; of rain and ſnow; and of warmth and ſunſhine: ſo various is the temperature of our air. The temperature of air governs the minds of the inhabitants: we are gloomy or gay, ſullen or good-humoured, and ſometimes religious or immoral, according to the ſtate and alterations of our atmoſphere. What muſt be the effects ariſing from ſuch variegated diſpoſitions? continual changes, and continual diſcontent. Britons left to themſelves are like horſes unbridled, and let out to paſture: they wince; they roar; they kick their heels towards heaven in all the wantonneſs of liberty. Their freedom might be perpetual, [445] if they knew how to direct it, or were conſcious of their own ſtrength; but they employ their time in ſelf-deſtruction: they impoliticly tread down the paſture which ought to feed them, and, inconſiderately ſtriking at each other, they become ſo lame, as to ſtand in need of aſſiſtance from the firſt aukward farrier who preſents himſelf. Gildas, I think, defines our iſland as a land ſteady in nothing, and greedy of every thing new. Such, indeed, it proved after the removal of the Romans: ſucceſſive royal idols were ſet up, worſhipped, and then taken down, and trampled to pieces. The names of theſe molten calves are inſignificant; their actions, as ſovereigns, immaterial and uncertain: they were elected, adored, and deſtroyed. The reign of Vortigern, indeed, was of longer duration, and of more conſequence: it afforded ſcenes of variety and importance. We are told, that while Vortigern was upon the throne, the Britons, finding themſelves overpowered, and almoſt ruined by invaſions from the Scots and Picts, ſent a ſolemn embaſſy with moſt ſubmiſſive letters to implore the aſſiſtance, and to require the immediate preſence of their old enemies the Saxons. Is it poſſible to believe our anceſtors guilty of ſo abſurd a reſolution? That they were factious, diſcontented, and unverſed in the rules of government, is certain; but that they ſhould imagine themſelves under a neceſſity of ſeeking refuge from Charybdis, becauſe they were cloſe upon the rocks of Scylla, is highly improbable. How indeterminate are the hiſtorical accounts of this particular period, when the introduction of the Saxons is recorded in a [446] manner that bears ſo little reſemblance to truth? The Britons might not be willing, or more probably might not be capable to oppoſe the Saxons, when thoſe invaders were arrived; but it is ſcarce credible to imagine that the Britons ſollicited their arrival. However, by the generality of hiſtorians, we are to ſuppoſe that the ſheep invited the wolves. A modern writer* differs from many of his predeceſſors, and tells us, from Nennius, that the arrival of the Saxons was accidental: the only fact that can be depended upon is, that they arrived. The year cannot be aſcertained ; in that point the chronologiſts differ. But of what nation ſhall we find the chronology aſcertained?

The Saxons were commanded by two brothers, Hengiſt and Horſa, men of judgment and penetration, who, finding their firſt deſign of plunder and devaſtation inſupportable, tacitly changed the plan, and offered themſelves as friends and confederates to the Britons. At ſo critical a juncture, they were joyfully received by Vortigern, and were incorporated into the Britiſh army. The iſland of Thanet was aſſigned for their ſettlement: their numbers did not exceed fifteen hundred: three ſhips tranſported them into Britain.

Hengiſt and Horſa ſoon diſtinguiſhed themſelves as allies of conſequence. The Picts and Scots were driven back to their ſeveral territories; ſome to Caledonia, others to Ireland; and the Saxons retired to the iſle of Thanet with all poſſible demonſtrations of peace.

[447]The articles of compact between the Saxons and the Britons were theſe: That the Saxons were to fight for the Britons againſt all foreign enemies, and were to receive the pay and maintenance from the nation for whom they fought. In the general name of Saxons were included the Jutes and the Angles, who had enliſted themſelves under the banner of Hengiſt and Horſa. Theſe two brothers were the direct deſcendants of Woden, an Aſiatic king, who came from Scythia into Europe, and ſeized thoſe German territories that are now diſtinguiſhed as Saxony. The Angles were inhabitants of Sweden. The Jutes were a people of Denmark. Whilſt the number of theſe Saxons did not exceed fifteen hundred, the articles of compact were not difficult to be fulfilled. But Hengiſt and Horſa had farther views than merely a ſubſiſtance from the Britons: the iſle of Thanet was too limited a circumference for their ambition: a ſettlement, and ſome degree of power within the greater iſland, were the objects upon which they had fixed their eyes. Of the two brothers, Hengiſt ſeems to have been particularly vigilant and politic: he conſidered the fertility of the ſoil, the inexperience of the inhabitants, and the weak paſſions of the king; and, from theſe circumſtances, he propoſed to himſelf and to his people, all the future advantages that they could wiſh, riches, alliance, and a kingdom. In conſequence of ſuch a plan, he ſent for freſh ſupplies of his countrymen: and they came over in tribes ſufficiently numerous to fill ſeventeen ſhips. With them arrived Rowena, the daughter of Hengiſt: her father had particularly obſerved the amorous diſpoſition [448] of Vortigern; and, conſcious of his daughter's beauty, he propoſed to make her the chief ſtep by which he was to aſcend. The effect anſwered the deſign: Vortigern ſaw the fair Saxon, divorced his lawful wife, by whom he had many children, and incontinently married Rowena. In conſequence of this marriage, the kingdom of Kent was allotted to the Saxons, and the dominion of that territory was taken away from Guorangonus, the reigning prince, and was beſtowed upon Hengiſt, the father-in-law of the chief ſovereign in Britain.

How unhappy muſt be the ſtate of government, when the king could break through all the bounds of morality, and where the people could tamely ſubmit to ſee one of their moſt conſiderable colonies peremptorily given away to ſtrangers? Theſe inſtances ſhew us, that not the leaſt order, and ſcarce any degree of public courage ſubſiſted at this time in Britain: they ſhew us that chriſtianity had not as yet taken ſufficient root in our iſland. A religion that was calculated to reſcue mankind from the tyranny of fraud and force, and inſtituted to give a true notion of one God, and to fix right and juſtice upon a ſure and natural foundation, muſt have little efficacy among a wild and indocile race of men. Some churches, however, were built, and ſome outward appearances of religion were maintained; but the antiquities of theſe times are ſo fabulous, that few authentic commentaries are extant, either of eccleſiaſtical, or of civil affairs. The facts to be depended upon, are theſe:

[To be continued.]

THE HISTORY OF THE COUNT DE COMMINGE CONTINUED.

[449]

THE meeting between my father and me was, on my ſide, full of reſpect, but coldneſs and ‘I have given you leiſure, ſaid he to me, to repent of your folly, and I am now come to give you the means to make me forget it; return this inſtance of my indulgence with obedience, and prepare to receive as you ought, the count of Foix, and mademoiſelle de Foix his daughter, for whom I have deſtined you. The marriage ſhall be ſolemnized here; they will arrive to-morrow with your mother; I came before them only to give the neceſſary orders for their reception.’

‘I am ſorry, Sir, replied I calmly, that I cannot comply with your wiſhes: I have too much honour to marry a perſon I can never love, therefore I intreat you will permit me to leave this [450] place directly. Mademoiſelle de Foix, however amiable ſhe may be, cannot alter my reſolution; and if I ſee her, the affront I ſhall give her by refuſing her hand, will be more poignant to her.’

‘No, interrupted my father in a rage, thou ſhalt not ſee her, nor ſhalt thou be allowed to ſee the day; I will ſhut thee up in a dungeon, a fitter habitation. I ſwear by heaven, that thou ſhalt never be delivered from thy confinement, till I am convinced thy repentance is ſincere, and thy change certain. I will puniſh thee for thy diſobedience every way that is in my power; I will deprive thee of my eſtate, and ſettle it upon mademoiſelle de Foix, to fulfil, in ſome degree, the promiſe I have given her.’

I made no oppoſition to my father's tyrannical deſign; I ſuffered myſelf to be conducted to an old tower, where I was confined in a place at the bottom of it, which received no light but from a little grated window which looked into one of the courts of the caſtle. My father gave orders that food ſhould be brought me twice a-day, but that I ſhould not be ſuffered to ſee any perſon whatever.

I paſſed the firſt days of my confinement with tranquility enough, and even with ſome kind of pleaſure. What I had ſo lately done for Adelaida employed all my thoughts, and left no room for reflection on the horrors of my condition; but when this ſentiment began to loſe its force, I reſigned myſelf up to deſpair at being thus doomed to an abſence of which I knew not the end. My buſy imagination tortured me with the apprehenſion of a thouſand other evils: Adelaida might be forced [451] to enter into another engagement: I fancied her ſurrounded with rivals, all aſſiduous to pleaſe, while I had none to plead for me but my miſeries; but to a mind ſo generous as Adelaida's, was not this ſufficient? I reproached myſelf for entertaining the leaſt doubt; I asked her pardon for it, as for a crime, and my heart gathered new ſtrength from the confidence I had in her fidelity.

My mother found means to convey a letter to my hands, in which ſhe exhorted me to ſubmit to my father, whoſe rage againſt me ſeemed to increaſe every day. She added, that ſhe ſuffered a great deal herſelf; that her endeavours to procure a reconciliation between him and the family of Luſſan had made him ſuſpect that ſhe acted in concert with me.

I was greatly affected at the uneaſineſs my mother ſuffered on my account; but as I could not accuſe myſelf of having voluntarily cauſed her any part of it, all I could do was to lament her ſituation.

One day when I was, as uſual, wholly taken up with reflections on my unhappy fate, ſomething fell through the window into my dungeon, which immediately rouzed my attention. I ſaw a letter on the floor, I ſeized it with trembling haſte; but what became of me when I read the contents! they were as follow: ‘Your father's rage has inſtructed me what I ought to do. I know the terrible ſituation you are in, and I know but one method to extricate you from it, which will perhaps make you more miſerable; but I ſhall be ſo as well as you, and that thought will give me reſolution to do [452] what is required of me. Our cruel parents, to make it impoſſible for me to be yours, inſiſt upon my marrying another. This is the price your father has ſet upon your liberty; it will perhaps coſt me my life, my quiet it too ſurely will, to pay it: but I am determined. Your ſufferings and your priſon are at preſent all that I can think of: in a few days I ſhall be the wife of the marquis de Benavides; his character is ſufficient to acquaint me with all I have to ſuffer from him; but this ſort of fidelity I owe you, at leaſt that in the engagement I enter into, I ſhould find nothing but miſery. May you, on the contrary, be happy; your good fortune will be my conſolation. I am ſenſible I ought not to tell you this: if I was truly generous I ſhould ſuffer you to be ignorant of the part you have in my marriage; I ſhould leave you in doubt of my conſtancy. I had formed a deſign to do ſo, but I was not able to execute it: in my ſad ſituation I have need of being ſupported with the thought that the remembrance of me will not be hateful to you. Alas! ſoon, very ſoon it will not be permitted me to preſerve yours.—I muſt forget you;—at leaſt I muſt endeavour ſo to do.—Of all my miſeries this is what I am moſt ſenſible of: you will increaſe it if you do not carefully avoid all opportunities of ſeeing and ſpeaking to me. Reflect that you owe me this mark of your eſteem, and oh! reflect how dear that eſteem will be to me, ſince of all the ſentiments you have profeſt for me, it is the only one that I am allowed to require of you.’

[453]Of this fatal letter, which I have related at length, I was able to read no more than to theſe words: ‘Our cruel parents, to make it impoſſible for me to be yours, inſiſt upon my marrying another.’ Pierced to the heart with this cruel, this unexpected misfortune, I ſunk upon the mattraſs which compoſed my bed, and lay there ſeveral hours without ſenſe or motion, and probably might never have recovered, but for the aſſiſtance of the perſon who brought me my proviſions. If he was alarmed at the condition in which he found me, he was much more ſo at the exceſs of my deſpair, when my ſenſes returned. The letter, which I held faſt in my hand during my ſwoon, and which I at laſt read quite through, was wet with my tears, and I ſpoke and acted extravagancies which made him apprehenſive for my reaſon.

This man, who till then had been inacceſſible to pity, was melted all on a ſudden: he blamed my father for his cruel treatment of me; he reproved himſelf for having executed his orders; he aſked my pardon on his knees. His repentance inſpired me with the thought of propoſing to him to let me quit my priſon for eight days only, promiſing him that, at the expiration of that time, I would return and put myſelf into his hands: I added every thing I could think of to oblige him to conſent. Moved at the ſtate he ſaw me in, excited by his own intereſt, and by the fear that I ſhould one day take vengeance upon him for being the inſtrument of my father's cruelty, he agreed to what I deſired, upon the condition I had myſelf propoſed to him.

[454]I would have ſet out that moment from the caſtle, but there was a neceſſity for his going to ſeek for horſes; and when he returned, he informed me that we could not get any till the next day. My deſign was to go to Adelaida, to tell her all my grief and deſpair, and to kill myſelf before her eyes, if ſhe perſiſted in her reſolution.

To execute this project, it was neceſſary that I ſhould arrive before her fatal marriage, and every moment's delay ſeemed to me an age of miſery. I read over her letter a hundred times, as if I had expected to find ſtill ſomething more in it. I examined the date over and over; I flattered myſelf that the time might have been prolonged. ‘She will at leaſt make an effort, ſaid I; ſhe will ſeize all pretences to defer it. But why ſhould I flatter myſelf with ſo vain a hope, reſumed I? Adelaida ſacrificing herſelf for my liberty will haſten the dreadful moment. Alas! can ſhe believe that liberty without her, can be a bleſſing to me? I ſhall every where find this priſon ſhe delivers me from; ſhe has never known my heart; ſhe judges of me by other men: it is to that I owe my ruin. I am ſtill more miſerable than I believed myſelf, ſince I have not the conſolation to think that ſhe knows how much I love her.’

I paſt the whole night in making theſe complaints, the moſt tedious night I had ever known, even in that place of miſery. At length the day appeared; I mounted on horſeback with my conductor. We travelled the whole day without ſtopping a moment, when, towards the evening, I perceived my mother in a chariot which took the road [455] towards the caſtle. She knew me immediately, and, after having expreſſed her ſurprize at meeting me, ſhe obliged me to come into the chariot to her. I durſt not ask her the occaſion of her journey in the ſituation I was in; I feared every thing, and my fear was but too well founded.

‘I come, my ſon, ſaid ſhe, by your father's permiſſion, to releaſe you from your confinement.’ ‘Ah! cried I, then Adelaida is married.’ My mother anſwered only by ſilence. My misfortune which was then without remedy, preſented itſelf to my mind with all its horrid aggravations. I fell into a kind of ſtupidity, and, by the force of grief, I ſeemed to have loſt the ſenſe of it. However, my body now ſunk under the weakneſs of my mind: I was ſeized in the coach with a ſhivering like the cold fit of an ague. As ſoon as we arrived at the caſtle, my mother cauſed me to be put to bed. I lay two days without ſpeaking or taking any nouriſhment; all the ſymptoms of a violent fever appeared, and, on the fourth, the phyſician deſpaired of my life. My mother who never left me, was inconceiveably afflicted; her tears, her prayers, and the name of Adelaida, by which ſhe conjured me to live, made me reſolve not to obſtruct the endeavours of the phyſician to ſave me.

[To be continued.]

THE HISTORY OF BIANCA CAPELLO CONTINUED.

[456]

THE polite behaviour and promiſes of Mandragone, gave ſuch agreeable hopes to Bianca, that with quite another countenance than before, ſhe renewed her converſation with his lady; who, a little after, taking her by the hand, ſaid, I have a mind to ſhow you our palace, that you may tell me, if in any thing it reſembles your great and noble buildings at Venice; and in the mean time, the old lady, your mother, as ſhe is in years and feeble, may repoſe herſelf here till our return.

‘Aye, aye, go (replied ſhe,) for I have not breath enough to mount ſuch a ſtair-caſe;’ upon which the young women ſmiling, and arm in arm, ran from room to room, almoſt over the whole houſe. This palace, (which ſtood in the ſtreet called Carneſecchi, near Santa Maria Novella,) was ſo lately built that it was not quite finiſhed, though very near ſo; and that with ſuch good taſte, and ſo much magnificence, that the [457] Venetian lady admired and praiſed every part of it: and now through many anti-chambers, they arrived at laſt to a very large one, where there was an extreme rich bed, and near it a writing cloſet, beautifully ornamented, the window of which looked down on a delightful garden. Here the Spaniard having opened a ſcrutore, took out a vaſt quantity of jewels, which one by one ſhe ſhewed her gueſt, to whom, while ſhe was looking on them with great attention, ſhe ſpoke in this manner, ‘I have a great, fancy to ſhew you ſome dreſſes I have lately made, which they tell me are exactly as the Venetian ladies wear them; but as I muſt fetch the key, I beg you will divert yourſelf with theſe few jewels till I come back.’

No ſooner was Mandragona gone out of the cloſet, but on a ſudden the grand duke entered it: at whoſe unexpected preſence Bianca trembled from head to foot, well imagining the meaning of his coming; but collected in herſelf, and alike prudent and virtuous, ſhe immediately threw herſelf at his feet, and in the moſt moving manner ſaid, ‘Since, ſir, it has pleaſed God that it ſhould be my unhappy fate to loſe my parents, my fortune, and my country, and to have nothing in this world left me but my honour; permit me humbly to entreat your royal highneſs's protection for that only good, which I eſteem more than all the reſt.’

The grand duke hearing her talk in this manner, preſently raiſed her from the ground with the greateſt reſpect, ſaying, ‘You have no reaſon, madam, to fear any thing from me, who only [458] come here to aſſiſt and comfort you, under thoſe misfortunes I grieve to ſee you ſuffer; of the truth of which, my actions ſhall ſoon convince you; let me then beg you to be ſatisfied, that you have found a friend in me, both willing and able to make you happy;’ and ſo ſaying, he bowed and left her all pale and confuſed, which the Spaniard perceiving at her return, ſaid, ‘Don't wonder, madam, at the abrupt appearance of the grand Duke, for he is pleaſed to live in that familiarity with us, that very often, and at all hours he comes in this way, diverting himſelf with jeſting, and frightening my maids and me; but this time I believe he is well met withal, and I don't doubt but that you have given him an anſwer that has put him out of countenance, and perhaps will make him more cautious for the future.’

‘I made him no anſwer, ſaid the Venetian, but what the care of my honour obliged me to, and which I recommended to the mercy and protection of his ſerene highneſs.’

And you may be certain he will protect it, ſaid Mandragone: ‘But can a lady of your ſenſe and quickneſs (added ſhe) not perceive, that fortune in compaſſion to your tedious ſufferings, has at laſt turn'd her face, and will you not ſeize the golden opportunity? Believe me, madam, theſe are accidents that ſeldom happen; to have ſo young, ſo charming, and ſo great a prince, devote his heart with the ſincereſt paſſion to your ſervice.’

[459]Many were the arguments that theſe two ladies uſed to maintain their different opinions; but at the laſt thoſe of the Spaniard prevailed with Bianca Capello to hear the grand duke; and having heard, ſhe ſoon conſented to accept his love: the charms of his converſation and perſon encreaſing every day her inclination for him, till their paſſion became mutual.

Having traced poor Bianca through all thoſe thorny paths that brought her to the flowery precipice into which ſhe fell, we will now turn to Pietro Buonaventuri her huſband, and ſee how his new fortune became him, ſtill young and handſome, and ſtill beloved by his wife; ſo that upon her account the grand Duke not only made him maſter of the robes, but gave him a moſt magnificent palace in the ſtreet named Maggio, with ſuch great appointments, that he enjoyed all the happineſs this world could give.

His apartment was on the ground-floor, from whence he could aſcend to his wife's, except when the grand Duke was with her, and in that caſe, the door to them was faſtened on the other ſide: this happened frequently, Franciſco generally diſmiſſing his train when he came home in an evening, and only with one or two confidents going privately to ſup with ſignora Bianca, whom he could ſeldom bring himſelf to leave, till an hour before day obliged him to return to his palace; which he did in the ſame manner he left it.

Long did this courſe of life, and round of pleaſure laſt, and longer ſtill it might have done, had not the proſperity and power of Pietro (now become very [460] conſiderable all over Florence,) filled his mind with ſo much pride and inſolence, that his deſires alone dictated all his actions, without the leaſt regard to form or decency. Amongſt the many ladies whoſe affections he ſought to acquire, was a widow called Caſſandra Bongianni, deſcended from one of the greateſt families in the city, whoſe extraordinary beauty had gained her many admirers, to ſome of which it had proved very fatal: her relations, to revenge the diſhonour done their family, having already miſerably deſtroyed two of them; one of which (a young man of the family of del Caccia) after giving him ſeveral mortal wounds, they dipp'd in pitch, and with a ſtraw hat on his head, and a baſket full of balls of packthread on his arm, ſet him on a ſtone near the door of his miſtreſs; ſo that all the people, who paſſed, (thinking it was a country man aſleep) took no notice of him, till towards evening, ſome body going to wake him, diſcovered the truth, to the great concern of all who knew him, and more particularly his parents; who, after they had buried him, ſought in vain for the authors of his death, though every body's conjecture centered on the relations of the lady.

Notwithſtanding all this was well known to Buonaventuri, it did not in the leaſt intimidate him from purſuing his enterprize, which, as he was inſinuating, young and beautiful, he ſoon attained: and not content with his victory, he gloried in the publication of it, jeſting upon, and laughing in the very faces of any of her relations whom he met; and being one day particularly impertinent to [461] Roberto Ricci, her nephew, he, (unable to endure it,) complained to his aunt, threatning her extremely if ſhe purſued ſo vile a practice, which, though ſhe poſitively denied to him, ſhe ſtill continued in ſuch a manner, as made it obvious to all the city: nor did Pietro from this grow more diſcreet; but as before he had only laughed at them, he began now to menace and inſult them, which for ſome time they feared to reſent, out of reſpect to the grand Duke: but at laſt their patience being exhauſted, they went all together, and repreſented to his ſerene highneſs, the injuries they ſuffered from Buonaventuri, begging he would command him to behave in a more reaſonable way.

The grand Duke was very much concerned to hear of the ill behaviour of Buonaventuri; and promiſed it ſhould be remedied. When they were gone he immediately ſent for Pietro, and taking him into his cloſet, told him the complaints he had received from Ricci, and the reſt of Bongianni's relations, adding theſe words: ‘You ſee therefore, how great is the uneaſineſs ſuch things give to families, and as this is one of the moſt conſiderable in our dominions, you ought to have ſome regard to it; inſtead of which you are not content to poſſeſs the aunt, but muſt inſult and ridicule the nephew; and that in the moſt public places, and moſt opprobrious manner: all this forces me to warn you, that as your actions are unjuſt (perhaps) they may draw on bad conſequences; and ſhould theſe people kill you, 'tis not in my power to reſtore you to life; ſo that if you cannot or will not leave purſuing [462] this amour, at leaſt do it with more ſecrecy and decorum.’

The haughty Buonaventuri having heard the gracious admonitions of Franciſco, (which being deliver'd with ſo much reaſon and calmneſs, he ought to have eſteemed them as the greateſt of favours) returned this anſwer: ‘As I aſſure your royal highneſs, there is not one word of truth in all that theſe men have ſaid, (being neither ſo extravagant, nor impertinent as they would make me appear,) ſo I have not the leaſt fear of them: but the true cauſe of their anger is their envy; they cannot bear to ſee me in that ſtate, to which your highneſs's bounty has raiſed me, and therefore with calumnies endeavour to deprive me of it, envying alſo their own blood, whoſe fortune, like wolves, they would devour; and as they know I have a friendſhip for that lady, and am ſome protection to her from their cruelty, they are reſolved to ruin us both by this monſtrous contrivance.’

‘I know nothing of theſe affairs, replied the grand duke, nor do I mean to enter into them; 'tis enough that I have adviſed you as a friend, do as you pleaſe, what happens after this will be owing to yourſelf alone;’ and ſo ſaying he diſmiſſed him.

Yet little did Buonaventuri profit by the kind remonſtrances of the great Duke, growing every day more furious and offenſive, committing ſo many outrages againſt all the relations of Caſſandra, and treating Ricci eſpecially, in ſo deſpicable a manner, that he was often ready to take a full revenge, [463] being only detained from it by the fear of loſing his fortune, by the grand Duke's reſentment; at laſt he reſolved to renew his complaints to him, and as he was much in favour with the princeſs Iſabella his ſiſter, he choſe to do it by her means: to whom he proteſted, he was not able to ſupport any longer the ſcorn of the world, and abominable impudence of Pietro, to deliver himſelf from which, if he could find no other redreſs, (he ſaid) he ſhould be obliged at laſt to abandon the conſideration of his fortune and every thing elſe.

The princeſs having heard him out, went directly to her brother, whom ſhe made ſenſible of the vile carriage of Buonaventuri, and of the miſchiefs that might attend it; repreſenting the approaching ruin of that whole injur'd family, who were ſo enraged, as to have no farther reſtraint, either from their obedience to their ſovereign, or reaſon itſelf.

The grand Duke promiſed a ſpeedy and effectual redreſs; and conſidering with himſelf that the only way to it, was to ſend Pietro from Florence till this hatred ſhould be abated, by time and abſence, he determined to employ him in ſome of his affairs abroad; and as ſoon as he came to Bianca Capello that night, he told her all that had paſſed on the occaſion, deſiring her to uſe all ſorts of arguments, both perſuaſive and threatning, that might induce Buonaventuri to change his proceedings, and for the future to act more wiſely; "But if you can't prevail (added he) I will ſend him to France, where he ſhall ſtay till he is ſenſible of his errors."

[464]This was like a dagger to the heart of poor Bianca, who ſtill loved her huſband to exceſs, (though ſhe did not let it appear to the grand duke) and fearing that he would, as he ſaid, ſend him away, ſhe reſolved to try all the rhetoric of prayers and tears, to turn him from his dangerous courſe, and keep him with herſelf. For that purpoſe ſhe waited his coming home, which was always late, and when ſhe heard him below in his apartment, ſhe deſcended the back ſtairs, and began in this manner, ‘Since my love to you exceeds all that is, or ever was, of paſſionate, and kind, let me by that conjure you, to hear me out with patience; for what I have to ſay concerns you in the neareſt manner, and is abſolutely neceſſary to your preſervation;’ and then in few words ſhe proceeded to tell him all that the grand duke had ſaid to her, and the reſolution he had taken for his ſecurity, to ſend him out of the country.

(To be continued.)

TREATISE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONTINUED.

[]

CHAP. IV. Cautions concerning Imitation.

THE ignorance of children, whoſe brain hath as yet taken no impreſſion, and who have no formed habits, is what occaſions their pliancy and inclination to imitate all they ſee. It is therefore a very principal point to ſet before them none but the beſt models; no ſort of perſons ſhould be ſuffered to come near them, but ſuch as it would be advantageous to copy after. But as it is impoſſible, notwithſtanding all our precaution, but they muſt ſee many irregularities, we ſhould teach them timely to remark the faulty behaviour of vicious and irrational people; ſuch whoſe reputation is irretrievably loſt: they ſhould be ſhewn how deſervedly deſpicable, how miſerable they are, who abandon themſelves to their paſſions, and neglect the cultivation of their reaſon.

By this means we may, without fear of giving them a turn for mockery, form their taſte, and inſpire a ſenſibility of whatever is truly graceful. Nay, we need not refrain from general cautions, with relation to ſome ſorts of defects, altho' there ſhould be a danger, by ſuch proceedings, of giving them an inſight into the weakneſſes of people to whom they owe reſpect: for beſides that we ought not to hope, nor would it be juſt, to keep [466] them ignorant of the true maxims relative to thoſe points; ſo is it the ſureſt way of keeping them in their duty, to inſtil the notion that they muſt bear with another's defects; not even judge of them inconſiderately; that they often appear greater than they really are; that a number of other good qualities atone for them; that, as perfection is not to be found upon earth, we ſhould admire thoſe who have leaſt imperfection: in ſhort, though this ſpecies of information ought to be reſerved for extremities, nevertheleſs it is our duty to give the true principles, and to preſerve them from imitating indiſcriminately whatever evil ſhall happen to come in ſight.

Beſides all this, we ſhould diſcourage them from perſonating ridiculous people. This turn for comic mockery has ſomething in it low and repugnant to genteel ſentiment; beſides which, it is much to be feared leſt children ſhould catch theſe manners, becauſe the warmth of their imaginations, the ſuppleneſs of their bodies, and their ſprightlineſs together, give them an aptneſs in taking all ſorts of forms for the repreſenting every ridiculous object.

This propenſity in children to imitation, produces infinite miſchief when they are put into the hands of bad people, and who act with no reſerve in their company. But God hath indued them by the ſame means with a pliableneſs to whatever is ſet before them for their good: very often, without ſpeaking, it ſufficeth only to make them obſerve in another the thing we would have them do.

[To be continued.]
Figure 1. The SWALLOW-TAIL'D Butterfly and the ICHNEUMON. Fly in their several States.


[467] PHILOSOPHY FOR THE LADIES CONTINUED.

[]

The natural Hiſtory of the Swallow-tail'd Butterfly, and its Ichneumon.

IN a former Number of this work, our fair readers may remember we gave them ſome account of the ſeveral metamorphoſes or alterations from one ſtate to another, which various claſſes of animals undergo. But although we mentioned in general terms the changes of the butterfly kind, yet as we entered into no very particular detail in regard to them, it will not, we hope, be look'd on as any kind of repetition, if we take up a ſhort portion of their time on that head here.

That beautiful and almoſt infinitely varied genus of inſects, which is ſo well known by the names of butterfly and moth, (the one meaning only a day, the other a night fly,) is to be ranked with thoſe of the moſt perfect change, as every one of this kind paſſes through the greateſt number of [468] ſtates that has yet been diſcovered amongſt animals, viz. the egg, worm, chryſalis, and fly. But to render theſe terms more clear, and at the ſame time to relate the general hiſtory of this extenſive province in the great kingdom of nature, we ſhall illuſtrate it with an example.

The butterfly we have fixed on for this purpoſe is one of the moſt beautiful as well as the largeſt that we know of Engliſh growth: it is commonly known by the name of the Swallow Tail, from the figure of its under-wings, which terminate in ſome meaſure like the tail of that bird. Some authors indeed have called it the fennel fly, becauſe the caterpillar which produces it, is fondeſt of feeding on fennel, though it is not uncommonly found upon dill, parſley, carrot, and ſeveral other umbelliferous plants. But Linnaeus, whoſe names are frequently as abſurdly arbitrary, as his ſyſtem is laboriouſly ingenious, has beſtowed on it the name of Machaon, who was a celebrated Greek phyſician, and ſon to Eſculapius.

His firſt ſtate is, like that of all other inſects, an egg, which is laid by its parent on the plant that is afterwards to become food for the infant worm at the emerſion into life. She, however, ſeldom lays more than two, never more than three or four on one plant, and thoſe ſingly and at a conſiderable diſtance from each other. Theſe eggs are yellow and of a conical form, and are ſo ſixt by the female, with a ſtrong glutinous matter, to the ſtalk of the plant, as to ſtand all the fierceſt attacks of the wind and rain, without being forced [469] from their hold. One of them, as affixed to a piece of a ſtalk is repreſented at c, in the annexed plate.

Theſe eggs, which are generally laid in June, July, or Auguſt, come to perfection in about a month's time; when the young caterpillar breaks forth the ſame in every reſpect but bulk that it appears when full grown: its body is green, annulated, or ſtriped tranſverſely with ſtriae of black, each ringlet ſtudded with ſpots of a bright ſcarlet. This caterpillar leads a very ſolitary life, there ſeldom being more than two to be found on one plant. The reaſon of this may probably be, that the umbelliferous plants in general, and more particularly the fennel, which, as we have before obſerved, is the favourite food of this caterpillar, afford but a very ſmall quantity of foliage; and that this worm before its next change, grows to a very conſiderable bulk. The parent, inſtructed by that moſt infallible of all properties, inſtinct, purpoſely depoſits her eggs ſo ſparingly, leſt the future offſpring forming too large a colony to be maintained by one plant, ſhould be forced to ſeek out for freſh quarters, in which caſe, unleſs they chanced to meet with another plant of the ſame kind with that they quitted, they muſt inevitably periſh. They are very ſlow in feeding, and in their growth caſt their ſkins ſeveral times before they change into a Chryſalis. In ſome the green is more or leſs bright, but in general the colours are more vivid in their infant ſtate than when more fully grown.

This caterpillar has one property peculiar to itſelf, which is, that on the approach of any fly or [470] ichneumon, it puts forth from the two red ſpots on its forehead, a pair of antennae, or horns like thoſe of a ſnail, and then beats about from ſide to ſide with the fore part of its body, in order to prevent the Ichneumon from emitting or fixing any eggs on its body. Two of theſe caterpillars at their full growth, the one at reſt, the other with its antennae put forth and defending itſelf from the ichneumon, are repreſented at d and e.

His next ſtate is that of the Chryſalis, which, foreſeeing for ſome little time beforehand, he prepares for, by abſtaining from food, and diſcharging his excrements; which done, he fixes himſelf by his two hind legs, with a web, to ſome part of the ſtalk of the plant, and then ſpinning a thin ſingle thread acroſs his body, between the third and fourth joint, remains as it were ſuſpended and immoveable for about four and twenty hours, when by a continued motion the ſkin is ſtripped off, and he becomes converted to the Chryſalis, ſhewn at f.

This transformation happens in Auguſt or September, according as the ſpring may be early or late; and in this ſituation he paſſes the whole winter and enſuing ſpring, coming out about the May or June following, in the form of the large and beautiful butterfly, repreſented at A and B. The wings are of a bright yellow, with borders and bands of a deep black; the under pair ſtill farther decorated with a chain of fine blue ſpots, and two circles of a full orange. Theſe flies feed on the dulcet juices of flowers, the moiſture of which they ſuck in by means of a long proboſcis, wherewith they are provided. They are frequenly ſeen [471] ſitting with their wings folded, as at a, on the ground, near rivers and ponds.

Thoſe who are deſirous of breeding theſe flies themſelves, in order to ſee their changes, or to procure the butterfly in greater perfection, may find the caterpillars, during the months abovementioned, in places abounding with the umbelliferous plants. When diſcovered, they muſt be carefully ſupplied with freſh food: when the Chryſalis is obtained, it muſt be kept temperate, and not much diſturbed: and the box or cage muſt be roomy, in order for the wings to expand themſelves, otherwiſe they will be liable to be injur'd, when the fly iſſues from the ſhell.

They copulate as ſoon as they appear in the fly ſtate, lay their eggs in about a fortnight afterwards, and then ſoon die.

As in our deſcription of the abovementioned butterfly we took notice of the manner in which the caterpillar whereby it is produced, defends itſelf from the attacks of the Ichneumon, it may not be improper in this place to explain what we mean by that term; eſpecially as it opens an entire new ſcene in the natural hiſtory of the inſect tribe, in which the great parent who provides ſuſtenance for all creatures in different ways, and has in general contrived it ſo, that the larger and more powerful ſhall prey on and deſtroy the ſmaller ones, ſeems to contradict herſelf, by enabling a ſmall animal to ſubſiſt on the very fleſh and juices of one much larger than itſelf; and that even whilſt it continues alive, and apparently in good health.

[472]The Ichneumon then is a claſs of ſmall flies, whereof there are a very great variety of ſpecies; the proper nouriſhment of the worm of which is, the body of ſome other caterpillar. On this account the parent finds means to depoſit its eggs on, or rather underneath the ſkin of ſuch caterpillar, which hatching in due time, the worm immediately begins to feed on the very entrails of the caterpillar; nor ever quits it, even though it frequently changes into a Chryſalis, as if it were by a metamorphoſis to elude its enemy, till the time when his own change is to happen, which he undergoes firſt into an Aurelia, and then into a Fly, emerging in the laſt form from the very ſpot where he firſt found reſidence in that of an egg.

The fly which is repreſented in the ſame plate with the Swallow Tail, ſitting at g, and in its flying poſition at b, is one of this ſort; preys on the caterpillar of that butterfly, and is produced in the following manner.

The female fly emits an egg, (which is repreſented in its natural ſize and ſhape i,) on the caterpillar, either at the time when the caterpillar is aſleep, or ſoon after it has received a new ſkin. This egg, by means of a glutinous matter, which the parent emits at the ſame time with it, is ſo fixed where it is depoſited, as not to be got off without the utmoſt difficulty; and being in leſs than ſeven days hatched by the warmth of the caterpillar's body, and the heat of the ſun, the animal produced from it eats its way thereinto, on that part, whereby it adheres to the body. The empty ſhell covering the entrance or inciſion made by the newly [473] hatched maggot, the wound becomes quickly healed, and the worm feeds on the entrails of the caterpillar till ſuch time as he comes to his maturity, which not being in leſs than eighteen or twenty days, it frequently happens that the caterpillar becomes in the mean while transformed into a Chryſalis. The maggot, however, contained either within the caterpillar or chryſalis when grown to its full bulk, will eat its way through and fall to the ground; at which time it is in ſize and ſhape as repreſented at k, and of a duſky white; but in leſs than two hours is formed into a Chryſalis, as at l, in which ſtate, if this change happens in ſummer, it continues for only about three weeks; but if late in autumn, as is ſometimes the caſe, it remains during the whole winter in that ſtate, and the fly, by eating its way through the ſhell, comes forth in the ſpring following.

N. B. All Caterpillars or Chryſales impregnated by Ichneumons, become ſpoiled, and do not produce any butterfly or moth. There are great varieties of the Ichneumon fly; but the one we have here deſcribed is of the kind called by Linnaeus Larvaxum.

Deſcription of the copper plate contained in our laſt Number.

Figure 1. The Calamary compleat, with all its arms extended. Figure 2. and 3. Two of the ſuckers belonging to the long arms of the Calamary, detached and repreſented in different views.

THE LADY's GEOGRAPHY.

[474]

The MANNERS and CUSTOMS of the Inhabitants of AMBOYNA concluded.

THE People who were looked on as the Origines of theſe iſlands, but which it is probable came thither from other countries, were reckoned by the antient writers, who however knew very little of them, amongſt the Anthropophagi, or devourers of human fleſh; and indeed ſome recent examples ſeem to confirm that idea of them. The groſsneſs of their manners was perfectly correſpondent with their ſimplicity and their ignorance, which has however often been favourable to ſtrangers, ſtill is apparent in the fabulous and abſurd relation, which the Amboynians themſelves give in regard to their origin. Some of them claim deſcent from a crocodile, ſome from a ſerpent, and others from an eel, a tortoiſe, or even the old trunk of a tree; on which account they ſtill reſpect their anceſtors, in the creature from whom they pretend to have ſprung; and if any one happens to kill one of theſe animals, they conſider themſelves in duty bound to avenge their deaths.

[475]Ignorance, in all ages the mother of idolatry and ſuperſtition, has introduced into the worſhip and manner of living of theſe iſlanders, an infinity of cuſtoms as whimſical as their prejudices are ridiculous. Demons partake of their principal cares, and are the continual objects of their inquietude. The meeting of a dead body going to the grave, or of a lame, or old man, if it happens to be the firſt live object ſeen in the day; the cry of night birds, or the flight of a crow over their houſes, are with them ſo many fatal preſages, whoſe effects they think themſelves enabled to prevent, by inſtantly returning back, and making uſe of certain precautions. A few cloves of garlic, ſome little bits of pointed wood, and a knife, put into the hand or laid under the pillow of a child in the night time, are by them imagined a ſufficient ſecurity againſt evil ſpirits. They never ſell the firſt fiſh which they catch in new nets, being well perſuaded that it is unlucky ſo to do, but either eat it themſelves or elſe preſent it to ſome one. The women who go to market in the morning with certain commodities, always give the firſt piece for whatever price is offered them; without which they imagine they ſhould have no buſineſs for the whole day after: alſo, whenever they have ſold any thing, they immediately ſtrike on their baſket, crying out as loud as they can, "that's well."

It gives theſe people no kind of pleaſure to commend their children; for on theſe occaſions they are always apprehenſive of ſome deſign to bewitch them, unleſs ſuch commendations are joined with certain expreſſions which may diſpel all kind of [476] diffidence. When a child ſneezes, they make uſe of a ſort of imprecation, by way of conjuring the evil ſpirit which is waiting for its life; and the leaſt thing which ails a child they attribute to the power of witchcraft.

Theſe ideas are ſo deeply rooted among the people of this nation, that it would be in vain to attempt deſtroying them. Even thoſe who have embraced chriſtianity are not exempt from them, although they are more circumſpect on this head than the others. They will not admit into a ſick perſon's room any one who has been before where there was a corpſe. The women of the country will not eat a double piſang, nor any other double fruit; nor will a ſlave preſent her miſtreſs with any ſuch, for fear that afterwards, when ſhe ſhall lie in, ſhe ſhould bring twins into the world, which would be an increaſe of domeſtic trouble.

When a woman dies either pregnant or in childbed, the Amboynians believe that ſhe is changed into a daemon, of which they tell ſtories as abſurd as the precautions which they take on ſuch occaſions to prevent this imaginary misfortune. Perſons attacked by the ſmall pox, would, according to them, run a very great riſk, if not narrowly and cloſely watched, of being carried away on a branch of ſagu, by the demon who communicated the diſtemper to them.

In ſhort it would be endleſs to enter into a detail of all the ſingular opinions of theſe people, with reſpect to an infinity of other things: but the moſt remarkable one, and which ſhews what an imagination once led to a wrong biaſs is capable [477] of, is the notion they have formed to themſelves concerning their hair, to which they attribute the hidden virtue of ſupporting a malefactor amidſt the moſt cruel tortures, without a poſſibility of forcing a confeſſion of his crime, unleſs by ſhaving him, which never fails inſtantly to produce that effect.

With ſo ſtrong an inclination for ſuperſtition there can be no difficulty in conceiving that they ſhould have a fondneſs for necromancy. This ſcience reſides in certain particular families who are in high renown amongſt them; and although the reſt hate them mortally, becauſe they look on them as capable of doing them a great goal of miſchief, yet they all have recourſe to ſorcery on every occaſion where they think it can procure them any information which may favour their loves or aid any of their deſigns. This vice reigns principally among the women, who talk the moſt of it, and who are alſo the moſt credulous; but if their magic is more deeply examined it will be found that it moſt frequently conſiſts only in the fatal art of ſubtilly preparing poiſon; and that every thing alſo in it is no more than a texture of ſkilful impoſtures.

Inconſtancy, and a love of novelty, are the characteriſtics of this people, in whom, therefore, there is no placing any great confidence. The Dutch have frequently experienced the neceſſity of depriving them of the means of following their natural bent, which inceſſantly leads them to form plots againſt them, and execute them with as much ſteadineſs as ſecrecy whenever they find a favourable opportunity.

[478]Too much ſeverity, however, towards them would be equally dangerous: ſenſible of injuries, and vexations, vindictive and implacable, it is ever, better to pleaſe them by fair, than to enrage them by harſh treatment. Such moderation therefore is ever ſtrongly recommended in the inſtructions which the company ſends to its officers; and it were to be wiſhed for their own ſakes that they conformed thereto with more exactneſs than they generally do.

DESCRIPTION of the Iſland of CEYLON.

[479]

CEYLAN, Ceilon, or Zeilan, is an iſland of Aſia, in the Indian ſea, on this ſide of the Ganges, near the Cape of Comori, upon the ſtreight of Manar or Quiloa. It lies in about ſix degrees of ſouth latitude, and near 200 of longitude; and is one of the moſt remarkable of theſe ſeas: its length being, according to the accounts of the Hollanders, who have meaſured it the moſt exactly, about fifty-five leagues, its greateſt breadth about thirty, and its whole circumference one hundred and ninety ſeven. Its figure is nearly that of a pear, or rather of a gammon of bacon; for which reaſon the Dutch have given the fort Cays, near Jaffanapatam, the name of Hammenbiel, or the Knuckle of the Gammon, a name which is perfectly expreſſive of the form of the iſland in that place.

The poſſeſſion of this iſland lies between the Hollanders and the ſovereign of the country, which is called king of Candi, or Candi-Uda. The firſt European ſettlements that were made on it were by the Portugueſe, who, not contented with the poſſeſſion of part of the coaſt, carried their incurſions as far as to the capital, which they burned more than once, without ſparing even the palaces or temples; in ſhort, they rendered themſelves ſo formidable, that they obliged the king to pay them an annual tribute of three elephants, and to purchaſe peace on many other ſervile conditions. At length, however, that prince had recourſe for aſſiſtance to the Dutch of Batavia, who joining [480] their forces to his, entirely beat the Portugueſe, and drove them out of all their fortified places, after their having poſſeſſed them for near a hundred and fifty years. The monarch, however, was little advantaged by this aſſiſtance, which was only intended to procure a like eſtabliſhment for themſelves: for the Dutch, on the cOncluſion of the war, and more eſpecially after making themſelves maſters of Colombo, in 1655, poſitively refuſed to give up a conqueſt which they thus ſaw themſelves in the eaſy poſſeſſion of: ever ſince which time they have applied their whole care and diligence to fortify themſelves on the coaſt. Their principal eſtabliſhments are at Jafnapatam, and the iſland of Manaar on the north; Trinquemali, and Batticalon, on the eaſt; the town of Point de Galla, on the ſouth; and Colombo on the weſt. To ſay nothing of Negombo, and Calpentin, which are two other towns belonging to them, with ſeveral forts at the mouth of the rivers and the openings of mountains, for the defence of paſſes; ſo that the Dutch may properly be conſidered as abſolute maſters of much the greateſt part of the coaſts of this very extenſive iſland.

[To be continued.]

THE LADY's MUSEUM.
The TRIFLER. [NUMBER VII.]

[]
MADAM,

ONE of your correſpondents having given you a moſt entertaining account of the fair and unfortunate Bianca Capello, give me leave to offer at your ſhrine, ſome curious anecdotes of an Italian hero, known by the name of Caſtruccio Caſtracani. I ſhall draw my materials from Machiavel. They begin, I believe, with a mixture of truth and romance: Machiavel never keeping ſtrictly in the road of truth, when by going a little on one ſide of it, he could embelliſh the hiſtory of his country. In the main, the facts are true.

In the city of Lucca, capital of the little republic of that name, Dianora Caſtracani, an unmarried [482] ſiſter of Antonio Caſtracani, one of the prebends of the cathedral of Lucca, going one morning into her garden, to gather herbs, found ſecreted among ſome cabbages an infant boy, who at her approach held out its helpleſs little hands, and cried, as wanting aſſiſtance. Dianora was moved at the ſight; ſhe took up the child, and carried him into her brother's houſe. The prebend, no leſs humane than his ſiſter, approved of what ſhe had done, and reſolving to preſerve, nouriſh, and adopt this foundling, immediately gave the child baptiſm, by the name of Caſtruccio.

Antonio and Dianora performed their different parts with equal care and attention, in the culture of this young ſapling, which Antonio intended to plant, in a proper ſeaſon, under the ſhade of the church. Fate, and Caſtruccio's own inclinations, intended him for a more open ſituation. At the age of fourteen, arms were his exerciſe, and books on military ſubjects his ſtudy. The boy had diſcovered ſo many feats of courage among his play-fellows, and ſuch an unwearied attention to all the exerciſes in which he ſaw the ſoldiers employed, that he had attracted the particular obſervation of Franciſco Guinigi, a gentleman of great eſteem and authority; head of that party diſtinguiſhed in Lucca, by the title of the Ghibellins. Guinigi ſent for the boy, and, after having exactly learnt his ſtory, and education, very generouſly offered to place him, without any expence to himſelf or friends, in the army. Caſtruccio, with great eagerneſs, choſe to mount a horſe, rather than aſcend a pulpit: he quitted the good prieſt Antonio Caſtracani, [483] with all the decency of gratitude, and enliſted into the Ghibellian troops, with all the raptures of an Achilles. His perſon, his manners, and particularly his modeſty, ſoon became extremely attractive. He was not only agreeable to the family of Guinigi, but to the whole people of Lucca. He had ſcarce been three years in the army, when, in conſequence of a treaty between the Luccheſe and the Pavians, the Guelfs of Pavia applied to the Ghibellins of Lucca for aſſiſtance, which was granted by the latter, notwithſtanding former antipathies, the Guelfs and Ghibellines having been long at variance. Franciſco Guinigi, was appointed with the number of auxiliary troops in favour of the Pavians. Among theſe ſquadrons marched Caſtruccio, then only eighteen years old: he diſtinguiſhed himſelf in ſo remarkable a manner, and reflected ſuch glory and ſucceſs upon his countrymen, that at his return to Lucca, he was received with the moſt unanimous applauſe, and rewarded with honours ſeldom or ever beſtowed upon ſo young an officer. He was raiſed in the army and in the ſtate, to a rank equal with Uguccione della Fuggivola: even his perſonal loſſes became to him freſh acquiſitions of power; his great patron and benefactor, Franciſco Guinigi died, and left Caſtruccio tutor and ſole director of the education and fortune of his only ſon Pagolo Guinigi. A truſt of ſuch importance ſtill exalted the character of Caſtruccio, eſpecially as his intentions of diſcharging it with honour and fidelity appeared in every ſtep of his life.

[484]After the death of Franciſco Guinigi, whoſe authority had been inconteſtably great, Georgio Opizi attempted to graſp the ſame ſame degree of power which Franciſco had enjoyed in Lucca: he was the head of a numerous family, all of whom were Guelfs. Uguccione, jealous of the Opizi, and moſt eſpecially of Georgio, was adviſed by Caſtruccio, to deſtroy the whole race at once. The manner of putting his ſcheme into execution was performed with equal ſecrecy and diſpatch. Caſtruccio remained at Lucca, while Uguccione went to his government at Piſa; but ſoon returned in the night time unſuſpected to the gates of Lucca, at the head of an army of Ghibellins, whom he had brought from Piſa.

Caſtruccio was ready at the time appointed to open the gates, and in the ſlaughter of a few hours, the entire race of the Opizi, and great numbers of the chief Guelfs, were put to the ſword. Not one of the Opizi ſurvived; but, amidſt the confuſion and obſcurity of the night, about an hundred of the Guelf families eſcaped, ſome of whom took refuge in Florence, others in Piſtoia.

To this maſſacre, for it will bear no ſofter a denomination, ſucceeded La Battaglia de Monticatini, the battle fought upon the banks of the Nievole. Uguccione was hindered by illneſs from being perſonally preſent in the battle: one of his ſons was killed, Caſtruccio was wounded, and three hundred of the Luccheſe army were left dead upon the field.

Uguccione, naturally jealous, was now grown as uneaſy at the eſtabliſhed power of Caſtruccio [485] Caſtracani as he had been at the aſpiring power of Georgio Opizi. He ſaw the repeated victories of ſo young a general with envy. He acquieſced to councils, and purſued meaſures, which he wiſhed rather to have given, than to have heard. He had been taught by Caſtruccio himſelf, that death was the only ſure antidote againſt a rival. Morta la Serpe, ſpento it veleno. ‘The viper killed, the poiſon evaporates.’ In purſuance of this maxim, he ſent a letter to his ſon, Neri Uguccione, to invite Caſtruccio to ſupper, and there, in defiance of all laws of hoſpitality and honour, to take an opportunity to murder him. Caſtruccio was invited; accepted the invitation, and in the midſt of the feſtivity was manacled and confined as a priſoner, but not murdered. Neri Uguccione rightly judged that the forfeiture of his own life would be inherent to the deſtruction of ſo popular a man as Caſtruccio. The father, leſs conſiderate and more envious, was reſolved to perfect the bloody work, which his ſon was unwilling to perform. He came to Lucca, with a conſiderable number of ſoldiers for that purpoſe. At his arrival, the whole people of Lucca roſe in arms, delivered Caſtruccio from his impriſonment, and ſoon drove Uguccione out of Tuſcany: he took refuge in Lombardy, where ſome years afterwards he died in little eſteem, and extremely poor.

Uguccione being removed, the whole field of honorary dignities lay open to Caſtruccio: he was ſolemnly elected prince of Lucca, and lord of Piſa: he was ſcarce in poſſeſſion of thoſe titles, when Frederic of Auſtria came into Italy, where he was [486] received as emperor; and in a perſonal interview with Caſtruccio, appointed him his lieutenant in Tuſcany.

Caſtruccio, equally courted by Tuſcans, Lombardians, and Guibellins, entertained hopes within his own breaſt, of becoming entire maſter of the whole kingdom of Tuſcany. In purſuance of ſuch intentions, he reſolved to ſeize upon Florence; but while he was taking proper meaſures to fulfil theſe revolutions, he was called back to Lucca, on account of a conſpiracy againſt him, concerted by the family of Poggio.

The ſeveral branches of the houſe of Poggio thought their merits ill rewarded by Caſtruccio, to whoſe ſovereignty they had zealouſly contributed. Catching mutually fire from each other's indignation, they took advantage of their prince's abſence, killed his lieutenant, and were warmly inciting the whole ſtate of Lucca to rebel, when Stefano Poggio, an old man of great worth and weight in his family, who had kept himſelf free even from all thoughts of a conſpiracy, ſtopped any farther miſchief, and waited upon Caſtruccio, to aſk his pardon for what had already paſt. Caſtruccio received him without any outward ſhew of reſentment; and having placed ſoldiers upon whom he might depend, in every corner of the city, he appointed a day when Stefano Poggio at the head of his relations ſhould come to receive an act of grace. The harmleſs unſuſpicious old man, being deceived himſelf, deceived all his relations, and attended with his whole family at the day and hour appointed. They were admitted to Caſtruccio: [487] they were ſent by his immediate orders to priſon; and ſoon afterwards, without any reſpect to age, or regard to honour, they were every one of them put to death.

More effectually to ſecure himſelf in a government, which he found capable of entertaining plots againſt him, Caſtruccio, under various pretences, deſtroyed either the life or fortune of every individual Luccheſe, whom he ſuſpected as his perſonal enemy; and having pulled down many of their caſtles, he turned the materials to his own ſervice, and built a fortreſs at Lucca in a ſituation to command and terrify the inhabitants. As a farther ſecurity of his dominions, he made a league of friendſhip with the Florentines for two years, and then turned his thoughts towards Piſtoia, in which city he knew the old party-diviſions, diſtinguiſhed by the names of Bianci and Neri, were not totally extinguiſhed. With great accuteneſs he foreſaw the conſequences that muſt follow from thoſe diviſions, and found himſelf courted by both parties, ſeparately and ſecretly from each other. He gave them both aſſurances of his protection. Baſtianodi Poſſente was at the head of the Bianchi, Jacopo da Gia at the head of the Neri. To Jacopo he promiſed troops under his own conduct; to Baſtiano he promiſed troops under the conduct of Pagolo Guinigi, whom he treated and loved as his ſon. The troops of both commanders marched different ways, and came into the town at different gates; but at the ſame time the Piſtoians of each party received them as friends. Caſtruccio ſoon gave [488] the ſignal, and while Guinigi cut in pieces the Bianchi, Caſtruccio himſelf ſlaughtered the Neri. Then, as conquerors, they ſeized the palace, put themſelves in poſſeſſion of the ſignory, quieted the populace, and made Piſtoia their own.

Caſtruccio, by his continued victories, no matter how obtained, was become the idol of worſhip to all the ſtates of Italy: he was entreated to come to Rome to pacify the people, who were ready to mutiny for want of proviſions. Pope John the XXII. was, by the twenty ſeventh ſchiſm in the church, at that time driven to Avignon: and the emperor Lewis V. was in poſſeſſion of the city of Rome. Caſtruccio haſtened in perſon to the relief of the Romans, and ſent thither great quantities of corn from Piſa: he calmed the mutiny, made himſelf acceptable to the emperor and the nobility, and was created a ſenator of Rome.

The Florentines foreſeeing their danger, in the capture of a town ſo cloſe to their territories as Piſtoia, ſeized it to themſelves, by the aſſiſtance and ſtratagems of ſeveral of the inhabitants, who were glad to be delivered from the preſent yoke of their ſervitude; and whom the Florentines, by the power of money and promiſes, had ſeduced to their own deſires. Such an action was ſcarce juſtifiable, if the ſubſiſting truce had been ratified to any other man leſs faithleſs, ambitious, or ſanguinary than Caſtruccio: but he was to be looked upon as a wolf, and all the ſtates of Italy as lambs deſtined to his voracity, unleſs they could find a ſhepherd for their own ſecurity. He haſtened [489] back from amidſt his honours at Rome, and made preparations for a Florentine war. The ſucceſſes of that war were various: ſometimes the acquiſitions were on one ſide, ſometimes on the other; till in the year 1328, one great battle gave Caſtruccio a ſignal, but, in its conſequence, a dear bought victory. As ſoon as the conqueſt was entirely compleated, by the loſs of twenty thouſand Florentines, and the flight of the reſt, their whole army having conſiſted of thirty thouſand foot and ten thouſand horſe, Caſtruccio placed himſelf in the gateway of the town of Fuſechio, the head-quarters of his own reſidence, to review his troops at their return, and to take an opportunity of thanking the ſeveral ſoldiers and officers of his army, as they paſſed by him into the town. He was much heated and fatigued by the long and laborious combat; and whilſt he ſtaid in the paſſage of the gate, hot, and expoſed to a very ſharp nipping wind, he caught cold, and the next night a fever confined him to his bed. At firſt the ſymptoms were not dangerous, but the diſtemper increaſing by degrees, quickly ſpread throughout his body, and beyond the limits of medicinal power. As ſoon as he found himſelf without the leaſt hopes of recovery, he called Pagolo Guinigi to his bed ſide, and embracing him with the compoſure of a hero, and the affection of a father, made a very moving ſpeech, and took a laſt melancholy farewell of his pupil, who had been the conſtant object of his care. Caſtruccio died September 3, 1328. No comments are requiſite to illuſtrate [490] the life of ſuch a man: his actions are a continual comment upon themſelves: they repreſent him an active, bloody, remorſeleſs ſoldier; not unſuſceptible to the calls of gratitude and friendſhip, but vindictive to a degree that makes human nature almoſt tremble at his name.

I am, Madam, Your Humble Servant, E. F.

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT AND SOPHIA CONTINUED.

[491]

WHEN they arrived at Mrs. Lawſon's, Sophia, who little expected ſuch a viſit, had wandered, as uſual, in the wood, accompanied with Dolly: Mrs. Lawſon immediately ſent Fanny in ſearch of her; and Harriot, expreſſing an impatience to ſee her ſiſter, went along with her.

They found Sophia ſitting under an oak, with Mrs. Gibbons on one ſide of her, and Dolly on the other; for the old gentlewoman was prevailed upon by Sophia to endure the company of the innocent girl, who had never offended her; and Dolly, inſtructed by her lovely friend, made good uſe of theſe opportunities to inſinuate herſelf into her favour.

William leaned on a branch cloſe by Sophia, to whom he addreſſed his diſcourſe, while his eyes often ſtole tender glances at his beloved Dolly. Harriot, when ſhe approached, cried out affectedly, ‘Upon my word, ſiſter, you have a brilliant aſſembly [492] here; I did not expect to find you in ſuch good company.’

Sophia, ſurpriſed to ſee her ſiſter, ran haſtily to meet her, and embracing her kindly, enquired with a ſweet anxiety for her mother, and whether ſhe alſo had been ſo good to viſit her. Harriot ſcarce anſwered her queſtion; her attention was all fixed upon William: ſo handſome a youth ſeemed worthy to feel the influence of her charms; and all the artillery of her eyes was inſtantly levelled againſt him. Having returned his reſpectful bow with an affected courteſy, and the faſhionable toſs of the head, ſhe deigned to take ſome little notice of Mrs. Gibbons, and honoured Dolly with a careleſs glance, whoſe amiable figure, however, attracted a ſecond look; and after examining her with an inquiſitive eye, ſhe turned away with a little expreſſion of ſcorn in her countenance, and again attacked William, practiſing a thouſand airs to ſtrike him; all which he beheld with the utmoſt indifference.

Sophia, being impatient to ſee her mother, took leave of Mrs. Gibbons; but Harriot, who had a new conqueſt in view, was unwilling to go ſo ſoon, profeſſing herſelf inchanted with the place, and declaring ſhe would turn ſhepherdeſs.

Sophia told her, ſmiling, that ſhe was ſure that that ſort of life would not pleaſe her.

‘Oh! how can you think ſo, cried Harriot, is not the dreſs exceſſively becoming? then love in theſe woods is ſo tender and ſincere! I will engage there is not a nymph in this hamlet whoſe frown would not drive her lover to deſpair: [493] pair: own the truth now, ſaid ſhe, turning with a lively air to William, are you not violently in love?’

The youth bowed, bluſhed, and ſighed; and not daring to look at his miſtreſs, he ſuffered his eyes, full as they were of tender expreſſion, to direct their glances towards Sophia. ‘I am proud to own, madam, ſaid he to Harriot, that I have a heart capable of the moſt ardent paſſion.’

"And mighty conſtant too! no doubt," interupted Harriot, with a malignant ſneer; for ſhe had obſerved the ſigh and the look, and was ready to burſt with vexation and diſappointment, to find her conqueſt obſtructed already by her ſiſter, as ſhe ſuppoſed; and being now as impatient, as ſhe was before unwilling to be gone, ‘Come, Sophy, ſaid ſhe, taking her under the arm, my mamma will take it ill that you make no more haſte to ſee her, for we ſhall return to town immediately.’

"Sure you will ſtay one night," ſaid Sophia.

"Oh not for the world!" exclaimed Harriot affectedly; ‘How can you imagine I would ſtay ſo long in an odious village, to be ruſticated into aukwardneſs, purſued ſhe, with a ſpiteful laugh, and aſhamed to ſhew my face in any aſſemby in town afterwards.’ Saying this, ſhe courteſied diſdainfully to Mrs. Gibbons and her nephew, and tripped away, pulling her ſiſter away with her.

Dolly joined the two ladies, but walked by the ſide of Sophia, not aiming at any familiarity with the inſolent and affected Harriot; and as they purſued their way home, ſhe had the mortification to [494] hear her lover ridiculed and deſpiſed by the diſappointed coquet, who ſuppoſed ſhe mortified her ſiſter by the contempt ſhe expreſſed for a man who had ſo little taſte as to like her.

Sophia, as well in compaſſion to poor Dolly, who ſuffered greatly upon this occaſion, as in juſtice to the amiable youth, defended him warmly, which drew ſome coarſe raillery upon her from Harriot.

When they came near to Mr. Lawſon's houſe, the ſight of Sir Charles's chariot threw her into a fit of trembling; Harriot perceived it, and willing to undeceive her, if ſhe hoped to find the young baronet there, ‘I am charged with Sir Charles's compliments, to you, ſaid ſhe, he inſiſted upon our uſing his chariot for this little excurſion; my mamma and I would fain have perſuaded him to accompany us, but he pleaded an engagement, and would not come.’

Dolly now looked with great concern upon her fair friend, who ſuppreſſing a ſigh, aſked if Sir Charles was quite recovered.

‘I do not know that he has been ill, replied Harriot. Indeed when he came from Bath, the fatigue he had endured with his ſick uncle, whom he had ſat up with ſeveral nights before he died, made him look a little pale and thin; but he is now extremely well, and more gay than ever: and it is well he is ſo, purſued ſhe, for we have ſo much of his company, that if he was not entertaining, we ſhould find him very troubleſome.’

[495]All this was daggers to the heart of poor Sophia: thoſe pleaſing ideas which ſhe had indulged upon reading her mother's letter, that repreſented Sir Charles as having ſuffered in his health, from his endeavours to vanquiſh his paſſion for her, all vaniſhed, and left in their room a ſad conviction that ſhe was become wholly indifferent to him.

She might indeed, knowing her ſiſter's malice, have attributed what ſhe ſaid to artifice; but her manner of accounting for the alteration in Sir Charles's looks, which her fond fancy had dwelt upon ſo much, was ſo natural and ſo full of probability, that ſhe could ſuſpect no artifice there.

Every thing Harriot ſaid was confirmed by facts which left no room for doubt: his aſſiduity to Harriot, his neglect of her, appeared but too plain. Did he not lend his chariot for a viſit in which he would not ſhare? did he not ſend his compliments in a manner that ſhewed his heart was ſo much at eaſe, that he felt not even any reſentment for her leaving him? could there be ſtronger proofs of indifference than theſe?

Such were her thoughts, and her heart was ſo oppreſſed by this ſudden and unexpected ſhock, that it was with difficulty ſhe reſtrained her tears. Dolly, who looked at her with tender anxiety, and ſaw her colour come and go, and her charming eyes bent on the ground, as if ſhe feared to look up, leſt they ſhould betray her anguiſh, caſt many an angry glance at her envious ſiſter, and wiſhed her a thouſand miles off.

Sophia having a little recovered herſelf, haſtened towards her mother, who with a face of ignorant [496] wonder was following Mrs. Lawſon about her little farm, aſking a thouſand queſtions, without heeding the anſwers ſhe received. Sophia approaching, paid her duty to her with her uſual tenderneſs and reſpect, which Mrs. Darnley returned with ſlightly kiſſing her cheek, telling her that ſhe thought her complexion was greatly improved, and appealed to Harriot for the truth of her obſervation.

Harriot anſwered, ‘That indeed ſhe could not flatter her ſiſter ſo much, as to ſay ſhe thought ſo; for if there was any alteration, it was rather for the worſe.’

Sophia, without attending to this difference of opinion, with regard to her complexion, was only ſollicitous to know if her mother had been well; and while ſhe was making ſome tender enquiries concerning her health, Mrs. Darnley, who never conſulted either time or place, ſuddenly interupted her to draw her aſide from the company, and aſked her abruptly, ‘Whether ſhe was not ſurpriſed at Sir Charles's indifference?’

Sophia, ſtill ſmarting with the pangs her ſiſter's diſcourſe had given her, replied, in a tone of reſentment, ‘That nothing now could ſurpriſe her with regard to Sir Charles.’

‘Why, to ſay the truth, Sophia, replied Mrs. Darnley, I believe he has quite forgot you; but there was a time when you might have been happy.—oh girl, girl, purſued ſhe, kindling with anger as ſhe ſpoke, you were always obſtinate and conceited; what a fooliſh part have you played with all your wit! but I am to blame to trouble myſelf about you.’

[497]Sophia now eaſed her loaded heart by a ſhower of tears. ‘It is to little purpoſe now, ſaid Mrs. Darnley, to repent of your imprudent behaviour; you were too wiſe to take a parent's advice, when it might have been uſeful: when a man of rank and fortune makes his addreſſes to a woman who is inferior to him in both, he expects a thouſand little complacencies and attentions from her, which, without wounding her honour, may convince him that it is not to his riches ſhe ſacrifices herſelf.’

‘Ah, Madam, cried Sophia, that is a ſnare which has been fatal to many young women in my circumſtances. Who ſees not the advantages this gives a man whoſe aim is to ſeduce? I am perſuaded theſe pernicious maxims are not yours, but his, for whoſe ungenerous purpoſe they are ſo well calculated.’

Sophia gueſſed truly; the young baronet had often had diſcourſes of this ſort with Mrs. Darnley, who nevertheleſs took it ill that her daughter ſhould offer her ſuch an affront as to ſuppoſe ſhe did not underſtand maxims as well as Sir Charles.

Nothing is more certain than that we are never made ſo ridiculous by the qualities we have, as by thoſe we affect to have. Mrs. Darnley, with all her ignorance, aſpired to be thought witty: ſhe therefore vindicated her claim to what Sophia had called maxims; no matter whether they were pernicious or not. The word maxim ſounded learnedly in her ears: ſhe told her daughter, with great aſperity, that ſhe was ſo conceited and vain of her [498] own wit, that ſhe would allow no one elſe to have any. Sophia found it difficult enough to appeaſe her, but ſhe ſucceeded at length, and they joined the reſt of the company.

Mrs. Lawſon eaſily prevailed upon her gueſts to ſtay that night and the following day, which, being Sunday, Harriot could not reſiſt the temptation of diſplaying her charms and her fine cloaths in a country church, which was ſo new a triumph, that the thoughts of it kept her waking almoſt the whole night.

The ridiculous airs ſhe aſſumed to draw the admiration of the ſimple villagers, who never ſaw any thing ſo fine and ſo gay before, and who ſtared at her with ſtupid ſurpriſe, made Sophia often bluſh for her: but her affected glances were chiefly directed to the beautiful youth, whoſe inſenſibility had ſo greatly mortified her pride: ſhe ſaw his eyes conſtantly turned towards the pew where ſhe ſat; but ſhe ſaw plainly that it was not her charms that drew them thither. She had no ſuſpicion that Dolly was the object of his affection, and, ſenſible to her great grief, of her ſiſter's power to charm, ſhe no longer doubted that this envied conqueſt was hers.

Thus diſappointed, ſhe appeared ſo much out of humour, and ſo impatient to return to town, that Mrs. Darnley, over whom her power was abſolute, complied with her importunity, and ſet out with her for London, as ſoon as they returned from church; notwithſtanding all the endeavours of the good curate and his wife to detain them to dinner.

[499]Sophia was now left alone to her own melancholy reflections; this viſit from her mother and ſiſter had produced a ſad reverſe in her ſituation: hitherto hope had not quite forſaken her; the idea of being ſtill beloved by Sir Charles leſſened all her griefs, and ſupported her amidſt the doubt and anxiety which his myſterious conduct had involved her in: his indifference, ſo apparent in her ſiſter's account of him, gave her pangs unfelt before: and never till now did ſhe think herſelf unhappy; for, unperceived by herſelf, ſhe had encouraged a ſecret hope that the paſſion ſhe had inſpired him with would not be eaſily ſubdued; and that perhaps all which ſhe had thought exceptionable in his conduct proceeded not from a ſettled deſign to the prejudice of her honour, but from that irreſolution and ſlowneſs with which a man, too ſenſible of his ſuperiority in birth and fortune, proceeds in an affair of marriage, where he has no obſtacles to fear, and where every thing depends upon himſelf.

She now perceived the neceſſity of baniſhing Sir Charles from her heart; but at the ſame time, ſhe perceived all the difficulty of the taſk. Though aſhamed of her tears, ſhe wept, and paſſionately exclaimed againſt her own weakneſs, which had kept her in a deluſion ſo fatal to her peace. She continued the whole day in her chamber, wholly abſorb'd in melancholy thoughts.

Dolly, who knew enough of her ſituation to gueſs the cauſe of this new affliction, was grieved to find herſelf excluded as well as the reſt of the family; and although ſhe ardently wiſhed to conſole [500] her, yet ſhe durſt not intrude uncalled upon her retirement. While ſhe waited impatiently for her appearance, a viſitor arrived, who ſhe knew would be welcome to her charming friend. As ſoon as ſhe perceived him, ſhe flew with eager haſte to inform Sophia, and, tapping at her door, told her in a joyful voice, that Mr. Herbert was juſt alighted.

Sophia, ſurpriſed at the news, inſtantly opened her chamber-door, and ſmiling tenderly upon the charming girl, to whom ſhe excuſed herſelf for her long abſence, haſtened to receive the good old man, who, after ſome affectionate enquiries concerning her health, rallied her upon the melancholy that appeared in her countenance.

Sophia bluſhed and fixed her eyes on the ground, not a little ſurpriſed at his talking to her in that manner; and when with a baſhful air, ſhe looked up again, and ſaw a more than uſual chearfulneſs in his eyes, her confuſion encreaſed, and for a few moments ſhe could not help feeling ſome reſentment againſt her benefactor, for thus diverting himſelf with her uneaſineſs.

Mr. Herbert, whoſe thoughts were wholly employed on the pleaſing news he brought, did not perceive how much his behaviour embarraſſed her: to prevent his renewing a ſubject ſo diſagreeable, ſhe talked of the viſit her mother and ſiſter had made her.

Mr. Herbert aſked her, ‘If they had mentioned Sir Charles, and what ſhe thought of him now?’

[501] ‘I think of him as I ought to do, replied Sophia, with ſome warmth, I deſpiſe him.’

‘Be not too raſh, my dear child, ſaid Mr. Herbert; if your ſiſter, whoſe malice I well know, has ſuggeſted any thing to Sir Charles's diſadvantage, be aſſured ſhe deceives you; for I am convinced he not only loves you, but loves you with honour.’

Sophia, who from the firſt words Mr. Herbert uttered, had been in great agitation, as expecting ſomething extraordinary, was ſo overwhelmed with ſurpriſe at what ſhe heard, that her ſpeech and colour forſaking her, ſhe remained pale, ſilent, and motionleſs in her chair.

Mr. Herbert, perceiving how powerfully this news operated on her ſpirits, began to be apprehenſive of the conſequences, and was riſing haſtily to give her ſome aſſiſtance, when Sophia, rouzed to recollection by this motion of her venerable friend, and aſhamed of the extreme ſenſibility ſhe had diſcovered, apologiſed for it with a charming modeſty, that greatly affected the good old man, who, if he had known in what melancholy thoughts ſhe had paſſed the day, would have told her with more caution, a circumſtance that raiſed her at once from deſpair to hope, and produced ſo great a change in her ſituation.

As we are never ſo ready to fear a diſappointment as when we are neareſt the completion of our wiſhes, Sophia, with a ſweet apprehenſiveneſs, which yet ſhe laboured to conceal, hinted her doubts of the baronet's ſincerity; Mr. Herbert anſwering explicitly to theſe half expreſſed doubts, [502] told her, that he was fully perſuaded Sir Charles would act like a man of honour. "I will give you an exact account, ſaid he to her, of what has paſſed between us, from which you may judge yourſelf of his conduct:" he then took a letter out of his pocket, and deſired her to read it.

Sophia, trembling a little at the ſight of Sir Charles's hand writing, took the billet, and found it contained a meſſage from him to Mr. Herbert, requeſting in very earneſt terms, the favour of an interview, and an offer to wait upon him at any hour he ſhould appoint.

‘You may be ſure, ſaid Mr. Herbert, (receiving back the billet which Sophia gave him without ſpeaking a word) that I did not ſuffer Sir Charles to come to me; hearing from the meſſenger that his maſter was at home waiting for my anſwer, I attended him immediately. I perceived a little embarraſſment in his countenance upon my firſt entrance, but that ſoon wore off: he welcomed me with great politeneſs, and after thanking me for the honour I did him, in preventing his viſit, he entered immediately upon the affair which had occaſioned his ſending to me.’

‘You have, Sir, ſaid he, ſhewn ſo truly a paternal affection for the young lady to whom I have paid my addreſſes, and are ſo much eſteemed and reverenced by her, that I think I may without any impropriety, addreſs myſelf to you upon this occaſion—’

Here he pauſed, and ſeemed a little perplexed. ‘To be ſure, added he, I ought to have done this before; my conduct muſt have appeared capricious [503] both to her and you, and indeed it was capricious,—but—’

Here he pauſed again, and fixed his eyes on the ground. "His frankneſs, purſued Mr. Herbert, pleaſed me greatly, and diſpoſed me to give him a favourable attention."

‘I cannot blame Miſs Sophia, ſaid he, for acting as ſhe has done; my heart did homage to her virtue at the time that I ſuffered moſt from the contemptuous behaviour it ſuggeſted to her. Fain would I hope, added he ſighing, that the prejudices ſhe has conceived againſt me has not entirely baniſhed me from her remembrance; the delicacy of my paſſion would be but ill ſatisſfied by calling ſo deſerving a woman my own, unleſs I could likewiſe boaſt a preference in her heart that left me no room to doubt my fortune had any ſhare in determining her in my favour.’

"I know not, purſued Mr. Herbert, whether Sir Charles expected any anſwer to this declaration; it is certain he looked on me with a kind of anxious timidity, and ſtopped a moment; I continued ſilent, and he proceeded in this manner:" ‘I know, Miſs Sophia has an underſtanding too ſolid, and a mind too noble to ſuffer any conſiderations of rank and fortune to determine her ſolely in an affair upon which the happineſs of her life depends: ſhe would not ſurely give her hand where her heart did not acknowledge a preference. 'Tis thus I anſwer all thoſe doubts which my ſituation, and perhaps an overſtrained delicacy ſuggeſt: I am impatient to convince her of the purity of my paſſion; and, conſidering you as her friend, her [504] guardian, and one who is in the place of a father to her, I will take no ſteps in this affair but ſuch as have the ſanction of your approbation; I will not even preſume to viſit her without your permiſſion: be you my advocate with her, tell her I lay myſelf and fortune at her feet, and will receive her from your hand as the greateſt bleſſing that heaven can beſtow on me.’

‘Now, my child, purſued Mr. Herbert, looking on Sophia with a ſmile, how would you have me anſwer to this diſcourſe? was it neceſſary, think you, to play off a few female artifices here, and keep Sir Charles in doubt and anxious ſuſpence, or did the apparent openneſs and candor of his procedure deſerve an equal degree of frankneſs on my part?’

‘It is not to be doubted, ſir, ſaid Sophia bluſhing, but that on this occaſion, as on every other, you acted with the utmoſt prudence.’

‘I find, reſumed Mr. Herbert, that you are reſolved beforehand, to approve of whatever I ſaid: well then, I told Sir Charles, that his preſent declaration entirely ſatisfied me; that being fully convinced of his ſincerity, I looked upon his offer as highly honourable and advantageous to you; and that I was very ſure you would have all the ſenſe you ought to have of ſo generous an affection.’

‘He then begged me to ſet out immediately for this place, and prepare you to receive a viſit from him. This requeſt I could not poſſibly comply with, having buſineſs in town, which would neceſſarily detain me for ſome hours; but I promiſed him to go as ſoon as that was diſpatched, which probably might be in the afternoon.’

[505] ‘He modeſtly aſked my leave to accompany me; but this I declined, as fearing his ſudden appearance, without your being previouſly acquainted with what had paſt, might occaſion ſome perplexity and uneaſineſs to you; ſo it was agreed that he ſhould come to-morrow.’

"To-morrow," replied Sophia, with an emotion ſhe was not able to ſuppreſs.

‘Yes, my child, replied the good old man, have you any objections to this?’

‘I know not, replied Sophia, with downcaſt eyes and a faultering accent, what I ought to do; I have been ſo uſed to conſider Sir Charles's profeſſions in an unfavourable point of view; my heart has been ſo accuſtomed to ſuſpect him—to guard itſelf againſt deluſive hopes, perhaps I ought not to admit his viſit ſo eaſily; perhaps I ought to reſent his former behaviour. I own I am greatly perplexed, but I will be determined wholly by your advice.’

Mr. Herbert ſaw her delicate ſcruples, and, to favour her modeſty, anſwered, with the authority of a guardian, ‘When Sir Charles viſits you next, Miſs Sophia, he comes to offer you his hand; he has aſked my conſent as your guardian and your friend; and, I preſuming on my influence over you in both thoſe characters, have given it freely; and how indeed, having your intereſt and happineſs ſincerely at heart, could I do otherwiſe? but if you think his former behaviour, in which however there were only ſuſpicions againſt him, deſerves to be reſented, at a time when thoſe ſuſpicions are abſolutely deſtroyed, you muſt go [506] through with your heroiſm, and ſee him no more; for as the poet ſays, ‘He comes too near who comes to be denied,’ ſo he has offended too much who needs a pardon.’

Sophia, who felt all the force of this reaſoning, anſwered only by a bluſhing ſilence. Mr. Herbert then told her, that Sir Charles had declared to him that he would make the ſame ſettlements on her as had been ſtipulated for his mother; for he added, with equal delicacy and tenderneſs, ‘Miſs Sophia, in virtue, wit, good ſenſe, and every female excellence, brings me an immenſe portion.’

"Sir Charles, purſued Mr. Herbert ſmiling, by a ſtrange contradiction, which is, I ſuppoſe, always found in lovers, though he was impatient to have me with you, yet could not help detaining me to have the pleaſure of talking of you: he painted to me very naturally, the uneaſineſs he had ſuffered from your ſuppoſed contempt of him: he told me, that he was at one time determined to travel, in order to efface you from his remembrance;" ‘But, (ſaid he, riſing and unlocking a cabinet, from which he took out a paper and put into my hands,) you ſhall judge whether amidſt all my reſentment I did not ſtill love Miſs Sophia; that is my will, which I ordered to be drawn up previous to my intended journey.’

"He then, to ſpare me the trouble of reading it all through, pointed to the place where you was mentioned, and I found he had bequeathed you an eſtate of four hundred pounds a year for life, and five thouſand pounds to be diſpoſed of as you pleaſed."

[507]This laſt circumſtance touched Sophia ſo much that tears filled her eyes: ſhe ſighed, and turned her head aſide to conceal her emotion, while Mr. Herbert, without ſeeming to obſerve it, continued to repeat to her ſeveral expreſſions uſed by Sir Charles, which ſhewed the greatneſs of his affection, and his veneration for her virtues.

‘We parted at length, purſued Mr. Herbert, extremely well ſatisfied with each other, and tomorrow, or next day at fartheſt, you may expect to ſee Sir Charles here; for he told me, that if he received no ill news from me, he would conclude I had prepared him a favourable reception; and, preſuming on this hope, he would immediately ſet his lawyer to work to prepare the writings, that nothing might be left undone which could convince you of the ſincerity of his affections; therefore, my dear child, ſet your heart at reſt; and ſince providence has thought fit to reward your piety and virtue, receive with humble gratitude that fortune to which you are raiſed, and which puts it ſo largely in your power to do good. I will now leave you, ſaid the good old man riſing, to your own reflections; I have ſcarce ſpoke a word yet to our kind friends here, for I was ſo impatient to ſee you, that I left them very abruptly.’

Mr. Herbert had no ſooner left the room, than Sophia, in an ardent ejaculation, thanked heaven for thus relieving her from her diſtreſs: but it was long ere the tumult in her mind raiſed by ſuch unhoped for happy news ſubſided, and gave place to that calm recollection which ſupplied a thouſand [508] pleaſing ideas, and filled her with the ſofteſt emotions of gratitude, tenderneſs, and joy.

She was now freed from thoſe tormenting doubts, which made her conſider her tenderneſs for Sir Charles as a crime, and occaſioned ſo many painful ſtruggles in her mind. What joy to reflect that the man ſhe loved was worthy of her affection! how pleaſing was the proſpect that opened to her view; to be bleſt with the power of ſhewing her gratitude to her friends, her piety to her mother; to repay her ſiſter's unkindneſs with acts of generoſity; and indulge the benevolence of her heart in relieving every diſtreſs which fell within her power to relieve!

Theſe were the advantages which ſhe promiſed herſelf in the change of her fortune, and for theſe her grateful heart lifted itſelf up every moment in thanks and praiſe to that providence that beſtowed them on her.

While Sophia was thus abſorb'd in thought, Dolly opened the door, and running up to her, eagerly cried, ‘Tell me true, my dear miſs, has not Mr. Herbert brought you ſome good news? I am ſure he has; I never ſaw him ſo joyful in my life, and you look glad too,’ purſued ſhe, peering in her face with a ſweet earneſtneſs. ‘May I not aſk you, Miſs Darnley, what this good news is?’

‘You may, my dear, ſaid Sophia ſmiling, but not now; you ſhall know all ſoon. At preſent I would rather talk of your affairs.’

‘Indeed I am greatly obliged to you, miſs, ſaid Dolly, for what you have done for me. Mrs. [509] Gibbons ſeems almoſt as kind to me as ever ſhe was, and you have talked ſo ſenſibly to my mother, that ſhe repents of her behaviour to Mrs. Gibbons; and ſhe likes Mr. William ſo well, that I am ſure ſhe would be glad to be reconciled to her.’

‘That is what I have been labouring at all this time, reſumed Sophia. If Mrs. Lawſon can be perſuaded to make ſome conceſſions to the fantaſtick old gentlewoman, all may go well yet: it ſhall be my care to bring them together; and if my endeavours to produce a reconciliation fail, perhaps I may be able to engage a more powerful mediator in your intereſt.’

Sophia had Sir Charles in her thoughts, who ſhe doubted not would readily undertake the cauſe of the diſtreſſed lovers, and poſſibly add ſomething to her Dolly's portion, to leſſen the inequality there was between them in that point. She ſpoke with ſuch a chearful confidence, that Dolly, full of hope and joy, thanked her with artleſs tranſports of gratitude that moved her even to tears.

The next day, though in expectation of ſeeing Sir Charles, her heart laboured with a thouſand emotions; yet kindly attentive to the affairs of her friend, ſhe reſolved to make Mrs. Gibbons a viſit, to prepare the way for the hoped for interview between her and Mrs. Lawſon. As ſoon as ſhe had diſengaged herſelf from Mr. Herbert, ſhe ſet out alone for Mrs. Gibbons's houſe; but ſcarcely had ſhe croſſed the firſt field when ſhe ſaw William, who was as uſual, ſauntering about Mr. Lawſon's grounds, in hopes of ſeeing his miſtreſs.

[510]Sophia beckoned to him, and he flew to meet her; for, next to Dolly, he thought her the moſt charming woman in the world; and he adored her for the goodneſs with which ſhe intereſted herſelf in his and his Dolly's happineſs.

When he drew near, Sophia told him ſhe was going to viſit his aunt; the youth reſpectfully expreſſed his concern that his aunt could not have that honour; ſhe was gone, he ſaid, to viſit a relation who lived a few miles up the country.

Sophia then told him the deſign upon which ſhe was going, and the favourable diſpoſition Mrs Lawſon was in. ‘I am perſuaded, ſaid ſhe, all might be made up, if we could but bring them together. Mrs. Lawſon only wants an opportunity to repair her fault; but how ſhall we contrive to give her this opportunity? what expedient can we find out to overcome your aunt's obſtinacy, and prevail upon her to enter Mrs. Lawſon's door again?’

‘I know one, madam, ſaid the youth ſmiling, which I think would do.’

Sophia concluding from the timidity of his look, that ſhe was concerned in this expedient, preſt him to ſpeak freely, aſſuring him ſhe would aſſiſt to the utmoſt of her power.

‘My aunt, madam, ſaid he, is as you know a great obſerver of forms: ſhe would not for the world fall under the cenſure of having failed in any part of ceremony or good breeding; now, madam, if you would be pleaſed to make a point of her returning your viſit, and permit me to tell her that you are offended with her neglect, [511] and that you inſiſt upon this proof of her politeneſs, I am perſuaded ſhe will come.’

‘Well, ſaid Sophia, ſmiling, if you are of opinion this will do, you have my conſent to ſay whatever you think will affect her moſt; make me as angry and as ceremonious as you pleaſe.’

‘Nothing ſhall be wanting on my part to promote the ſucceſs of this affair, added ſhe, with a graver look and accent; for I believe you have a ſincere affection for my young friend, and I ſhall not be at reſt till I ſee you both happy.’

The youth, in whoſe breaſt the ſweet benevolence of her looks and words excited the ſtrongeſt tranſports of gratitude, not able to find words to expreſs his ſenſe of her goodneſs, ſuddenly threw himſelf at her feet, and kiſſed her hand with a mixture of tenderneſs and awe.

Sophia, ſmiling at this ſally, ſtepped back a little; upon which he roſe up, and with a graceful confuſion paid her his thanks: ſhe again repeated her promiſe of ſerving him, and took leave: he bowed low, following her for ſome time with his eyes, and ſent a thouſand kind wiſhes after her.

Sophia, at her return, acquainted Dolly with what had paſſed between her lover and her, and filled her with pleaſing hopes of the ſucceſs of his ſcheme: but now the day wore away, ſhe was in continual expectation of ſeeing Sir Charles; her heart throbbed with anxiety; every noiſe ſhe heard, ſounded like the trampling of horſes, and then a univerſal trembling would ſeize her. She dreaded, yet wiſhed for his arrival; and at every diſappointment [512] ſhe ſighed, and felt her heart ſink with tender deſpondency.

Such were her agitations, till the evening being far advanced, ſhe gave up all hope of his coming that night. Mr. Herbert had aſſigned a very pleaſing reaſon for his viſit being deferred till the next day; and, her mind growing more compoſed, ſhe went in ſearch of the good old man, who, Dolly told her, was gone to walk in the meadows behind the houſe; for ſhe had kept herſelf out of his ſight as much as poſſible, unwilling that he ſhould obſerve her emotions. She ſaw him at a diſtance, walking with a ſlow pace, and ſhe perceived he ſaw her; but to her great ſurpriſe, ſhe ſaw him croſs into another field, and take a quite contrary way, on purpoſe to avoid her.

Struck with this little accident, ſhe ſtood ſtill and pauſed a few moments: ſhe felt herſelf ſtrangely alarmed, yet wondered why ſhe ſhould be ſo, and took her way back again to the houſe with ſad forebodings on her mind.

[To be continued.]
Figure 2. BRITANNIA SAXONICA


[] ESSAY ON THE Original Inhabitants of GREAT BRITAIN, CONTINUED.

[]

IMmediately upon the marriage of Vortigern with the daughter of Hengiſt, great numbers of the northern nations, under the incluſive title of Saxons, haſtened over to Britain, and the Britons received and paid them as confederates. Vortigern, by the perſuaſion of his father-in-law, aſſigned Northumberland for their reſidence. As their numbers increaſed, the payment of ſuch freſh ſupplies grew burdenſome to the Britons. They deſired the Saxons to depart; and alledged that they were not able to maintain ſo many more troops than were ſtipulated by treaty, or were neceſſary for defence. The Saxons reliſhed their preſent ſituation too well to exchange it: they refuſed to return; ſo that the Britons were compelled to rouze themſelves from every ſymptom of lethargy, and to aſſume that glorious ſpirit of liberty, which, whenever exerted in a proper manner, renders the Britiſh nation a powerful, and a happy people. They unanimouſly roſe up in arms againſt the Saxons, who were joined by the Scots and Picts. Many battles were fought, and great numbers of men were deſtroyed; woods were burnt, churches [514] were demoliſhed, and whole cities were depopulated. At length, many of the Saxons returned into Germany: Their return was owing to the warm reception which they met with from our anceſtors. The Britons might be plundered, but could not be abſolutely conquered: they might be forced or betrayed into ſlavery, but they had native ſtrength ſufficient ſoon to unſhackle themſelves, and to burſt forth again into the plains of liberty. The Britons, as a national body, or as individual men, ſeldom failed to appear with remarkable luſtre under misfortunes and oppreſſions. In milder times, they were either totally inactive, or impoliticly employed in diſputes and animoſities among themſelves. They were naturally honeſt, indolent, and unſuſpicious; too eaſily captivated with ſtrangers; too haſty and irreſolute, and, conſequently, too eaſily led into danger and diſaſters. Theſe were ſome of their earlieſt, and theſe will probably be ſome of their lateſt characteriſtics.

Nothing farther can be ſaid with certainty: the latter end of Vortigern's reign is much obſcured amidſt fables and idle tales: he is generally deſcribed as a man much abandoned to his vices.

His ſon Vortimer is ſuppoſed to have depoſed his father, or at leaſt to have commanded the Britons againſt Hengiſt, Vortigern, and the Saxons: he is repreſented as a prince of a more amiable character than Vortigern. He died before his father; and, after his death, Vortigern reaſſumed the reins of government, and became again one of the chief monarchs of Britain. Hengiſt ſtill remained king of Kent.

[515]Vortigern was very unacceptable to his ſubjects: he ſhewed too great favour and partiality to the Saxons, who, by their cruelties, had rendered themſelves exceedingly terrible and odious. Vortigern, finding himſelf uneaſy on his throne, retired with his family into Wales, and was buried at a place in Caernarvonſhire, which ſtill bears the name of Vortigern's Grave *.

The clouds of hiſtory are no where more obſcure than at this period. The antient hiſtorians have mixed their narratives with legendary ſtories: the modern writers have been at the pains to mention thoſe ſtories; the hiſtory is ſwelled, but the inſtruction from it is not encreaſed. The uncertainty of chronology is another moſt diſcouraging circumſtance: the chronologiſts differ very widely from each other. Every author who treats of thoſe times, fills his bucket, as he imagines, from the pureſt fountains; but tacitly endeavours to draw up ſome water from a different ſtream than any that has been diſcovered by his cotemporaries, or his predeceſſors.

Here it may not be improper to remind ourſelves of the civil government that ſtill ſubſiſted among the Britons, ſince that government will ſoon be changed into another form.

The whole nation, as by the original conſtitution, was ſtill divided into principalities. The principalities were very ſmall: the head of each little colony was honoured ſometimes, not always, with the pompous title of a king.

[516]Several of theſe princes had been lately driven out of the kingdom by the outrages of the Saxons; and had been attended by great numbers of their ſubjects into Armorica . They were received and protected by Aldroen, king of that country: but as ſoon as they heard that the majority of Saxons were departed towards Germany, many of the Britiſh princes, again attended by their ſubjects, came back, and ſettled themſelves in the diſtricts which they had formerly governed. Ambroſuis Aurelianus was of the number of thoſe who returned. He was king of Wiltſhire, and his chief reſidence was called Urbs Ambroſii: the name of the place (Ameſbury) is ſtill in a great meaſure retained. He was a young prince of Roman deſcent, and of a moſt excellent character; warlike, modeſt, and amiable. As ſome period muſt be affixt to his reign, although the beginning and end of it are both very uncertain, let us ſuppoſe, from various ſmall glimmerings, if they even may be called glimmerings of probability, that it began in the year 465, and ended in the year 508. In this ſpace of forty-three years the general hiſtorical records entirely conſiſt of different battles and ſieges between our anceſtors and the Saxons, who had left Britain fully determined to return to a more effectual purpoſe.

The methods which the Saxons took to effect their views of conqueſt were gradual. From the year 437, Hengiſt bore the title of king of Kent: [517] he reigned upwards of thirty years, and died, after various ſtruggles with the Britons, in peaceful poſſeſſion of his throne. He was ſucceeded by his ſon Eſca; and from him ſprung a line of kings amounting, Hengiſt included, to ſeventeen. The laſt of the kings of Kent was Baldred: he was driven out by Egbert, in the year 823.

The Saxons who had been ſettled in Northumberland, or diſperſed in other parts of the kingdom, received continual acceſſions of ſtrength by the arrival of their countrymen from Germany. Theſe additional troops of ſupply came in ſmall numbers, but they came often; till, by degrees, the moſt eminent chieftains appeared, and with them whole armies of followers and dependants.

Such was Ella, a Saxon of great power and dignity among his countrymen. He brought with him his two ſons, and a very conſiderable force. He landed in Suſſex in the year 477; and, after much oppoſition from the Britons, he conquered Suſſex, and a great part of Surry. He did not aſſume the title of king during the life of Hengiſt, from whom he probably received great aſſiſtance in his conqueſts. He died in the year 514, after a reign of twenty-four years. His territories were called the kingdom of the South Saxons.

The third and next monarchy formed by theſe invaders, was the kingdom of the Weſt-Saxons. The firſt of the Weſt Saxon kings was Cerdic: he landed in the year 495. From the very day on which he landed, till the year 519, he was at war with the Britons. In theſe battles the ſucceſs was [518] various, and the loſs on each ſide conſiderable: but Cerdic was conſtantly reinforced by freſh recruits from Germany. The Britons, who had no ſuch advantages, were at laſt ſo effectually conquered, that Cerdic became poſſeſſed of a great part of Cornwall, and entirely of Devonſhire, Dorſetſhire, Wiltſhire, Somerſetſhire, Hampſhire, and Berkſhire. He died in the year 534, and was ſucceeded by his ſon Cenric. The Weſt-Saxon kings were in number ſeventeen, the laſt of whom became ſole monarch of Britain.

The fourth kingdom of the heptarchy was that of the Eaſt-Saxons. The firſt monarch of that kingdom was Erkenwin. He began his reign in the year 527: he died in the year 560. His territories were Eſſex, Middleſex, and part of Hertfordſhire.

Northumberland was the fifth kingdom of the heptarchy. It contained Lancaſhire, Yorkſhire, the biſhopric of Durham, Cumberland, Weſtmorland, Northumberland, and part of Scotland, as far as the frith of Edinburgh. Ida was the firſt Saxon king of theſe provinces. He began his reign in the year 547, and died in the year 559. After his death, the kingdom of Northumberland was otherwiſe divided.

The ſixth was the kingdom of the Eaſt-Angles. It contained Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeſhire, and the iſle of Ely. Uffa, the firſt monarch, began his reign in the year 575: he died in the year 582. This kingdom was united to Mercia in the year 793.

[519]Mercia was the ſeventh, and the largeſt diviſion of the Saxon heptarchy. It contained Glouceſterſhire, Herefordſhire, Worceſterſhire, Warwickſhire, Leiceſterſhire, Rutlandſhire, Northamptonſhire, Lincolnſhire, Huntingdonſhire, Bedfordſhire, Buckinghamſhire, Oxfordſhire, Staffordſhire, Shropſhire, Nottinghamſhire, Cheſhire, and part of Hertfordſhire. Cridda, the firſt king, began his reign in the year 582, and died in 593. The fate of theſe ſeveral kingdoms needs not to be particulariſed: let us return to take a review of the Britons under the reign of Ambroſius.

Many of our hiſtorians are of opinion, that Ambroſius is the ſame perſon as Natan-leod, who is repreſented by the antient writers, as the greateſt of the Britiſh kings. In that point the deſcription anſwers the dignity of Ambroſius, who, whilſt he lived, defended his territories with great magnanimity, and often with ſucceſs.

Natan-leod was ſlain in a battle fought againſt the Saxons, near Charford, in Hampſhire, when five thouſand Britons were left dead upon the field.

But what ſhall be ſaid of king Arthur? or at what time ſhall we ſuppoſe that he reigned? ſince his very exiſtence itſelf is call'd in queſtion; and ſince he has unfortunately been celebrated by ſo many fabulous writers, that his true hiſtory can never be known. That he exiſted is beyond all doubt, and that he reigned is a point which many authors have ſufficiently proved: but the actions of this prince, although in themſelves brave and glorious, are ſo outrageouſly magnified, that the [520] real ſoldier is loſt in the fictitious giant-killer; and the genuine and noble form of the hero is ſo utterly diſſolved, that from a ſubſtance, it becomes a ſhadow. I will endeavour to extract, if poſſible, ſome gold from amidſt the hiſtorical droſs of theſe times. Probability muſt be my beſt aſſiſtant in the ſearch.

Arthur was nearly related to Ambroſius, Aurelianus, perhaps directly deſcended from him. The beginning of Arthur's reign is aſſigned to the year 514. His coronation to the year 519. His victories over the Saxons are ſuppoſed to have been twelve in number; but the Saxons had already fixed themſelves too deeply in our iſland to be rooted out by the ſtrongeſt hand: nor was Arthur always victorious, otherwiſe he would ſcarce have yielded up by a treaty with Cerdic, the counties of Somerſet and Southampton *; a ceſſion which gave the Weſt Saxons ſuch great power, and ſuch eaſy opportunities of encreaſing their dominions, that in length of time, they abſorb'd the reſt of the heptarchy, and terminated the entire monarchy of Britain in their own ſovereign, king Egbert.

Arthur was a native of South Wales: his memory has been ever held in particular veneration by the Welch. One of the higheſt mountains in Brecnockſhire is called Arthur's chair , in honour of a prince who was remarkable pre-eminent. The firſt part of his life was proſperous, the latter end of it was unfortunate. During an expedition to the northern parts of the kingdom, where he was ſummoned to aſſiſt the Britons againſt the Saxons, he left his patrimonial dominions, which were [521] Cornwall, Devonſhire, and Dorſetſhire, to the government and care of his nephew Mordred, who proved unfaithful to his truſt, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the throne. Arthur returned into Cornwall, attended by a numerous army: an engagement enſued, Mordred was killed in the field of battle, Arthur was deſperately wounded, and died ſoon afterwards, at the age of ninety years, ſeventy-ſix of which he had exerciſed in war. He was buried at Glaſtenbury, in Somerſetſhire, and with him was interred the glory of the Britons. Arthur's death is fixed by all authors, in the year 542.

As I have mentioned the Welch, it may not be improper in this place to give ſome ſhort account of a people, who have conſtantly held themſelves in a kind of ſeparate and diſtinct ſtate from the reſt of the Britons. In the time of the Romans, the inhabitants of North Wales were called Ordovices, and thoſe of South Wales were called Silures.

The counties of North Wales are Montgomeryſhire, Merionethſhire, Denbighſhire, Flintſhire, Carnarvonſhire, and the iſle of Angleſey.

The counties of South Wales, are Monmouthſhire, Brecknockſhire, Carmarthenſhire, Glamorganſhire, Cardiganſhire, and Pembrokeſhire.

The inhabitants of the foreſt of Dean, and of Herefordſhire, were alſo called Silures, and thoſe of Shropſhire were reckoned among the Ordovices.

The Welch, or Cambrians were never entirely conquered: They had the ſame advantage as the Caledonians. When they found themſelves too hard preſſed, they retired within their mountains, and were ſafe. They were of more generous, and [520] [...] [521] [...] [522] leſs rapacious diſpoſitions than the Scots: they were an high ſpirited people, eaſily provoked, and very ſharp in reſentment: they were hardy, like all mountaineers, well made, and robuſt in their perſons: they were proud, not vain; fiery, not cruel: they married within their own tribes, and therefore are juſtly looked upon even to this day, as the trueſt and moſt ancient Britons. The Ordovices remained longer than the Silures, in the ſtate of a commonwealth, independant of any ſingle ſovereign: but the whole kingdom of Cambria had certainly ſubmitted to a regal government long before the arrival of the Saxons, and even before the departure of the Romans. Their ſovereigns were all choſen by the people; but in what manner, I believe, cannot eaſily be known: and although their names may be enrolled in the records of Wales, their particular hiſtories would be tedious and to no purpoſe. In the choice of Arthur, the Britons were entirely unanimous: he was an honour to the country where he was born, and a defence to the territories where he reſided.

From the departure of the Romans, to the ſettlement of the Saxons, Chriſtianity, by degrees, and at different periods, had made a conſiderable progreſs into various parts of Britain. The firſt ſtep, and certainly a very wiſe one, was the eſtabliſhment of ſchools, in which the Britons in their earlieſt time of life were taught the doctrines of religion, and the principles of moral virtues. From ſuch ſeeds alone muſt ſpring every flouriſhing branch of civil government and order. A ſchool under the conduct and care of Dubricius, is mentioned [523] as one of conſiderable note in thoſe times, Dubricius was a moſt religious man, of great abilities, and of indefatigable induſtry. He was firſt made biſhop of Landaff, and was tranſlated from thence in the year 512, by the authority of a ſynod, to the archbiſhoprick of Kaer-leon, or Cheſter. I mention this circumſtance only to ſhew that the Chriſtian church was then ſo well eſtabliſhed in Britain, as to be divided into ſees: and it will be found, upon looking into the voluminous hiſtorians of our nation, that monaſteries had been erected, ſynods had been held, and even hereſies, particularly thoſe of Arian and Pelagius, had prevailed in Britain long before the perfection of the heptarchy. By the perfection, I mean the diviſion of the kingdom into ſeven Saxon monarchies.

To give an hiſtory of the church, or to enter minutely into the eccleſiaſtical government, would be a laborious, and a very unprofitable undertaking; neither ſuitable to the intent of theſe papers, nor available in any material point whatever. To our happineſs, and to our honour be it ſpoken, we have long ago thrown off the yoke of Rome: we have diſcovered her pretended miracles, and we have deſpiſed her idolatrous vanities. The memorials of her errors need not be minutely ſpecified, unleſs when they are connected, or interwoven with the ſyſtems of the ſtate.

The Saxons were deſcended from thoſe Germans who are often mentioned by Caeſar, and fully deſcribed by Tacitus; and who appeared under the denomination of Goths and Vandals, titles dreadful to learning, and all the civil arts of peace! [522] [...] [523] [...] [524] they were a rude, robuſt, warlike people; and ſubſiſted under a kind of government, to which it would be difficult to appropriate any general name. It was neither oligarchy, monarchy, democracy, nor commonwealth. Tacitus, in his account of the Germans, ſays, De minoribus rebus principes conſultant, de majoribus omnes. Ita tamen, ut ea quoque quorum penes plebem arbitrium eſt, apud principes pertractentur. ‘The chieftains debated ſolely upon matters of little conſequence: in matters of importance, all the people were conſulted; but in ſuch a manner, that whatever was left to the deciſion of the people had firſt been digeſted by the chieftants.’ A little farther, the ſame hiſtorian tells us, Nihil autem neque publicae neque privatae rei niſi armati agunt. ‘They never tranſact any buſineſs, either of a public or a private nature, unleſs they are armed.’ Such were the aborigines of the Saxons, and from them is derived our Gothic cuſtom of wearing ſwords in all public places, and in all viſits of ceremony, even to our neareſt friends and relations.

Whatever ſyſtem of government might have prevailed among theſe northern nations, while they remained upon the continent, they were wiſe enough to perceive that the regal ſtate was moſt natural, and agreeable to the diſpoſition of the Britons. The firſt ſtep of Hengiſt was to make himſelf king. Six other Saxon chieftains, whoſe names I have already mentioned, followed his example. The Britons fought often, and fought bravely in defence of their rights and privileges, particularly the liberty of chuſing their [525] own kings: they were overpowered by numbers; and time, often the beſt friend to conqueſt, inured them to Saxon monarchs, and to Saxon laws. Their own cuſtoms were forgotten, and the cuſtoms and religion of the conquerors were received. They even loſt their name; and, from the Angles, will be called Engliſh, as long as the nation ſhall ſubſiſt.

The Saxons apparently laid the foundation of that mighty pillar of our ſtate, a parliament: at leaſt the baſis of it ſeems to have been built upon the Saxon Wittena-Gemot. The column indeed has ſince been formed and fluted with all the power and ſkill of architecture; and when a ſovereign is properly placed upon the capital, the juſtneſs of the ſeveral parts, and the exactneſs and beauty of the proportions will be univerſally admired, except by thoſe who think the king a ſuperficial ornament. The Wittena-Gemot of the Saxons was an aſſembly in which all public and private buſineſs was tranſacted. Leagues of alliance and affinity with other nations were there determinately paſſed: inconveniencies were remedied, and rights were eſtabliſhed, and ſanctified by law. The aſſembly was compoſed of king, lords, and freemen. The debates were concluded by votes, and the numbers were determined by voices, unleſs when the noiſe was doubtful, and the majority uncertain: in that caſe the votes were taken ſeverally.

In the year 596, Auguſtine the monk, ſince known by the name of St. Auſtin, was peremptorily ſent into England by Pope Gregory the firſt, to convert the Saxons from Paganiſm to Chriſtianity: [526] he was attended by a company of Miſſionaries, his brethren, of whom he was the chief: they landed in the iſle of Thanet, and ſoon afterwards proceeded to Canterbury, where king Ethelbert and his court then reſided. They were received favourably by the king: a part of the city of Canterbury was aſſigned for their habitation, and they were permitted to preach the goſpel throughout the dominion of Kent. Auguſtine had undertaken the journey unwillingly: he had once abſolutely refuſed it, and had returned back to Rome, frightened at the terrible accounts which were given of our anceſtors. Gregory, who had undoubted aſſurances, that the Engliſh were ready to embrace Chriſtianity, ſpirited up the timorous monk to purſue his intended journey, and the event proved ſo ſucceſsful, that before the end of the year, more than ten thouſand Engliſh were converted. Among theſe was Ethelbert, king of Kent, who was looked upon as the ſuperior king of the Saxons. In his converſion he was probably influenced by his queen Bertha, a princeſs of great piety, a daughter of France, and perhaps the only daughter of France who was ever of real advantage to England.

From this period, Chriſtianity, which had been much repulſed, and damped, ſince the arrival of the Saxons, began to ſhine out, ſometimes in greater, and at other times in leſſer degrees of luſtre. Many of the Saxon kings were zealous chriſtians: their ſons and ſucceſſors often returned to paganiſm. But the indefatigable induſtry of the Romiſh prieſts, the dexterity with which they performed their miracles, the natural enthuſiaſm, [527] doubts, and timid diſpoſition of mankind, were all circumſtances that tended, not indeed to introduce the doctrines of Chriſt, but to eſtabliſh and encreaſe the power of the pope, and to inculcate an implicit ſubmiſſion to prieſts of every degree and order; and moſt eſpecially to monks. It pleaſes God to permit us to worſhip him in all the errors and infirmities of our nature: ſuch is his will, and his will be done!

From the arrival of St. Auguſtine, to the end of the heptarchy, by the eſtabliſhment of a ſingle monarch over the whole kingdom of England, is a ſpace of about two hundred and thirty years. Throughout that period we might expect to find many remarkable events in a monarchy, conſiſting of ſeven royal branches; but ſcarce any part of the Engliſh hiſtory is more ſapleſs and unfruitful. The ſcenes which heretofore repreſented civil wars between the native Britons, were now only changed into civil wars between thoſe Britons, and the engrafted Saxons. The ambition and reſtleſſneſs of the ſeveral kings prevented an union in the general ſyſtem of government. Each monarch ſtrove to extend his territories, and to enlarge his rights. We are at a loſs to know in what particulars theſe rights conſiſted. If from the materials of hiſtory that remain to us, we can form any exact notion of the rules of policy, by which the heptarchy was guided, we may conclude that one of the ſeven monarchs was ſuperior to the reſt: a kind of preſident to the regal council. All matters of importance, or relative to private property, were to be laid before him; but each of the other kings [528] had an equal right of choice in every ſingle tranſaction that required approbation or diſſent. The principal members of the Wittena-Gemot had no leſs a right of giving their voices, in points where the general welfare of the nation was included. This ſeems to have been the Saxon form of government; and it is eaſy to ſuppoſe, that the different prerogatives not only of the ſeveral kings, but of the individual members who compoſed the aſſembly, might often claſh, and give continual occaſions for thoſe feuds and conteſts, which are the principal records that occur to us in all accounts of the heptarchy.

[To be continued.]

THE HISTORY OF BIANCA CAPELLO CONCLUDED.

[529]

THE furious Buonaventuri would not let her go on; but ſtarting up, and running to her in a fury, ſaid, ‘Go hang yourſelf, and then howl to thoſe that will hear you in the other world: in this, I'll follow my own way; therefore do not pretend to whine to me, but take care of yourſelf, who are in more danger; for do you think, ſtrumpet, that I won't cut off that golden horn, which you have placed on my head, by ſtopping your windpipe with a knife one day or other.’

In the mean time the grand Duke being returned to his palace, could not reſt there, having obſerved in Bianca, (in ſpite of all her endeavours to hide it,) a great concern at his late diſcourſe; and impatient to give ſome ſatisfaction either to her or himſelf, returned back; and not finding her in her apartment, ſoftly deſcended the back-ſtairs, from the door of which he overheard every word that had paſſed: and Pietro thus anſwering his wife, in a great rage turned his back, and went out of the [530] houſe. Deaf to all her calls, and deſpiſing all her care, he left her overwhelmed with grief and tears; in which ſhe retired to her own apartment, without knowing Franciſco had been there, he having taken care to mount the ſtair-caſe firſt, and get out of ſight.

Here ſhe gave a looſe to all her ſorrows, enumerating all her misfortunes, and lamenting the hour that brought her to the light of this world, where ſhe was doom'd to find them; and in a flood of tears, gave vent to the paſſion that filled her breaſt. Long would theſe reflections have employed her time and thoughts, had not the grand Duke interrupted them, who coming into the room, and appearing ignorant of the matter, aſked the cauſe; ſaying, ‘To what are owing theſe tears, and theſe complaints? dearer than my ſoul, tell me what misfortune has befallen you?’ ‘Nothing, ſir, ſaid ſhe, occaſions my concern but compaſſion for my huſband, who as you have commanded, I have admoniſhed; but he ſeems ſo little to regard his ſafety, that I fear ſome miſchief will attend him.’

‘Is it nothing but that, (replied the grand Duke,) Oh, let him follow his own inclination, and at laſt he will find the conſequence: but why will you afflict and torment yourſelf for what you cannot prevent? a torrent muſt have way, or they that try to ſtop it may be drowned in it: Buonaventuri is headſtrong, and void of underſtanding, which will inevitably draw on his fate, if he does not quickly change his manners.’

[531]Yet after all this, the deſperate Pietro, full of indignation and revenge, meeting Ruberto Ricci next day at the column of the Santa Trinita, where he was talking with two other gentlemen; he clapt a piſtol to his breaſt, ſaying, ‘I don't know what hinders me, deſpicable, infamous wretch that you are, from ſhooting you this minute through the heart: but ſtay and hear what I have to ſay to you, for you ſhall not eſcape me. I will go to your aunt, as often as I pleaſe, in defiance of you; and if ever I know, or but gueſs, that you make the leaſt murmur or complaint to the grand Duke, you ſhall not live an hour after it.’

Ricci being unarmed, and thus accoſted, remained immoveable as a ſtatue, till the other had done ſpeaking, and then, without the leaſt reply, went with his companions immediately to the grand Duke, who was at the Caſino, where he declared to him all that had paſſed juſt before at the Column; to which the two gentlemen witneſſing, the grand Duke, (who remembered his threats to his wife,) no longer doubting of his unbounded brutality, thought within himſelf, that there was no more time to be loſt in inflicting on Pietro the puniſhment he deſerved; and taking Ricci apart, they talked together for ſome time in the garden, where the grand Duke having given him what directions he thought proper, ſent him away, and the next morning by times mounting on horſeback, rode to his villa of Pratolino, where he ſtayed all that day and the next night. The reſult of their conference was, that Ricci ſhould get together twelve [532] companions, all men well armed, ſtrong, and reſolute; ſome of whom had cutlaſſes of ſuch a temper, that with one ſtroke, they were able to cut off the head of a bull; for he knew that Buonaventuri was ever provided with piſtols, and other arms from head to foot, in which equipage, he conſtantly went in the night to Bongianna's houſe, not returning home till very late; ſo that in order to be ſure of his prey, he divided his company, ſetting two or more in different places, through which Pietro might paſs; and his page (who perſonally knew him) as centinel at the beautiful bridge of la Santa Trinita, to give notice when he ſhould be there, for which Ruberto waited with great impatience, after he had made this diſpoſition of his forces.

And now the unlucky lover having ſpent the night with his miſtreſs, roſe before break of day, and taking leave of her went ſlowly to his own houſe. As he was walking over the bridge, the page gave two whiſtles, and then cry'd, alo! alo! the accuſtomed noiſe of the Florentine ruffians in thoſe days: at this the fierce Pietro, though unuſed to fear, felt ſome preſage of his approaching fate; and taking in his left hand a piſtol, held it ready cocked, and with his drawn ſword in his right, paſſed the bridge, that led directly to the great gate of his palace; but as his apartment was on the ground-floor, the door to it lay on the other ſide of the houſe; ſo that he was obliged, after deſcending the bridge, to turn down a little ſtreet, on the left hand of which, within a ſtone's throw, was the entrance that he always kept the [533] key of. Meeting in this narrow paſſage two armed men, he did not immediately think they had any deſign on him; but going a little farther, he ſaw four more, who ſtopt his way, and theſe having joined the two firſt, ſix others ſtarted out and encompaſſed him, with Ricci in the midſt, crying out, kill, kill, the infamous traitor. Buonaventuri knowing his voice, threw his cloak to the ground, and firing his piſtol, hit one of them; but whilſt he was taking another out of his pocket, they all fell on him at once; yet by means of his armour, he eſcaped for ſome time, making a very brave defence, and had already wounded two of them, when the aſſailants renewing their attack, by the advantage of their ſhort arms, and the cloſeneſs of the ſtreet, ſtruck him at every blow, ſo that being driven to the wall, he could do little damage with his ſword: but as Ricci got under it, thinking to end him, he exerted all his force for one blow, and cut him quite thorough his iron head-piece to his ſkull; at the ſight of which a couſin of Ricci's, with a back ſtroke, wounded Pietro in the face, and repeating it with a ſecond, ſplit one ſide of his head, ſo that his brains ſtuck to the wall. Buonaventuri finding himſelf dying, ſaid, oh! no more for mercy, ſince I am dead, and dropt down; after which they all fell on him, ſtabbing him in every part which his armour did not cover, and there left him, with no leſs than five and thirty mortal wounds. Ricci, as faſt as he could, got to the palace of the princeſs Iſabella, where, though his hurt was dangerous, he was by the help of a good ſurgeon, cured in a ſhort time.

[534]Not far from the place where this bloody ſcene was acted, ſtood an apothecary's ſhop, the people of which, having heard the claſh of arms and noiſe of men, with two of their boys, as it drew near day, went to ſee what was the matter, and there found the unfortunate Pietro bathed in his blood upon the ground, and by ſame faint ſhort ſighs, could juſt perceive he was not quite dead: upon which they run for a light, and immediately conveyed him to the neareſt church, named St. Jacopo, which ſtands upon the river Arno.

The ſun was no ſooner up than the death of Buonaventuri was ſpread about the whole city; and coming to the ears of the poor deluded, but ſtill affectionate Bianca, almoſt diſtracted her. She, with the utmoſt violence of paſſion, was ready to deſtroy herſelf, in order to follow him; which perhaps in the firſt rage of ſorrow ſhe might have done, (notwithſtanding the endeavours of all her friends and acquaintance who came to comfort her,) if the great Duke had not arrived at that juncture, to reſtrain and pacify her, which even he found difficulty in doing.

The next night after this had happened, as ſoon as it was quite dark, two armed men maſked got into Bongianna's houſe by the tiles, and cutting her throat left her dead on the floor: ſuch was the miſerable end of theſe thoughtleſs lovers, and ſuch the revenge taken by this lady's relations, for the infamy ſhe had brought upon them.

The grand Duke, that he might not ſeem to know of this execution, put on all the appearance of anger and inquiſition after the actors in it; but [335] took care they never ſhould be diſcovered, ſo that by degrees the affair was dropt; and Ricci unſuſpected went about as before.

Time, which alleviates all affliction, had now reſtored Bianca to herſelf, whoſe charms and merits the Grand Duke grew every day more ſenſible of; and reflecting that his love alone had obſcured her virtues, which in themſelves were both great and many, and that her birth, though not royal, was illuſtrious, reſolved to give the utmoſt proof of a ſincere paſſion, by ſharing his power and title with her who had already all his heart; and on the evening of the 22d of June, 1579, publicly married her; commanding the ſenate of forty eight, to do her homage as grand Dutcheſs, and the next day ſhe went out as ſuch, with the German guard, and a train of eight coaches. To compleat her glory, the ſenate of Venice, when they heard ſhe was become great Dutcheſs of Tuſcany, not only repealed their former acts againſt her, but made a new one, by which ſhe was adopted daughter of that ſtate, which ſent a ſolemn embaſſy with it to the grand Duke, and a dowry ſuitable to the dignity they had given her.

When the ſudden marriage of Franciſco was effected, the cardinal Ferdinando, his next brother, reſided at Rome, where he received the news of it with the greateſt indignation, his haughty ſoul not enduring any alliance below that of a crowned head; and he eſteemed his blood ſo much diſgraced by this marriage, that he ſet a thouſand machines at work, to take away (what he called) the ſhame of his family, by the death of Bianca; whom he [536] oftentimes attempted to poiſon, either by means of her ſervants, or preſents that he ſent her. His deſigns by one accident or other, being diſcovered, made her very cautious, nor was he leſs ſuſpicious of her, fearing to meet the ſame fate he had deſigned to give; ſo that a mutual hate reign'd in both, though both diſguiſed it, out of regard to the grand Duke.

It happened one time amongſt others, that the cardinal being at Florence, and they all dining together, the grand Dutcheſs had that morning taken a fancy to make a tart with her own hands, which, towards the latter end of the dinner was ſerved up with other things of the ſame ſort; and when Ferdinando was deſired to taſte of it, he put it off, and began ſome gay diſcourſe, that he might not appear to have any thought about it. At laſt the grand Duke, (after having aſked his brother ſeveral times to taſte what Bianca had made,) ſaid, ſince none elſe will begin, I muſt, and took a piece and eat it: after which the grand Dutcheſs did the like, and the converſation continued for ſome time with the ſame good humour, when all of a ſudden they both felt ſuch violent and ſtrong pains in their bowels, that they were obliged to retire to their apartment, and go to bed; where they waited in vain for remedies and phyſicians, the cardinal having given ſtrict commands, that none ſhould come near them, himſelf and his creatures keeping guard at the doors for that purpoſe; whilſt the poor unhappy princes expired in tortures, on the 28th of October, 1586. He buried them by each other, with all due honours: himſelf [537] renouncing the cardinal's hat, was immediately acknowledged grand Duke of Tuſcany; through all which he cauſed a report to be ſpread, that Bianca Capello intended to poiſon him, which he pretended he diſcovered by means of a ring he always wore, the ſtone in it being of a nature to change colour at the approach of poiſon; and ſo he avoided taſting the tart, which ſhe ſeeing her huſband do, rather than outlive him, or diſcover her treachery, choſe to eat the reſt; but however this ſtory was ſtrengthened by authority, very few believed it; for beſides the improbability of her killing herſelf, with that coolneſs, when ſhe might have found a hundred pretences to hinder Franciſco from eating the tart, without diſcovering herſelf, (and would no doubt if ſhe had known it to be poiſoned) many circumſtances concurred to make it plainly a contrivance of the cardinals, who had bribed the ſervant that provided the materials for the tart, to put poiſon amongſt them. But as Franciſco dying without a ſon, left Ferdinando his heir, the nobles thought it wiſer to receive with a good grace their living prince, than hazard their ſafeties, by a vain inquiry after the dead one, tho' a man beloved and eſteemed, a fine gentleman and great governor, all the arts and ſciences being in perfection in his time, as may be ſeen by their beſt poets and hiſtorians, who all dedicated their works to him.

THE HISTORY OF THE COUNT DE COMMINGE CONTINUED.

[]

AFTER ſuffering fifteen days the agonies of a moſt violent fever, I began, tho' by ſlow degrees, to recover. The firſt thing I did when I was able to attend to any thing, was to ſeek for the letter I had received from Adelaida. My mother, who had taken it from me, for fear it ſhould increaſe my affliction, was obliged to reſtore it to me. After I had read it ſeveral times, I put it into a little ſilk bag, and placed it on my heart, where I had always kept her picture; and whenſoever I was alone, it was always my employment to gaze upon that lovely picture, and read that letter.

My mother, who was of a ſoft and tender diſpoſition, ſhared my grief: ſhe likewiſe thought it beſt to yield to my firſt tranſports, and leave it to time to finiſh my cure. She permitted me to ſpeak of Adelaida, and ſometimes was the firſt to mention her to me; and perceiving that the only thing which gave me conſolation was the thought of being loved by her, ſhe told me that it was ſhe herſelf that had determined Adelaida to marry.

[539] ‘I ask your pardon, my dear ſon, ſaid ſhe, for the grief I have cauſed you; I did not imagine you would have felt her loſs ſo deeply. I trembled for your health, and even your life, while you continued under that cruel confinement. I knew your father's inflexible temper, and was convinced he would never ſet you at liberty while there was a poſſibility of your marrying mademoiſelle de Luſſan. I reſolved to ſpeak to that generous young lady: I told her my fears for your health; ſhe partook in them, ſhe felt them perhaps with more force than I did. From that moment I ſaw her uſe every endeavour to haſten her marriage; for her father, juſtly irritated at the proceedings of monſieur de Comminge, had long preſſed her to marry: hitherto ſhe had reſiſted his ſolicitations, and even his commands. I asked her which of thoſe perſons who addreſſed her, ſhe would chuſe? It matters not which, replied ſhe; they are all equal to me, ſince I cannot be his to whom I have given my heart. Two days after I had this conſervation with her, I learned that the marquis de Benavides was preferred to all his rivals; every one was ſurpriſed at her choice, and I as much as any other. Benavides has a diſagreeable perſon, his underſtanding is mean, and his temper extremely bad: this laſt circumſtance made me tremble for poor Adelaida. I was reſolved to tell her my apprehenſions: I went for that purpoſe to the houſe of the counteſs de Garlande, where we uſed to meet.’

‘I am prepared, ſaid ſhe, for miſery, but I muſt marry; and ſince I know it is the only [540] means of procuring your ſon's liberty, I reproach myſelf every moment that I delay this ſacrifice: yet this marriage, which I conſent to only for his ſake, will perhaps be the moſt cruel of his miſfortunes. I will at leaſt convince him by my choice, that his intereſt was the ſole motive which engaged me to it. Pity me, dear Madam, I deſerve your pity; and, by my behaviour to Monſ. Benavides, I will endeavour to render myſelf worthy of your eſteem.’

My mother afterwards told me, that Adelaida was made acquainted by my father himſelf, with my having burnt the writings: he publicly upbraided her with it on the day that he loſt his proceſs. ‘She confeſſed to me, added my mother, that ſhe was more affected with your extreme delicacy in concealing ſo generous an action, than with the action itſelf.’ We paſſed the days in ſuch converſations: my melancholy was exceſſive; yet, tho' deprived of hope, I found a kind of ſweetneſs in the idea of my being ſtill loved.

After a ſtay of two months, my mother received orders from my father to return to him. He had expreſſed no concern for my illneſs, and his cruel treatment of me had extinguiſhed every ſentiment of tenderneſs for him. My mother preſſed me to go with her; but I intreated her to conſent to my ſtaying in the country: ſhe yielded to my reaſons, and left me. I was now once more alone in the midſt of my woods, and found ſo much ſweetneſs in ſolitude, that I would then have abandoned every thing, and taken up my habitation in ſome hermit's cell, had I not been reſtrained by my tenderneſs [541] for my mother. I often reſolved to endeavour to ſee Adelaida, but the fear of diſpleaſing her ſtopt me. At length after long irreſolution, I thought I might at leaſt attempt to ſee Adelaida without being ſeen by her.

Accordingly, I reſolved to ſend a perſon in whom I could confide to Bourdeaux, to know where ſhe was, and for this purpoſe I fixed upon a man who had attended me from my infancy. My mother, during my illneſs, had reſtored him to his place about me: he had been with me at the baths; he knew Adelaida; and when I mentioned my deſign to him, he informed me that he had friends in the houſe of Benavides. After having given him his orders, which I repeated a thouſand times, I cauſed him to ſet out from the caſtle. When he arrived at Bourdeaux, he was informed that Benavides had carried his lady a ſhort time after his marriage to an eſtate which he had in Biſcay. Saint Laurent, for that was my ſervant's name, wrote to me to know what he was to do next: I ſent him orders to go immediately into Biſcay. My deſire of ſeeing Adelaida was ſo much increaſed by the hope I had conceived, that it was not poſſible for me to oppoſe it any longer.

Saint Laurent returned at the expiration of ſix weeks, which my anxiety and impatience had lengthened into ſo many ages. He told me, that, after many fruitleſs attempts, Benavides having occaſion for an architect, he had prevailed upon his friend to preſent him to him in that quality; that having acquired ſome knowledge of the art from an uncle, under whoſe care he had been brought [542] up, he made no ſcruple to undertake the buſineſs Benavides employed him in. ‘I believe, ſaid he, that Madame de Benavides knew me, for ſhe bluſhed when ſhe firſt ſaw me.’

He then told me that ſhe lived the moſt retired and melancholy life imaginable: that her huſband hardly ever quitted her a moment; and that it was ſaid in the houſe, he was exceſſively fond of her; but that he gave her no other proof of it, than by his extreme jealouſy, which he carried ſo far, that even his brother had not the liberty of ſeeing her, but when he was preſent. I aſked my ſervant ſome queſtions about that brother; he told me that he was a very amiable young man, and that the world ſpoke as much in his favour as they did to the diſadvantage of Benavides; and that he appeared to be greatly attached to his ſiſter-in-law.

This diſcourſe made no impreſſion upon me at that time; the unhappy ſituation of Madame de Benavides, and the deſire of ſeeing her, employed my whole ſoul. Saint Laurent aſſured me he had taken proper meaſures for introducing me into the houſe of Benavides. ‘He has occaſion for a painter, ſaid he to me, to paint an apartment: I promiſed to bring a good one, and you muſt undertake this buſineſs.’

Nothing now remained but to regulate our departure; I wrote to my mother, and told her I was going to paſs ſome time at the houſe of one of my friends. This done I ſet out with Saint Laurent for Biſcay: during our journey, I was continually aſking him queſtions concerning Madame de Benavides; I was deſirous of knowing the ſlighteſt [543] particulars relating to her. Saint Laurent was not able to ſatisfy my curioſity; he had but few opportunities of ſeeing her: ſhe was ſhut up in her own apartment, with no other company but a little dog, of which ſhe was extremely fond. This article touched me particularly: I had preſented her with that dog, and I flattered myſelf that ſhe loved it for my ſake. Theſe little things, which eſcape one in good fortune, affect one ſenſibly in miſery: the heart, in the need it has of conſolation, faſtens upon every thing which is likely to afford it.

Saint Laurent often mentioned to me the great attachment of young Benavides to his ſiſter-in-law; he added, that he often oppoſed the furious ſallies of his brother's temper, and, but for his good offices, Adelaida would be ſtill more miſerable than ſhe was. He earneſtly intreated me to be contented with the pleaſure of ſeeing her, and to make no attempt to ſpeak to her, ‘not becauſe it would endanger your life, added he: that, I know, is too weak a motive to reſtrain you; but becauſe ſhe will ſuffer by any imprudence you may be guilty of.’

The liberty of ſeeing Adelaida appeared to me ſo great a bleſſing, that I was fully perſuaded that alone would ſatisfy me, and reſolved within myſelf, and promiſed Saint Laurent, to behave with the utmoſt circumſpection. After a moſt tedious journey, as my impatience made it ſeem, we arrived at Biſcay, and was preſented to Benavides, who ſet me to work immediately.

The ſuppoſed architect and I were lodged in the ſame apartment, and to him was committed the [544] care of overſeeing the workmen. I had been ſeveral days at work before I ſaw madame de Benavides; at length I perceived her one evening from a window in my own room going to walk in the garden. She had only her little favourite dog with her: her dreſs was negligent, a kind of languiſhing melancholy appeared in her looks and motions, and her fine eyes ſeemed to dwell on the objects around her, without regarding them. Oh heavens! what ſweetly painful emotions did my ſoul feel at the ſight of her. I continued leaning on the window the whole time ſhe ſtaid in the garden: it was dark when ſhe returned; ſo that I could not diſtinguiſh her when ſhe paſſed by my window, but my heart knew it was her.

I ſaw her a ſecond time in the chapel of the caſtle; I placed myſelf in ſuch a manner, that I could look at her the whole time without being obſerved. She never once turned her eyes upon me: I ought to have rejoiced at this circumſtance, ſince I well knew that if ſhe diſcovered me, ſhe would be obliged to go out of the chapel; yet I was afflicted at it, and returned to my chamber in greater diſquiet than when I left it. I had not yet formed any deſign of making myſelf known to her; but I was ſenſible that I ſhould not be able to reſiſt doing it, if an opportunity offered.

The ſight of young Benavides gave me likewiſe ſome kind of uneaſineſs; he often came to ſee me work, and notwithſtanding the ſeeming diſtance of our rank, he behaved to me with an obliging familiarity, which ought to have excited my eſteem; yet it had no effect on me. His great merit, and [545] the amiableneſs of his perſon, which I could not but be ſenſible of, with-held my gratitude. I was afraid of a rival in him, and a certain impaſſioned ſadneſs that I perceived in him, which was too like my own not to proceed from the ſame cauſe, gave me a ſuſpicion which he ſoon confirmed.

After aſking me one day ſeveral queſtions relating to my condition in life; ‘You are in love, (ſaid he to me, ſighing imperceptibly to himſelf,) the melancholy in which I perceive you continually plunged, perſuades me that your heart is not well: tell me the truth; can I do any thing for you? The miſerable in general have a claim to my compaſſion; but there is one ſort of grief which I pity more than any other.’ I believe I thanked Don Gabriel, (that was his name,) with a very ill grace, for the kind offers he made to me; however, I could not help owning to him that I was in love: but I told him that time only could produce any change in the ſtate of my fortune. ‘You are not abſolutely unhappy, replied he, ſince you may hope for a change; I know perſons who are much more to be pitied than you.’

When I was alone I reflected upon the converſation that had paſſed betwen Don Gabriel and myſelf; I concluded that he was in love, and that his charming ſiſter-in-law was the object of his paſſion: his whole behaviour, which I examined with the utmoſt attention, convinced me I was not miſtaken; I obſerved him always aſſiduous about Adelaida; he gazed on her with eyes like mine, yet I was not jealous: my eſteem for Adelaida [546] would not admit of ſuch an injurious ſentiment; but I could not help fearing, that the company of an agreeable man, who was continually rendering her ſervices that ſoftened the horrors of her preſent ſituation, would make her reflections on me be greatly to my diſadvantage, whoſe paſſion had been productive of nothing but misfortunes to her.

I was full of theſe thoughts, when one day I ſaw Adelaida enter the room where I was painting, led by Don Gabriel. ‘Why, ſaid ſhe, do you preſs me to come and look at the ornaments of this apartment? you know I have no taſte for theſe things.’ ‘I hope, madam, (ſaid I, looking earneſtly upon her, and bowing low,) that if you will deign to caſt your eyes upon what is here, you will find ſomething not unworthy your attention.’

Adelaida, ſtruck with the ſound of my voice, turned inſtantly towards me. I perceived ſhe knew me, for ſhe bluſhed and bent her eyes on the ground, and, after pauſing a moment, ſhe left the room without giving me a look, ſaying, that the ſmell of the paint was diſagreeable to her.

I remained behind, terrified, confuſed, and overwhelmed with grief. Adelaida had not deigned to give me a ſecond look; ſhe would not even ſhew that ſhe was enough intereſted in my diſguiſe to expreſs any ſigns of reſentment at it. What have I done, ſaid I, I am indeed come hither contrary to her commands; but if ſhe ſtill loves me, ſhe would pardon a fault that proceeded from the exceſs of my paſſion for her. I now concluded, that ſince Adelaida no longer loved me, ſhe muſt of neceſſity [547] have beſtowed her heart upon another. This idea filled me with a grief ſo new and violent, that I thought I had never been truly miſerable till then.

Saint Laurent, who came from time to time to ſee me, entering the room that moment, found me in an agitation that made him tremble. ‘What ails you, ſir, ſaid he to me, what has happened to you?’ ‘I am undone, replied I; Adelaida no longer loves me: ſhe no longer loves me, repeated I; it is but too true, alas! I never had reaſon to complain of my fate till this cruel moment: what torment would I now endure to purchaſe this bleſſing which I have loſt! this bleſſing which I preferred to all things, and which in the midſt of my greateſt miſeries, filled my heart with ſo ſoft a joy.’

I continued a long time to exclaim in this manner, while Saint Laurent in vain endeavoured to draw from me the cauſe of my grief. At length I related to him what had happened. ‘I ſee nothing in all this, ſaid he, which ought to drive you to the deſpair I ſee you in. Madam de Benavides is certainly offended at your raſh attempt. She was deſirous of puniſhing you by appearing indifferent; and perhaps ſhe was apprehenſive of betraying herſelf, if ſhe had looked upon you.’

‘No, no, interrupted I, they who love have no ſuch command over themſelves in thoſe firſt emotions; the heart alone is liſtened to. I muſt ſee her, added I, I muſt reproach her with her change. Alas! after giving herſelf to another, [548] ought ſhe to take away my life by ſo cruel an indifference? why did ſhe not leave me in my priſon, there I ſhould have been happy, had I been aſſured of her love.’

Saint Laurent fearing that any one ſhould ſee me in the condition I was in, obliged me to retire to the chamber where we both lay. I paſt the whole night in tormenting myſelf; my thoughts were at ſtrife with each other; in one moment I condemned my ſuſpicions, and the next relapſed into them again. I thought it unjuſt to wiſh that Adelaida ſhould preſerve a tenderneſs which rendered her miſerable. In thoſe moments, I reproached myſelf for loving her leſs than my own ſatisfaction. ‘Why ſhould I wiſh to live, ſaid I to Saint Laurent, if ſhe loves another: I will endeavour to ſpeak to her, only to bid her an eternal adieu: ſhe ſhall hear no reproaches from my mouth; my grief, which I cannot conceal from her, ſhall ſpeak for me.’

When this point was reſolved upon, it was agreed that I ſhould leave Biſcay as ſoon as I ſhould have an interview with her; we then began to conſider upon the neceſſary means of procuring it. Saint Laurent told me that we muſt ſeize the firſt opportunity that offered, when Don Gabriel went to hunt, as he often did, and Benavides was employed in his domeſtic affairs; for which he always ſet apart two mornings in the week. He then made me promiſe, that to avoid giving any ſuſpicion, I ſhould go on with my painting, as uſual; but that I ſhould likewiſe declare, that I was under a neceſſity of returning ſoon to my own country.

[549]Accordingly I reſumed my former employment. I had almoſt, without perceiving it, ſome hope that Adelaida would come again into that apartment; every noiſe that I heard gave me an emotion I was ſcarce able to bear. In this ſituation I remained ſeveral days, and then loſing all hope of ſeeing Adelaida in that manner, I eagerly ſought for ſome moment in which I might be ſo fortunate as to find her alone. At length this moment came; I was going as uſual to my work, when I ſaw Adelaida paſſing to her own apartment. I knew that Don Gabriel went out early that morning to hunt, and I had heard Benavides talking in a low hall of the caſtle, to one of his farmers; ſo that I was pretty certain of finding her alone.

I entered her apartment with ſo much precipitation, that Adelaida ſaw me not till I was very near her: ſhe would have retired to her cloſet as ſoon as ſhe perceived me, but I catched hold of her robe, and prevented her. ‘Do not fly from me, madam, ſaid I to her, ſuffer me this laſt time to enjoy the bleſſing of beholding you: I ſhall never importune you more. I am going far from you, to die with grief for the miſeries I have been the cauſe of to you; and for the loſs of your heart. I wiſh Don Gabriel may be more fortunate than I have been.’

Adelaida, whoſe ſurpriſe had hitherto prevented her from ſpeaking, interupted me at theſe words, and giving me a look of mingled tenderneſs and anger, ‘What, ſaid ſhe, dare you make me reproaches? dare you ſuſpect me?—you—.’ The tone with which ſhe pronounced theſe laſt words, [550] brought me inſtantly at her feet. ‘No, my dear Adelaida, interupted I, no, I have no ſuſpicion that is injurious to you: pardon a few diſtracted words, which my heart diſavows.’

‘I pardon you all, ſaid ſhe to me, provided you depart immediately, and never attempt to ſee me more. Reflect, that it is for your ſake I am the moſt miſerable creature in the world; would you give me cauſe to reproach myſelf with being the moſt criminal.’ ‘I will do every thing you command me, replied I, but only promiſe that you will not hate me.’

Although Adelaida had ſeveral times deſired me to riſe, yet I ſtill continued at her feet. To thoſe who truly love, this attitude has a thouſand ſecret charms. I was ſtill kneeling, when Benavides ſuddenly opened the chamber door. Tranſported with rage, he flew towards his wife, and drawing his ſword, "Thou ſhalt die, perfidious woman," cried he, and would have infallibly killed her, had I not thrown myſelf between them, and put by his ſword with my own.

‘Wretch! cried Benavides, you firſt ſhall feel my vengeance,’ and at the ſame time gave me a wound on my ſhoulder. I did not love life well enough to be ſolicitous for the preſervation of it; but my hatred to Benavides would not ſuffer me to abandon it to his fury: this cruel attempt upon the perſon of his wife, deprived me almoſt of reaſon. I threw myſelf upon him, and plunging my ſword in his body, he fell at my feet without ſenſe or motion. The ſervants, drawn by the cries of madame de Benavides, entered the room that moment, [551] and ſeveral of them throwing themſelves upon me, diſarmed me, while I made no effort to defend myſelf. The ſight of madame de Benavides bathed in tears, and kneeling by her huſband, left me no ſenſibility of any thing but her grief. I was dragged out of her chamber into another, and the door faſtened upon me.

There it was, that delivered up to my own reflections, I ſaw the abyſs into which I had plunged madame de Benavides: the death of her huſband, killed before her eyes, and killed by me, could not fail of giving riſe to ſuſpicions againſt her. How did I not reproach myſelf! I had been the cauſe of her firſt misfortunes, and I had now completed her ruin by my imprudence. My imagination continually repreſented to me the dreadful condition in which I had left her. I acknowledge that ſhe had juſt reaſons to hate me, and I did not murmur at it. The only conſolation I had, was in the hope that I was not known. The idea of being taken for an aſſaſſin, and a robber, which on any other occaſion would have made me tremble with horror, now gave me joy. Adelaida knew the innocence of my, intentions, and Adelaida was the whole world to me.

Impatient to be interrogated, that I might clear the honour of Adelaida, I paſſed ſeveral hours in the moſt racking inquietude: in the middle of the night my chamber door was opened, and I ſaw Don Gabriel enter.

(To be continued.)

TREATISE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONTINUED.

[552]

CHAP. IV. Indirect Inſtructions, and that Children ought not to be urged.

I AM perſuaded it would be right to make frequent uſe of ſuch indirect inſtructions, as are not ſo tireſome as leſſons and remonſtrances, meerly to awaken their attention to thoſe examples we would lay before them.

One perſon may ſometimes ſay to another in their hearing, why did you act in that manner? and the other may anſwer, for ſuch and ſuch a reaſon: for inſtance, why did you acknowledge your fault? becauſe it would have been a greater to diſavow it meanly by the help of a lie; and nothing ſounds handſomer than to ſay frankly, I was in the wrong; upon this, let the firſt commend him for thus paſſing ſentence upon himſelf: but all this ſhould be carried without affectation; for children have more penetration than is generally thought, and as ſure as they diſcover any artifice in their governors, [553] they fall off from that ſimplicity and reliance ſo natural to them.

We have formerly remarked that the brain of infants is very hot and moiſt, which therefore ſubjects them to be in continual motion. This ſoftneſs of the brain is the reaſon why the images of all ſenſible objects impreſs themſelves thereon very eaſily, and in very lively characters: we ſhould not let ſlip this opportune ſeaſon; but then, be careful in our choice of the images to be engraved, for in a receptacle ſo ſmall and ſo precious, none but very valuable things ought to be depoſited; nothing but what we may wiſh to remain there during life. The firſt let of images engraven while the brain is ſo ſoft, and entirely unoccupied, are always the deepeſt: as it dries they harden, and become indelible; hence it is, that though grown old, we remember the paſſages of our youth, through a long ſpace of time, diſtinctly; but thoſe of our more advanced age, in a much ſlighter manner, becauſe thoſe traces were drawn in the brain already dried and marked with many other figures.

Perhaps this kind of reaſoning will with difficulty be admitted; nevertheleſs, it is certain every one talks in this way without perceiving it: do we not ſay every day, I have taken my biaſs, I am too old to change, I was brought up to this? and beſides, is there not a particular pleaſure in recalling the images of our youth? the ſtrongeſt inclinations, are they not ſuch as were taken at that age? and does not all this prove that the firſt impreſſions and firſt habits are the moſt prevalent?

[554]Now, though infancy is the fitteſt ſeaſon for engraving images on the brain, yet it muſt be confeſſed, not to be the ſame with reſpect to reaſoning: that humidity, which ſo eaſily admits impreſſion, being joined to a great degree of warmth, is productive of an unſettledneſs that is an enemy to cloſe application: their brain is in the condition of a lighted taper, expoſed to the air; its flame perpetually wavering: a child aſks a queſtion, and before you can anſwer, his eyes are upon the wainſcot, counting all the figures painted there; or all the pieces of glaſs that compoſe the windows. To force him back to his firſt object, is, as it were, to put him in confinement. So then it behoves us with great care to temporiſe with the organs till they are grown firm; anſwer his queſtion directly, and let him aſk others as he likes; entertain his curioſity only, and furniſh his memory with a ſtock of good materials. The time will come when they will aſſemble of themſelves, and the brain having obtained a conſiſtence, the child will reaſon of courſe; at which time, when he happens not to reaſon juſtly, confine yourſelf to ſetting him right, and letting him ſee, without emotion, as he ſhall give you an opportunity, what it is to draw a true conſequence. Suffer a child therefore, to have his play, and mingle inſtruction with it, that wiſdom may not ſhew herſelf to him but at intervals, and ever with a ſmiling countenance: take care, I ſay, of tiring him with indiſcrete exactneſs:

If a child once forms to himſelf a frightful and gloomy idea of virtue, if ſelf-will and irregularity appear to his eyes in a pleaſing ſhape, all is loſt; [555] your endeavours are in vain: therefore keep him ever from the flatteries of the narrow-minded and the profligate. We grow to love the manners and ſentiments of the perſons we love; the pleaſure found for the time in the company of immoral people, draws us on by degrees to eſteem thoſe very qualities in them which are moſt to be abominated.

In order to give children a liking to the well-diſpoſed, bring them to remark all that in them is both amiable and profitable; their ſincerity, their modeſty, their diſintereſtedneſs, fidelity, and diſcretion; but above every thing, their piety, which is the ſource of all. Should it happen that any ſuch have ſomething about them diſagreeable and diſguſting, you may ſay, theſe defects take not their riſe from Piety; ſhe eradicates, or at leaſt abates them.

Though you ſhould keep ſtrict watch over yourſelf never to let him ſee in you ought but what is right, yet expect not that your defects will eſcape him; frequently he will perceive ſome of your minuteſt failings. St. Auſtin tells us, that he in his infancy remarked the vanity of his maſters in their reſpective profeſſions. The beſt ſtep you can take, and the moſt important, is, to be as well acquainted with your own defects as will the child, and to get ſome ſincere friends to advertiſe you of them. Generally ſpeaking, thoſe who have the government of children, pardon nothing in them, and every thing in themſelves; this excites in the young ones a ſpirit of criticiſm and ill-nature, inſomuch, that when ever they can eſpie any fault in the governor, [556] they are quite delighted; what they want is, a reaſon to hold him in contempt. Avoid this inconvenience, nor fear to ſpeak of your viſible defects, nor of the errors that have eſcaped you in his preſence: as you find him capable of hearing reaſon, ſay that you are deſirous to ſet him an example of correcting his errors by correcting your own. Thus will you draw from your imperfections themſelves matter of inſtruction and edification for the child, and give him courage to bear correction; thus will you eſcape that contempt and diſguſt which your failings might give him for your perſon.

At the ſame time it is neceſſary to take all methods to render the things you require of him agreeable; ſuppoſe ſome particular one ſhould be in its nature unpleaſant, aſſure him that his trouble will be followed with ſatisfaction; explain the uſefulneſs of what you would teach him; ſhew him the relation it bears to the commerce of the world, and the duties of his ſtation; without this, ſtudy will appear an abſtract, barren, and thorny piece of work; to what purpoſe, will they ſay to themſelves, is it to learn all theſe things which are never mentioned in converſation, and have no relation to what one is obliged to do. It is neceſſary therefore to give them the reaſon for teaching them: it is, we may ſay, to put you in a capacity of doing well, what one day will be your duty. It is to form your judgment; it is to uſe you to reaſon well upon the affairs of life. One ſhould always place in their view ſome truly uſeful and agreeable end, that will keep up the ſpirit of application; [557] but never pretend to force them to it by meer tyrannical authority.

Never aſſume, without extreme neceſſity, an auſtere and imperious air, ſuch as makes children tremble. It is for the moſt part affectation and pedantry in governeſſes; for as to children, they are generally but too meek and baſhful: it is the way to harden their hearts, and to deſtroy that truſt and reliance, without which no fruit of education is to be expected. Make yourſelf beloved by them, that they may be free with you, and not fear to let you ſee their faults; to bring this about, be indulgent to thoſe of them who act without diſguiſe; ſeem neither aſtoniſhed, nor provoked at their bad inclinations; on the contrary, bear with their weakneſſes: ſometimes this inconvenience will ariſe, that they will be under leſs reſtraint of fear, yet upon the whole, a reliance and a ſincerity kept up will be more ſerviceable to them than your exertion of rigorous authority. Authority will at all times take place, when reſpect and perſuaſion fail; we ſhould ever begin with an open behaviour, eaſy, and familiar without meanneſs; this affords an opportunity of ſeeing their real tempers, and of knowing them thoroughly. In ſhort, though you ſhould reduce them by dint of authority to the obſervation of all your rules, the whole would be but a ſcene of ſtiff formalities, perhaps of hypocriſy; you would give them a diſguſt to that good, which it ought to be your ſole aim to make them love.

If the wiſe ſon of Sirach continually recommends it to parents, ever to keep the rod lifted up over their children; if he hath ſaid, Play with thy child, [558] and he will bring thee to heavineſs *, it is not that he means to blame a gentle and patient education: he only condemns thoſe weak and inconſiderate parents who flatter the paſſions of their children, and aim at nothing but to pleaſe themſelves with them, during their infancy, to ſuch a degree as to indulge them in all kinds of exceſſes.

The concluſion from this is, that parents ought always to keep authority in reſerve for correction; for there are diſpoſitions which muſt be ſubdued by fear, but, once again, it is not to be made uſe of but when we have nothing elſe left.

A child, who hitherto acts merely by his imagination, and confounds in his head thoſe things that preſent themſelves to him in combination, hates ſtudy and virtue, whenever he is prepoſſeſſed with an averſion to the perſon that talks to him of them.

Obſerve here the ſource of that gloomy and frightful idea of piety, which he retains all his life: it is often the only part that ſtays with him of an education of ſeverity.

Frequently it will behove us to tolerate things that require to be corrected; and to watch for the moment in which the ſpirit of the child ſhall be diſpoſed to profit by correction. Never reprehend him in his firſt emotion, nor in your own: if you do it during your own, he will perceive you to be actuated by your mood and over-haſtineſs, not by reaſon or friendſhip to him: you will loſe your authority without reſource. In caſe you reprove him in his firſt emotion, conſider he has not his ſpirit enough at liberty to acknowledge his fault, to overcome [559] his paſſion, to perceive the importance of your reproof. This is to expoſe the child to a loſing of the reſpect which he owes you: let him always ſee you maſter of yourſelf, and this your patience will beſt ſhow him. Watch day after day, if need be, for the favourable moments to introduce reproof. Tell him not of his faults, without adding the method of ſurmounting them, ſomething that may hearten him to endeavour it; for we muſt beware of the chagrin and deſpondency, which mere dry correction brings on.

If one finds the child ſomewhat reaſonable, I believe it right to engage him inſenſibly to deſire to be told of his miſtakes, and by this means he will hear them without being afflicted; but even then let him hear but one at a time. It ought to be conſidered that children have weak heads, and by reaſon of their age, are ſenſible of pleaſure alone; whereas, there is oft times expected of them an exactneſs and ſeriouſneſs of which the very people that require it, are not themſelves capable; nay, their very temper receives a dangerous tincture of uneaſineſs and melancholy from being continually talked to of words and things they underſtand not: no liberty, no diverſion, but always a leſſon, ſilence, a preſcribed poſture, rebukes, threats. The ancients underſtood this matter much better; among the Hebrews, Egyptians, and Greeks, the principal ſciences, the maxims of virtue, and politeneſs of manners, were introduced by the delightfulneſs of verſe and muſic: people that have not read can hardly believe this, ſo wide is it from our cuſtoms; nevertheleſs, whoever is the leaſt acquainted with [560] hiſtory, can have no doubt of its having been the common practice for ſeveral ages.

In this our age let us accede ſo far as to unite the agreeable with the uſeful, as much as lies in our power.

Now, though with regard to numbers of children whoſe tempers are difficult to be wrought upon, we cannot hope not to be obliged to make uſe of fear, yet we ſhould firſt have tried, with patience, every other remedy.

We ought to make them apprehend diſtinctly the ſum of what we require of them, the very point which would pleaſe us; for livelineſs of diſpoſition, and their reliance on us ought to be kept up, otherwiſe their ſpirit will be dulled, and their courage abated; the bold will be provoked, the gentle made ſtupid. Fear is like thoſe forcible remedies made uſe of in violent illneſſes, they purge, but they alter the temperament and wear the organs: and thus, amind acted upon by fear is conſtantly rendered weaker.

[To be continued.]

THE LADY'S MUSEUM.
The TRIFLER. [NUMBER VIII.]

[]
MADAM,

IF the title of a literary performance contributes much to excite the curioſity of the public, I can well ſuppoſe that the Trifler is eagerly peruſed by all the bright eyes of the kingdom; for ſurely a greater conſonancy between the title of this eſſay and the preſent complection of females, cannot well be imagined.—For to what end or uſe do the multiplied branches of female education ſerve, but to trifle gracefully and agreeably? This is the true ſçavoir vivre, ſo happily and univerſally taught by thoſe valuable people, the French governeſſes, all over this great metropolis: for ſurely no other [562] perſons can pretend, with equal juſtice, to give people of faſhion that charming air and thoſe enchanting manners which alone can make them look like themſelves. Did our young gentlemen enjoy the benefit of inſtruction equally ſalubrious, I ſhould hope, that in a little time they might learn to trifle away their courage and honeſty, almoſt as happily as the French themſelves ſeem to have done.

Nor let it derogate in the leaſt from the preſent approved ſyſtem of things, that in the fervid purſuit of higher attainments, the ladies may very poſſibly leſs attend to duty, character, reputation, than ſome Cynical perſons have been willing to approve of. Surely ſuch mean inſinuations could only be ſuggeſted by thoſe whoſe exploded nonſenſe has totally diſqualified them for the ſociety of the triflers—And really was the accuſation well founded, I don't ſee what blame could juſtly lie upon us, who have never been taught to ſet the leaſt value on moral obligations.

In how much more pleaſing a light have we been inſtructed to conſider the ſcope and deſign of our being? We have at length happily reſolved it into one general principle, that of being delightfully idle.

In order to ſupport the conſiſtency of our character, give me leave to deſcend to a few particulars. If a lady ſpends her whole life in fretful diſſipation, is it not plain, that ſhe conſiders her time, for the uſe of which ſome have fancied themſelves accountable, as a meer trifle?

[563]If another conſiders cards as the true conſolation of life, and conſequently makes them the ſole buſineſs of it, ſuppoſing even that ſhe is unſucceſsful, no matter by what compenſations ſhe ballances her accounts; her loſſes in any way, can only be conſidered as meer trifles.

If a third, by the kind aſſiſtance of foreign tuition, has been happily extricated from the reſtraints of modeſty, delicacy, virtue, and religion, theſe omiſſions ought ſurely to be conſidered as ſo many negative advantages, and their value placed to our account. For it is well known, that thoſe exploded qualities which are now not worth a diſpute, were only held in great reverence in remarkably ſimple times.

However, we are happily accompliſhed out of all thoſe ſimplicities, and have ſubſtituted in their room ſuch opinions as have raiſed us above all vulgar fears and prejudices—Hence it is, that we have left the ſenſe and love of religion to be embraced only by thoſe who are no longer loved by any body. Let ſuch as want the ſolid ſupports of faſhion, luxury, gallantry, and fifty et cetera's, take refuge in ſuch aerial meditations: for our part, we ſhall take care to enjoy the ſubſtance, and leave to thoſe diſappointed wretches the ſhadow.

As to the churches, I can't ſay what ſort of people attend them, as neither I or any of my acquaintance ever go there; but, in the way of curioſity and pleaſure, we ſometimes viſit the methodiſt conventicles; and there thro' the whole auditory there obtains ſo viſible a diſtraction, that we have always conſidered thoſe deluded people [564] as much more the objects of compaſſion than contempt.

I have often thought it extremely well judged in the government to tolerate ſuch places; for they muſt conſiderably leſſen the number of mad-houſes. With ſuch invariable conſtancy do we perſevere in our opinions, that our whole life may be conſidered as one uniform trifle; and, unleſs we ſhould be encumbered by a few brats, can it be ſaid of any of us, when we quit the ſcene, that we have left any monuments of our exiſtence?

A tender regard for the honor, laws, and religion of one's country, are considerations which only can affect narrow ſouls; but (thanks to the dear foreigners who direct our education) we have been taught to conſider things in a more elevated ſenſe, and to reſpect the intereſt of our very national enemies at leaſt as much as our own, and univerſally to prefer thoſe people to our own natives.

There is one diſcovery in particular that does infinite honour to our ſociety, and which for the credit of the ſiſterhood, I muſt beg leave a little to enlarge upon—I mean our diſcovery of the true ſources of pleaſure and happineſs. Theſe objects were heretofore ſuppoſed to be beſt attained by following nature, and to be inſeparably connected with reaſon and duty. Pleaſure, truly ſo called, had formerly been conſidered as a very natural thing, and ſome unintelligible ſtuff, named virtue, as the only ſafe road to happineſs—But we have undeceived the world in theſe particulars, and have taught them to look for their happineſs [565] where none but ourſelves ever dreamed it could be found.

In ſhort, we have fixed its baſis in the extinction of all reaſonable ideas, and, to enjoy life the more perfectly, have fairly conſented to loſe ſight of all the ends of living. This grand principle pervades the whole ſphere of our activity, and our conduct affords the moſt ample atteſtation of our opinions.—Let others, if they pleaſe, look up to cauſes, and conſider conſequences; it is ſufficient for us, that we appear of conſequence in the eyes of the world.

Nor are we in the leaſt diſconcerted by the invidious remarks of thoſe who would inſinuate, that we are not quite ſo happy as we would ſeem to be; and that, notwithſtanding our continual efforts to appear highly pleaſed, there is ſtill a diſmal vacuity in our minds.

However that may be, there is at leaſt an equal vacuity in thoſe underſtandings who have made that remark, not to know, that we live only for appearances; and that to be, or to ſeem only, are pretty much the ſame thing with the whole race of triflers.

Nay, to a ſtill higher heroiſm have we carried our ideas on this ſubject, that, with a magnanimity peculiar to ourſelves, we have exchanged realities for appearances, and have loſt all pleaſure, merely for pleaſure's ſake. Let others ridiculouſly eſtimate their happineſs by their own conſciouſneſs, while we wiſely meaſure ours by the opinions of other people, which muſt always be in our favour ſo long as

to appear we ſtrive,

The moſt contented things alive.

[566]I can't conclude this letter, without lamenting the great detriment our ſociety have ſuffered by the conduct of Miranda. This lady, you know, is the ſworn enemy of all triflers, and the buſineſs of her whole life has been to diſcredit our opinions. Perverſe creature! not to have yielded to the conviction which numbers, faſhion, and raillery ſcarcely ever fail to impreſs.

Her obſtinacy is the more to be lamented, as from an unuſual concurrence of circumſtances her influence happens to be very extenſive. Happy for us there are few Miranda's; for if we may judge from this one, half a dozen ſuch would be ſufficient to deſtroy the credit of our ſociety. Never was there ſo ungrateful a creature! would you believe it? though nature has been extremely kind to her, in the diſtribution of perſonal charms, ſhe never was ſo much as ſuſpected to be ſenſible of the obligation. It is very plain that this muſt be the caſe; for had ſhe been duly thankful for nature's liberality, ſhe would, like the reſt of us, have ſolely relied upon it, and never ſo far affronted her beauty, as to endeavour to pleaſe by any other merit whatſoever.

We have great reaſon to wiſh, that nature in this inſtance had ſpared her bounty; for her charms always create an attention, which ſhe never fails to improve to our prejudice. However, there is one conſolation left; as Miranda is yet ſingle, and the men almoſt all of our party, who knows but the race may become extinct?

This lady, I am told, among other ſingularities, pretends to have opinions of her own; and that [567] ſhe makes reaſon, and not ridicule, the criterion by which ſhe examines their truth. Some of her notions are ſo extraordinary as to deſerve being related. She thinks that moral virtue, on its true baſis religion, is the only ſure and permanent object of eſteem; and that whatever purifies the heart does likewiſe embelliſh the manners, and even raiſes the genius. She cannot comprehend why a rational creature ſhould be aſhamed of its reaſon, or bluſh to acknowledge a pleaſure in cultivating it.

She is of opinion that a woman of ſenſe is a character not inferior to a woman of faſhion, and, with an extravagant ambition, has united both in her own perſon. I have here only given you a ſmall ſpecimen of her notions, which are ſuch, you ſee, as leave us ſlender hopes of reclaiming her.

Indeed were her opinions ſimply propoſed to the underſtanding, or to the deſires, which judge much better, they are ſo repugnant to the preſent modes both of thinking and acting, that they muſt be inevitably rejected, as our cuſtom is, without any examination at all. But things will appear very different, ſeen through different mediums. There are certain women who carry in their own perſons a demonſtration of their opinions. Of that number is Miranda, who beſides has got ſuch a way of colouring things, and of recommending her notions by manners the moſt inſinuating, and a behaviour ſo ſweetly feminine, that I really begin to fear her impreſſions muſt be irreſiſtible. You know, my dear, every body is not fortified as we are, and the girl has ſo impoſing a way, ſhe certainly will continue to do much miſchief. Let us [568] not however be intimidated by ſo dangerous an enemy, but unite more vigorouſly in our common defence. The annals of all ages are in our favour; for at what place or period could nature and reaſon prevail over folly and vanity?

I ſhall further obſerve, for our encouragement, that the world never fails to applaud the time and pains which are devoted to the ſervice of the triflers. Upon this consideration I hope you will excuſe the trouble occaſioned by this long letter, from your

Affectionate Siſter, and Servant, ANOETA.

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT AND SOPHIA CONTINUED.

[]

WHEN Mr. Herbert returned from his walk, and met the curate, and his little family at ſupper, Sophia, who heedfully obſerved him, ſaw an alteration in his countenance, which realized all her melancholy apprehenſions, and convinced her that ſome new misfortune awaited her: his eyes, which ſtudiouſly avoided her's, expreſſed nothing but grief and confuſion; but he retired ſo early to his chamber, that Sophia, finding there was no hopes of his explaining himſelf that night, paſſed it in an anxiety of mind which ſuffered her not to taſte the leaſt repoſe. Early in the morning he knocked at her door, and deſired her to join him in the garden; ſhe was already dreſt, and inſtantly complied.

As ſoon as ſhe came up to him, he took her hand, and preſſed it affectionately, but ſpoke not a word.

Sophia, who feared, as much as ſhe wiſhed to know what had happened, had not power to aſk for an explanation; ſo they both continued ſilent for ſome minutes.

At length Mr. Herbert told her he was going to London: Sophia, in a faultering accent, aſked [570] him what had happened to occaſion this ſudden reſolution?

‘Alas! my dear child, ſaid the good old man, in great emotion, I am aſhamed and grieved to tell you that —Sir Charles has, I fear, deceived me.’

Although Sophia had reaſon to expect ſome ſad reverſe of fortune, and had endeavoured to prepare herſelf for it, yet this fatal confirmation of her fears ſhocked her ſo much, that Mr. Herbert, who ſaw a death-like paleneſs overſpread her face, and felt her hand cold and trembling, fearing ſhe would faint, made haſte to lead her to a little bench of turf which was near them.

Sophia recovering, ſaw ſo much concern in his looks, that ſtruggling to repreſs her own anguiſh, ſhe endeavoured to comfort him, and ſmiling through the tears that filled her charming eyes, ‘Let not this inſtance of my weakneſs alarm you, ſir, ſaid ſhe; and doubt not but, with the aſſiſtance of heaven, I ſhall bear this ſtrange inſult with proper fortitude.’

‘How worthy are you, my good child, of better fortune!’ ſaid Mr. Herbert; then taking a letter out of his pocket, ‘My firſt deſign, purſued he, was to ſeek ſome explanation of this myſterious letter before I made you acquainted with it, but I perceived that my too apparent uneaſineſs had alarmed you, and I thought it would be leſs cruel to inform you of the whole matter, than to leave you in doubt and uncertainty: this letter was delivered to me yeſterday in the evening, by one of Sir Charles's ſervants, juſt as was [571] walking out towards the road, in hopes of meeting his maſter. My ſurpriſe at receiving a letter when I expected to ſee himſelf, made me open it inſtantly, without aſking the ſervant any queſtions, and while I was reading it he went away, doubtleſs being directed to do ſo.’

Mr. Herbert then gave the letter to Sophia, who unfolding it with trembling emotion, found it was as follows:

SIR,

Since it is impoſſible my marriage with Miſs Sophia can ever take place, I wiſh you would look upon all that paſſed between us upon that ſubject, as a dream: I dreamt indeed when I imagined there was a woman in the world capable of a ſincere attachment; and I ought to be aſhamed to own that upon ſo deluſive a hope I was ready to act in oppoſition to the general maxims of the world, and be pointed at as a ſilly romantic fellow. However, I beg you will aſſure the lady, that as I have no right to blame her conduct, ſo I have not the leaſt reſentment for it, and am ſo perfectly at eaſe on this occaſion, that I can with great ſincerity congratulate her on her approaching happineſs. I am, Sir,

Your humble Servant, CHARLES STANLEY.

Although this letter gave Sophia a ſad certainty of her misfortune, yet it relieved her from thoſe worſt pangs which a heart in love can feel, the belief of being abandoned through indifference, or inconſtancy: unperceived by ourſelves, pride mixes [572] with our moſt tender affections, and either aggravates or leſſens the ſenſe of every diſappointment, in proportion as we feel ourſelves humbled by the circumſtances that attend it.

This ill-diſguiſed jealouſy, the perſonated calmneſs, the ſtruggling reſentment that appeared in this letter, convinced Sophia that Sir Charles was far from being at eaſe, and that to whatever cauſe his preſent unaccountable behaviour was owing, yet ſhe was ſure at leaſt of not being indifferent to him.

It was not difficult to perceive that he had been deceived by ſome malicious reports, and her ſuſpicions fell immediately upon Harriot; but rejecting this thought, as too injurious to her ſiſter, ſhe returned the letter to Mr. Herbert without ſpeaking a word, but with a look much more ſerene and compoſed than before.

Mr. Herbert, who ſaw nothing in this letter like what her penetration had diſcovered, and who conceived it to be only a poor artifice to diſengage himſelf from promiſes which he now repented of, was ſurpriſed to find her ſo much leſs affected with it than he expected, and aſked her what ſhe thought of it?

Sophia told him, that ſhe was fully perſuaded Sir Charles had been prejudiced againſt her.

‘Do you think ſo, my dear, ſaid he, after a little pauſe; then it is your ſiſter to whom you are obliged for this kind office.’

‘I hope not, ſir, replied Sophia, ſighing; that circumſtance would aggravate my concern—indeed [573] I think it would be a crime in me to ſuſpect her of being capable of ſuch unkindneſs.’

‘Well, reſumed Mr. Herbert, I will, if poſſible, diſcover this myſtery before night; you ſhall hear from me to-morrow; in the mean time calm your mind, and reſign yourſelf entirely to that providence, which while you continue thus good and virtuous, will never forſake you.’

Mr. Herbert now left her, to go and take leave of the curate and his family; and Sophia, whoſe fortune had undergone ſo many revolutions in ſo ſhort a time, retired to her chamber, where ſhe paſſed great part of the day alone, at once to indulge her melancholy and to conceal it from obſervation.

In the afternoon Dolly came up, in a great hurry of ſpirits, to acquaint her that Mrs. Gibbons was come to wait upon her, that ſhe had been met at the door by her mother, and that ſeveral courteſies had paſſed between them.

The poor girl, though tranſported with joy at this favourable beginning, no ſooner perceived by the penſive air in Sophia's countenance, and the ſighs that eſcaped her, that her ſuſpicions of ſome new diſappointment having happened to her were true, than inſtantly forgetting the proſperous ſituation of her own affairs, her ſweet face was overſpread with tender grief, and a tear ſtole from her eyes; but Sophia, whom nothing could have awakened from that ſtupifying ſorrow in which any great and ſudden misfortune plunges the mind, but the deſire of being uſeful to her friends, ſoon aſſumed a more chearful look, and haſtened to receive her viſitor.

[574]Mrs. Gibbons was in full dreſs, and had omitted no ſuperfluous ornament that could ſerve to ſhew Sophia how well ſhe underſtood every ſort of punctilio. As ſoon as the firſt compliments were over, ‘You ſee, madam, ſaid ſhe, what affluence your commands have over me; I once little thought that I ſhould ever have entered this impoliſhed houſe again; my nephew attended me to the door, but I would not ſuffer him to come in, becauſe I am not ſure that you are willing to let theſe people know the honour you do him by receiving his adorations.’

Sophia, though a little ſtartled at theſe words, yet ſuppoſed ſhe had no particular meaning in them, and aſcribed all to her fantaſtick manner of expreſſing herſelf; but Mrs. Gibbons being reſolved to haſten the concluſion of an affair which ſhe had very much at heart, ſpoke ſo intelligibly at laſt, that Sophia could no longer be ignorant of her deſign, all the ill conſequences of which ſuddenly ſtriking her imagination, ſhe exclaimed in a tone of ſurpriſe and terror, ‘Sure I am the moſt unfortunate creature in the world! is it poſſible, Mrs. Gibbons, that you can be ſerious? have you really given any cauſe for a report, that I receive your nephew's addreſſes? if you have, you have done me an irreparable injury.’

Sophia's ſpirits were ſo greatly agitated that ſhe did not perceive how much of her ſituation theſe words diſcovered; ſo that Mrs. Gibbons, who ſaw the tears flow faſt from her eyes, immediately comprehended the whole truth.

[575] ‘I ſee plainly, ſaid ſhe, in great concern, that I have been deceived, and others perhaps have been ſo too; I ſhall never diſculpate myſelf for being the cauſe of any misfortune to you: ſome more advantageous treatiſe has been on the tapeſtry, and this unlucky affair has done miſchief.’

‘Give me leave to aſk you, madam, interupted Sophia, with ſome peeviſhneſs, what foundation you had for believing that I conſidered your nephew as my lover? you know his heart has been long ſince engaged.’

‘I acknowledge I have been to blame, my dear miſs, reſumed Mrs. Gibbons, I was too ſanguinary in my hopes; but I beg you will diſclaim no more, this will do no good, only tell me if it is poſſible to repair the harm I have done by my fooliſh ſchemes.’

To this Sophia made no anſwer; but Mrs. Gibbons, who wanted neither tenderneſs nor candor, and who was greatly concerned at the uneaſineſs ſhe ſaw her under, urged her ſo frequently, and with ſo much earneſtneſs, to tell her if ſhe could be of any uſe in clearing up a miſtake that had poſſibly been diſadvantageous to her, that Sophia, ſtill attentive amidſt all her own diſtreſſes to the intereſt of her friend, thought this a favourable opportunity to ſerve her; and therefore told Mrs. Gibbons, that if ſhe was really ſincere in her offers, there was one way.

‘I underſtand you, madam, interrupted Mrs. Gibbons, and I believe I may venture to ſay that I thought of this expedition before you did. I [576] cannot, indeed, Miſs Darnley, I cannot conſent to my nephew's marriage with the young woman here; you know I have been affronted.’

Sophia now urged ſome arguments in favour of Mrs. Lawſon, but chiefly reſted her defence upon her ignorance of thoſe form's of politeneſs and good breeding which Mrs. Gibbons was ſo perfectly miſtreſs of.

This compliment put the old lady into ſo good a humour, that ſhe cried out, ‘Well, my dear Miſs Darnley, in regard to you, I will take off the probition I laid on my nephew to viſit here no more; and this I hope, added ſhe ſmiling, will ſet matters right in another place; as for the reſt, I ſhall take no reſolution till I ſee how they behave.’

Sophia, in her tranſport at having ſucceeded ſo well with the old lady, felt all her own griefs ſuſpended; and indeed when ſhe reflected upon what had happened with regard to herſelf, ſhe found ſhe had leſs cauſe for reflection than Mr. Herbert, or her own fears, had ſuggeſted.

Mrs. Gibbons acknowledged that ſhe had flattered herſelf with the hope of her nephew's being well received by her; and that, in conſequence of it, ſhe had talked of their marriage as an event which was very likely to happen, and which would give her great joy. Sophia, being fully perſuaded that theſe reports had reached Sir Charles, though by what means ſhe was not ſo well able to determine, eaſily accounted for that jealouſy and reſentment which had produced ſo ſtrange an inconſiſtency in his behaviour, and which Mr. Herbert conſidered as a piece of artifice to palliate his lightneſs and inconſtancy.

[577]The good old man, animated by his affection for the poor afflicted Sophia, rode with the utmoſt ſpeed to town, and alighted at the houſe of the young baronet. The ſervants informed him, that their maſter was in the country, which was all the intelligence they could give him; for they neither knew where he was, nor when he would return. Mr. Herbert, perplexed and concerned at this new diſappointment, repaired immediately to Mrs. Darnley's, hoping to hear ſome news of him there.

Harriot, in anſwer to his enquiries, told him with an air of triumph, that the ſame day they returned from viſiting Sophia, Sir Charles had waited on her mamma and her, and had as uſual paſt great part of the afternoon with them.

Mr. Herbert, who was ſtruck with this incident, endeavoured to make ſome diſcoveries concerning their converſation, and Harriot's malice made this no difficult matter: for ſhe could not forbear throwing out ſome ſarcaſms againſt her ſiſter, whoſe extreme ſenſibility, ſhe inſinuated, had already found out a new object.

Mr. Herbert, by his artful queſtions, drew her into a confeſſion of all that had paſſed between her and the baronet upon this ſubject; and was convinced that her malignant hints had poiſoned his mind with ſuſpicions unfavourable to Sophia.

He went away full of indignation at her treachery, and ſtill doubtful of Sir Charles's ſincerity, who he could not ſuppoſe would have been ſo eaſily influenced by Harriot's ſuggeſtions, (whoſe envious diſpoſition he well knew,) if his intentions had been abſolutely right.

[578]The next morning he received a letter from Sophia, in which ſhe acquainted him with the diſcoveries ſhe had made; and modeſtly hinted her belief that Sir Charles had been impoſed upon by this report of her intended marriage, which ſhe found was ſpread through the village, and which, as it was very probable, he had intelligence from thence, had confirmed any idle raillery to that purpoſe, which her ſiſter might have indulged herſelf in.

Mr. Herbert reflecting upon all theſe unlucky circumſtances, began to ſuppoſe it poſſible that Sir Charles had been really deceived. He went again to his houſe, but had the mortification to hear from a ſervant whom he had not ſeen the day before, that the baronet was at his ſeat in—

Thither the good old man reſolved to go; the inconveniencies and expence of ſuch a journey, which in his years, and narrow circumſtances were not inconſiderable, had not weight enough with him to make him balance a moment whether he ſhould tranſact this affair by letter, or in perſon. The happineſs of his dear and amiable charge depended upon his ſucceſs: he therefore delayed no longer than to make the neceſſary preparations for his journey, and, after writing to Sophia to acquaint her with his deſign, he ſet out for Sir Charles's ſeat, where he met with a new and more ſevere diſappointment. The firſt news he heard was, that the baronet was not in that part of the country; and, upon a fuller enquiry of his ſervants, he was informed that their maſter had the morning before ſet out for Dover with an intention to go to Paris.

[579]Mr. Herbert, diſpirited with this news, and fatigued with his fruitleſs journey, retired to his inn, where he paſſed the lonely hours in melancholy reflections upon the capricious behaviour of Sir Charles, and the undeſerved diſtreſſes of the innocent Sophia.

Sir Charles, however, notwithſtanding appearances, was at preſent more unhappy than guilty. His reſolution to marry Sophia, though ſuddenly formed, was not the leſs ſincere: he had always loved her with the moſt ardent paſſion, and had not the light character of her mother and ſiſter concurred with thoſe prejudices which his youth, his fortune, and his converſe with the gay world led him into, his heart, which never ceaſed to do homage to her virtue, would have ſooner ſuggeſted to him the only means of being truly happy.

An overſtrained delicacy likewiſe proved another ſource of diſquietude to him. The inequality of their circumſtances gave riſe to a thouſand tormenting doubts: he was afraid, that dazzled with the ſplendor of his fortune, ſhe would ſacrifice her inclinations to her intereſt, and give him her hand without her heart; and when doing juſtice to the greatneſs of her mind, and the real delicacy of her ſentiments, he rejected this ſuppoſition as too injurious to her, his buſy imagination conjured up new forms of diſtruſt: he trembled left, mistaking gratitude for love, ſhe ſhould be deceived by her own generoſity and nice ſenſe of obligation, and imagine it was the lover ſhe prefered, when the benefactor only touched her heart.

[580]Such was the perplexed ſtate of his mind, when Mrs. Darnley and Harriot propoſed making her a viſit. With ſome difficulty he conquered his deſire of accompanying them; but his impatience to hear of her, carried him again to Mrs. Darnley's much earlier in the evening than it was likely they would return; preſuming on his intimacy in the family, he ſcrupled not to go up ſtairs, telling the ſervant he would wait till the ladies came home.

He ſat down in the dining room, where he gazed on Sophia's picture a long time. At laſt a ſudden fancy ſeized him to viſit her apartment, which he knew was on the ſecond floor: he aſcended the ſtairs without being perceived, and with a tender emotion entered the room where his beloved Sophia uſed to paſs ſo many of her retired hours.

It was ſtill elegantly neat, as when its lovely inmate was there; for Harriot, who hated this room, becauſe it contained ſo many monuments of her ſiſter's taſte and induſtry, never went into it; and it remained in the ſame order that ſhe had left it.

The firſt thing that drew the young baronet's attention, was a fire ſcreen of excellent workmanship; it was a flower-piece, and executed with peculiar taſte and propriety: the wainſcot was adorned with ſeveral drawings, neatly framed and glaſſed. In this art Sophia took great delight, having while her father lived, appropriated all her pocket-money to the payment of a maſter to inſtruct her in it. Sir Charles conſidered the ſubjects of theſe drawings with peculiar pleaſure. The delicate pencil of Sophia had here repreſented the [581] virtues and the graces, from thoſe lively ideas which exiſted in her own charming mind.

Her little library next engaged his notice: many of the books that compoſed it he had preſented her; but he was curious to ſee thoſe which her own choice had directed her to, and in this examination he met with many proofs of her piety as well as of the excellence of her taſte.

Several compoſitions of her own now fell into his hands; he read them with eagerneſs, and, charmed with this diſcovery of thoſe treaſures of wit, which ſhe with modeſt diffidence ſo carefully concealed, he felt his admiration and tenderneſs for her encreaſe every moment.

While he was anxiouſly ſearching for more of her papers, a little ſhagreen caſe fell from one of the ſhelves upon the ground. He took it up, and as every thing that belonged to her excited his curioſity, he opened it immediately, and with equal ſurpriſe and pleaſure, ſaw his own miniature in water colours, which was evidently the performance of Sophia herſelf.

Had it been poſſible for her to imagine the ſudden and powerful effect the ſight of this picture would have upon the heart of Sir Charles, ſhe would not have ſuffered ſo much uneaſineſs for the loſs of it as ſhe really had; for forgetting where ſhe had laid it, ſhe ſuppoſed it had dropt out of her pocket, and was apprehenſive of its having fallen into her ſiſter's hands, who ſhe knew would not fail to turn this incident to her diſadvantage.

While Sir Charles gazed upon this artleſs teſtimony of Sophia's affection for him, the ſofteſt gratitude, [582] the tendereſt compaſſion filled his ſoul. ‘Oh my Sophia, ſaid he, do you then truly love me! and have I cruelly trifled with your tenderneſs!’

This thought melted him even to tears; he felt in himſelf a deteſtation of thoſe depraved principles which had ſuggeſted to him a deſign of debaſing ſuch purity! he wondered at the hardneſs of his own heart, that could ſo long reſiſt the influence of her gentle virtues, and ſuffer ſuch ſweet ſenſibility to waſte itſelf in anxious doubts, and diſappointed hope.

Being now determined to do juſtice to her merit, and make himſelf happy, his firſt deſign was to go immediately to Mr. Lawſon's; but, reflecting that Sophia had great reaſon to be diſſatisfied with his conduct, and that to remove her prejudices, the utmoſt caution and delicacy was to be obſerved, he conceived it would be more proper to make a direct application to Mr. Herbert, whom ſhe loved and reverenced as a father, than to preſent himſelf before her, while her mind yet laboured with thoſe unfavourable ſuſpicions for which he had given but too much cauſe; and hence new fears and doubts aroſe to torment him. He dreaded left her juſt reſentment for his injurious deſigns ſhould have weakened thoſe tender impreſſions ſhe had once received, and that in the pride of offended virtue every ſofter ſentiment would be loſt.

Impatient of this cruel ſtate of ſuſpenſe and inquietude, he left Sophia's apartment, and repairing to the dining-room, rang the bell for the ſervant, of whom he enquired where Mr. Herbert lodged. [583] Having obtained a direction, he went immediately to the houſe; Mr. Herbert was not at home, and Sir Charles grieved at this diſappointment, and at Mrs. Darnley's not returning that night, from whom he hoped to have heard ſome news of Sophia; the agitation of his mind made him think it an age till the next day, in which he determined to put an end to all his perplexities, and to fix his fate.

After his interview with Mr. Herbert, and the good old man's departure to prepare Sophia for his intended viſit, the young baronet reſigned his whole ſoul to tenderneſs and joy. His impatience to ſee Sophia encreaſed with his hope of finding her ſentiments for him unchanged, and he regretted a thouſand times his having ſuffered Mr. Herbert to go away without him.

Mean time a card came from Mrs. Darnley and Harriot, acquainting him that they were returned, and thanking him for the uſe of his ſervants and chariot. Sir Charles, eager to hear news of his Sophia, went immediately to wait on them, and ſcarce were the firſt compliments over, when he enquired for her with ſuch apparent emotion, that, Harriot mortified to the laſt degree, reſolved to be even with him, and ſaid every thing that ſhe thought would torment him, and prejudice her ſiſter.

She told him that Sophia was the moſt contented creature in the world, and that ſhe was ſo charmed with her preſent way of life, and her new companions, that ſhe ſeemed to have forgot all her old friends, and even her relations. ‘She is grown a meer country girl, ſaid ſhe, is always wandering about in the fields and meadows, followed by a [584] young ruſtic who has fallen in love with her. I rallied her a little upon her taſte; but I found ſhe could not bear it, and indeed he is extremely handſome, and ſhe ſays, has had a genteel education.’

Harriot was at once pleaſed and grieved at obſerving the effect theſe inſinuations had on Sir Charles; his colour changed, he trembled, and fixing his eyes on the ground, he remained penſive and ſilent, while Harriot, notwithſtanding her mother's ſignificant frowns, proceeded in a malicious detail of little circumſtances partly invented, and partly miſtaken, which fixed the ſharpeſt ſtings of jealouſy in his heart.

If in dealing with cunning perſons we were always to conſider their ends, in order to interpret their ſpeeches, much of their artifice would loſe its effect; but Sir Charles had ſo contemptible an opinion of Harriot's underſtanding, that although he knew ſhe was malicious, he never ſuſpected her of being capable of laying ſchemes to gratify her malice, and did not ſuppoſe ſhe was miſtreſs of invention enough to form ſo plauſible a tale as that ſhe had told.

Impatient under thoſe cruel doubts which now poſſeſſed him, he reſolved to go, late as it was in the evening, to Mr. Lawſon's houſe, and taking an abrupt leave of Mrs. Darnley and her daughter, he went home, and ordered his horſes to be got ready. He ſcarce knew his own deſign by taking this journey at ſo improper a time; but in the extreme agitation of his mind, the firſt idea of relief that naturally preſented itſelf was to ſee Sophia, [585] who alone could deſtroy or confirm his fears; and this he eagerly purſued without any farther reflection.

The ſervant to whom he had ſent his orders, made no haſte to execute them, as conceiving it to be a moſt extravagant whim in his maſter to ſet out upon a journey ſo late, and in that manner. While he with ſtudied delays protracted the time, hoping for ſome change in his reſolutions, Sir Charles racked with impatience, counted moments for hours; meſſage after meſſage was diſpatched to the groom. The horſes at length were brought, and Sir Charles with only one ſervant gallop'd away, never ſtopping till he came to the place where Sophia reſided.

It was now night, and the indecorum of making a viſit at ſuch a time in a family where he was a ſtranger firſt ſtriking his thoughts, he reſolved to alight at an inn which he ſaw at a ſmall diſtance, and there conſider what it was beſt for him to do.

A gueſt of his appearance ſoon engaged the attention of the hoſt and his wife. They quitted two men with whom they had then been talking, and, with a great deal of officious civility, attended upon Sir Charles, who deſired to be ſhewn into a room. As he was following the good woman, who declared he ſhould have the beſt in her houſe, the two men with whom ſhe had been talking, bowed to him when he paſſed by them; the ſalute of the younger having a certain grace in it that drew his attention, he looked back on him, and at the ſight of a very handſome face, and a perſon uncommonly [586] genteel, his heart, by its throbbing emotion, immediately ſuggeſted to him, that this beautiful youth was the lover of his Sophia.

The jealouſy which Harriot's inſinuations had kindled in his heart, now raged with redoubled force; this rival, whom ſhe had called a ruſtic, and whom he fondly hoped to find ſuch, poſſeſſed the moſt attractive graces of form, and probably wanted neither wit nor politeneſs. Sophia's youth, her tenderneſs, her ſenſibility wounded by his diſſembled indifference, and the cruel capriciouſneſs of his conduct, all diſpoſed her to receive a new impreſſion, and who ſo proper to touch her heart as this lovely youth, whoſe paſſion, as innocent as it was ardent and ſincere, baniſhed all doubt and ſuſpicion, and left her whole ſoul open to the ſoft pleadings of gratitude and love?

While he was wholly abſorb'd in theſe tormenting reflections, and incapable of taking any reſolution, the officious landlady entered his chamber to take his orders for ſupper.

Sir Charles, ſurpriſed to find it was ſo late, reſolved to ſtay there all night, and after giving the good woman ſome directions, his reſtleſs curioſity impelled him to aſk her ſeveral queſtions concerning the old man and the youth whom he had ſeen talking to her.

The hoſteſs, who was as communicative as he could deſire, told him, that the old man was one farmer Gibbons, of whom ſhe had been buying a load of hay; that the young one was his ſon, and a great ſcholard. ‘His aunt, purſued ſhe, breeds [587] him up to be a gentleman, and ſhe has a power of money, and deſigns to leave it all to him, much good may it do him, for he is as handſome a young man as one would deſire to ſee. Some time ago it was all over our town that he was going to be married to the parſon's youngeſt daughter, and ſhe is a pretty creature, and diſarves him if he was more richer, and handſomer than he is; but whatever is the matter, the old folks have changed their mind, and his aunt, they ſay, wants to make up a match between him and a fine London lady that boards at the parſon's; but I'll never believe it till I ſee it, for ſhe and the parſon's daughter are great friends, they ſay, and it would not be a friendly part to rob the poor girl of her ſweetheart. To ſay the truth, I believe there is ſome juggling among them; but this I keep to myſelf, for I would not make miſchief; therefore I never tell my thoughts to any body, but I wiſh the young folks well.’

Sir Charles, who had liſtened to her with great emotion, diſmiſſed her now, that he might be at liberty to reflect on what he had heard, which although it did not lead him to a full diſcovery of the truth, yet it ſuggeſted thoughts which relieved him in ſome degree from thoſe dreadful pangs of jealouſy with which he had hitherto been tortured, and balanced at leaſt his fears and his hopes.

His impatience to free himſelf from this ſtate of perplexity and ſuſpence, allowed him but little repoſe that night; he roſe as ſoon as the day appeared, and it was with ſome difficulty that he prevailed [588] upon himſelf to defer his viſit till a ſeaſonable hour; and then being informed that Mr. Lawſon's houſe was ſcarce a mile diſtant, he left his ſervant and horſes at the inn, and walked thither, amidſt a thouſand anxious thoughts, which made him dread as much as he wiſhed for an interview, which was to decide his fate.

As he drew near the houſe, he perceived a young man ſauntering about in an adjacent field, whoſe air and mien had a great reſemblance of the youth whom he had ſeen in the inn. Sir Charles, eager to ſatisfy his doubts, followed him at a diſtance, and the youth turning again his wiſhing eyes towards the houſe, the baronet had a full view of his face.

At the ſight of his young rival his heart throbbed as if it would leave his breaſt: he haſtily retreated behind the hedge, determined to watch his motions; for he imagined, and with reaſon, that he came there to meet his miſtreſs; and who that miſtreſs was, whether Sophia, or the curate's daugher, was the diſtracting doubt, which he now expected to have ſatisfied.

He walked along by the ſide of the hedge, ſtill keeping William in ſight, who ſuddenly turning back, rather flew than ran to meet a woman who beckoned to him. Sir Charles ſaw at once his Sophia, and the fatal ſign, which planted a thouſand daggers in his heart. Trembling and pale he leaned againſt a tree, which concealed him from view, and ſaw her advance towards his rival, ſaw her in earneſt diſcourſe with him; and, to compleat his diſtraction and deſpair, ſaw the happy youth throw himſelf at [589] her feet, doubtleſs to thank her for the ſacrifice ſhe made to him of a richer lover.

Such was the inference he drew from this action; and now rage and indignation ſucceeding to grief, in theſe firſt tranſports, he was upon the point of diſcovering himſelf, and ſacrificing the hated youth to his vengeance; but a moment's reflection ſhewed him the diſhonour of a conteſt with ſo deſpicable a rival, and turned all his reſentment againſt Sophia, who having quitted her ſuppoſed lover, took her way back again to the houſe. Sir Charles followed her with diſordered haſte, reſolved to load her with reproaches for her inconſtancy; then, unwilling to gratify her pride by ſuch an acknowledgment of his weakneſs, he turned back, curſing love, women, and his own ill fate. In this temper he wandered about a long time; at laſt he again returned to the inn, where after giving orders to have his horſes got ready, he wrote that letter to Mr. Herbert, in which he ſo well diſguiſed the anguiſh of his heart, that the good old man believed his breaking off the affair was the effect of his lightneſs and inconſtancy only, though Sophia's quicker penetration eaſily diſcovered the latent jealouſy that had dictated it.

Sir Charles ordered his ſervant to deliver the letter into Mr. Herbert's hands; then mounting his horſe, he bid him follow him as ſoon as he had executed his commiſſion. The young baronet, who retired to his country ſeat to conceal his melancholy, and fondly flattered himſelf that he ſhould ſoon overcome that fatal paſſion which had been [590] the ſource of ſo much diſguſt to him, found his mind ſo cruelly tortured with the remembrance of Sophia, that he reaſſumed his firſt deſign of going abroad, and unfortunately ſet out for Dover, the day before Mr. Herbert's arrival.

The good old man being obliged to ſend Sophia this bad news, filled his letter with tender conſolations, and wiſe and prudent counſels: he exhorted her to bear this ſtroke of fortune with that dignity of patience which diſtinguiſhes the good and wiſe.

‘The virtue of proſperity, ſaid he, is temperance, the virtue of adverſity fortitude; it is this laſt which you are now called upon to exert, and which the innocence of your life may well inſpire you with; for be aſſured, my dear child, that it is the greateſt conſolation under misfortunes to be conſcious of having always meant well, and to be convinced that nothing but guilt deſerves to be conſidered as a ſevere evil.’

Sophia in her anſwer diſplayed a mind ſtruggling againſt its own tenderneſs, offering up its diſappointed hopes, its griefs, and deſires, in pious ſacrifice to the will of Providence, and ſeeking in religion all its conſolation and ſupport.

‘Can a virtuous perſon, ſaid ſhe, however oppreſſed by poverty, and in conſequence neglected by the world, be ſaid to want friends and comforters who can look into his own mind with modeſt approbation, and to whom recollection furniſhes a ſource of joy? Every good action he has performed is a friend, every inſtance [591] of pious reſignation is a comforter, who cheer him with preſent peace, and ſupport him with hopes of future happineſs. Can he be ſaid to be alone, and deprived of the pleaſures of ſociety, who converſes with ſaints and angels? is he without diſtinction and reward whoſe life his almighty Creator approves?’

[To be continued.]

TO THE Author of the LADY'S MUSEUM.

[592]
MADAM,

THE incloſed little poem was written by the celebrated Earl of Dorſet. It was never publiſhed, and may poſſibly be acceptable to ſome of your readers: I am, madam,

Your moſt humble ſervant, J F.

Lord DORSET to his LADY.

Not, Chloe, that I truer am,
Or juſter than the reſt;
For I could change each hour like them
Were it my intereſt.
But I am tied to very thee
By ev'ry thought I have,
And would you now my heart ſet free,
I'd be again your ſlave.
All that in woman is ador'd,
Tn thy dear ſelf I find;
For the whole ſex can but afford
The handſome and the kind.
Why ſhould I then ſeek farther ſtore,
And ſtill make love anew;
Since change itſelf can give no more,
'Tis eaſy to be true.

ESSAY ON THE Original Inhabitants of GREAT BRITAIN, CONTINUED.

[]

OUR modern writers, with indefatigable induſtry, have given us a moſt exact hiſtorical dictionary of the ſeveral Saxon monarchs, who ſucceſſively reigned in the ſeven kingdoms of Britain. Dictionaries are always voluminous, but always uſeful; they are leſſer libraries, and the compilers of them are entitled to the higheſt acknowledgements from all lovers of learning. I have gone through theſe biographical lexicons, which, like the chronicles of the kings of Iſrael, give us many barbarous names that tend rather to weary than to indulge our curioſity. The times indeed are at ſuch a diſtance, and the face of government has been long ſince ſo entirely changed, that we are ſcarce any farther intereſted in the Saxon heptarchy, than as it ſerves to continue and compleat the line of our Engliſh hiſtory.

Within the ſpace of ſixty years from the arrival of Auguſtine, the people of England were entirely converted from paganiſm to chriſtianity; but, as in general they had been converted by monks, moſt of them were taught, that a monkiſh life was the [594] ſureſt, and perhaps the only road to heaven: and, in obedience to this doctrine, ſeveral of the kings renounced their thrones, quitted all commerce with the world, and retired into monaſteries.

The heptarchy is a field where ſo little grain is to be reaped, and where the ſmall produce is mixed and choaked with ſo many monaſtic tares and brambles, the moſt ſuccinct and effectual method will be only to mention ſome of thoſe princes who, by remarkable actions, or from particular events, have particularly deſerved the attention of poſterity.

In the hiſtory of Northumberland, Edwin diſtinguiſhed himſelf more than any other of the Saxon kings. He was ſon of Alla, king of Deira; but his father dying when he was only three years old, Adelfrid, king of Bernicia, who had married Edwin's ſiſter, ſeized the kingdom of Deira, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the orphan's throne. By ſuch an union of the two kingdoms, Adelfrid became extremely powerful, and was able to raiſe a conſiderable body of forces againſt the Welch, the Picts, and the Scots. But the unfortunate Edwin was reduced to the greateſt extremities, and was in perpetual danger. All the princes of England ſtood in awe of Adelfrid, and were afraid to give a ſanctuary to his rival; till Redwald, king of Eaſt Anglia, from a compaſſion to Edwin's miſerable ſituation, openly received him at his court. Adelfrid, the Cromwell of thoſe days, ſent ambaſſadors to the king of the Eaſt Angles, to require the ſurrender of Edwin's perſon, or in caſe of refuſal, to threaten an immediate declaration of war. Redwald [595] for ſome time was ſtaggered and diſconcerted by the embaſſy. He found within his breaſt a ſtruggle between honour and prudence. If he protected Edwin, he run the hazard of loſing his own kingdom: if he yielded up a gueſt whom he had voluntarily received, where was the faith of princes? who could rely upon the honour of a king? This laſt conſideration, fortified again by the perſuaſion of his queen, determined Redwald to protect Edwin, and not only to protect his perſon, but to take up arms in his defence. Courage was the characteriſtic of thoſe times. Redwald, Edwin, Adelfrid, were all equally brave: the two former entered the kingdom of Northumberland, and came to an engagement with Adelfrid, in which the Northumbrians were entirely conquered. Adelfrid fell like Cataline: Longe a ſuis inter hoſtium cadavera repertus eſt, paululum etiam ſpirans ſerociamque animi quam habuerat vivus in vultu retinens. ‘His body was found at a diſtance from his own troops, in the midſt of a heap of enemies whom he had ſlain. He ſtill breathed, and his features ſtill maintained that fierceneſs of ſoul, which they had expreſſed during the vigour of his life.’

Edwin, after the death of Adelfrid, by the conſent, or rather by the gift of Redwald, whoſe troops had gained the conqueſt, took poſſeſſion of the kingdom of Northumberland. His reign, during ſeveral years, was proſperous, and except ſome ſucceſsleſs plots againſt his perſon, was, in every reſpect, happy to himſelf, and to his people. His ſpirit and his conduct made him the chief monarch of the heptarchy. His laws were executed [596] with ſo much efficacy, that a child might paſs through Northumberland holding open a purſe of gold, without danger of being robbed. He was a pagan when he aſcended the throne, but after his marriage with Ethelburga, ſiſter of the king of Kent, he became a chriſtian, and in the year 627, was publicly baptized at York.

Edwin maintained his dignity with true ſplendor. An enſign, in the form of a globe, was conſtantly carried before him, as a ſymbol, that in his perſon was united the heptarchical government. What a loſs have we in being totally ignorant of his laws! for although hiſtorians repreſent him as a prince of great ambition, his underſtanding, policy, and conduct are remarkably extolled. His greatneſs drew upon him the envy of all the other monarchs in Britain; eſpecially of Cadwallo, king of Wales, and Penda, king of Mercia. Theſe two princes joined their forces againſt Edwin, who with undaunted bravery, and an inferior number of troops, gave them battle at Heathfield, in Yorkſhire. The victory ſeemed to be inclining on the ſide of the king of Northumberland, when his eldeſt ſon Offrid, was killed by an arrow, and fell dead at his father's feet. Edwin, in the inſtantaneous rage of a parent, loſt all his ſteadineſs and preſence of mind, and ruſhing with all the violence of deſpair, into the midſt of his enemies, he ſoon gained the death which he deſired; and by his death, his ſubjects the Northumbrians, loſt the day.

The enſuing wars, and the confuſion that followed in Northumberland, are deſcribed with all the horrors of devaſtation and ſlaughter. The [597] kingdom remained in the utmoſt miſery, till it was ſecured by Oſwald the ſon of Adelfrid, who after his father's death had taken refuge in Scotland. He is repreſented as a prince of great virtue, and of abilities neceſſary and proper for a throne. He was ſlain* in a battle againſt an invader of his kingdom. Penda, king of Mercia, who finding among the ſlain the dead body of Oſwald, ordered it to be cut into ſmall pieces, and each piece to be placed upon a ſtake, as ſo many viſible trophies of victory: ſuch was the barbarous rage of thoſe times; nor did that barbarity ſubſide, unleſs when it was ſometimes changed by the power of the monks, into the folly of ſuperſtition, and the droniſhneſs of indolence. To repreſent ſuch ſcenes would be only tedious and diſagreeable. However, there are ſome remaining kings of Northumberland who deſerve to be remembered.

Among theſe Egfrid may claim particular notice. In the year 670, he ſucceeded his father Oſwy, in the kingdom of Bernicia, and ſoon afterwards poſſeſſed himſelf of Deira. In the year 684, he ſent over an army to conquer Ireland. The enterprize was fruſtrated, and the Northumbrians were repulſed. In the following year, he perſonally attacked Scotland, and was joined by a conſederate army of Picts; his allies ſoon deſerted him, and he was compelled to return wounded to his own dominions. In the year 686, he endeavoured [598] to revenge himſelf againſt the Picts, who retired haſtily before him, and by that ſtratagem led him forward into an ambuſh, where he was ſlain.

Theſe inſtances ſhew him to have been of a martial aſpiring genius: he was the firſt Britiſh prince who reſiſted, or rather defied, the papal authority. The popes had been always looked upon as ſacred and infallible; but Alfrid paid no regard to their aſſumed infallibility. He deprived Wilfred, biſhop of York, of his biſhopric, and ſeized all his poſſeſſions, which were great, even to an amazing degree of opulency. Wilfred appealed to the pope: the ſynod of Rome ordered that Wilfred ſhould be reſtored to his biſhopric. He returned to England, and produced an authentic copy of the ſentence. Egfrid, in a full council of nobility and clergy, treated the papal ordinances and juriſdiction, not only with contempt, but with reſentment. Wilfred, inſtead of being reſtored, or receiving any kind of compenſation, was taken into cuſtody, and ſentenced to a cloſe impriſonment. So ſpirited a reſiſtance againſt the ſee of Rome in times ſo ſlaviſhly ſuperſtitious ought to be remembered with honour; Agatho was then the reigning pope.

It is ſcarce worth while to enter into any particular character of the ſucceeding kings of Northumberland, eſpecially ſince they will find few who are diſtinguiſhably great in the exact catalogue which has been made of them by ſeveral of our hiſtorians. From the death of Egfrid, who left no children, the Northumbrian kingdom ſeems [599] to have declined. The ſucceſſion became uncertain: the civil wars encreaſed; ſo that after the continuance of three hundred and twenty-eight years, Northumberland, torn to pieces by inteſtine calamities, was totally abſorbed in the kingdom of Mercia.

The next century produced a king of Mercia, Offa, who rendered himſelf moſt eminently renowned in arms: with ſome virtues, he had the particular vices which are inſeparable from ambition and a boundleſs thirſt of power. He was one of thoſe dauntleſs heroes, who imagine that, ‘Whoever will be great muſt be wicked.’ Such men will be terrible, not beloved. They neglect the affection, and work only on the fears of the people. They may be followed, but will never be reſpected. Their actions may ſtrike wonder, but cannot excite applauſe: however, they are frequently, if not always, the immediate means made uſe of by providence to bring about extraordinary revolutions. Their ſucceſs and their greatneſs make them vain: like the fly upon the chariot, they imagine that they raiſe all the duſt, while the ſecret hand of heaven turns the wheel.

Offa well knew that the firſt maxim of ambition is an extent of territories: he had his eye upon the kingdom of Eaſt Anglia. Ethelbert, a prince of a very amiable character, reigned there. Offa, with the greateſt ſhew of friendſhip, invited him to his court. The king of the Eaſt Angles accepted the invitation: Offa murdered him in the moſt treacherous manner. Ethelbert was the laſt of his race, and with him periſhed his kingdom. It was [600] united to Mercia, after a ſeparate, but tributary exiſtence of two hundred and ſeventeen years.

Offa died, I think, in the year 794, after a reign of thirty-nine years, in which his many victories rendered him exceeding powerful and tremendous. With him, perhaps, it will be moſt proper to end the particular account of the heptarchy, ſince, although it may be ſaid to have ſubſiſted about thirty years longer, till England became ſubject to one monarch only, yet the ſeveral kingdoms were ſo often ravaged, their governments disjointed, and their boundaries attenuated, extended, or laid waſte, that the diſtant deſcription of ſuch changes muſt be almoſt as much confuſed as the original ſcenes themſelves. Mercia held out the longeſt, as the conqueſts gained by Offa had rendered it very formidable: but Mercia yielded at laſt, after having ſubdued a great part of Kent, Suſſex, Wales, and ſeveral other provinces in Britain.

The heptarchy was ſo different a form of government from any that had before prevailed, and gave ſo total an alteration to the Engliſh ſtate, that a ſummary review of it may not be unacceptable. It began as all new ſyſtems of empire begin, with wiſdom and order. Whether the Saxons were called in, or whether they landed of their own accord, is a point not abſolutely decided; but moſt certainly ſome years after their arrival, they became our conquerors. Some of their battles with the Britons were bloody and cruel: their adverſaries, in their turn, ſhewed little leſs compaſſion or humanity. When the ſeven kingdoms were ſettled and divided, the Saxon religion was eſtabliſhed, [601] and it ſeems to have gained conſiderable ground over chriſtianity, till the arrival of St. Auſtin.

The outward forms of the Romiſh church were ſo much finer and more embelliſhed than the plainer ceremonies of Woden and Thor, that the people were eaſily induced to quit paganiſm for what was called chriſtianity. The ignorance of the times contributed much to their converſion. All appearances of learning were centered in the prieſts; and, with the true art of ſacerdotal cunning, they pointed out different paths to heaven, according to the different diſpoſitions of the perſons who were deſirous to travel the road: ſo that after the firſt monkiſh times of melancholy and retirement, journies were undertaken to Rome, miraculous images were gorgeouſly dreſſed up, various ſorts of idolatry were practiſed in the moſt public manner, with equal devotion by the princes, and their ſubjects of every degree. The truth is, many of the heptarchical monarchs were either weakly devout, or wickedly inhuman; governed by hypocritical prelates, or governing by lawleſs tyranny; inferior to common ſenſe, or ſuperior to all religion and morality; tamely ſubmiſſive or brutally deſtructive. How was it poſſible for ſuch a government to ſubſiſt? only by the accidental ſucceſſion of ſome kings of abilities and underſtanding: by the prudence of ſome prelates, who at the ſame time that they ſupported the church, defended the ſtate; and by the wiſe reſolutions taken in the wittenagemot, or great council of the land. During the inteſtine wars of the heptarchy, it is to be preſumed that this council could neither [602] meet ſo often, nor bear ſo great an influence, as in more peaceable and ſettled times; yet it was the moſt eſſential inſtitution of the Saxon government. Before the arrival of St. Auſtin, few records are to be found of it. The clergy, as they grew more powerful, became very leading members in the wittenagemot. They appeared, and gave their voices in that aſſembly; and at the ſame time they loſt no opportunities of aſſuming all poſſible power and prerogatives entirely to themſelves, ſo as to become ſuperior to the king in moſt if not all eccleſiaſtical affairs. Thus in one of the canons paſſed by a ſynod, anno 694, we find this expreſſion, Neque de hac re aliquid pertineat ad regis ſaecularis imperium. "With this affair," [the government and appointment of abbots, abboteſſes, preſbyters, and deacons,] "the king has nothing to do."

But what are become of the native Britons? Loſt and buried as it were among the Saxons. Few, very few remaining, and thoſe in corners of the iſland, unſeen and unknown. Unhappy people! hidden at home in rocks and faſtneſſes, or driven abroad, like vagabonds, in queſt of habitations: deſtroyed by wars, waſted by time, wounded by perſecution, and ſunk into eternal oblivion.

To the Saxons therefore the preſent race of Engliſh may be ſaid to owe their original, thoſe parts of Wales and Cornwall excepted, whoſe inhabitants by their mountainous ſituation may poſſibly have flowed in an uninterrupted channel, from the Aborigines of our iſland.

It is aſſerted, if I am not miſtaken, by Bede, that now and then a true Britiſh chieftain ſtept into [603] one of the thrones. This might have happened towards the latter end of the heptarchy, when all was confuſion; but the ſucceſſive line of kings, in general, conſiſted of Engliſh Saxons; not choſen in an hereditary, nor abſolutely in an elective manner, oftner by caprice than by judgment. They ſometimes ſucceeded by accident, ſometimes by cunning, ſometimes by force. Many of them were murdered, many were dethroned, many fell in battle, and many crept into religious cells.

Hitherto I have repreſented the black part of the tablet; let us turn to a fairer ſide. The Britons certainly owe the firſt inſtitution of order and government to the Saxons. The Saxons owe the firſt inſtitution of their church-government to St. Auſtin. Their civil policy, which they tranſplanted with them, had been long eſtabliſhed in Germany: it was Gothick, but it was regular. As ſoon as they ſettled themſelves in England, a king became an additional part of their conſtitution. The contract between the king and his people was mutual; they were bound to defend each other: the properties on both ſides were aſcertained: the people had their patrimonies, the king had his regalities.

The nobility were next to the king in dignity. This high rank could only be attained by remarkable and brave actions; either by great atchievements in war, or by ſagacity and wiſdom in peace. The honour, when attained, went in ſucceſſion to the next heir, but was ſtill to be forfeited by baſeneſs and degeneracy.

The ſubſequent order of people were the freemen: they were joined in judicature with the nobility: [604] they were above all arbitrary power; nor were they liable to any compulſive law to which they did not voluntarily give their conſent. They were much more numerous than the nobles, and conſequently were the chief bulwarks of legal juſtice, and every other branch of liberty. They were divided into two ſets, being choſen to the rank of freemen, either from their ſuperior merit, or from their great military ſervice, and the large poſſeſſions which they had gained in war.

The inferior and meaneſt claſſes of the Saxons were in a ſtate of bondage; ſubject to the will, diſpoſition, and commands of their landlords. They were called villains, becauſe the lands which they occupied were held in villenage, or ſervitude. Theſe were the only people who were exempted from the power of voting in the wittenagemot.

One of theſe councils, convened by Ina, king of the Weſt Saxons, is entitled Conſilium omnium ſapientum ſenicrum et populorum totius regni. ‘A council of all the wiſe men, the elders, and the people of the whole kingdom.’ In another council convened at Wincheſter, in the year 855, it is ſaid to have been held in preſence of the great, men, alixum fidelium infinita multitudine, ‘And of an infinite number of other faithful freemen.’ The inconveniencies ariſing from ſo general and unlimited a privilege muſt have been very great.

I have ſo often mentioned the Picts, that before we quit entirely a view of the heptarchy, it may be neceſſary to attempt ſome account of their original. Authors differ widely upon the point: ſome are of opinion that the Picts broke in upon [605] Scotland, at a time when the Caledonians were in a reduced languiſhing ſtate, unable to defend themselves. Biſhop Stillingfleet imagines that they came from European Scythia*, others ſuppoſe that they arrived from a different part of the northern continent. The moſt probable conjecture is Tyrrhel's: he ſays, ‘That the Picts were the remainder of thoſe Britons who preſerved their liberty by reſiſting the Roman arms, and were at laſt divided from the Roman Britons, by a wall, now called the Picts wall, (the veſtiges of which are to be ſeen to this day,) drawn between the mouths of the rivers Tyne, and Eſke, to hinder their farther incurſions into thoſe parts which were then under the Roman empire.’ They may be ſaid to be the ſame people with the Caledonians, as the Welch are ſaid to be the ſame people with the Engliſh. They were a colony who kept themſelves ſeparated from the main body, and were diſtinguiſhed from the reſt of the Scots, by the name of Picts, as they continued the cuſtom, which originally had been common to all the Britiſh iſlands, of painting their bodies with various figures; even after that practice had been long neglected, and laid aſide by all the reſt of the Britons. The perpetual incurſions of the Picts into the more ſouthern parts of the iſland may have proceeded from an [608] one, a more compoſed and regular ſyſtem of government preſented itſelf to view.

The heptarchy was a fabric which for ſome years had been growing too heavy for itſelf. Several of the partitions which had been framed and fitted within it, had either burſt aſunder, or were forcibly deſtroyed. The building had been tottering long before it fell. A ſkilful artiſt was wanting to gather up the beſt materials, and to form a new edifice of magnificence and duration. Such an architect was found in the perſon of Egbert, king of the Weſt Saxons.

[To be continued.]

THE HISTORY OF THE COUNT DE COMMINGE CONTINUED.

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‘BE not apprehenſive of any harm, ſaid he to me, as he approached; I come by the command of madame de Benavides: ſhe has had eſteem enough for me, to truſt me with every thing relating to you, probably, (added he, with a ſigh which he could not ſuppreſs,) ſhe would have judged differently if ſhe had known me well; but I will be juſt to her confidence; I will ſave you, and I will ſave her, if I can.’

‘You ſhall not ſave me, replied I; it is my duty to juſtify the innocence of madame de Benavides, and I will do it at the expence of a thouſand lives, if I had them to loſe.’ I then acquainted him with my deſign of keeping myſelf concealed, and paſſing for an aſſaſſin, to prevent any imputation falling upon her.

‘This project might be neceſſary, replied Don Gabriel, if my brother was dead, as I perceive you think, but his wound, although great, is probably not mortal, and the firſt ſign of life and [610] ſenſe he gave, was to order that madame de Benavides ſhould be confined to her own apartment: this proves that he ſuſpects you are her lover, and if you perſiſt in your deſign, you will loſe your own life, without preſerving hers. Let us go, added he, the ſafety I offer you to-day, I probably cannot afford you to-morrow.’

‘And what will become of madame de Benavides? cried I; no, I can never reſolve to withdraw myſelf from danger, and to leave her in it.’

‘I have already told you, replied Don Gabriel, that your preſence will only render her ſituation worſe.’ ‘Well, ſaid I, ſighing, I will fly, ſince you will have it ſo, and that her intereſt demands it. I had hoped that by the ſacrifice I had intended to make her of my life, I ſhould at leaſt have been pitied by her; but I deſerve not to have this conſolation: I am an unhappy wretch, who am not even worthy to die for her. Protect her, added I, to Don Gabriel, the tears ſtreaming from my eyes as I ſpoke: you are generous; her innocence, her misfortunes muſt move you.’

‘You may judge, ſaid he, by what has eſcaped me, that I am too much for my own quiet concerned in the fate of madame de Benavides. I will do every thing for her. Alas! added he, I ſhould have thought myſelf well paid, if I could have hoped that ſhe had loved no one. How is it poſſible that you ſhould not be ſatisfied with your good fortune in having touched a heart like hers? but let us go, purſued he, let us take advantage of the night.’ Then taking my hand [611] and turning a dark lanthorn, he led me through the courts of the caſtle. Tranſported with rage againſt myſelf for what I had done, in the wildneſs of my deſpair, I wiſhed myſelf ſtill more miſerable than I was.

Don Gabriel, when he left me, adviſed me to retire to a convent of religious, which was within a quarter of a league of the caſtle. ‘You muſt, ſaid he, keep yourſelf concealed in their houſe for ſome days, that you may not be in danger from the ſearch I myſelf ſhall be obliged to make for you; and here is a letter for one of thoſe religious, which will procure you admiſſion into the houſe.’

I loitered a long time about the caſtle after he left me, not being able to remove myſelf from the place where Adelaida was; at length the deſire of hearing all that happened to her, determined me to ſet out for the convent. I arrived there juſt at day-break, the religious to whom I preſented Don Gabriel's letter received me very civilly, and conducted me into a chamber near his own. My paleneſs, and the blood he obſerved on my cloaths, made him apprehenſive that I was wounded. He was beginning to enquire after my health, when I fainted away. With the aſſiſtance of a ſervant he put me to bed, and ſent for a ſurgeon belonging to the convent to examine my wound: he declared that it was in a dangerous condition, through the fatigue and cold I had ſuffered.

When I was alone with the good father to whom I was recommended, I intreated him to ſend to a houſe in a certain village, which I named to him, [612] to enquire for Saint Laurent, for I ſuppoſed he would take refuge there: I was not miſtaken; he came with the meſſenger I had ſent to him: the poor fellow was in exceſſive affliction when he heard that I was wounded: he approached my bed-ſide, and anxiouſly enquired how I did.

‘If you would ſave my life, ſaid I to him, you muſt learn in what ſtate madame de Benavides is, inform yourſelf of all that has paſſed; haſte, loſe not a moment, and remember that what I ſuffer in this uncertainty, is ten thouſand times worſe than death.’ Saint Laurent promiſed to do every thing I deſired, and went away to take proper meaſures to ſatisfy me.

Mean time I was ſeized with a violent fever, my wound grew more dangerous, they were obliged to make great inciſions, but the torments of my mind made me almoſt inſenſible to thoſe of my body; the image of madame de Benavides bathed in tears, as I had ſeen her when I left her chamber, and kneeling by her huſband, whom I had wounded, was continually before my eyes. I took a review of the misfortunes of her life; I found myſelf in all: her marriage, to which ſhe was forced on my account, her fatal choice of the moſt jealous and brutal man in the world for a huſband, was made for my ſake; and I had lately compleated all her misfortunes, by expoſing her reputation to injurious cenſures. I called to my remembrance the unjuſt jealouſy I had diſcovered, which although it had laſted but a few moments, and was baniſhed by a ſingle word from her, yet I could never pardon myſelf for. Adelaida could not but think [613] me unworthy of her eſteem; ſhe could do no otherwiſe than hate me.

Saint Laurent returned the next day; he informed me that Benavides was ſtill extremely ill of his wound; that Adelaida was in the utmoſt affliction; and that Don Gabriel made a ſhew of ſeeking for me every where. This news was not very likely to calm the perturbation of my mind. I know not what I ought to wiſh for, every thing was againſt me. I could not even wiſh for death; I thought I owed the prolonging of my wretched life to the juſtification of madame de Benavides.

The good father to whom I was recommended beheld me with great compaſſion: he heard me ſigh continually, and always found my face bathed in tears. He was a man of ſenſe and politeneſs, who had been long in the world, and whom a concurrence of ſtrange accidents had driven into a cloiſter: he did not endeavour to reaſon me out of my grief, or to conſole me by the uſual methods; he only expreſſed great ſenſibility of my misfortunes. This way ſucceeded; by degrees he entirely gained my confidence, perhaps alſo I only wanted an opportunity to ſpeak and to complain to him. I conceived ſo great an affection and eſteem for him, that I related to him my whole ſtory. He became ſo neceſſary to me after a few days ſtay in the convent, that I could not bear him to be abſent from me a moment. I never met with a man that had more goodneſs of heart: I repeated to him the ſame things a thouſand times over; he always liſtened to me with the utmoſt attention, and ſympathiſed in all my griefs.

[614]It was through him that I learned every thing that paſſed in the houſe of Benavides: he had been in great danger from his wound, but it was at length cured. I was informed of it by Don Jerome, ſo was my friend the religious called. He afterwards told me, that all ſeemed quiet in the caſtle; that madame de Benavides lived more retired than before, and that ſhe was in a very languiſhing ſtate of health. He added, that I muſt reſolve to remove as ſoon as I was able; for if it ſhould be diſcovered that I was concealed there, it would expoſe the lady to new diſtreſſes.

It was not likely that I ſhould be ſoon in a condition to leave the convent; I was waſting away with a continual fever, and my wound was not yet healed. I had been in this religious houſe above two months, when one day I obſerved Don Jerome to be penſive and melancholy; he always turned his eyes away when they met mine; he ſeemed ſtudiouſly to avoid looking at me, and with difficulty anſwered my queſtions. I had conceived a very tender friendſhip for him; misfortunes give ſenſibility to the heart. I was going to expreſs my concern for his uneaſineſs, and to enquire into the cauſe, when Saint Laurent entering my chamber, told me that Don Gabriel was in the convent, and that he had juſt met him.

‘Don Gabriel here, ſaid I, looking at Don Jerome, and you never to mention to me his coming! what is the meaning of this reſerve? you fill me with the moſt dreadful apprehenſions; what is become of madame de Benavides? for pity draw me out of this cruel uncertainty.’ [615] "Would I could leave you always in it." ſaid Don Jerome at length, embracing me.

‘Ah, cried I, ſhe is dead, Adelaida is dead; Benavides has ſacrificed her to his rage. You anſwer me not—alas! then I have nothing to hope: Ah! it was not Benavides, but I who have plunged the poniard into her breaſt: had it not been for my fatal paſſion ſhe might have been ſtill alive—Adelaida is dead; I ſhall never behold her more—I have loſt her for ever, ſhe is dead, and I ſtill live! why do I not follow her? why do I delay to revenge her upon her murderer? alas! death would be too great an indulgence to me; it would ſeparate me from myſelf, and I am made up of horror and anguiſh.’

The violent agitation I was in cauſed my wound, which was not well healed, to open again. I loſt ſo much blood that I fell into a ſwoon, which laſted ſo long that they thought me dead: but after continuing ſeveral hours in this happy ſtate of inſenſibility, I woke to grief unutterable. Don Jerome, apprehenſive that I ſhould make an attempt upon my own life, charged Saint Laurent to watch me with the ſtricteſt attention. My deſpair now took another form: I complained not, I ſhed not a tear; then it was that I formed a reſolution to go and inhabit ſome ſolitude, where I might, without controul, deliver myſelf up a prey to my affliction.

I was deſirous of ſeeing Don Gabriel, for I eagerly caught every thing that could heighten my deſpair. I intreated Don Jerone to bring him, and the next day they came together into my chamber; Don Gabriel ſeated himſelf upon the ſide of my bed. [616] We continued along time ſilent; neither of us was able to ſpeak, he looked upon me with eyes ſwimming in tears. ‘You are very generous, monſieur, ſaid I at length, to viſit a wretch whom you have ſo much reaſon to hate.’

‘You are too miſerable, replied he, to make it poſſible for me to hate you.’

‘Ah, cried I, tell me, I beſeech you, every circumſtance of my misfortunes, leave me ignorant of nothing; the explanation I deſire of you may poſſibly; prevent my taking ſome meaſures which you have an intereſt to hinder.’

‘I ſhall redouble your affliction and my own, replied he, but I cannot help it—I will ſatisfy you; and in the recital I am going to make you, you will find you are not the only perſon to be pitied. Take then the incidents in order as they happened; we ſhall too ſoon come to the melancholy cataſtrophe.’

‘I had never ſeen madame de Benavides till ſhe became my ſiſter-in-law. My brother, who had ſome affairs of conſequence to ſettle at Bourdeaux, ſaw her there, and fell in love with her, and although he had ſeveral rivals, whoſe birth and riches were ſuperior to his, yet madame de Benavides, for reaſons I never could gueſs at, preferred him to them all. A ſhort time after their marriage, he brought her to his eſtate in Biſcay, and there it was that I ſaw her for the firſt time; if her beauty excited my admiration, I was ſtill more charmed with the graces of her mind, and the extreme ſweetneſs of her temper, which my brother put every day to new trials. [617] However, the paſſion I then had for a very amiable young perſon, made me believe that I was ſecured from the influence of her charms, which it was impoſſible to behold without love: I even deſigned to make uſe of my ſiſter-in-law's intereſt with my brother, to prevail upon him to conſent to our marriage. The father of my miſtreſs, offended at my brother's refuſal, had given me but a very ſhort time to bring him to a compliance, declaring that when it was expired, he would marry his daughter to another.’

‘The friendſhip and eſteem which madame de Benavides expreſſed for me, gave me courage to implore her aſſiſtance. I often went to her apartment with an intention to ſpeak to her; but the ſlighteſt obſtacle imaginable reſtrained me. Mean while, the time which had been preſcribed to me drew towards a period; I had received ſeveral letters from my miſtreſs, in which ſhe preſt me to uſe every method to gain my brother's conſent. My anſwers did not ſatisfy her: without my perceiving it, an air of coldneſs ran through them, which drew many complaints from her; theſe complaints appeared to me to be unjuſt, and I reproached her with it. She now believed herſelf abandoned, and reſentment, joined to the commands of her father, determined her to marry the perſon he propoſed to her. She herſelf in a letter ſhe wrote to me, informed me of her marriage; ſhe reproached me, but it was with tenderneſs, and concluded with earneſtly intreating me never to ſee her more. I had loved her paſſionately; I imagined I ſtill [618] loved her, and I could not learn that I had loſt her for ever without feeling a real affliction. I was afraid ſhe was unhappy, and I reproached myſelf with being the cauſe of it. Abſorbed with theſe reflections, I continued walking in a melancholy manner, in the little wood which you uſed often to viſit; there I was met by madame de Benavides, who, obſerving my uneaſineſs, kindly deſired to know the cauſe of it. A ſecret repugnance which I felt within myſelf restrained me from telling her: I could not reſolve to own to her that I had been in love; but the pleaſure of ſpeaking to her of that paſſion carried it over that conſideration. All theſe emotions paſſed in my heart without my perceiving the cauſe: as yet I had not dared to examine into the nature of what I felt for my ſiſter-in-law. I related my ſtory to her: I ſhewed her the letter which Iſabella had wrote me.’

‘Why did you not mention this ſooner to me? ſaid madame de Benavides; perhaps I might have been able to obtain the conſent of your brother, though he refuſed it to you. My God! how much I pity you, how greatly I am concerned for her: ſhe doubtleſs will be miſerable.’

‘The compaſſion which madame de Benavides expreſſed for Iſabella, made me apprehenſive that ſhe would think hardly of me, as the perſon who had made her unhappy. To diminiſh therefore this compaſſion, I eagerly told her that the huſband of Iſabella was a man of birth and merit; that he held a very conſiderable rank in [619] the world; and that it was highly probable his fortune would be ſtill more ſo.’

‘You are deceived, anſwered my lovely ſiſter-in-law, if you think all theſe advantages can make her happy; nothing can make a mends for the loſs of what one loves. It is a cruel misfortune, added ſhe, when we are obliged to act contrary to our inclination, to comply with our duty.’

‘She ſighed ſeveral times during this converſation; I even perceived that it was with difficulty ſhe reſtrained her tears. She left me ſoon afterwards; I had not power to follow her, I remained in a trouble and confuſion I am not able to deſcribe. I now for the firſt time perceived what I had hitherto induſtriouſly concealed from myſelf, that I was in love with my ſiſter-in-law, and I thought I could diſcover a ſecret paſſion in her heart; a thouſand circumſtances then ruſhed upon my memory, which before I had given no attention to: her taſte for ſolitude, her indifference for all thoſe amuſements which make the delight of perſons of her ſex and age. Her extreme melancholy, which I had attributed to my brother's bad treatment of her, now ſeemed to me to proceed from another cauſe. How many ſad reflections now roſe in my mind! I found myſelf in love with a perſon whom I ought not to love, and this perſon's heart in the poſſeſſion of another.’

‘If ſhe loved nothing, ſaid I, my paſſion although without hope would not be without ſweetneſs: I might pretend to the bleſſing of her friendſhip; in that I would place my felicity. But this friendſhip will not ſatisfy my heart, [620] ſince ſhe has ſentiments more tender for another. I was ſenſible I ought to uſe my utmoſt endeavours to vanquiſh a paſſion ſo dangerous to my quiet, and which honour would not permit me to entertain. I took a resolution to fly from my too lovely ſiſter; and I returned to the caſtle to tell my brother that ſome affairs called me from him, but the ſight of madame de Benavides left me no power to follow the dictates of my reaſon. All my reſolutions vaniſhed into air; yet to furniſh myſelf with ſome pretence to continue near her, I perſuaded myſelf that I was neceſſary to her, in being ſometimes able to calm the tempeſtuous humour of her huſband. About this time you arrived; I found in your air and behaviour ſomewhat greatly above the condition you appeared in: I treated you with familiarity and kindneſs. I would have entered into your confidence and have made you my friend. My intention was to prevail upon you afterwards to draw a picture of madame de Benavides for me; for notwithſtanding the deluſive reaſons my paſſion found for ſtaying with my ſiſter, yet I reſolved ſome time or other to leave the caſtle: but in this ſeparation ſo juſt, ſo neceſſary, I was willing at leaſt to have her picture. The manner in which you received the advances I made you, ſhewed me that I had nothing to hope for from you; and I was gone to bring another painter into the houſe that unhappy day when you wounded my brother. Judge of my ſurpriſe at my return, when I was informed of what had happened. My brother, who was deſperately [921] kept a gloomy ſilence, caſting from time to time a terrible look upon madame de Benavides. As ſoon as he ſaw me, he called me to his bed-ſide. Deliver me, ſaid he, from the ſight of a woman who has betrayed me; cauſe her to be conducted to her own apartment, and give ſtrict orders not to ſuffer her to ſtir out of it.’

‘I would have ſaid ſomething againſt this rigorous order to my brother; but he interrupted me at the firſt word.’

‘Do as I deſire you, ſaid he, or never ſee me more. I was obliged to obey; and, approaching my ſiſter-in-law, I intreated her to let me ſpeak to her in her own chamber. Let us go, ſaid ſhe weeping, execute the order you have received.’

‘Theſe words, which had the air of a reproach, pierced me to the ſoul: I durſt not make her any anſwer in the place we were then in; but no ſooner had I led her to her chamber, than looking on her with that grief and tenderneſs my heart was full of, what madam, ſaid I, do you confound me with your perſecutor; I who feel your trouble as ſenſible as you do yourſelf; I who would ſacrifice my life to ſave you? I grieve to ſay it, but I tremble for you; retire for ſome time to a place of ſafety, I will endeavour to have you conducted wherever you pleaſe, provided it is a ſecure aſylum from your furious huſband.’

‘I know not whether monſieur de Benavides has any deſign to take away my life, but I know it is my duty not to abandon him, and I will [622] fulfil it, though I periſh.’ Then after a ſhort pauſe me added, ‘I am going, by placing an entire confidence in you, to give you the greateſt mark of my eſteem it is in my power to give; and indeed the confeſſion I have to make you is neceſſary to preſerve yours for me. But go and attend your brother, a longer converſation may make you ſuſpected by him; return hither as ſoon as you conveniently can.’

‘I obeyed madame de Benavides, and went to my brother's apartment; the ſurgeon had viſited him, and deſired that no one might be allowed to come into his chamber. I flew back again to his wife, agitated with a thouſand different thoughts: I was anxious to know what ſhe had to ſay to me, and yet I feared to hear it. She related to me the manner in which ſhe became acquainted with you, the paſſion you conceived for her the moment you ſaw her, the generous ſacrifice you had made her, and ſhe did not conceal the tenderneſs with which you had inſpired her.’

‘Ah, interupted I, have I then been dear to the moſt perfect woman upon earth, and have I loſt her?’ This idea filled my ſoul with ſuch tender ſorrow, that my tears which had hitherto been reſtrained by the exceſs of my deſpair, began now to ſtream in great abundance from my eyes.

‘Yes, continued Don Gabriel, with a ſigh, you were beloved. Good heaven! what tenderneſs did I not diſcover for you in her heart! Notwithſtanding her misfortunes, and the horror of her preſent ſituation, I perceived that ſhe indulged [623] with pleaſure the thought, that her affection for you was authoriſed by what you had done for her. She confeſſed to me, that when I led her into the chamber where you was painting, ſhe knew you; and that ſhe had wrote to you, to command you to leave the caſtle, but that ſhe could not find an opportunity to give you her letter: ſhe afterwards related to me how her huſband had ſurpriſed you together, at the very moment when you was bidding her an eternal farewel, that he attempted to kill her, but that you interpoſed and wounded him in defending her.’

‘Save this unhappy man, added ſhe, you only can preſerve him from the fate that waits him; for I know that in the fear of expoſing me to the leaſt ſuſpicion, he will ſuffer the moſt cruel death, rather than declare who he is.’

‘He is well rewarded for all he can ſuffer, madam, replied I, by the good opinion you have of him.’

‘I have owned my weakneſs to you, ſaid ſhe; but you have ſeen that if I am not miſtreſs of my affections, I have at leaſt been ſo of my conduct; and that I have taken no ſteps which the moſt rigorous virtue could condemn.’

‘Alas! madam, interupted I, it is not neceſſary that you ſhould condeſcend to juſtify yourſelf to me. Too well am I convinced by my own experience, that it is not always in our power to diſpoſe of our own hearts: I will uſe my utmoſt endeavours to obey you and deliver the count de Comminge; but, oh madam, permit me to [624] aſſure you, that I am more miſerable than he is.’

‘I left the room as I pronounced theſe words, without daring to raiſe my eyes to madame de Benavides. I ſhut myſelf up in my own chamber, to conſider what I had to do. I had already taken a reſolution to deliver you; but I was doubtful whether I ought not to fly from the caſtle myſelf. The torments I had ſuffered during the relation madame de Benavides had made me, ſhewed me the exceſs of my paſſion for her. It was neceſſary that I ſhould ſuppreſs ſentiments ſo dangerous to our virtue; and in order to ſuppreſs them, it was neceſſary I ſhould ſee her no more; but it ſeemed cruel to abandon her in ſuch a diſtreſsful ſituation; to leave her unprotected, in the hands of a huſband who believed himſelf wronged by her. After continuing long irreſolute, I determined at once to aſſiſt madame de Benavides, and to avoid ſeeing her as much as poſſible. I could not inform her of your eſcape till next day: ſhe ſeemed to be a little more eaſy on your account; but I thought I could perceive that her grief was increaſed, and I doubted not but the declaration I had made of my ſentiments was the cauſe. I quitted her immediately, in order to free her from the embarraſſment my preſence threw her into. I was ſeveral days without ſeeing her; my brother grew worſe, and his phyſician thought him in great danger. I was obliged to make her a viſit to acquaint her with this news.’

[625] ‘If I had loſt Monſieur Benavides, ſaid ſhe, in the ordinary methods of providence, his death would have leſs ſenſibly affected me; but the part I have unfortunately had in it, makes it an inſupportable affliction to me. I am not apprehenſive of the ill treatment I may meet with from him; I am only afraid of his dying in a perſuaſion that I have wronged him. If he lives I may hope that he will one day be convinced of my innocence, and reſtore me to his eſteem.’

‘Suffer me, madam, ſaid I, to endeavour to merit yours; I implore your pardon for theſe ſentiments I have dared to let you perceive. I was not able to prevent their birth, or to conceal them from you; I even know not whether I can ſubdue them, but I ſwear to you that I will never importune you with them. I had taken a reſolution to fly from you, but your intereſt retains me here.’

‘I confeſs to you, replied Madame de Benavides, that you have given me great uneaſineſs; Fortune ſeemed deſirous of taking from me the conſolation I have found in your friendſhip.’

The tears ſhe ſhed when ſhe ſpoke to me were more powerful than all the efforts of my reaſon; I was aſhamed of having augmented the miſeries of one already ſo unhappy. ‘No, madam, replied I, you ſhall never be deprived of that friendſhip you have the goodneſs to ſet ſome value upon; and I will endeavour to render myſelf worthy of yours, by my ſolicitude to make you forget the extravagance I have been guilty of.’

[626] ‘In effect, when I left her, I found myſelf more calm and eaſy than I had ever been ſince I firſt beheld her. Far from leaving her, I endeavoured, by the reſolutions I vowed to take when in her preſence, to furniſh myſelf with arguments for performing my duty. This method ſucceeded; I accuſtomed myſelf by degrees to reduce my former ſentiments to friendſhip and eſteem: I told her ingenuouſly the progreſs I made in my cure. She thanked me for it as for ſome conſideble ſervice I had rendered her, and to reward me, gave me every day new marks of her confidence. Still my heart would ſometimes revolt, but reaſon always got the victory. My brother, after languiſhing a long time, at length began to recover: he would never be prevailed upon to give his wife permiſſion to ſee him, though ſhe often requeſted it. He was not yet in a condition to leave his chamber, when Madame de Benavides fell ill in her turn. Her youth ſaved her this time, and I was full of hope that her illneſs had ſoftened her huſband's heart; for though he had continued obſtinately reſolute not to ſee her during his own danger, notwithſtanding her earneſt entreaties, yet he ſhewed ſome ſolicitude in enquiring for her when ſhe was ill. She was almoſt recovered, when my brother ordered me to be called to him.’

[To be continued.]

TREATISE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONTINUED.

[627]

Indirect Inſtructions, and that Children ought not to be urged.

NOW, though we ought not to make a practice of threatning and never puniſhing, leſt our threats become contemptible, yet ſhould not puniſhment be as often inflicted as threatned; and as to puniſhments, the pain ought to be as light as poſſible, but accompanied with all circumſtances that may affect the child with ſhame and remorſe; for inſtance, ſhew him what you have done to avoid coming to that extremity; appear concerned at it; ſpeak in his hearing of the misfortune of people that are ſo wanting in reaſon and honour as to call for puniſhment; abate of your uſual kindneſs, till you perceive he ſtands in need of conſolation: let the puniſhment be either public or private, as you ſhall judge it moſt for his benefit, either to put him to great ſhame, or to let him ſee that you chooſe to ſpare him: let a public expoſure be in reſerve for the laſt remedy.

[628]Sometimes make uſe of a diſcreet perſon to comfort the child, and ſay ſuch things to him as will not be proper for yourſelf to ſpeak; one that may cure him of that falſe ſhame, and diſpoſe him to ſeek your favour; one to whom he may in his concern open his heart with more freedom than he can do in your preſence: but above all, let it never appear that you require aught more than the neceſſary ſubmiſſion; ſo endeavour to manage that he ſhall condemn himſelf, readily and freely, inſomuch that it may be your part to mollify the pain he ſhall have felt: theſe general rules may be employed as each particular caſe requires. Men, and more eſpecially, children, are not at all times the ſame; what is good for them to-day, will be dangerous to morrow: a conduct invariably uniform cannot be uſeful. The fewer formal leſſons we make uſe of the better; a thouſand inſtructions more beneficial than what leſſons afford, may be inſinuated by the means of ſprightly converſation.

I have ſeen ſeveral children learn to read in diverting themſelves; one need only relate ſome pleaſant ſtories out of a book in their preſence, to teach them to know the letters inſenſibly: after this they will of themſelves be eager to get at the ſource of what has given them ſo much entertainment. There are two things which do great miſchief; one is, that they muſt preſently be put to read in Latin, which robs them of all the pleaſure of reading; the other, that they are uſed to read with a forced and ridiculous emphaſis, or accent. It will be right to ſupply them with a book handſomely bound, even gilt on the edges, with pretty [629] figures in it, and of a good type. Whatever delights the fancy, is an aſſiſtance to ſtudy: endeavour to chooſe him one that ſhall contain a number of ſtories, ſhort and ſurpriſing; this done, fear not but he will learn to read. Neither teaze him to do it exactly well: let him pronounce in his natural way as he ſpeaks, other tones are always bad, and taſte of collegiate declamation. When in time, his tongue ſhall be at liberty, his breaſt ſtronger, and the habit of reading more enlarged, he will perform it without trouble to himſelf, more gracefully, and more diſtinctly.

They ſhould be taught to write nearly after the ſame method. When children know a little how to read, one may make it a diverſion to them to form their letters, and where there are ſeveral of them, it is good to ſtir up an emulation: they have a propenſity to making figures upon paper; aſſiſt this inclination a little, without conſtraining them, and they will learn to form the letters by way of play, and by degrees come to write. One may alſo incite them, by propoſing ſome kind of reward that ſhall be agreeable to their taſte, and innocent in its nature.

Let me ſee you write a letter, one may ſay; acquaint your brother or your couſin with that affair. All this pleaſes the child, provided no frightful appearance of a ſet taſk comes to moleſt him. St. Auſtin ſays, upon his own experience, that a free curioſity allowed, is a much greater incitement to the ſpirit of a child than formal rules and compulſion derived from fear.

[630]There is one remarkable and great fault in the courſe of common education; that is, all the pleaſure is ſuppoſed to lie on one ſide, all the pain on the other; in ſtudy all the pain, in diverſion all the pleaſure. What will a child naturally do but be impatient under the preſcribed rule, and run eagerly to his diverſion? therefore let us try to change the order of theſe things, and make application agreeable under the diſguiſe of liberty and pleaſure: let us ſuffer them to break off in little ſallies of play. Theſe interruptions are neceſſary in order to refreſh their minds; let their eyes wander a while; let them digreſs or trifle a little to diſencumber themſelves, and after that we may gently bring them back to the ſubject.

To require an uninterupted application to their ſtudies does them a great deal of miſchief: it is common for governors to affect this exact regularity, becauſe it is more for their eaſe and conveniency than to be obliged to lie in watch for the more ſerviceable moments. At the ſame time, whatever diverſions we allow them, let us ſee they are ſuch as have not the leaſt tendency to throw them into paſſions; whatever will refreſh the mind, or afford an agreeable variety, or pleaſe their curioſity in uſeful ſubjects, or practiſe their limbs in any commendable art, that is the proper matter of children's diverſions; and they are beſt pleaſed with ſuch as conſiſt of bodily motion, ſo they do but change place, a ſhuttle-cock, a bowl, is enough. Neither need we be at much trouble about what will pleaſe them, for they will invent for themſelves. It is ſufficient to let them proceed their own way, [631] to look on with a pleaſant countenance, and to interpoſe when they ſeem to grow too warm.

It would be good to give them a notion, ſo far as they will receive it, of the pleaſures which the underſtanding affords, as converſation, news, hiſtories, and divers games of application that contain ſome inſtruction, All this will have its uſe in time; but we muſt not force a taſte for theſe things: we muſt only make them the offer; the time will come when their bodies will be leſs diſpoſed to motion, their minds more active. In the mean time the care we ſhall take care to ſeaſon employments of a ſerious nature with the reliſh of pleaſure, will be a great means to abate the propenſity of youth to dangerous entertainments. It is ſubjection and uneaſineſs that excite ſuch an impatience for diverſion; where a girl is not uneaſy in her mother's preſence ſhe will have no ſuch violent deſire to get away, and look out for worſe company.

As to the choice of diverſions, all ſociety capable of doing harm is to be avoided. No boys among girls, nor even girls that have not an orderly turn of mind. All plays that are apt to diſſipate or tranſport the thoughts, or that accuſtom the body to geſtures unbecoming a girl; all frequent excurſions from home, and all converſations likely to excite a deſire of ſuch excurſions, are to be avoided carefully.

So long as we continue unprejudiced by any high entertainment, ſo long as no violent paſſions have ſprung up in us, we are eaſily ſuſceptible of delight. Health and innocence will produce it; for they are true ſources of it: whereas, they who have unfortunately been habituated to the perceptions [632] of violent pleaſures, loſe the ſenſe for more moderate ones, and fret themſelves in a perpetual uneaſy ſearch after joy.

Our taſte for entertainment is ſpoiled, as is our taſte for victuals; we ſo accuſtom ourſelves to things of a quick reliſh, that ordinary meats and plain, become flat and inſipid. Let us then be fearful of thoſe ſtrong ſenſations which are but preparations to uneaſineſs and diſguſt; they are more eſpecially to be feared for children, who are leſs able to reſiſt what they feel, and love to be affected: let us keep them in the taſte for plain things, no high ſeaſoned food for their ſupport, nor entertainments for their delight. Sobriety itſelf ever beſtows ſufficient appetite, without the provocation of ſauces, which betray us to intemperance. A certain antient hath ſaid, The very beſt artificer of pleaſure is temperance; that temperance which is the health both of body and mind, under whoſe influence we feel ourſelves in a ſtate of gentle and moderate delight, without wanting the contrivance of machinery, or public ſhows, or expence for its production. A game of our own invention, a book, ſome taſk undertaken, a pleaſant walk, an innocent converſation, as a refreſhment after we have been employed, afford a more pure perception of delight than the fineſt concert of muſick.

[To be continued.]
Figure 1. The EPHEMERON or DAY-FLY. in his several Changes.


[633] PHILOSOPHY FOR THE LADIES CONTINUED.

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The Natural Hiſtory of the EPHEMERON, or DAY-FLY.

THERE is nothing more trite and common than the ridicule which perſons unuſed to the ſtudy of nature endeavour to throw on thoſe whom a more ſpeculative turn of mind induces to follow her into her inmoſt receſſes, and examine even into the extremeſt minutiae of her works. The titles of gimcrack, cockle-ſhell merchant, fly hunter, &c. are laviſhly beſtowed on them by ſuch as either ignorance, indolence, or a natural want of curioſity, have excluded from the great garden of nature: they find no amuſement or inſtruction in a box of cockle-ſhells, a bundle of weeds, or a cluſter of caterpillars (for ſo in general terms are all the objects of natural enquiry ſtiled by them) and therefore conclude that neither is capable of being drawn from them; and conſequently, ‘to what uſe is all this,’ is ever their general cry.

[634]But the real philoſopher, the man of clear reflection, and accurate diſcernment, who traverſes every path, and explores every winding of this regular wilderneſs, will meet not only with entertainment, but alſo with great improvement from every object that he ſees. Each ſtep he takes a text preſents itſelf, from which his genius may draw out a ſermon of admirable ſervice to his fellow-creatures. Nor can the apparent inſignificance of the ſubjects in themſelves render the leſſon they convey the leſs important, but quite the contrary. For if in the minuteſt animals we perceive the care and wiſdom of an infinite power exerted for their formation and protection; if we perceive them endued with all thoſe faculties which are or can be neceſſary for their preſervation, and thoſe faculties even moſt punctually employed to the purpoſes for which they were intended; with what an awe and adoration ought it to turn our thoughts towards the great Creator of them all! with what gratitude ſhould it inſpire our hearts for him who has ſtill ſo much more taken care for us, and beſtowed on us faculties and powers ſo greatly ſuperior to the reſt of his creatures! and laſtly, with how much ſelf-reproach ſhould it fill us when we conſider that from a miſapplication of thoſe powers we ſo frequently defeat the all-wiſe deſigns of heaven, and even render them more fallible than the uncorrupted inſtinct even of the ſmalleſt reptile!

In ſhort, there is no object from which the ſpeculative man may not deduce a leſſon, or on which he may not moralize with advantage. Nay, uſeleſs as the ſtudy of natural hiſtory may now appear to the unlearned, yet let them ſeriouſly reflect from [635] whence they have acquired ſome of their moſt valuable improvements, to whom they ſtand indebted for their moſt uſeful arts, and they will find them owing to obſervations of this kind made by men in the more early periods of the world; and that the greateſt part of that genius which man ſo proudly boaſts of is very little more than the noticed inſtinct of other animals improved upon by his own reaſon.

To inſtance only in a very few examples.—Who taught us the art of building but the beaver? who that of ſpinning but the ſilk worm? of weaving but the ſpider? of navigation but the nautilus? are not the faculties of the mind alſo greatly to be improved by obſervation of other animals? can the neceſſity of regular ſubordination and ſtrictneſs of government be better pointed out than in that of the bees? do not the ants inſtruct us in induſtry and frugality? or can we obſerve the lion-piſmire without being taught a noble leſſon of patience and perſeverance?

But if reflection and moral contemplation are to be ſought for in theſe reſearches, what object offers an ampler ſcope for them than the animal which I am now going to introduce to the acquaintance of my fair readert? for what can poſſibly afford a more juſt idea of the real value of time, and the neceſſity of employing every moment of it to the beſt advantage, than the obſerving a creature whoſe whole allotted period of life is no more than the ſpace of five hours, and that in the general not half attained to, but cut off in the middle by ſome inſidious enemy who lies in wait to deſtroy it?

[636]This fly (for in the fly-ſtate only is it to be conſidered in this view) is called by the authors who have written concerning it by the names of the ephemeron, hemerobios, and diaria; all which mean no more than an animal of but a ſingle day's exiſtence. It is a native of Germany, and appears every year for about three days ſucceſſively, fluttering on the ſurface of the water at the mouths of the Rhine, the Meuſe, the Wael, the Leck, and the Yſel, about the middle of June. But this continued appearance of them is kept up by a regular ſucceſſion; for thoſe who begin to live and flutter about towards the noon of the firſt day are dead before night, a new ſet makes its appearance on the ſecond, and the third in like manner is ſupplied by a freſh generation. After which no more of them are to be ſeen, till the ſucceeding year renews this three day's phaenomenon.

Altho' the life of the ephemeron in its fly-ſtate, which we ſhall more particularly dwell on hereafter, is ſo extremely ſhort, yet as it has an exiſtence under another form, and in another element, which continues through a ſpace of three years, it will be neceſſary that we ſhould dwell a little on its hiſtory during that period, and relate the manner of its ſeveral changes.

In ſhort, although this animal, when arrived at the ſtate of full perfection, is an enlivened flutterer of the airy regions, yet his original exiſtence is in the waters, where the eggs being depoſited by the female, aed impregnated by the male, in the ſame manner as the ſpawn of fiſhes, are ſcattered over the muddy bottoms of the rivers by the motion of the water, and there depoſited in that bed, which [637] is the moſt proper for their being hatched and brought into life.

As theſe eggs are not united together by any glutinous or gelatinous ſubſtance, nor depoſited in cluſters as the ſpawn of the frog, of the waterſnail, and of ſeveral other inſects, but entirely diſperſed and ſeparate from each other, it is no very eaſy matter to aſcertain how long it is before the inſect contained within them acquires life, and breaks through its ſhelly integument. It is ſufficient to obſerve, that after a certain period they produce a little worm, with ſix legs, which at one year's growth is of the ſize and form repreſented in the annexed plate, at Fig. I. At this age it is not only without wings, or thoſe prominences which cover the wings, but alſo without the leaſt ſigns or veſtiges of any ſuch part. When they come to be two years old, the little ſheaths of the wings appear very plainly; and the animal, then very greatly enlarged in bulk, appeas as at Fig. II. And when it has reached its third year, at which time it is to undergo its grand metamorphoſis, theſe caſes are then as conſpicuous as poſſible, reſembling a little flower that increaſes by degrees, and is ready to break out of its cup. Its appearance is then ſuch as is ſhewn in Fig. III.

This animal is made great uſe of by the fiſhermen, by whom it is called by the name of bankbait: for although they can ſwim very ſwiftly, yet it is ſeldom that they do ſo, but are always found near the banks of rivers, and there live in the moſt quiet parts. The more mud there is at the bottom out of which they firſt riſe, the greater number of the worms are uſually to be met [638] with. Yet are they very rarely to be found either lying on the mud or adhering to it; but they live within the mud or clay itſelf, in hollows made oblong and ſmooth, and which they conſtantly bore, not obliquely or perpendicularly, but ever parallel to the horiſon, each ſeveral animal living in a ſeparate cell.

The worm of the ephemeron as ſoon as it hatched from the egg, prepares for the building of theſe cells or houſes, which they make larger and larger as the ſize of their body increaſes; ſo that the full grown worms are always to be found in larger, the younger in ſmaller tubes. For this purpoſe nature has furniſhed them with parts particularly adapted thereto, their two fore-legs being formed in ſome meaſure like thoſe of the mole, or mole cricket, and their jaws furniſhed with two teeth, ſomewhat like the forcipes or claws of crabs, which are of great ſervice to their making their way into the mud.

If you throw ſome of them into a little mud mixed with water, you will inſtantly perceive them begin this work of piercing and boring; and if the quantity of mud you give them is not ſufficient entirely to immerge them, they will nevertheleſs continue to undermine what they have, hiding at one time their heads, at another their bodies, and at others their tails, in the attempt to form new cells.

In theſe cells then the worm of the ephemeron continues, till the time when it is to undergo its final metamorphoſis, which as I have before obſerved is at the period of three years; previous to which the caſes of the wings appear very protuberant [639] on the back, the ſmooth, and depreſſed form of the upper part of the body is changed into a more ſwollen and rounder ſhape, and the wings themſelves become in ſome degree viſible through their external ſkin.

At the time that this metamorphoſis is to begin, which is generally about ſix o'clock in the evening, the worm quits his cell, and goes into the water, from the bottom of which he immediately makes all the expedition he can to the ſurface, and there fixing on any thing ſolid that he can meet with, either wood, ſtone, earth, a tree, a boat, a beaſt, or a man, all appearing equally indifferent to him, he appears to be ſeized all over with a ſhuddering or trembling motion, when immediately the ſkin opens on the middle of the back, the ſlit enlarging towards the fore parts, till it becomes ſo wide, that the animal is able to thruſt his head out at it; after which he draws his legs alſo out of the ſkin, as in Fig. IV. whilſt the claws, adhering to the caſt skin, are in the mean time firmly fixed in their places, which greatly contributes towards enabling him to ſlip the reſt of his body out of its covering. It muſt moreover be obſerved that the head and legs are ſtript of their skin in the ſame manner that we draw our feet out of our ſhoes; but that as to the other parts, that is to ſay the firſt and ſecond pair of wings, the skin is drawn off from them in ſuch a manner as that they become turned inſide out, as we invert a limber pair of gloves, the inward ſurface or inſide of the fingers being pulled out; ſo that the exuvium, or caſe which is left behind, bears the form repreſented at Fig. V.

[640]When it has thus quitted its caſe, and conſequently compleated its change, it appears a perfect fly, with two pair of very fine filmy wings, as at Fig. VI. *

From this period then may be dated the commencement of its life, the whole duration of which afterwards is never more than about five hours, in which ſhort ſpace it generates, lays eggs, grows old, and dies. —That is to ſay if it even reaches to the extent of that very ſhort allotted ſpace; for ſhort as it is, it is frequently cut off before the concluſion of it by the means of ſome of the very numerous enemies whereby this innocent unhappy little creature is perſecuted in the courſe of it. Fond as it were of the element from whence he ſprung, no ſooner is his change compleated, than he inſtantly repairs to it again, and flutters towards its ſurface, where if he ventures too near, he becomes an eaſy prey to the trout, and many other kinds of fiſh, who watch to take him, and to whom he is a moſt delicious morſel; and if he ſoars higher into the air, he is as liable to be ſnapp'd up by the birds, who are no leſs fond of him. They frequently even ſeize and devour him whilſt he is engaged in the great work of changing his skin; nay, numbers of the worms are deſtroyed by the inhabitants of the waters, in their very birth, before they can reach the ſurface to become the tenants of a purer element.

Such, ſo ſhort, and ſo full of peril is the life of this harmleſs little inſect; and ſuch, O man! is thine!

THE LADY's MUSEUM.
The TRIFLER. [NUMBER IX.]

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Dear Mrs. TRIFLER,

I Cannot help ſuſpecting that you artfully mean to cajole your fair readers into ſenſe and ſeriouſneſs, and that you only bait your periodical labours with a Trifler merely to captivate our attention, while you mean nothing leſs than our acquaintance with all uſeful and polite literature. Notwithſtanding this pretty ſtratagem of yours, which is like teaching children their letters by gingerbread alphabets, we are reſolved to diſappoint your endeavours, and the purpoſe of this letter is to inform you of the very pernicious conſequences which muſt neceſſarily reſult from your projected reformation.

[642]There is one general argument which has always appeared to me unanſwerable upon this ſubject: if we poor women furniſhed our minds with moral and hiſtorical truth, and took pains to acquire the true principles of taſte and criticiſm, we ſhould be very apt upon this ſuppoſition to diſcern the deficiencies of our admirers in theſe articles; and from a total diſſimilitude of manners and purſuits, grow quickly diſguſted at each other, and ſo riſk our eſtabliſhments for the ſake of accompliſhments no longer reſpected.

Pray, madam, have you ever known any ladies advantageouſly ſettled in life on account of their mental qualifications, where the metallic charms were wanting? I queſtion extremely whether even a precedent could be found for ſo irregular a proceeding, ſo true it is what the poet ſings.

Wit muſt wear the willow with the bays.

Indeed, my dear, you entirely miſtake the point; a woman of knowledge is at preſent no object of requeſt, and I am afraid literature, like virtue, is inſufficient for its own reward—ſo well ſatisfied is the whole tribe of Triflers of this maxim, that there is not one of them who would not rather endanger their health and impair their ſight by needle-work, than read ten pages of Engliſh hiſtory, or acquaint themſelves with the very rudiments of the religion of their country.

Your ladies of literature were commonly ſuſceptible of tenderneſs, (for I have looked into a tranſlation of Ovid's Epiſtles,) and this is a quality the Triflers have totally diveſted themſelves of. I ſuppoſe [643] you would endeavour, by enlarging our ideas, to ſoften and refine our affections, but that would be the moſt unfortunate thing in the world for us, for I can aſſure you, we have already more light in our minds than is friendly to our purſuits and deſires, and we are not a little incommoded by its impertinent ſuggeſtions.

You know that our whole family has a mortal antipathy to every thing that is ſevere and formal, and I have been told that method and attention are very neceſſary to obtain the proper fruit of ſtudy and application: now, as to the method, we are utter ſtrangers to it, and we have never been accuſtomed to beſtow the leaſt attention upon any thing but the adorning and exhibiting our dear perſons—not that we are ſo averſe to letters, as totally to neglect every ſpecies of compoſition, but we manage that affair in ſo compendious and pleaſing a manner, that it becomes a mere amuſement. Meſſage-cards afford us a great deal of employment; nor are there wanting very elegant models of that pretty ſtile of writing.

There is a judicious gentleman in this town who advertiſes to teach all ſorts of penmanſhip in a very few hours, the Italian hand in nineteen hours, and in proportion all the reſt; I am credibly informed, that, in imitation of ſo worthy an original, there is a lady very ſhortly expected here from Bruſſels, who will undertake to teach French in a fortnight, hiſtory in ſixteen hours, morality in half an hour, and religion in a quarter of an hour.

I have heard it ſaid by a gentleman, that he knew only two books of any uſe, a bible and almanac; [644] for my part, I think a ſpelling dictionary, and Grey's Love Letters very ample furniture for a lady's library.

You can ſay, no doubt, many plauſible things in recommendation of your Platonic ſyſtem, ſuch as, that you do not purpoſe to convert ladies into philoſophers and mathematicians, but only to qualify them for rational converſation; that you can't apprehend any danger that ladies may be more remiſs in the proper diſcharge of all duties, merely becauſe they underſtand better the obligations they lie under to the performance of them: that ignorance of ſuch matters as are neceſſary to be known, is not only highly contemptible but even criminal—all this and a great deal more you may urge to the ſame purpoſe, but be aſſured your remonſtrances will be infallibly drowned amidſt the noiſe and diſſipation of public life,

I am, madam, Your very Humble Servant, PARTHENISSA.

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT AND SOPHIA CONTINUED.

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THE loſs of Sir Charles having clouded all Sophia's views of happineſs, ſhe earneſtly intreated Mr. Herbert's permiſſion to ſettle herſelf in that humble ſtation to which providence ſeemed to call her; and as ſhe believed Mrs. Gibbons might be very uſeful to her upon this occaſion, ſhe reſolved to apply to her as ſoon as ſhe had his anſwer.

Notwithſtanding all her endeavours to bear this ſhock of fate with patience, a fixed melancholy took poſſeſſion of her mind, convinced that Sir Charles had loved her, and that by an unfortunate concurrence of circumſtances he had been prevented from giving her the utmoſt proof of his affection; her tenderneſs no longer combatted by ſuſpicions to his prejudice, gained new force every day, and all his actions now appeared to her in a favourable point of view: ſo true it is, that when a perſon is found leſs guilty than he is ſuſpected, he is concluded more innocent than he really is.

Mr. Herbert, after a long ſilence, at length acquainted her, that he was ill, and deſired her not to leave Mr Lawſon's till ſhe heard further from him.

[644]
[...]
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[...]

[646]The ſhortneſs of this billet, the trembling hand with which it appeared to be written, filled Sophia with the moſt dreadful apprehenſions. Sir Charles was now forgot, and all her thoughts were taken up with the danger of her worthy friend: ſhe determined to go to him; and although Mr. Lawſon and his wife endeavoured to, diſſuade her from taking ſuch a journey, and William, urged by Dolly, and his own eagerneſs to ſerve her, offered to go and bring her an exact account of the ſtate of his health, yet her purpoſe remained unalterable.

‘My dear benefactor is ill, ſaid ſhe, and has none but ſtrangers about him: it is fit that I ſhould go and attend him; and if I muſt loſe him, purſued ſhe, burſting into tears, it will be ſome comfort to me to reflect that I have done my duty.’

She ſet out early the next, morning in the ſtage-coach: Dolly wept at parting, and engaged her lover to attend Sophia to her journey's end; that if Mr. Herbert ſhould be worſe than they apprehended, he might be near to aſſiſt and comfort her.

Sophia, when ſhe ſaw him riding by the ſide of the coach, attempted to perſuade him to return; but William charmed to have an opportunity of expreſſing his zeal for her ſervice, would not quit her; and her ſpirits being too weak to conteſt this point with him, ſhe was obliged to ſuffer his attendance.

They reached the place where Mr. Herbert was, in the evening of the third day: he had taken [647] lodgings at the houſe, of a farmer, where he was attended with great tenderneſs and care.

Sophia, appeared with ſo deep a concern upon her countenance, and enquired for him with ſuch extreme emotion, that the good woman of the houſe concluding ſhe was his daughter, thought it neceſſary before ſhe anſwered her queſtions, to preach patience and ſubmiſſion to her, wiſely obſerving, that we are all mortal, and that death ſpares nobody, from the ſquire to the plowman.

She ran on in this manner till ſhe perceived Sophia grow as pale as death, and cloſe her eyes: ſhe had juſt time to prevent her from falling, and with William's aſſiſtance, placed her in a chair, where while ſhe applied remedies to recover her from her ſwoon, the youth with tears in his eyes, aſked her ſoftly how long Mr. Herbert had been dead.

‘Dead! repeated the farmer's wife, who told you he was dead? no, no, it is not ſo bad as that neither.’

William rejoiced to hear this, and as ſoon as Sophia ſhewed ſome ſigns of returning life, he greeted her with the welcome, news. She caſt a look full of doubt and anguiſh upon the countrywoman, who confirmed his report, and offered to go with her to the gentleman's room. Sophia inſtantly found her ſtrength return; ſhe followed her with trembling haſte; and, left her preſence ſhould ſurpriſe Mr. Herbert, ſhe directed the good woman to tell him, that a friend of his was come to ſee him.

[648]She heard him anſwer in a weak voice, but with ſome emotion, "It is my dear child, bring her to me."

Sophia immediately appeared, and throwing herſelf upon her knees at his bed-ſide, burſt into tears, and was unable to ſpeak.

The good old man holding one of her hands preſt in his, tenderly blamed her for the trouble ſhe had given herſelf in coming ſo far to viſit him; but acknowledged at the ſame time, that this inſtance of her affection was extremely dear to him, and that her preſence gave him inexpreſſible comfort.

Sophia entered immediately upon the office of a nurſe to her benefactor, and performed all the duties of the moſt affectionate child to the beſt of parents.

Mr. Herbert employed the little remaining ſtrength he had in endeavours to comfort her, and in pious exhortations. ‘Weep not for me, my dear child, would he ſay, but rather rejoice that the innocence of my life has diverted death of his terrors, and enabled me to meet him with calm reſignation, and with humble hope. At this awful hour how little would it avail me, that I had been rich, that I had been great and powerful? but what comforts do I not feel from an unreproving conſcience? theſe comforts every one has it in his power to procure; live virtuous then, my dear Sophia, that you may die in peace: how ſmall is the difference between the longeſt and the ſhorteſt life! if its pleaſures be few, its miſeries are ſo likewiſe; how little do they enjoy whom the world calls happy! how little [649] do they ſuffer whom it pronounces wretched! one point of fleeting time paſt, and death reduces all to an equality. But the diſtinction between virtue and vice, and its future happineſs and miſery are eternal.’

Sophia had need of all the conſolation ſhe derived from her reflections on the virtue and piety of her friend, to enable her to bear the apprehenſions of his approaching death with any degree of fortitude; but when ſhe leaſt expected it, his diſtemper took a favourable turn, and in a few days the moſt dangerous ſymptoms were removed.

The Bath waters being judged abſolutely neceſſary for the entire reeſtabliſhment of his health, he reſolved to go thither as ſoon as he had recovered ſtrength enough to bear the journey.

Sophia at his earneſt deſire conſented to return to Mr. Lawſon's, and remain there till he came from Bath, but ſhe would not quit him till he was able to take this journey; and by the ſweetneſs of her converſation, her tender aſſiduity, and watchful care, contributed ſo much towards his recovery, that he was ſoon in a condition to travel with ſafety.

He accompanied her the firſt day's journey to Mr. Lawſon's; and being met at the inn by this worthy friend and young William, he conſigned his beloved charge to their care, and purſued his way to Bath.

Sophia was received with great joy by Mrs. Lawſon and her daughters: Dolly hung a long time upon her neck in tranſports, and as ſoon as they were alone, informed her that Mrs. Gibbons and her mother were perfectly reconciled; that ſhe had [650] conſented to her nephew's marriage, and even ſhewed an impatience to conclude it: but I prevailed, ſaid ſhe, to have the ceremony delayed till you, my dear friend, could be preſent; for I could not think of being happy, while, you to whom I owe all, was afflicted.

Sophia embraced her tenderly, congratulated her upon her change of fortune, and gave many praiſes to her lover, to whom ſhe acknowledged great obligations for his care and attention to her.

Dolly's cheeks glowed with pleaſure while ſhe heard her William commended by one whom ſhe ſo much loved and revered.

The young lovers were married a few days afterwards; and Sophia, who had ſo earneſtly endeavoured to bring about this union, and had ſuffered ſo much in her own intereſt by her ſolicitude concerning it, was one of thoſe to whom it gave the moſt ſatisfaction.

Mean time Mr. Herbert continued indiſpoſed at Bath, and Sophia uneaſy, left in this increaſe of his expences, her reſidence at Mr. Lawſon's ſhould lay him under ſome difficulties, reſolved to eaſe him as ſoon as poſſible of the charge of her maintenance: ſhe explained her ſituation to Mrs. Gibbons, and requeſted her aſſiſtance in procuring her a place.

Mrs. Gibbons expreſſed great tenderneſs and concern for her upon this occaſion, and aſſured her ſhe would employ all her intereſt in her ſervice. She accordingly mentioned her with great praiſe to a widow lady of a very affluent fortune, who had eſtabliſhed ſuch a character for generoſity and [651] goodneſs, that ſhe hoped if ſhe could be induced to take Sophia under her protection her fortune would be made.

Mrs. Howard, ſo was the lady called, no ſooner heard that a young woman of merit, well born, and genteely educated was reduced to go to ſervice for ſubſiſtence, than ſhe exclaimed with great vehemence againſt the avarice and luxury of the rich and great, who either hoarded for their unthankful heirs, or laviſhed in expenſive pleaſures thoſe ſuperfluous ſums which ought to be applied to the relief of the indigent. ‘Oh that I had a fortune, cried ſhe, as large as my heart, there ſhould not be one diſtreſſed perſon in the world! I muſt ſee this young lady Mrs. Gibbons, and I muſt do ſomething for her. You have obliged me infinitely by putting it in my power to gratify the unbounded benevolence of my heart upon a deſerving object.’

Mrs. Gibbons, when ſhe related this converſation to Sophia, filled her with an extreme impatience to ſee the lady, not from any mean conſiderations of advantage to herſelf, but admiration of ſo excellent a character. She accompanied Mrs. Gibbons in a viſit to her at her country-ſeat, which was but a few miles diſtant from the village where they lived; and Mrs. Howard was ſo pleaſed with her at this firſt interview, that ſhe gave her an invitation to ſpend the remainder of the ſummer with her, and this in ſo obliging a manner, that Sophia immediately complied, not thinking it neceſſary to wait till ſhe had conſulted Mr. Herbert upon this offer, as ſhe was fully perſuaded he could [652] have no objections to her accepting it, Mrs. Howard being ſo conſiderable by her family and fortune, and ſo eſtimable by her character.

This lady, who had made an early diſcovery of Sophia's economical talents, ſet her to work immediately after her arrival; her taſk was to embroider a white ſattin negligee, which ſhe undertook with great readineſs, pleaſed at having an opportunity of obliging a woman of ſo generous a diſpoſition, and in ſome degree to requite her for her hoſpitality.

Mrs. Howard indeed always prevented thoſe on whom ſhe conferred favours from incurring the guilt of ingratitude; for ſhe took care to be fully repaid for any act of benevolence; and having a wonderful art in extracting advantage to herſelf from the neceſſities of others, ſhe ſometimes ſought out the unfortunate with a ſolicitude that did great honour to her charity, which was ſure to be its own reward. A few oſtentatious benefactions had ſufficiently eſtabliſhed her character; and while her name appeared among the ſubſcribers to ſome faſhionable charity, who could ſuſpect that her table was ſerved with a parſimony which would have diſgraced a much ſmaller fortune; that her rents from her indigent tenants were exacted with the moſt unrelenting rigor, and the naked and hungry ſent ſighing from her gate?

Nothing is more certain than what is called liberality is often no more than the vanity of giving, of which ſome perſons are fonder than of what they give. But the vanity of giving publicly is moſt prevailing; and hence it happens, that thoſe who are moſt celebrated [653] for their charity, are in reality leaſt ſenſible to the feelings of humanity: and the ſame perſons from whom the moſt affecting repreſentation of private diſtreſs could not force the leaſt relief, have been among the firſt to ſend their contributions to any new foundation.

Sophia knew not how to reconcile many circumſtances in Mrs. Howard's conduct, with her general profeſſions of benevolence and generoſity; but that lady had been ſo uſed to diſguiſe herſelf to others, that at laſt ſhe did not know herſelf; and the warmth and vehemence with which ſhe delivered her ſentiments impoſed almoſt as much upon herſelf as her hearers.

Sophia's amiable qualities however ſoon produced their uſual effects, and inſpired Mrs. Howard with as much friendſhip for her as ſo intereſted a temper was capable of. She wiſhed to ſee her fortune eſtabliſhed, and was very deſirous of ſerving her as far as ſhe could, conſiſtent with her prudent maxims, which were to make other perſons the ſource of thoſe benefits, the merit of which ſhe arrogated to herſelf.

Chance ſoon furniſhed her with an opportunity of exerting her talents in favour of Sophia, and of engaging, as ſhe conceived, her eternal gratitude. A country lady of her acquaintance coming one day to viſit her, with her ſon, a clowniſh ignorant youth, Mrs. Howard was encouraged by the frequent glances he gave Sophia, to form a ſcheme for marrying her to him; and in this ſhe foreſaw ſo many poſſible advantages to [654] herſelf from Sophia's grateful diſpoſition, that ſhe purſued it with the moſt anxious ſolicitude.

Mr. Barton, ſo was the young ſquire called, having conceived a liking for Sophia, repeated his viſits frequently, emboldened by Mrs. Howard's civilities, who took every occaſion of praiſing Sophia, and inſinuating that he would be extremely happy in ſuch a wife.

She ſometimes left him alone with Sophia, in hopes that he would declare his paſſion to her: but the ruſtic, awed by the dignity of her perſon and manners, durſt not even raiſe his eyes to look on her; ſo that Mrs. Howard finding the affair did not advance ſo faſt as ſhe wiſhed, rallied Sophia upon her: ill-timed reſerve, and hinted her views in her favour, which ſhe conſidering as an effect of her friendſhip, liſtened to with reſpect and even gratitude, though her heart refuſed to concur in them.

This converſation paſſed in the preſence of Mrs. Howard's only ſon, a youth about nineteen, who had come from the univerſity to paſs a few days with his mother. As ſoon as ſhe had quitted Sophia he approached her, and with a look of tenderneſs and concern, told her, ‘He was ſorry to find his mother ſo zealous an advocate for Mr. Barton, who could not poſſibly deſerve her.’

‘Nor can I poſſibly deſerve him, replied Sophia with a ſmile; he is too rich.’

‘Love only and merit can deſerve you, reſumed the young ſtudent, ſighing, and if love was merit, I know one who might—hope—’

He pauſed and heſitated, and Sophia, to whom the language of love in any mouth but Sir Charles's [655] was odious, ſuddenly quitted him, to avoid the continuance of a diſcourſe which ſhe conſidered as mere unmeaning gallantry.

Mean time, her ruſtic lover not having courage enough to declare his paſſion to her, had recourſe to the indulgence of his mother, who till that time had never refuſed any of his deſires.

He told her that he never liked any young woman ſo well in his life as Mrs. Sophia Darnley; and that he was ſure ſhe would make a good wife, becauſe Mrs. Howard had told him ſo, and encouraged him to break his mind to her, but he was aſhamed: he declared he would marry no body elſe, and begged his mother to get her for him.

Mrs. Barton, full of rage againſt her neighbour, for thus endeavouring to enſnare her ſon into a marriage, as ſhe conceived unworthy of him, reſolved to go to her and load her with reproaches. While her chariot was getting ready, ſhe continued to queſtion her ſon, and heard a great many particulars from him which convinced her that his affections were more deeply engaged than ſhe had imagined.

After ordering the young ſquire to be locked up till her return, ſhe flew to Mrs. Howard, and with the moſt violent tranſports of rage, upbraided her with the treacherous part ſhe had acted, by ſeducing her ſon into a liking for a poor creature who was a dependent upon her charity, and whom ſhe took this method to get rid of.

Mrs. Howard, who held Mrs. Barton in great contempt, on account of her ignorance, and valued herſelf extremely upon her philoſophic command [656] over her paſſions, liſtened with an affected calmneſs to all Mrs. Barton's invectives; and when ſhe found ſhe had railed herſelf out of breath, ſhe began to declaim in a ſolemn accent againſt avarice, and that vile and fordid diſpoſition of parents, who in the marriage of their children preferred the droſs of riches to the real treaſures of wiſdom and virtue. She very charitably lamented Mrs. Barton's want of diſcernment, and littleneſs of mind; and concluded that Miſs Sophia's, merit rendered her deſerving of a huſband even more conſiderable than Mr. Barton.

‘Then marry her to your own ſon, replied Mrs. Barton, with a ſneer; no doubt but he will be more worthy of her.’

‘If my ſon ſhould declare a paſſion for Miſs Sophia, reſumed Mrs. Howard, it would ſoon be ſeen how far my ſentiments are exalted above yours.’

‘I am glad to hear this, returned Mrs. Barton, for I am very ſure Mr. Howard is in love with this wonderful creature whom you praiſe ſo much; and ſince you are ſo willing to make her your daughter-in-law, I ſhall be under no fear of my ſon's marrying her.’

Mrs. Howard, at this unexpected ſtroke, turned as pale as death, and with a faultering voice, aſked her, ‘What reaſon ſhe had for ſuppoſing her ſon was in love with Miſs Sophia?’

Mrs. Barton, who enjoyed her perplexity and confuſion, ſuffered her to repeat her queſtions ſeveral times, and then maliciouſly referred her to the young gentleman himſelf, ‘Who, ſaid ſhe, upon [657] finding you ſo favourably diſpoſed, will, I doubt not, be ready enough to own his inclinations.’

Mrs. Howard was now ſo far humbled, that ſhe condeſcended to intreat Mrs. Barton to tell her what ſhe knew of this affair.

‘All my information, ſaid Mrs. Barton, comes from my ſon, to whom Mr. Howard, conſidering him as his rival, declared his better right to the lady, as having acquainted her with his paſſion.’

At this intelligence Mrs. Howards rage got ſo much the better of her prudence, that ſhe uttered a thouſand invectives againſt the innocent Sophia, which drew ſome ſevere ſarcaſms from Mrs. Barton, who being now fully revenged, roſe up to be gone; but Mrs. Howard, ſenſible that a quarrel upon this occaſion might have conſequences very unfavourable to her reputation, ſeized her hand, and led her half reluctant, again to her chair, where, after ſhe had ſoothed her into good humour, by ſome flattering expreſſions, which coming from one of her acknowledged underſtanding, had great weight. She told her with the moſt unbluſhing confidence, that ſhe was now convinced ſhe had been deceived in the character of the young woman on whom ſhe had with her uſual generoſity conferred ſo many benefits. ‘I find to my inexpreſſible concern, purſued ſhe, that this modeſt, ſenſible, and virtuous young creature, as I once believed her, is in reality an artful hypocrite, whoſe only aim is to make her fortune, by enſnaring ſome unexperienced youth into a marriage. Let us join our endeavours then, my dear Mrs. Barton, to preſerve our ſons from this danger: this is a [658] common cauſe, all mothers are concerned in it; we will ſhew the young diſſembler in her true colours, and prevent her impoſing upon others as ſhe has done on us.’

Mrs. Barton, who never carried her reflections very far, was ſo well pleaſed with Mrs. Howard's preſent behaviour, that ſhe forgot all the paſt: theſe two ladies became on a ſudden the beſt friends in the world, and this union was to be cemented with the ruin of Sophia's fame; ſuch beginnings have certain female friendſhips, and ſuch are the leagues in which the wicked join.

Mrs. Barton propoſed to have her ſent for into their preſence, and after reproaching her ſeverely, diſmiſs her with contempt; but the more politic Mrs. Howard, whoſe views were at once to deſtroy Sophia's reputation, and to ſecure her own, diſapproved of this harſh treatment, as ſhe called it, and charitably reſolved to ruin her with all poſſible gentleneſs.

She wrote to Mrs. Gibbons, and acquainted her, that having diſcovered an intrigue carrying on between Sophia and her ſon, ſhe thought it neceſſary to diſmiſs her immediately out of her family; but that the poor young creature might be expoſed as little as poſſible to cenſure, ſhe begged ſhe would come herſelf to fetch her away, and deliver her to her friends, with a caution to watch her conduct carefully.

She recommended ſecrecy to her for Sophia's ſake; and aſſured her that if it had not been for this diſcovery of her bad conduct, ſhe had reſolved to have provided for her handſomely.

[659]Mrs. Gibbons, whom this letter threw into the utmoſt aſtoniſhment, immediately communicated the contents of it to Dolly and William, with whom ſhe now lived.

Dolly burſt into tears of grief and indignation, and earneſtly intreated her to go immediately and take Miſs Sophia out of a houſe where her merit was ſo little underſtood; but William, who looked farther into the conſequences of this affair than either his wife or his aunt, believed it neceſſary for the juſtification of Sophia's honour, that Mr. Lawſon ſhould wait upon Mrs. Howard, and demand an explanation of thoſe cenſures which ſhe had caſt upon a young lady confided to his care; rightly judging, that if malice was the ſource of her accuſation, ſhe would not dare to purſue it with a man of his character; and if it aroſe from the information of others, he would be able to detect the falſhood of it.

Theſe reaſons prevailed with Mrs. Gibbons, who had been very deſirous to ſhew her eloquence upon this occaſion, and was reſolved, ſhe ſaid, not to have ſpared Mrs. Howard for her immature conclusions.

William went immediately to his father-in-law, and acquainted him with what had happened. Mr. Lawſon was grieved from the conſideration of what Sophia's delicate ſenſibility would feel from ſuch an attack upon her reputation; and this was the worſt that he apprehended could happen from calumnies which the purity of her manners and the innocency of her life would be always a ſufficient refutation of. A wiſe and virtuous perſon, he [660] knew, was out of the reach of fortune, though not free from the malice of it. All attempts againſt ſuch a one are, as the poet ſays, like the arrows of Xerxes; they may darken the day, but cannot ſtifle the ſun.

His impatience to take Sophia out of the hands of a woman whom he conceived to be either very malicious, or very imprudent, made him defer his viſit no longer than till the afternoon.

When he ſent in his name, Mrs. Howard, who had no ſuſpicion of the occaſion of his coming, ordered him to be ſhewn into a parlour, where ſhe ſuffered him to wait near an hour before ſhe admitted him to her preſence; a country curate being in her opinion a perſon too inſignificant to lay claim to any degree of conſideration, and beſides, this ſort of neglect being affected by many perſons of quality, to whom it certainly gives great importance and dignity, their imitators never loſe any opportunity of exerciſing it.

Mr. Lawſon was at laſt ſummoned to the lady's dreſſing-room, where he expected to have found Sophia, but was glad to ſee Mrs. Howard alone. She aſked him with a little ſuperciliouſneſs, if he had any buſineſs with her; to which he replied, with a ſolemnity in his look and accent that ſurpriſed her, ‘That being a friend to miſs Sophia Darnley, and the perſon to whoſe care ſhe was confided by her relations, he thought it his duty to enquire what part of her conduct had given occaſion for thoſe unfavourable ſuſpicions which were entertained of her.’

[661] ‘Mrs. Gibbons, madam, purſued he, has communicated to me a letter which ſhe has received from you, wherein there is a heavy charge againſt miſs Sophia; a charge which none who know her can think it poſſible for her to deſerve. There muſt certainly be ſome miſtake here, madam; you have been miſinformed, or appearances have deceived you, and in juſtice to you, as well as to one of the moſt virtuous and amiable young women in the world, I am reſolved to trace the ſource of theſe calumnies, that her innocence may be fully cleared. I beg of you then, madam, let me know what foundation you have for believing that Miſs Sophia—’

Mrs. Howard, whom this ſpeech had thrown into great confuſion, interrupted him here, to prevent his repeating thoſe expreſſions in her letter, the meaning of which, though obvious, ſhe durſt not avow.

‘I find, ſaid ſhe, that you and Mrs. Gibbons have ſeen this affair in a worſe light than I intended you ſhould; my ſon has been fooliſh enough to entertain a liking for this girl, whom I took under my protection, with a view to provide for her handſomely, and ſhe has been wiſe enough purſued ſhe, with an ironical ſmile, to give him encouragement, I ſuppoſe; but with all her excellencies, I am not diſpoſed to make her my daughter-in-law.’

Mrs. Howard threw in this laſt ſoftening expreſſion, in hopes it would ſatisfy Mr. Lawſon, and added, that to prevent any thing happening, which might [662] be diſagreeable to her, ſhe begged he would take Sophia home with him.

‘Moſt willingly, madam, ſaid he; but ſince it ſeems to be your opinion, that this young gentlewoman has encouraged the clandeſtine addreſſes of your ſon, I think it will be proper to examine firſt into the truth of theſe ſuſpicions, that you may not part with worſe thoughts of her than ſhe deſerves.’

Mrs. Howard being thus preſt, and unwilling to enter into an explanation that would expoſe all her artifices, was forced to acknowledge that ſhe had no other foundation for her fears than the paſſion her ſon had owned for her; and having made this unwilling conceſſion, ſhe left him with a countenance inflamed with ſtifled rage, ſaying ſhe would ſend Sophia to him.

Accordingly ſhe went into the room where ſhe was at work, and told her, her friend the curate was waiting to carry her home. Obſerving her to look extremely ſurpriſed, ‘If you conſider, ſaid ſhe, what returns you have made me for the benefits I have conferred upon you, you will not think it ſtrange that we ſhould part in this manner.’

‘Bleſs me, cried Sophia, what have I done to deſerve ſuch reproaches?’

‘I cannot ſtay to talk to you now, ſaid Mrs. Howard; I have explained myſelf to Mr. Lawſon, I am ſorry to ſay, that I now can only wiſh you well.’

She hurried out of the room when ſhe had ſaid this; and Sophia, in the utmoſt perplexity and concern, [663] flew down ſtairs to Mr. Lawſon, who was already at the gate waiting to help her into the chaiſe: ſhe gave him her hand, aſking him at the ſame time, with great emotion, ‘What Mrs. Howard accuſed her of?’

As ſoon as they drove away, Mr. Lawſon related all that had paſt between that lady and him, which filled Sophia with new aſtoniſhment: ſhe could not comprehend Mrs. Howard's motives for acting in the manner ſhe had done with regard to her; all her conduct appeared to her highly extravagant and inconſiſtent; ſhe aſked Mr. Lawſon a thouſand queſtions, full of that ſimplicity which ever accompanies real goodneſs of heart.

He gave her ſome notion of the dangerous character of Mrs Howard, and greatly blamed her for having ſo ſuddenly accepted her invitation, without firſt conſulting Mr. Herbert. ‘It is a maxim, purſued he, of one of the wiſeſt of the antients, that in forming new connections of every ſort, it is of great importance in what manner the firſt approaches are made, and by whoſe hands the avenues of friendſhip are laid open.’

Mr. Lawſon, by this hint, gave Sophia to underſtand, that he did not think Mrs. Gibbons, a proper perſon to introduce her into the world. She was now ſenſible that ſhe had been too precipitate; but her motives were ſo generous, that Mr. Herbert, whom in a letter ſhe acquainted with the whole affair, eaſily juſtified her in his own opinion, though he earneſtly, recommended it to her not to let her apprehenſions of being burthenſome to him draw her into new inconveniencies.

[664]Mr. Lawſon having, as he imagined, prevented Mrs. Howard from making any future attack upon Sophia's reputation, by obliging her to acknowledge her innocence, was ſurpriſed to hear whereever he went, of the calumnies ſhe invented againſt her.

Nothing is more common than for perſons to hate with extreme inveteracy thoſe whom they have injured; and although Mrs. Howard was convinced, that Sophia would not admit a viſit from her ſon, (who now openly avowed his paſſion for her;) that ſhe refuſed to receive his letters, and ſhunned every place where ſhe thought it poſſible to meet him; yet pretending to be apprehenſive that the youth would be drawn into a clandeſtine marriage, ſhe ſent him away precipitately upon his travels, and this gave a colour to new invectives againſt Sophia, who truſting only to her innocence for her juſtification, had the ſatisfaction to find that innocence fully acknowledged in the eſteem and reſpect with which ſhe was treated by all the perſons of faſhion in the neighbourhood.

Mr. Herbert, who in every new trial to which ſhe was expoſed, found greater cauſe for admiration of her character, praiſed the gentleneſs and forgiving ſpirit which ſhe diſcovered upon this occaſion; but Mrs. Gibbons was not wholly ſatisfied with her conduct, ‘You ought to diſcriminate upon Mrs. Howard, ſaid ſhe, and tell the world how deſirous ſhe was to have you married to her friend's ſon, though ſhe makes ſuch a clutter about her own: indeed you want ſpirit, miſs [665] Sophia,’ added the old lady, with a little contempt.

‘I am not of your opinion, madam, replied Sophia; for in taking revenge upon our enemies, we are only even with them; in paſſing over their malice we are ſuperior.’

‘Well, well, interrupted Mrs. Gibbons, I have no notion of ſuch ſuperiouſneſs: I always reſent injuries, and Mrs. Howard ſhall feel my reſentment for her malice to you. I have not returned her laſt viſit yet, and perhaps I may not this month; this is pretty ſevere I think.’

Sophia, compoſing her countenance as well as ſhe could, thanked Mrs. Gibbons for this inſtance of her friendſhip to her; but ſhe had no opportunity to obſerve whether ſhe kept her word, for ſhe was ſummoned to town by a letter from her mother, which gave her a melancholy account of her affairs.

Mrs. Darnley acquainted her that the gentleman was dead who paid her the annuity which Sir Charles had ſtipulated for her when he procured him her late huſband's place. She deſired her to come immediately to town to aſſiſt her under her misfortunes; and added in a poſtſcript, as if reluctantly, that Harriot had left her, and was not ſo dutiful as ſhe could wiſh.

Sophia read this letter with tears; and, impatient to comfort her afflicted mother, ſhe inſtantly prepared for her little journey.

All Mr. Lawſon's family parted from her with great regret; but Dolly's affliction was extreme, and Sophia amidſt ſo many greater cauſes of ſorrow, [666] felt a new pang when ſhe took leave of her tender and innocent friend.

To ſpare Mr. Lawſon the trouble of conducting her to town, ſhe accepted a place in the coach of a lady with whom ſhe had lately become acquainted, and who profeſſed a particular eſteem for her.

On her arrival at her mother's houſe, ſhe found only a ſervant there, who informed her that her miſtreſs had taken lodgings at Kenſington for the air, having been indiſpoſed for ſome weeks paſt.

Sophia ordered her to get a hackney coach to the door, and was hurrying away without daring to enquire for her ſiſter, when the maid told her Miſs Darnley deſired to ſee her before ſhe went to Kenſington.

"Where is my ſiſter," ſaid Sophia, with a faultering accent.

The anſwer ſhe received was a ſtroke of fortune more cruel than any ſhe had yet experienced: her ſiſter, ſhe found, lived in the houſe which Sir Charles had once offered to her.

Trembling and pale ſhe ordered the coachman to drive thither, and drawing up the windows, relieved her labouring heart with a ſhower of tears.

[To be continued.]

On reading HUTCHINSON on the PASSIONS.

[667]
THOU, who thro' nature's various maze can'ſt rove,
And ſhew what ſprings the rapid paſſions move;
Teach us to combat anger, grief, and fear,
Recal the ſigh, and check the flatting tear;
Why was thy ſoft philoſophy addreſt,
All to the vacant ear, and quiet breaſt?
With eaſe may peaceful apathy be taught
To thoſe who ſtagnate in a calm of thought
Whoſe hearts by love or hate were ne'er poſſeſt;
Who ne'er were wretched, and who ne'er were bleſt:
Who one dull ſlumber through their lives maintain,
And only dream of pleaſures and of pain.
Serenely ſtupid. So ſome gentle ſtream
Steals thro' the winding valleys ſtill the ſame;
So ſilent down the muddy channel creeps;
While the ſoft zephyr on its boſom ſleeps.
My fervent ſoul a nobler art requires,
Not to ſuppreſs, but regulate her fires:
Some better guides, who temperately wife
Allow to feel, yet teach us to deſpiſe.
To reaſon's ſway ſubject the ſoul's domain,
And not ſubdue the paſſions, but reſtrain.

SHALUM, Maſter of MOUNT TIRZAH, to HILPA, miſtreſs of the Valleys. An Ante-diluvian Love Letter. By a Young Lady.

[668]
WHAT thought can repreſent my vaſt diſtreſs?
What words the anguiſh of my ſoul expreſs,
When to my rival you reſign'd your charms
And fill'd his richer, but leſs faithful arms?
Theſe threeſcore years and ten thy loſs I've mourn'd,
While Tirzah's hills my loud complaint return'd:
Thoſe hills which gilded by the ſun's bright ray,
Ill ſuited my ſad ſoul that loath'd the day.
Thick groves I rais'd, and hid my ſorrows there,
And left the reſt to bounteous nature's care.
Her happy hand in every part appears,
And a new Eden riſes 'midſt my tears.
Here opening flowers the raviſh'd ſenſe invade;
There ſpreading cedars form a grateful ſhade;
Soft gliding ſtreams, which murmur as they flow,
And gales that o'er Arabia's odours blow.
Come up then, my belov'd, oh! come and grace
This bliſsful ſpot with a young beauteous race.
With ſons and daughters let us fill theſe groves,
Soft pledges of their parent's faithful loves.
Daughter of Zilpah, think on life's ſhort date;
To a poor thouſand years 'tis fix'd by fate.
How ſoon are beauty's tranſient glories paſt;
Its fading bloom will ſcarce four centuries laſt.
[669]So the fair cedar on the mountains height
Diſplays its ſpreading branches to the ſight:
When worn with age, it falls, nor thought of more
Till ſome young ſhoot, its memory reſtore,
Which with increaſing verdure ſtill may riſe,
And like its parent tree, invade the ſkies.
Think well on this, then haſte to make me bleſt;
Be happy now, and leave to fate the reſt.

HILPA, Miſtreſs of the Valleys, to SHALUM, Maſter of Mount Tirzah. By the ſame.

O Shalum ceaſe, nor vainly try to move
The heart of Hilpa, to receive thy love.
Theſe praiſes of my form I well could ſpare,
Thou know'ſt me rich, and therefore call'ſt me fair.
For ſay, diſſembler, does my beauty fire
Thy faithful breaſt, and raiſe this ſoft deſire:
Or is it on my wealth thy fancy feeds,
My yellow fields, ſoft ſhades, and verdant meads?
Do not the bleating of my numerous flocks
Make a glad eccho on thy lonely rocks?
Can my faint beauties Shalum's boſom warm?
Ah no! my large poſſeſſions make the charm.
What tho' thy tow'ring foreſts ſtrike my eyes
With awful pleaſure, and my ſoul ſurpriſe;
Tho' edg'd with clouds, thy waving trees are ſeen,
And ſhade thy walks with an eternal green;
Tho' from thy Tirzah ſpicy breezes flow,
And ſhed ambroſial fragrance all below:
[670]Yet theſe but pleaſe the ſenſe, nor can prevail
Above the ſolid riches of the vale.
I know thee, Shalum, happier, wiſer far,
Thou art, than the frail ſons of Adam are.
Among the lofty cedars, thy abode,
In knowledge bleſt, already half a God.
Thou mark'ſt the ſeaſons of the changing year,
Skill'd in the influence of each ruling ſtar.
To thee the difference of each ſoil is known,
And all earth's various ſecrets are thy own.
A ſoul like thine has beauty power to move;
Say, canſt thou feel the pleaſing pangs of love?
Ah, no! purſue me not, nor hurt my peace,
This artful ſtrain of dangerous flattery ceaſe.
May bounteous nature all thy labours aid;
May'ſt thou add wood to wood, and ſhade to ſhade:
But tempt not Hilpa to renounce her groves,
The ſilent, ſoft receſs, her fancy loves,
With wedded cares to interupt thy joy,
And the lone ſweets of ſolitude deſtroy.

The MORNING. By the ſame.

THE moon, pale majeſty of night, retires,
To gild remoter climes with fainter fires:
The ſhadows fly before the breaking dawn,
Now riſe to view each hill and verdant lawn,
Like the ſick lamp of life, one parting ray
Each waning ſtar emits, then dies away.
The morning breathes mild fragrance all around,
And kindly dews impearl the flow'ry ground:
[671]Fair ſtreaks of light, the face of heaven o'erſpread,
The ſmiling ether glows with purpled red.
Enliven'd by the ſun's all powerful ray,
Glad nature ſmiles, and hails returning day.
Each plant his life-renewing ſpirit meets,
Expands its leaves, and gives forth all its ſweets;
Touch'd by his kindly warmth the roſes blow.
Increas'd their odour, and more deep their glow.
The velvet lillies milder ſcents exhale,
And lend their fragrance to the paſſing gale.
The feather'd choir their artleſs notes renew,
Wing through the air, or warble on the bough:
Swift o'er the fields the peaſant takes his way,
And pleas'd, reſumes the labours of the day.
Theſe are thy works, oh, great creator, theſe
The wonders of thy power earth, air, and ſeas;
Are thine; thy animating breath ſuſtains
Whate'er creation's boundleſs vaſt contains.

An ODE. By a LADY.

I.
AH, why my love that penſive air?
Why doſt thou droop with ſecret care?
Big tears fall ſilent from thy eyes,
Thy boſom heaves with frequent ſighs;
And from that dear, that much-lov'd face
Is baniſh'd every ſmiling grace.
[672]II.
Theſe cares, theſe griefs, ſhould all be mine,
Didſt thou for greater ills repine;
But tho' we feel the ſtorms of fate,
Tho' various woes around us wait,
Yet love is ours, the ſmiling pow'r
Can fortune's fierceſt rage endure.
III.
In me he reigns without controul,
Poſſeſſes all, and fills my ſoul.
In my fond breaſt no wiſhes riſe,
But thoſe the charming God ſupplies;
What can my hope, or envy move,
Who ſeek no other wealth but love?

THE HISTORY OF THE COUNT DE COMMINGE CONCLUDED.

[]

‘I HAVE ſome important buſineſs, ſaid he, which demands my preſence in Saragoſſa; my health will not permit me to take this journey, I muſt intreat you therefore to go in my ſtead; I have ordered my equipage to be got ready, and you will oblige me by ſetting out immediately.’

‘The Marquis de Benavides is older than me by a great number of years; I have always had the ſame reſpect for him as for a father, and he has held the place of one to me. Beſides, I had no reaſon to urge which could diſpenſe with my doing as he deſired. I was obliged therefore to reſolve to go; but I thought this ready compliance gave me a right to ſpeak to him in favour of Madame de Benavides. What did I not ſay to ſoften him! he appeared to me to be ſhaken; I even fancied I ſaw tears in his eyes.’

‘I have loved Madame de Benavides, ſaid he to me, with the moſt ardent paſſion, it is not yet extinguiſhed in my heart; but time and her future [674] conduct can only efface the remembrance of what I have ſeen.’

‘I durſt not enter into any diſcourſe with him concerning the cauſe of his complaints; that would have again recalled his former rage; I only deſired permiſſion to acquaint my ſiſter-in-law with the hopes he had given me. He granted my requeſt. This poor lady received the news I brought her with a kind of joy.’

‘I know, ſaid ſhe, that I can never be happy with Monſieur de Benavides; but I ſhall at leaſt have the conſolation of being where my duty calls me.’

‘After having again aſſured her of my brother's good diſpoſition to her, I took my leave of her. One of the chief domeſtics of the houſe, in whom I confided, had promiſed to be ſtrictly attentive to every thing that regarded her, and to give me information.’

‘After theſe precautions, which I thought neceſſary, I ſet out for Saragoſſa. I had been there fifteen days without having any news from the caſtle, and was beginning to be very uneaſy at this long ſilence, when I received a letter from the faithful domeſtic I mentioned. He informed me that three days after my departure, Monſieur de Benavides had diſcharged him and all the reſt of his ſervants, except one man whom he named to me, and the wife of that man. I trembled as I read this letter, and without troubling myſelf any further about the buſineſs with which I was charged, I hired poſt-horſes to return to the caſtle. When I was within a day's journey of this place, [675] received the fatal news of the death of Madame de Benavides. My brother, who wrote to me himſelf, appeared ſo greatly affected, that I could not ſuppoſe he had been acceſſary to it. He told me, the great love he had for his wife had ſubdued his reſentment, and that he was ready to pardon her when death matched her from him: that ſhe had relapſed a ſhort time after my departure, and her fever encreaſing, ſhe died upon the fifteenth day of her illneſs. Since I came hither to ſeek ſome conſolation in the company of Don Jerome, I have been informed my brother is plunged in the deepeſt ſadneſs; that he ſees no one, and he has even entreated me to defer ſeeing him for ſome time.’

‘I find no difficulty in complying with his requeſt, continued Don Gabriel; thoſe places in which I have ſeen the unfortunate Madame de Benavides, and where I ſhall no more ſee her, would increaſe my grief. Her death ſeems to have awakened all my former ſentiments, and I know not whether the tears I ſhed do not more proceed from love than friendſhip: I have determined to go into Hungary, where I hope either to find death in the war, or to recover the peace I have loſt.’

Here Don Gabriel ceaſed to ſpeak. I was not able to anſwer him, but with tears; my voice was loſt in ſighs, Don Gabriel alſo wept bitterly: at length he left me without my being able to utter a ſingle word. Don Jerome attended him out, and I was left alone. The melancholy relation I had juſt heard increaſed my impatience to ſee myſelf [676] in a place where I might abandon myſelf, without interruption, to the exceſs of my grief.

The deſire of executing this ſcheme haſtened my cure: after having been long in a languiſhing condition, my wound was healed, my ſtrength returned, and I found myſelf able in a little time to leave the convent.

The parting between Don Jerome and me was on his ſide full of tenderneſs and friendly concern; but the loſs of Adelaida had left me inſenſible to all other impreſſions. I would not acquaint him with my deſign, leſt he ſhould endeavour to oppoſe it: I wrote to my mother, and ſent my letter by Saint Laurent, making him believe that I would wait for an anſwer, in the place I then was.

This letter contained an account of all that had happened to me ſince I ſaw her laſt: I earneſtly aſked her pardon for leaving her, as I reſolved to do, for ever. I added, that in tenderneſs to her maternal affection, I choſe to ſpare her the ſight of a miſerable wretch, who had now nothing left to wiſh for but death; and laſtly, I conjured her not to make any attempts to diſcover the place of my retreat, and recommended the faithful Saint Laurent to her protection.

When I parted with him, I gave him all the money I had about me, reſerving only what was ſufficient to defray my expences during my journey. The letter I had received from Madame de Benavides, and her picture, which I wore next my heart, was all the wealth I was poſſeſſed of. I travelled with an impatience which hardly allowed me to ſtop a moment, to the abbey de la F— [677] Upon my arrival I demanded the habit of the order. The father abbot obliged me to undergo the probationary forms; and when they were finiſhed, aſked me whether the wretched diet, and other auſterities did not appear more than equal to my ſtrength. Abſorbed in grief, I had not even perceived the difference of my diet, and the auſterities he mentioned: my inſenſibility was taken for a mark of zeal, and I was received.

The certainty I now had that my tears might flow uninterrupted, and that I might paſs my whole life in this ſad employment, gave me ſome conſolation; the horrid ſolitude, the melancholy ſilence that reigned in this cloiſter, the mortified countenances of all about me, left me wholly devoted to that grief which was become ſo precious to me, that it ſupplied the place of all I had loſt. I performed, all the exerciſes of the cloiſter without thinking of their ſeverity, for every thing was alike indifferent to me. I went every day into the thickeſt part of the wood; there would I read over the letter, and gaze on the picture of my Adelaida, bathe them both with my tears, and replacing them upon my heart, return with greater weight of grief.

Three years I led this melancholy life, while time neither alleviated my ſorrow, nor brought the period to it which I ſo earneſtly deſired, when one morning I was ſummoned by the tolling of the bell to be preſent at the death of one of the religious. He was already laid upon the aſhes, the laſt ſacrament was going to be adminiſtred to him, when he deſired to ſpeak to the father abbot.

[678] ‘What I am going to ſay father, ſaid the dying penitent, will animate with new fervour all who ſhall hear me, ſince by methods ſo extraordinary, I have been drawn out of the abyſs of ſin and miſery into which I was plunged, and conducted into the port of ſalvation; I am unworthy of the name of brother, with which theſe holy religious have honoured me: in me you behold an unhappy woman, whom a profane paſſion has led to this ſanctified place. I loved and was beloved by a young man of a rank equal to my own; the mutual hatred of our fathers was an inſurmountable obſtacle to our marriage: I was even obliged for the ſafety of my lover, to give my hand to another perſon, and in the choice of my huſband, I endeavoured ſtill to give him proofs of the continuance of my paſſion. The man who could not be ſuppoſed to inſpire me with any ſentiments but thoſe of hatred or contempt, was preferred to every other who addreſſed me, becauſe the ſacrifice I made him ſhould be compleat, and that he might have no cauſe for jealouſy. The Almighty decreed that a marriage contracted with ſuch criminal views ſhould prove a ſource of miſery to me. Although I would never after conſent to ſee my lover, yet my huſband and he met and wounded each other before my eyes. Terror and grief threw me into a violent illneſs; I was ſcarcely recovered when my huſband ſhut me up in a private apartment of his caſtle, and cauſed it to be reported that I was dead.’

‘I continued two years in that melancholy confinement, with no other conſolation, than [679] what the compaſſion of her who daily brought me my food afforded me. My huſband, not ſatisfied with the miſeries he inflicted on me, had the cruelty to inſult me under them. Oh my God, what do I ſay! dare I accuſe of cruelty the inſtrument thou waſt pleaſed to make uſe of for my puniſhment? theſe afflictions did not bring me to a juſt ſenſe of the extravagances of my conduct: inſtead of weeping for my faults, I wept only for my lover.’

‘The death of my huſband ſet me at liberty. The woman who ſerved me, being the only perſon who knew the truth of my condition, came to open the doors of my priſon, and informed me that I had paſſed for dead from the moment I entered it. Not doubting but the treatment I had met with from my huſband had given riſe to very unfavourable ſuſpicions of my virtue, I deliberated whether it was not neceſſary I ſhould paſs the reſt of my days in a convent; and I was confirmed in this deſign when I learned that the only perſon who could retain me in the world had not been heard of for a long time. I diſguiſed myſelf in the habit of a man, that I might leave the caſtle without being known.’

‘The convent to which I reſolved to retire was that in which I was educated, and is but a few leagues diſtant from hence. I was travelling to it when the ſolitarineſs of this place ſtriking my imagination as I paſſed by, I alighted from my chaiſe, in order to indulge my ſad reflections a few moments: a ſecret impulſe which I could not reſiſt led me into your chapel. Scarce had I entered [680] when among the voices that ſung the praiſes of our Lord, I diſtinguiſhed one too well accuſtomed to reach my heart. I thought at firſt that my diſordered imagination had deceived me by a fancied reſemblance; but when I approached, notwithſtanding the alteration which time, grief, and the auſterities of a cloiſter had made in his countenance, I immediately knew that lover ſo dear to my remembrance.’

‘Great God! what became of me at this ſight! what were the cruel agitations of my mind! far from praiſing the Almighty for calling him to ſo holy a profeſſion, I blaſphemed againſt him for having deprived me of him: you puniſhed not my impious murmurs, oh my God! and you made uſe of my own folly and miſery to draw me to your ſelf!’

‘I was not able to leave a place which incloſed what I loved; and that we might no more be ſeparated, I diſcharged my guide, and preſented myſelf, father, to you. Deceived by the eagerneſs I diſcovered to be admitted into your cloiſter, you received me willingly. Alas! what were the diſpoſitions I brought to your holy exerciſes? a heart filled with a profane paſſion, and every thought employed on the dear object of its tenderneſs.’

‘The Almighty, who by abandoning me to my wild affections, would give me greater cauſe for humbling myſelf one day before him, doubtleſs permitted thoſe impoiſoned delights which I taſted in breathing the ſame air, and living in the ſame houſe with him I loved. I followed [681] him every where: I aſſiſted him in his labours as much as my ſtrength would allow, and in thoſe moments I thought myſelf over-paid for all that I had ſuffered; but yet my imprudent tenderneſs did not carry me ſo far as to make myſelf known to him. But what was the motive that hindered me? the fear of diſturbing the quiet of him for whom I had loſt my own: but for this fear I ſhould perhaps have attempted to ſnatch from God a ſoul which I believed wholly devoted to him.’

‘Two months are now elapſed, ſince in obedience to a regulation of our holy founder, who was deſirous by a continual idea of death, to ſanctify the lives of his religious, we have been obliged each to dig his own grave. I followed as uſual him to whom I was attached by ties ſo ſhameful. The ſight of his grave, the ardour with which he dug it, pierced my heart with ſuch an exceſs of ſorrow, that I was obliged to leave him, and retire to the moſt unfrequented part of the wood, to give free courſe to my tears. From that moment I was in continual apprehenſions of loſing him; the idea of his death was ever preſent to my mind; my tenderneſs increaſed, I followed him every where; and if I was ſome hours of the day without ſeeing him, I feared I ſhould never ſee him more.’

‘But now the happy moment arrived when God was pleaſed to draw me to himſelf. I went with the man my ſoul ſo fondly loved, into the foreſt to get wood for the uſe of the houſe; after ſome time ſpent in this employment, I perceived that [682] my companion had left me: anxious and uneaſy at his abſence, I could not help going to ſeek for him. After having wandered through great part of the foreſt, I ſaw him at length in one of the moſt retired parts of it, employed in gazing earneſtly upon ſomething he had taken from his boſom: he was in ſo profound a revery, that I came up cloſe to him, and had leiſure to look upon what he held in his hand, without his perceiving me. How great was my aſtoniſhment when I ſaw it was my own picture!’

‘I was now ſenſible, that far from enjoying that quiet I had been ſo unwilling to interrupt, he was like me, the miſerable victim of a criminal paſſion. I ſaw the powerful hand of God ready to fall upon him; that fatal paſſion which I had carried with me even to the foot of his altar, ſeemed to have drawn the vengeance of heaven upon him who was the object of it.’

‘Full of this terrifying idea I came to proſtrate myſelf before thoſe altars; I implored of God my own converſion, in order to obtain that of my lover. Yes, oh my God, it was for him that I offered up my ſupplications to thee! for him I ſhed tears of remorſe and grief; it was the deſire of his ſalvation that brought me to thee. Thou hadſt compaſſion upon my weakneſs; my prayer, profane as it was, thou didſt not reject: my heart became ſenſible of the healing power of thy grace: from that bliſsful moment I experienced the peace of a ſoul which is with thee, and deſires only thee; thou waſt pleaſed to purify me by ſufferings; I was ſeized with ſickneſs [683] ſoon after. If the partner of my wild affections ſtill groans under the weight of his profane paſſion, let him caſt his eyes upon me: let him view the wretch whom he has ſo madly loved: let him reflect upon that tremendous moment to which I am now arrived, and to which he ſhall ſhortly arrive. Oh, let him ſeek God ere he has ſilenced his mercy to liſten only to his juſtice. But I feel the time of my laſt ſacrifice approaching. I beſeech theſe holy religious to offer up their prayers for my departing ſoul. I humbly intreat their pardon for the offence I have given them, and I acknowledge myſelf unworthy to partake of their ſepulchre.’

The ſound of that adored voice, now undiſguiſed, and always preſent to my remembrance, made me know Adelaida at the firſt words ſhe pronounced. What language can convey an idea of what I then felt! all that the moſt ardent love, all that the tendereſt companion, all that the moſt poignant grief, and wildeſt deſpair could inſpire, tore my diſtracted ſoul that moment. I was proſtrate on the ground, like the other religious, while ſhe was ſpeaking: the fear of loſing any one of her words reſtrained my cries; but when I found, that in uttering the laſt ſhe had expired, the houſe ecchoed with my agonizing ſhrieks.

The religious running to me raiſed me from the ground; I tore myſelf put of their arms, flew to the corps of Adelaida, and kneeling down beſide it, I bathed one of her lifeleſs hands with my tears. ‘I have loſt you then a ſecond time, my dear Adelaida, cried I, and I have loſt you for [684] ever. What! have you been ſo long with me, and did not my ungrateful heart acknowledge you? but we will never more be ſeparated: death, added I, folding her in my arms, death, leſs cruel than my inexorable father, ſhall now, in ſpite of him, unite us for ever.’

True piety is never ſevere. The father abbot, moved at this light, endeavoured by the tendereſt condolences, and the moſt holy exhortations to ſoften my grief, and prevail upon me to abandon the corps of Adelaida, which I held faſt locked in my arms: finding me deaf to all he could urge, he was obliged to uſe force; they dragged me from the lovely body into my own cell, whither the father-abbot followed me: he ſtaid with me the whole night, vainly attempting to calm my mind, my deſpair was increaſed by the conſolations he offered me.

‘Give me Adelaida, ſaid I, why have you ſeparated us? oh, why did not my ſoul take its flight with hers? Alas! I can live no longer in a place where I have loſt her, and where ſhe ſuffered ſo many miſeries. Permit me, added I, throwing myſelf at his feet, permit me to leave this cloiſter; what will you do with a miſerable wretch whoſe deſpair will trouble your repoſe? ſuffer me to retire to ſome other ſolitude, there to wait for a final end to all my ſorrows. My dear Adelaida will obtain of God that my penitence and prayers may be affectual for my ſalvation: and oh, father, do not refuſe my laſt requeſt, promiſe me that the ſame tomb ſhall unite our aſhes, and I in return engage not to [685] haſten that moment which my ſoul ſo ardently pants after.’

The father-abbot moved with compaſſion for my misfortunes, and perhaps deſirous of removing from the eyes of his religious, an object which gave ſo much ſcandal to their piety, granted my requeſt, and promiſed to do what I deſired. I left the convent that moment, and came to this ſolitary wild, where I have lived ſeveral years, having no other conſolation than that of weeping for what I have loſt.

TREATISE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONTINUED.

[686]

Indirect Inſtructions, and that Children ought not to be urged.

THE ſimple pleaſures are leſs poignant, leſs affecting it is true, the others tranſport the ſoul, as they ſtir the ſprings of the paſſions; but the firſt are moſt eligible, ſeeing they afford an equal and durable ſatisfaction without any evil conſequences. They are always benign, whereas thoſe others reſemble adulterated wines, that pleaſe the palate indeed more than the genuine, but create a thirſt and hurt the health; in like manner the temperament of the ſoul is damaged by a purſuit after pleaſures of a quick and poignant nature.

All that we can do for children entruſted to our care, is to uſe them to a plain way of life, to fortify the habit of it in them for as long as we can; to give them timely apprehenſions of the inconveniences conſequent to other ſorts of pleaſure, and never to leave them to their own conduct, as is generally done, juſt at the time when the paſſions begin to make themſelves be felt, and when, of [687] conſequence, there is the greateſt neceſſity for reſtraint.

It muſt be confeſſed, that of all the pains of educating none is comparable to that of bringing up a child who is deficient in ſenſibility: lively and ſenſible tempers are ſubject to terrible deviations; paſſion and preſumption hurry them away, nevertheleſs have they great reſources, and frequently are ſeen to come back, after having ran great lengths. Inſtruction is in them a concealed bud that ſhoots out and ſome times bears fruit, when experience brings its aſſiſtance to reaſon, and the paſſions are grown cool; at leaſt one finds ſomething in them, by which to make them attentive and awaken their curioſity; ſomething whereby to intereſt them in what we would teach, and to affect their ſenſe of honour; whereas we have no hold upon indolent tempers, their thoughts are but the wandering of the mind, they are never where they ought to be; there is no touching them to the quick, even by correction; they hear all, they feel nothing. This indolence make the child negligent, and diſguſted with every thing he does; here it is that the beſt ſcheme of education runs the riſk of failing, in caſe great diligence is not uſed to obviate the evil from their earlieſt infancy.

Many people that do not fathom deep enough, conclude from this ill ſucceſs, that it is nature which performs all in making men of merit, education nothing; whereas, the true concluſion ſhould be, that ſome tempers ate like ſome ungrateful ſoils, upon which cultivation has but ſmall effect; and the matter is made worſe when theſe edecations ſo difficult [688] to accompliſh are obſtructed, or neglected, or badly regulated in the firſt outſet.

Further than this we ought to obſerve that there are ſome ſorts of tempers which we are apt greatly to miſtake; they appear at firſt pretty and promiſing, becauſe the early graces of infancy throw a luſtre over all: there is an inexpreſſible ſomething of the tender and amiable, that keeps us off from a cloſe examination of the compoſition of features; every inſtance of wit in them ſurpriſes, becauſe not expected at that age; all the faultineſs of judgment is excuſed, and carries the grace of ingenuouſneſs; we miſtake a certain corporeal vivacity, which never fails to appear in children for mental. Hence it is that infancy ſeems to promiſe ſo much and yields ſo little. One has been remarkable for his wit at five years old, and in proportion as he grew up, fallen into obſcurity or contempt.

Of all the qualities of children, there is but one to be depended on, that is, a good reaſoning faculty; this grows up with them, provided it be cultivated; the graces of infancy will fade, the vivacity decay, nay the tenderneſs of heart often be loſt, foraſmuch as the paſſions and converſe with a deſigning world, inſenſibly harden young people, as they come forward on the ſtage of life.

Try then to diſcover, beyond theſe graces of infancy, whether the diſpoſition which you have to direct, be void of curioſity, or too little ſenſible to generous emulation. Should this be the caſe, it is ſcarce poſſible but that every perſon engaged in his education, will quickly be diſcouraged at ſo fruitleſs ſo knotty a taſk; wherefore we ſhould endeavour [689] immediately to put in motion every ſpring of the ſoul of that child, in order to rouze him from his lethargy. Whenever you perceive this difficulty, do not attempt a ſeries of inſtruction; take great care not to load his memory, this is what would amaze and oppreſs the brain; fatigue him not with rules and reſtrictions; ſpirit him up, far he is fallen into the contrary extreme to preſumption; fear not to demonſtrate to him, with diſcretion, what he is capable of doing; be pleaſed with a little; make him obſerve even his ſmalleſt ſucceſs; repreſent to him how needleſly he was afraid of miſcarrying in things that he performs well; ſet emulation to work; jealouſy is more prevalent in children than one would imagine, one may ſee ſome of them growing lean and pining with a ſecret anguiſh, becauſe others are more loved or more careſſed than themſelves. It is a cruelty too commonly found among mothers, to make them ſuffer this torment; nevertheleſs, on preſſing occaſions, we ought to be ſkilled in the uſe of this antidote to indolence. Shew the child other children that hardly do better than he; for examples diſproportioned to his weakneſs would diſcourage him utterly: from time to time give him little victories over his rivals; bring him, if poſſible, to laugh freely with you at his own timidity; point out ſome as fearful as himſelf that have got the better of their diſpoſition; inform him, but indirectly, as it were ſpeaking of others, that want of courage, and idleneſs, ſti [...]le the ſoul; that the liſtleſs, and the inattentive, whatever genius they may have, deſtroy their own faculties and degrade themſelves.

[690]But beware of ſpeaking with an auſtere and impatient tone of voice; for nothing ſo confounds a dull and faint-hearted child as harſhneſs; on the contrary, bend all your care to ſeaſon with eaſe and pleaſure proportionable to his temper every taſk you deſire he ſhould perform; and perhaps upon proper occaſions it would not be amiſs to irritate him by ſome degree of contempt, and ſome reproaches, but not by yourſelf in perſon; let another do it, an inferior, or another child, without your ſeeming to know what paſſes.

St. Auſtin relates, that one ſingle reproach of a ſervant wench caſt upon his mother Monica when a girl, ſo ſhocked her, as immediately to make her leave off drinking wine unmixed, a bad habit which not all the violence and ſeverity of her governeſs had been able to keep her from: in ſhort, we muſt endeavour to raiſe up a taſte in the minds of theſe kind of children, in like manner as is practiſed with regard to the palates of ſome ſick people; theſe are permitted to try every thing to cure their want of reliſh; their fancies are complied with, even at the expence of propriety of phyſical rule, provided they do not run to a dangerous exceſs. It is much more difficult to inſpire with a taſte thoſe who are without one, than to regulate it in others where it is not ſuch as it ought to be.

There is another ſort of ſenſibility, which to excite is ſtill more difficult, and more important, and that is friendſhip; the moment a child is capable, no time ſhould be loſt in turning his affections towards their proper objects, perſons who will be of ſervice to him.

[691]By friendſhip he will be led to every thing that can be deſired of him: it is a ſure attachment to draw him to his good, provided we know how to make uſe of it: all that is to be feared is either too exceſſive, or ill-placed affections.

But there are other children that are born politic, cloſe, unconcerned, but drawing every thing ſecretly to their own ends: they deceive their parents, whoſe tenderneſs makes them credulous; they pretend to love them; they ſtudy their inclinations, in order to conform to them; they ſeem more docile than other children of their age, who act without diſguiſe, as it were upon honour; their ſuppleneſs, while it conceals a ſtubborn ſelf-will, has the appearance of true and innate gentleneſs; and their real temper, long diſſembled, does not entirely diſplay itſelf till the opportunity of reforming it is paſt and gone.

If there is a temper upon which education can have no effect, we may ſay this is it; and at the ſame time muſt own, that the number of ſuch is greater than will be eaſily imagined. Parents cannot quickly come into the belief that their child has a bad heart; and what they will not ſee themſelves, no others will have the courage to try to convince them of, and thus the evil augments continually; the principal remedy would be, to give them entire liberty from their earlieſt infancy of ſhewing their diſpoſition: before we correct we muſt know them thoroughly. Naturally, they are plain and open; but, conſtrain them never ſo little, give them but an example of diſguiſe, they never come back to the original ſimplicity. True [692] it is, that God alone beſtoweth a tender and good heart: we can but incite, by examples of generoſity, by maxims of honeſty and diſintereſtedneſs, by manifeſting contempt for perſons guilty of too much ſelf-love.

We muſt endeavour, before they have parted with this firſt ſimplicity of the moſt natural motions of the mind, to give them a taſte for cordial and reciprocal friendſhip. This purpoſe cannot be better promoted than by bringing ſuch perſons about them as ſhall never diſplay any thing harſh, falſe, low, or intereſted. It would be right again to command them for any thing they have done out of friendſhip, provided it be not very wrong placed or carried too far. Their parents likewiſe ſhould appear full of love and kindneſs for them; for children often learn of their own parents to love nothing: and beſides all this, I am even for cutting off, in their preſence, all ſuperfluous compliments to friends, and all ſorts of falſe careſſes, as from whence they get a cuſtom of paying with empty ſhews, perſons they ought really to love. There is a defect quite contrary to this we have been ſpeaking of, and which is often to be found in a young woman, and that is, to intereſt themſelves paſſionately in matters merely indifferent. They cannot ſee two perſons at variance without heartily eſpouſing one ſide or the other; their affections and averſions run high without proper grounds: in the party they happen to eſteem, they can ſee no defects, in whom they happen to diſlike, no one good quality. Now this is not to be directly oppoſed; for contradiction makes theſe fancies [693] more obſtinate; but we muſt remark by little and little, to the young perſon, that we are better acquainted than her with every good quality of her favourite, and with every bad one of the object of her diſlike: at the ſame time, take care to point out, as occaſion ſerves, the inconvenience of ſome defects in the agreeable perſon, as well as the convenience of certain advantageous qualities to be found in the perſon under her diſpleaſure. Do not preſs the matter, you will find ſhe will come to of herſelf.

This done, lay before her conſideration her ſtrong prejudices in their moſt unreaſonable circumſtances, and ſay gently, that ſhe will hereafter be as ſenſible of others which at preſent prevail with her, when they have had their courſe.

Relate ſimilar miſtakes of your own at her time of life; but principally demonſtrate, as clearly as you are able, the great mixture of good and evil in every object of our love or hatred, thereby to abate the intenſeneſs of her friendſhips and averſions.

As to rewards which you ſhall promiſe children, never let them conſiſt in matters of dreſs, or any trifling ornaments, it is doing them a double miſchief; firſt giving them an eſteem for what they ought to deſpiſe, and ſecondly diſabling yourſelf from eſtabliſhing ſuch things for rewards as would in their nature aſſiſt your endeavours. Be very careful not to threaten them, with obliging them to ſtudy, and keeping them under certain rules: let as little as poſſible be ſaid about rules; and when there is no avoiding ſuch a practice, let us get [694] into it, without giving any name, but only a reaſon drawn from convenience for doing ſo and ſo at one certain time, or in one place rather than another.

Were we never to praiſe children when they do well, there would be a hazard of diſcouraging them; therefore, although praiſe is ſomewhat dangerous, on account of conceit, we muſt venture to make uſe of it, ſo far as may animate without making them giddy.

We ſee that St. Paul, to encourage the weak, frequently intermixes commendations, that his rebukes may be more readily received—the fathers of the church do the ſame. It is true, to render them uſeful, it is neceſſary ſo to qualify them as to keep clear of exaggeration or flattery, referring every good to God, as the only ſource thereof.

Recompenſe children we may by means of innocent plays that have ſome ingenuity in them; by walking out with them; by improving converſation; by little preſents given like ſo many prizes, ſuch as pictures or prints, or medals, or geographical cartes, or books prettily bound and gilt.

[To be continued.]

ESSAY ON THE Original Inhabitants of Great Britain, CONCLUDED.

[]

HAVING gone through the whole ſtate of the heptarchy, I find, upon a retroſpect of that government, that although particular princes are mentioned and particular atchievements are recited, there ſtill ſeems wanting a chart of the whole, that at one view may give a liſt and deſcription of the monarchs, their reigns, and their religion. Such a map is exhibited in Mr, Guthrie's Hiſtory of England, vol. I. page 126.

How much is it to be regretted, that among ſuch a number of monarchs, ſo few acts of greatneſs, policy, juriſprudence appear? how intricate and dark, how teizing and immaterial are the ſeveral hiſtorical accounts, from the invaſion of Julius Caeſar, to the reign of Egbert, king of the Weſt Saxons, and afterwards ſole king of England? The hiſtory of the Pagans during that period, produces nothing but blood and ſlaughter. The hiſtory of the chriſtian church, nothing but ridiculous miracles and fulſome enthuſiaſm. All we perceive is, that the ſeveral monarchies were continually at war with each other; the motives and incitement of theſe wars ſcarce ever appear. We know that [696] there was a general aſſembly, conſiſting of the chief and greateſt men in each kingdom: we know that it was called the Wittenagemot, and in that aſſembly were debated, regulated, and ordered, the affairs of the nation. Such a glimmering of light is very pleaſing, as it ſeems to ſhew us the riſe and bulwark of our freedom, a parliament. This is almoſt the only intereſting point of the heptarchy. The tedious narratives of privileges, revenues, and immunities granted to the church, the endowments of monaſteries, and the power of the clergy, are not only unprofitable and diſguſting, but totally uſeleſs and deſpicable: at leaſt they muſt appear ſo to theſe times, when the pope can ſcarce keep up his authority among the roman catholic ſtates. When his power as a prince is no longer dreaded, and his power as a pope held in a very diminutive degree of veneration. When, on the other hand, ſenſe, liberty, induſtry, and courage, unite and coincide to fortify, preſerve, and augment the preſent glorious and happy ſtate of England.

THE HISTORY OF THE PRINCESS PADMANI.

[]

AKEBAR, the ſeventh emperor of the Moguls, inherited the virtues and the courage of the illuſtrious Tamerlane: all the good qualities of the Mogul princes ſeemed to be united in his perſon, almoſt without a mixture of thoſe vices which make us look upon them as barbarians. There has ſcarce been known a prince of a more penetrating and extenſive judgment, of a more generous and intrepid ſoul, and at the ſame time, tender, compaſſionate, and grateful.

Among the many triumphs that marked his glorious reign, the reduction of Chitor was not the leaſt conſiderable. An Indian Raja, or prince of the race of the famous Rana, who had formerly ſubmitted to the power of Tamerlane, gave umbrage to Akebar, who could not endure that he ſhould hold a kind of ſovereignty in his neighbourhood.

This prince was called Rana, after the name of his anceſtors, and boaſted of being lineally deſcended from the antient Porus. The territories of the Raja were not above twelve days journey from Dely; Chitor, the capital of his country, was [698] rather a fortreſs than a town of trade: it is ſituated on a high mountain, ſurrounded with water on every ſide, in the midſt of a vaſt plain. The top of the mountain on which the town is built is a flat. It is about a league and a half in circumference, and half a league over in ſome places. At the foot of the mountain, the Nug, a pretty large river, and very deep, glides gently along, a rivulet of the beſt water in the world takes its ſource in the town, makes a great many windings within it, and at laſt having formed ſeveral natural caſcades on the break of the mountain, throws itſelf into the river. Within the compaſs of the fortreſs are ſeveral beautiful fields ſowed with rice, and watered by the overflowings of the rivulet. It affords proviſions enough to ſupply a tolerable large garriſon. A place inacceſſible, which wants neither victuals nor water, paſſes in the Indies for impregnable. However this was the place which Akebar undertook to conquer.

This young emperor's paſſion for the princeſs Padmani, the wiſe of Rana, repreſented that enterprize eaſy to him, which every one elſe thought impracticable. Before he would attempt ſo dangerous a ſiege, Akebar, by his ambaſſadors, let Rana underſtand, that ambition alone was not the motive of this undertaking, and that he might preſerve his country from the ruin which threatned it, by giving up the moſt beautiful princeſs of the Eaſt, to the moſt potent monarch of the world.

A propoſal of this kind is not ſo mocking in the Indies, as it would be in Europe, their laws allow divorce; however, Rana had too much tenderneſs for Padmani, to part with her to a rival, and would [699] hear nothing more upon that ſubject but the dictates of his own valour and the tears of his wife.

‘Can you find in your heart to abandon me, (ſays the virtuous princeſs,) to a tyrant whom I deteſt? have we not ſtrength enough in Chitor to conſume your enemy's forces, and extinguiſh his flame, by the length of a fruitleſs ſiege? at worſt, if I muſt loſe my life, I will loſe it without regret, provided I am not ſo unhappy as to ſurvive you.’

Words ſo moving, determined Rana to prefer an honourable war, to an ignominious peace. He anſwered the ambaſſador of Akebar, that he would not adviſe his maſter to ſit down before Chitor; but if his paſſion had the aſcendant over his reaſon, Akebar ſhould find in the perſon of Rana, a true Ragepute, capable of maintaining his rights, and incapable of violating his faith to Padmani.

The emperor was ſurpriſed at ſo haughty a reply; he was not accuſtomed to meet with any oppoſition to his will, or be croſſed in his deſigns. ‘Can it be poſſible, cried he, that there is a man upon earth that dares diſobey me?’ He quickly aſſembled his victorious troops, which had newly conquered two kingdoms.

Nor was Rana leſs adive, but made preparations for maintaining a long ſiege in Chitor: he rouzed up, by his ambaſſadors, the ſlothful Rajas in his neighbourhood: he gave them to underſtand, that their negligence muſt ſoon expoſe them to the tyranny of a Mahometan; that the Moguls were a race of people but lately arrived in the Indies, [700] and who grew formidable only by the diviſions of the Indians; that if the princes, votaries of Brama, would unite againſt the ſectaries of Mahomet, they might eaſily deſtroy them.

Jamee and Tala, both Rajas, and princes of two provinces bordering on Chitor, joined their troops to thoſe of Rana, and came in perſon to make war againſt Akebar. They appeared in the field at the head of their armies; but the Mogul, who advanced by long marches towards Chitor, quickly diſperſed them. The two brothers had no other remedy but that of retiring into the ſtrong places of their provinces, and there expect the enemy, whoſe forces they were not able to withſtand in the field.

Never was there ſeen in Indoſtan a finer nor a more numerous army than that of the Mogul: he ſpared no coſt to ſhew himſelf before Chitor in the utmoſt ſplendor. The richneſs of his tents is hardly to be conceived by us in Europe; all was gold about them. He thought, by his magnificent equipage, to dazzle the Princeſs Padmani, and by the number of his troops to frighten Rana into ſubmiſſion.

Akebar found by experience, that virtue and valour are ſometimes proof againſt the greateſt hopes or the greateſt fears. The gallant Indians beheld without emotion, from the top of their mountain, the magnificence and prodigious extent of the enemy's camp. The Mogul in the beginning of the ſiege, acted at once the ſoldier and the lover: he ſhot arrows into the town which ried letters for Padmani; the princeſs took no notice [701] of them: he puſhed the ſiege like one in deſpair. He fired terribly upon the place from ſeveral batteries; but his cannon ſhooting upwards, had little or no effect.

The Indians from their ramparts inſulted the Mahometans, and reproached them with their want of bravery, though animated to the fight by more paſſions than one.

A Portugueſe hiſtorian tells us, that the ſiege of Troy was acted over again in that of Chitor: he adds, that it laſted twelve years, and that Padmani had time to grow old, while the Mogul endeavoured to win her by his arms This is an exaggeration which the Mogul Chronocle does not confirm. The ſiege laſted at moſt but two years, and then concluded by a very extraordinary adventure.

Akebar, wearied out by ſo obſtinate a reſiſtance, made ſhew of raiſing the ſiege of Chitor, and wrote to Rana a very obliging artful letter. He commended the Raja for his courage, but deſired he would grant him two favours, before he quitted an enterprize which he had undertaken to his confuſion; firſt, that the Raja would give him a ſight of the princeſs, whom he had not known but by public ſame; next, that he would permit him to go into Chitor, and ſee the only place in the world capable of reſiſting his power.

The Raja granted him the ſecond demand very freely, but refuſed the firſt. He contented that the Mogul ſhould enter Chitor, attended by only fifty of his officers, but would not promiſe that he ſhould ſee Padmani.

[702]Akebar, accepted the Raja's offer; and having received hoſtages for the ſecurity of his perſon, he entered Chitor with a ſmaller number of attendants than was allowed him. The emperor received from Rana all the reſpect and all the diſtinction due to his rank. He was regaled in the palace after the Indian manner. The entertainment was civil on both ſides; but Akebar, who poſſeſſed the moſt perſuaſive eloquence, had the art to make Rana grant him more than he had promiſed. When he ſaw the Indian warmed with wine, he intreated him to ſend for Padmani for one moment. The Raja was willing, but they had great difficulty to get the princeſs to conſent. At laſt in compliance to her huſband, ſhe ſhewed herſelf, but diſappeared in an inſtant. This indiſcretion of Rana coſt him dear: Akebar's paſſion was much more inflamed upon ſight of the princeſs, however he had command enough over himſelf to diſſemble it: he made Rana believe that he was reſolved to raiſe the ſiege from a place which had already given him but too much trouble, and prudently forbore to intermix in his diſcourſe any praiſes of Padmani, but ſuch as were cold and indifferent.

Rana, thus deceived by appearances, treated his moſt cruel enemy without the leaſt diſtruſt: he received his preſents, and gave him others in return. Akebar beſtowed on the prince a ſcymetar adorned with diamonds, and Rana made the emperor accept of ſome jewels, and now the hour of their parting drew near. Akebar walked towards the gate of the fortreſs, followed only by forty of his attendants; Rana, to ſhew his reſpect, inſiſted upon waiting on [703] him to the gate. During their walk, Akebar renewed his kind proteſtations. At laſt they came to the gate of the fortreſs, where the Mogul, as a farther teſtimony of his friendſhip, would put about the neck of Rana one of thoſe large pearl necklaces which in India the men wear as well as the women. He took care to ſtring it with ſome of the ſtrongeſt twiſt; and dragged him by this collar out of the gate, while his forty ſoldiers oppoſed the guard, who made a motion to reſcue their prince. The Mogul forced the Indian to mount a horſe; and after having received ſome diſcharges from the muſquets on the ramparts, they conducted Rana alive to the emperor's camp.

In the mean time the uproar made at the gate put the whole town into a conſternation: the people thought the enemy had ſurpriſed it; and certainly had the Mogul been but a little better provided with an armed force to ſecond his deſign, he might eaſily have carried the place.

Fame, which ever magnifies, brought to Padmani's ears the news of a ſudden eruption of the enemy, and that her huſband was miſſing in the tumult. The gallant princeſs did not ſuffer herſelf to be overwhelmed with this unexpected diſaſter; ſhe immediately got on horſeback, and with her lance in her hand, appeared at the head of her troops, reſolved to conquer or die. She did not learn the truth of Akebar's treachery, and the forcing away of Rana, till ſhe came upon the very ſpot: ſhe perceived plainly enough that ſhe had been the true cauſe of his misfortune, but ſhe thought ſit to conceal that part. ‘He is dead, ſhe cried, that, deareſt huſband is dead, whom my [704] tenderneſs has undone. Let us think no more of recovering him by a diſhonourable compoſition, but revenge his death by ſeeing the authors of it fall in heaps about us.’

Padmani, without ſhedding a tear, though pierced with the ſharpeſt ſorrow, walked round the ramparts, gave all the neceſſary orders, encouraged the ſoldiers, and animated the principal leaders. In fine, ſhe ſhewed herſelf as much ſuperior to the men in prudence and courage, as ſhe ſurpaſſed in beauty all thoſe of her own ſex.

Akebar had now flattered himſelf that he ſhould quickly become maſter of the fortreſs, and gave the beſieged to underſtand, that if they did not deliver up the place, and the princeſs, he would firſt cauſe Rana's head to be ſtruck off, and conclude his revenge by ſacking the town, and putting the inhabitants to the ſword. The brave Amazon anſwered, that her huſband having fallen into the hands of a perjured man, ſhe was no longer in doubt of his death; but ſtill there remained Rageputes enough of his nation to revenge their ſovereign: that for her part, ſhe would employ all the authority heaven had given her over her people, to raiſe up to the Mogul enemies yet more formidable than Rana; and that the principal leaders of her army had ſworn to loſe their lives rather than ſurrender the place.

Akebar was not ignorant of the firmneſs of the Rageputes in all their reſolutions; he choſe therefore to raiſe the ſiege, and endeavour to obtain the princeſs by way of negotiation. An ambaſſador was ſent to Padmani, loaded with rich preſents, and the moſt paſſionate letters, Akebar [705] repreſented to the princeſs, that ſhe had given proofs enough of the fidelity due to her huſband; that it was now time to make ſome condeſcenſion in favour of a great emperor, and her own intereſt; that her tenderneſs for Rana could not better appear than by procuring the liberty of her captive huſband; that by redeeming Rana from his captivity, ſhe might make herſelf the greateſt queen in the world.

They ſhewed her at the ſame time letters extorted from the captive prince, in which he conjured her to make herſelf happy by ſetting him at liberty. The heroine rightly apprehended, that Rana's was only a forced conſent, and that her own glory depended upon an inviolable fidelity to him; yet ſhe thought it not unlawful to play the hypocrite, and deceive a deceiver, who had robbed her of her huſband. She let the Mogul underſtand, that ſhe began to waver in her reſolution, and that ambition had ſhaken her conſtancy; that if her vows did not bind her indiſpenſibly to Rana, ſhe would think herſelf happy in being ſultaneſs to ſo great a prince; but that ſhe had ſworn to her firſt huſband, by all their gods, that ſhe would never be the wife of another, without an expreſs conſent from his own mouth; that the emperor might chuſe either to ſuffer Rana to come to Chitor, or permit Padmani to go and demand her huſband's conſent, in the place of his captivity.

Akebar embraced the laſt propoſal, and conſented to let the princeſs come with a good guard to pay her huſband a viſit. A caſtle in the neighbourhood of Agra was Rana's priſon: it is impoſſible [706] to expreſs the impatience of Akebar for the arrival of a princeſs at his capital for whom he had expended ſuch vaſt treaſures, and expoſed himſelf to ſo many dangers. Couriers upon couriers were diſpatched to entreat her not to defer her departure. The emperor ſent her preſents every hour of jewels, fruits, and a myſterious kind of noſegays, which are made uſe of in the eaſt to expreſs, by matching of flowers, the ſentiments of the heart.

The princeſe got ready her equipage with all poſſible ſpeed; the moſt ſumptuous pallanquins were prepared for her journey. Theſe are a kind of Indian chaiſes, in which people of quality are carried on the ſhoulders of ten or a dozen ſlaves; they are long enough to ſleep in, as in a litter: thoſe for the men are open at top; but the women's are cloſe, and of a much larger ſize. Four may ſit conveniently in one of them; ſo that there is need of twenty ſlaves to bear thoſe in which the princeſſes are carried.

Padmani ſhut up eight of the braveſt of her ſubjects in the two pallanquins, and enjoined them a profound ſilence during the journey; for her own part ſhe remained at Chitor, and ſent away the pallanquins with a good guard. The project was executed with ſo much ſecrecy that the whole town was deceived. The people were all in tears at the ſuppoſed departure of their princeſs, and followed the pallanquins in crouds out of the town. Mean time Padmani keeping very private in her palace, had the pleaſure to ſee the ſorrow of her people for their imaginary loſs.

[707]As ſoon as the emperor was informed that the princeſs was ſet out for Agra, he appointed ſeveral perſons to meet and compliment her. The princeſs's firſt eunuch, who managed the intrigue, and was ſhut up in the pallanquin, in which the princeſs was ſuppoſed to be, made anſwers for her. Among other things, he let the emperor know, in the name of Padmani, that if ſhe met with the leaſt interruption in her journey, or was hindered from proceeding directly to her huſband, without going through the capital; or even, if ſhe was diſturbed in her converſation with Rana, that ſhe was determined to ſtab herſelf with a dagger which ſhe brought for that purpoſe, and held ready in her hand for fear of any ſurpriſe.

Akebar had not a thought of making the leaſt oppoſition to the princeſs's will. He ſent her word, that ſhe ſhould be at full liberty to ſee Rana, to diſcourſe with him, and bid him adieu. The nearer the pallanquins approached Agra, the more couriers were diſpatched to wait on them. They were met by them at every village, and ſtill the eunuch gave anſwers to the letters of Akebar. About half a day's journey from Agra, and three or four leagues from the caſtle where Rana was priſoner, they met a magnificent equipage, which the emperor had ſent to receive the princeſs. The Rageputes arrived about the evening at the place where Rana was priſoner.

The two pallanquins only, and ſome officers of Padmani's guard, were permitted to enter the caſtle; theſe officers, together with the Rageputes ſhut up in the pallanquins, diſpatched the governor of the caſtle, who firſt advanced to receive the princeſs; [708] afterwards becoming matters of the guard, they delivered Rana from his impriſonment. They mounted him on a very fleet horſe; and, as they had poſted change enough on the road, the raja ſoon arrived at Chitor, where he made Padmani all the acknowledgments due to his deliverer.

Mean time Akebar was waiting impatiently in a garden for the arrival of the princeſs. When word was brought him that Rana had made his eſcape, and that ſome armed men had been concealed in the pallanquins inſtead of Padmani, he commanded the meſſenger's head to be ſtruck off who brought this news; but coming to himſelf a moment after, he was contented to forbid him his preſence for ever. "Purſue, purſue Rana," cries he; but Rana was got too far on his road to be overtaken. As to the Rageputes, who had ſerved as a convoy to the pallanquins, after having marched all night with great expedition, they found themſelves about the morning in the territories of a raja, and a friend to the prince of Chitor, and at laſt got ſafe into their own country.

As ſoon as Rana was returned to his fortreſs, he wrote an inſulting letter to Akebar; he reproached him with his perfidiouſneſs, and rallied him on the ill ſucceſs of his amours; he haughtily defied him to come a ſecond time to try his fortune againſt the citadel of Chitor; and added, that after having been baffled and outwitted by a woman, he might very well expect to be vanquiſhed by an army of Rageputes, who waited his arrival with impatience. Rana did more than inſult his enemy with letters; he erected in the market-place of Chitor a pillar, on which were engraven theſe words, Never truſt the Moguls who have betrayed you.

[709]The behaviour of Rana, and the indifference of the princeſs Padmani, provoked Akebar to ſuch a degree, that he was no longer maſter of himſelf. Once more he aſſembled his troops; he augmented his artillery; he prepared machines; in a word, he made ſuch proviſion for the ſiege of Chitor, that he believed the taking of it infallible. In this aſſurance he ſurrounded the place on every ſide; he raiſed platforms, on which he planted his engines: the aſſaults were furious, and were equally ſuſtained.

The Mogul was now no more that amorous prince, who ſeemed tender of the lives of his princeſs's people; but an emperor enraged to the laſt degree, who came to avenge a perſonal affront. The two principals were continually attentive; one to puſh the ſiege, and the other to defeat it. Rana ſcarce ever quitted the ramparts, where he encouraged his men, and repaired the breaches. Akebar, on his ſide, often mounted the platforms, and gave his orders for forming the attacks. One day as Akebar was taking a view of the place from one of thoſe platforms, almoſt equal in heighth with the walls of Chitor, he perceived an officer walking careleſly on the ramparts; he took aim with his fuſee, and ſhot the raja dead upon the ſpot. Two days after the emperor had an account that he had killed his rival; that his body was burned in great pomp; and that the generous Padmani, according to the cuſtom of the Ragepute princeſſes, had thrown herſelf into the flames, and mingled her aſhes with thoſe of her huſband. Chitor ſtill made ſome reſiſtance; but at laſt was forced to yield to the valour and fortune of Akebar.

THE LADY's GEOGRAPHY.

[710]

DESCRIPTION of the Iſland of CEYLON. [Continued from Page 480.]

THIS country, though mountainous, is watered by a great number of very fine rivers which fall from the mountains:—moſt of them are too full of rocks to be navigable, but they contain fiſh in great abundance. The river of Mavelagongue, which is the principal of them, has its ſource in the Picus Adami, of which we ſhall give a deſcription hereafter; it traverſes the whole iſland towards the north, and falls into the ſea at Trinquemale. Its breadth is about a croſs bow ſhot: the rocks, which render it very little navigable, afford harbour and retreat to a great number of alligators. It runs within a quarter of a league of the town of Candi; but as the rapidity of its waters will not admit of any bridge being built over it, it can only be croſſed in little canoes. It is moreover a point of policy amongſt the inhabitants, who are far from deſirous to render travelling commodious in their country; but rather chuſe to embarraſs the roads as much as poſſible. In ſome places this river flows for leagues together without meeting any interruption from the rocks. But the Ceyloneſe in general reap very little advantages from the waters, either in the way of commerce, or for the conveyance of goods.

[711]Excepting the province of Ouvah, and the diſtricts of Oudipollat and Dolusbang, the whole iſland is covered with wood. It is well peopled about the centre, but very indifferently towards the borders. The inhabitants do indeed ſhew many places where they pretend heretofore to have had very conſiderable cities, the names of which the places retain to this day; but there are ſcarcely the veſtiges of any buildings remaining in them. Knox, who traverſed the iſland ſeveral times, takes notice of only five which can deſerve that title; and in which the king has palaces, although they are all in ruins, excepting that which he particularly inhabits. Of theſe cities Candi, or Conde, is the chief. It has the advantage of being placed in the centre of the iſland; ſo that it may be approached with equal facility from every part of it. Its form is triangular; and, according to the cuſtom of the country, the king's palace occupies the eaſtern angle of it. It is fortified only to the ſouth, becauſe the acceſs to it is more open there than from any other quarter. This fortification, however, is nothing more than a rampart of earth about twenty feet high, which croſſes the valley from one mountain to another. All the avenues to the city, for two or three miles diſtance, are cloſed up with barriers of thorn, and a continual guard always kept at them; and the great river which comes down from the Picus Adami, paſſes within a quarter of a league of it towards the ſouth.

The next city is Nellemby-neur, about twelve miles ſouth of the preceding. Allout-neur ſtands to the north-eaſt of Candi, where the king keeps [712] large magazines of corn and rice in reſerve againſt the time of war. Badoula, which is the fourth city, is two days journey from Candi, towards the eaſt of the province of Ouvah. In this province the beſt tobacco in the iſland is cultivated: it is very well watered; but wood is ſcarce in it. Rice and cattle, however, are in abundance in it; with reſpect to which, however, this very ſingular circumſtance is obſervable, that the cattle reared there cannot live for any conſiderable time when tranſported into any other province: the occaſion of which, is attributed to a certain ſhrub, which is found in all the other provinces, and not in this.

The fifth and laſt of theſe cities is Digligyneur, ſituated alſo to the eaſt of Candi. In this city the king has kept his court ever ſince the year 1664, when a revolt of his ſubjects drove him to quit Candi; and with his departure began the ruin of that city. It is ſituated in the province of Hevoiattay, a country which is covered with mountains and rocks, that render the ſoil of it extremely infertile. Yet has the king choſen it for his reſidence, as a place of ſecurity, by being in the neighbourhood of a very high mountain called Gauldua, which may, on any occaſion, afford him a ſafe retreat; and where as much rice may be gathered as will amply maintain the garriſon of three forts, which defend the entrance to it. It is extremely ſleep on all ſides; and ſo inveſted with rocks, woods, and precipices, that a handful of men might ſtand their ground there againſt very numerous armies.

[713]As to the towns and villages of Ceylon, altho' they are very numerous, there are few of them that are worth a traveller's attention. The moſt remarkable are thoſe which are conſecrated to their idols, in which ſome of their Devals, or temples, may be ſeen. The inhabitants give themſelves very little trouble about making their ſtreets ſtrait, or preſerving any regularity in their houſes; each family living in a ſeperate building, which is moſt uſually ſurrounded with a hedge and ditch. The Ceyloneſe never build in the high road, as they do not chuſe to be obſerved by paſſengers. Their largeſt villages do not contain above a hundred houſes. Their uſual number is about forty or fifty, although there are ſome which conſiſt of only eight or ten. Beſides which, they quit them whenever ſickneſs happens to be in any degree frequent amongſt them, or that two or three people chance to die within any ſmall ſpace of time. They then imagine that the devil has taken poſſeſſion of the place, and therefore immediately abandon their lands and habitations, in order to go in ſearch of ſome more fortunate dwelling.

The king's palace at Digligy-neur, is ſurrounded with a rampart of earth, caſed with thatch, to prevent the rain's beating it down. This incloſure is full of various irregular buildings, moſt of them low, and covered with ſtubble, excepting ſome few, whoſe roofs are tiled. Theſe latter have two ſtories, with open galleries round them to let in air, ſurrounded with balluſters, ſome of ebony, and others of painted wood. The windows alſo are inlaid with plates of ſilver and ebony; and the top of each edifice adorned with vaſes [714] of earth, or moreſque. Theſe ſeveral buildings form a kind of labyrinth, to which there are a great number of very handſome gates, two of which have draw-bridges to them. The porticoes of theſe are of a moſt admirable relief; and, even to the very locks and bolts, are decorated with carved work. At each of theſe doors, and at every paſſage, are placed centinels, which are regularly relieved day and night.

The common houſes of the inhabitants are little, low, and thatched. Nor are they allowed to build them with more than one ſtory, nor to cover them with tiles, nor even to whiten the walls of them with lime, though they have a kind of white clay which they might employ with advantage to this uſe. As the country is very hot, they for the moſt part neglect the plaiſtering of their walls, contenting themſelves with the branches and leaves of trees. They have not even chimneys in their houſes, but make what fire is neceſſary for the preparation of their victuals, in a corner of their apartment, which blackens the floor very much. The grandees have houſes very handſome and commodious, conſiſting for the moſt part of two buildings oppoſite to each other, and united by a wall, which forms a ſquare court. Theſe walls are ſurrounded with borders of clay, rubbed over with cow dung, which renders them impenetrable by the rain. Their domeſtics and ſlaves inhabit the houſes round them.

As to the temperature of the air, it is very unwholſome in the ſouthern parts, though all the reſt of the country enjoys a very pure and healthy air. The vallies are, for the moſt part, marſhy, [715] and full of fine ſprings. Thoſe which have theſe qualities are looked on as the beſt, becauſe the rice, which is the principal ſubſiſtence of the inhabitants, requires a great deal of moiſture.

The variety which is obſerved in the air and rains in the different parts of this iſland are very remarkable:—when the weſt winds begin to blow, the weſtern parts have great falls of rain, and this is the proper ſeaſon to plough and till the ground; and yet at the very ſame time the eaſtern parts of the iſland enjoy very dry weather, and gather in their harveſt:—On the contrary, when the wind blows from the eaſt, they plough and till in the eaſterly parts, and gather in the corn in the oppoſite ones, towards the weſt.—Thus the buſineſs of ploughing and harveſt employs the iſlanders almoſt all the year round in different ſeaſons of the year.

This diviſion of rain and drought is made about the middle of the iſland; and it frequently happens that there is rain on one ſide of the mountain of Cauragahing, whilſt it is extremely hot and dry on the other ſide of it. It is alſo remarked, that this difference is no leſs violent than it is ſudden: for on the quitting a very wet ſpot of ground, you ſhall come immediately into a ſoil the heat of which ſhall ſcorch and burn your feet.

The ſouthern parts of the iſland, however, are not ſubject to this great quantity of wet weather:—for there will ſometimes continue there for three or four years together ſo great and conſtant a drought, that the ground ſhall be incapable of [716] receiving any kind of culture. It is even difficult to dig any wells thereabouts deep enough to get water that can be drank; and even the very beſt that is to be got retains an acrimony and brackiſhneſs, which renders it extremely diſagreeable.

On the ſouth of Candi, and at about fourteen or fifteen leagues from Colombo, is a mountain, which is looked on as the higheſt in the iſland, and which, from its height and form, which is nearly that of a ſugar-loaf, is very diſtinctly to be ſeen not only all through the iſland, but even at upwards of a dozen miles out at ſea. This is the famous Picus Adami, whereof all the travellers, who have ever been in this country, have ſpoken with ſo much admiration. On a large flat ſtone, which is at the top of it, is an impreſſion reſembling that of a man's foot, but upwards of twice the natural ſize of one. The general ſuperſtition is, that this mark was left there by the foot of our firſt parent; from whom therefore the mountain receives its name. In ſhort, were we to recount all the fabulous things that the Ceyloneſe introduce in their hiſtory of this mountain, it would be only abuſing the patience of our fair readers.— let it ſuffice then to give a plain deſcription of the place, ſuch as it is, only adding, that theſe people look on it as a meritorious action to go and pay their adorations to this foot; eſpecially on the firſt day of the year, which falls with them in the month of March: at which time are to be ſeen immenſe proceſſions of men, women, and children, who have undertaken this pilgrimage.

[717]Before you come then to the foot of the mountain, you meet with a very large and pleaſant plain, watered with a great many rills which fall from the Pic, and form at the bottom of it a pool to which the Gentiles frequently make a pilgrimage, never failing to bathe themſelves in it, and waſh their cloaths and linen alſo therein, from a perſuaſion that that water has a virtue to efface all their ſins. After this firſt act of ſuperſtition, they clamber to the top of the mountain, by the aſſiſtance of iron chains affixed thereto; and without which it would be impoſſible to get up, ſo very ſteep is it, although there have been ſteps wrought out in many parts of it. The way to the top is at leaſt a quarter of a league. At a certain diſtance from the ſummit are erected two ſtone pillars, ſurmounted by another ſtone, which lies acroſs them, and to which is ſuſpended a large bell, made of metal, having its clapper pierced with a hole big enough to paſs an iron thong through it, which all the pilgrims are obliged to pull, and ſtriking one ſtroke on the bell to try whether they are purified; becauſe theſe idolaters imagine, that if they are not ſo, the bell will give no ſound. This imaginary misfortune, however, never happens to them. The ſummit of the mountain preſents a plain ſurface, of an hundred and fifty paces in length, and an hundred and ten in breadth; in the middle of which is the flat ſtone which it is ſaid bears the impreſſion of a gigantic human foot, two palms long, and eight inches broad. There are ſome trees planted about this ſtone; and to the left of it are a few huts, whither the pilgrims retire. On the right [718] hand there was formerly a very fine pagod, whereof the Ceyloneſe relate wonders; and Baldeus deſcribes ſixty-eight ſtatues and figures, which are to be met with in different cavities of the mountain. From the Picus Adami, as we have obſerved before, iſſue moſt of the rivers which water the iſland of Ceylon.

NATURAL HISTORY of CEYLON.

This iſland produces a great quantity of rice: in the cultivation of which the induſtry of the inhabitants renders itſelf extremely conſpicuous; for when we come to conſider how neceſſary water is in the culture of that grain, and at the ſame time recollect that great part of the iſland is extremely mountainous, it will appear wonderful that it ſhould be ſo fertile as it is. The manner, however, that the Ceyloneſe have contrived for rendering it ſo, is by levelling the ſides of theſe mountains at certain ſtages, from three to eight feet in breadth, ſo as to form a kind of ſtaircaſe from the bottom of the hill to the uppermoſt of theſe ſtages, in which they ſow their rice. Now as the iſland is very much viſited with rain, and that there is beſides a great frequency of ſprings on the mountains, they have found means to dig large reſervoirs nearly on a level with the higheſt ſprings; from whence the water is made to fall on the uppermoſt rows, and from them gradually to the others, ſo as to keep them continually ſupplied with water. Some of theſe reſervoirs are half a league in length, ſome leſs, and their depth uſually from two to three yards.

[719]There are ſeveral kinds of rice diſtinguiſhable in the iſland of Ceylon, which are defined by different names, although they differ very little in their taſte; and indeed ſcarcely in any thing more than the length of time they take in ripening. Some is ſeven months in coming to perfection, whilſt ſome will ripen at ſix, five, four, or three months end. That which is ſooneſt ripe is the beſt taſted; but does not yield ſo plentifully. There is even a kind which ripens in dry ground, and is therefore ſowed in thoſe places where it is not in the power of art to convey water. This would be a very great treaſure to the inhabitants of the eaſtern parts, were it not much inferior to the other kinds both in taſte and ſmell.

Beſides the rice, this iſland furniſhes various ſorts of grain; which, although by no means approaching to it in goodneſs, are nevertheleſs a very good reſource in times of ſcarcity. They have alſo great quantities of excellent fruits; but they might reap much more advantage from them, if they were ſufficiently fond of them, to beſtow ſome care on their cultivation. But as they pay very little regard to thoſe which have nothing agreeable in them but their taſte, and cannot ſerve them by way of food when the grain is at any time deficient, the only trees which they plant are thoſe that produce nutritive fruits. The other kinds grow of themſelves: and what ſtill diminiſhes the care of the inhabitants, is, that in all places where nature produces any delicious fruits, the officers of the country tie a label round the tree in the king's name, with three knots at the [720] end of it; which being done, no one dares touch it, without running the hazard of a very ſevere puniſhment, and ſometimes even of death. The fruit when ripe is generally carried in a white linen cloth to the governor of the province; who, ſelecting the fineſt, wraps it up in another linen cloth, and ſends it to court, keeping the reſt for himſelf, and returning none to the proprietors.

THE LADY's MUSEUM.
The TRIFLER. [NUMBER X.]

[]
MADAM,

IN a life of ſixty-four years, alas how times are altered! when I was young, what dread and reverence were paid to omens, dreams, viſions, blue burning candles, knives and forks acroſs each other, ſalt ſpilt by aukwardneſs, and every kind of prognoſtic that led into the avenues of fate! The preſent times, or rather the laſt twenty years of my exiſtence, treat theſe important points as trifles. Owls ſcreech unheard. I myſelf dream and repeat my dreams unregarded. Thieves appear in the watch-lights, and we loſe a marrow-ſpoon the next day; no matter, nothing foretold our loſs. My elder ſiſter, [722] bed-rid and very old I confeſs, aſſures me, that her curtains have been drawn aſide three times within theſe five weeks, by ſomething in the ſhape of a dog without a head; but ſhe, poor woman, is looked upon as doating. Jett, my little ſpaniel, I am ſure, often ſees ſomething that comes from the other world; but Jett's a dog, and can only bark at it.

What a pity it is, madam, that we cannot at the ſame time when we abhor the ſuperſtitions of popery, retain that veneration, I had almoſt ſaid duty, to celeſtial warnings, which, no longer ago than the proteſtant reign of good queen Anne, I can very well remember, had an influence over every action of our lives.

It was then, madam, that a winding-ſheet in the candle, or a cinder coffin jumping out of the fire, ſent many a wicked maid to her prayers and repentance for a whole week together.

It was then, madam, that doctor Aaron Sandford, the ſtar-gazing haberdaſher, of Bednal green, and doctor Duncan Campbell, the deaf and dumb conjurer, in Buckingham Court, were followed and revered with as true devotion as the methodiſts are in theſe wicked days.

Witches indeed have pretty well kept their ground, notwithſtanding the thunder of an act of parliament, and the execution of poor Thomas Colley, only for ſtifling Ruth Oſborne, the witch of Tring, in a pond of water. It is not ſix months ago ſince I read an account in one of the news-papers of a witch in Northumberland. The beſt people in the pariſh aſſembled to take her; they ſurrounded [723] her houſe boldly, and in a body; they burſt open the door, but they found ſhe was flown, probably up the chimney, and upon a broomſtick.

My mother and my grandmother have often informed me of many wonderful noiſes, apparitions, and viſions, that have been ſeen and heard in our family. My honoured parents were not only pious matrons but great believers; and ſhall I degenerate? All good ſtars forbid! yet I foreſee that with me muſt die the uſual family-veneration for ſupernatural cauſes.

My two grand-daughters are incorrigibly obſtinate and careleſs: they give each other knives and ſciſſars, without conſidering the conſequence, that ſuch kind of inſtruments inviſibly cut love and affection. Sukey, the eldeſt, never fails to quit the room as ſoon as I begin to read my fate in coffee-grounds, and her ſiſter Nancy ſeems not to pay the leaſt regard to Childermas-day.

What can I do? pray madam, aſſiſt me in correcting theſe two girls, and in teaching them to ſtand in awe of ſpirits, hobgoblins, fairies, death-watches, and Will i'the wiſp.

I am, Madam, Your moſt Humble Servant, GRACE PYTHONESS.

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT AND SOPHIA CONTINUED.

[]

THE firſt thought that ſtruck the amazed Sophia was, that Sir Charles, either following the motions of his natural inconſtancy, or in revenge of her ſuppoſed contempt of him, had married Harriot. Certain that ſhe had now loſt for ever this lover, who with all his real or imputed faults, ſhe had never been able to baniſh from her heart, ſhe reſigned herſelf up to the ſharpeſt agonies of deſpair, and had already arrived at her ſiſter's houſe before ſhe was able to ſtop the courſe of her tears.

A ſervant in the livery of her own family opened the door. This circumſtance ſurpriſed Sophia, who pulling her hat over her eyes to conceal her diſorder, aſked him, with ſome heſitation, if his miſtreſs was at home.

The fellow replied, he believed ſhe was, and opening the coach-door, ſhewed her into a parlour, telling her, with a ſmart air, that he would enquire of his lady's woman whether ſhe was viſible yet or no.

[725]Sophia having ſummoned all her fortitude to enable her to go through this ſevere trial with dignity, had time enough to recollect and compoſe herſelf before any one appeared; and now ſeveral circumſtances ruſhed upon her memory which in the firſt tranſports of her aſtoniſhmentt and grief had eſcaped her attention.

Mrs. Darnley, in her letter, had not mentioned Harriot's marriage, but barely ſaid ſhe had left her. The ſervant who delivered her meſſage called her miſs Darnley; and though ſhe lived in a houſe that belonged to Sir Charles, yet it was ſcarcely ſuitable to the quality of his wife.

A few moments reflection upon theſe appearances made the generous Sophia change the object of her concern. The misfortune for which ſhe had grieved ſo much, ſeemed light, compared with that ſhe apprehended: ſhe wept no longer for the inconſtancy of her lover; ſhe trembled for the honour of her ſiſter; and her greateſt fear now was, that Sir Charles was not married.

While ſhe was abſorbed in theſe melancholy thoughts, Harriot's maid entered the room, who after glancing over Sophia, with a ſupercilious eye, (for ſhe was very ſimply dreſt,) aſked her, ‘If ſhe had any buſineſs with her lady.’

‘Tell her, replied Sophia, that her ſiſter is here.’

The girl bluſhed, courteſied, and flew to acquaint her miſtreſs; and Sophia was inſtantly deſired to walk up ſtairs.

She found Harriot in her dreſſing-room, in an elegant diſhabille, having juſt finiſhed her morning's [726] work, which appeared in a ſuit of ribbons made up with great taſte.

As ſoon as ſhe ſaw Sophia, ſhe roſe from her chair, and ſaluted her with affected dignity; but at the ſame time with an air of embarraſſment that encreaſed every moment: ſo that being unable to bear the ſweet but penetrating looks of her ſiſter, ſhe reſumed her work, altering and unripping, without any apparent deſign, yet affecting to be extremely buſy, and to ſhew how perfectly ſhe was at eaſe, talked of the moſt trifling matters imaginable, while Sophia gazed on her in ſilent anguiſh, anxious to know the truth of her ſituation, yet dreading to have it explained. At length ſhe told her that ſhe was going to Kenſington to her mother, and deſired to know if ſhe had any meſſage to ſend to her.

Harriot ſuddenly interupting her, as if ſhe feared ſome further queſtions, began to exclaim againſt her mother's unreaſonable temper, ſaying, that ſhe had offended her violently only becauſe ſhe had it not in her power to comply with ſome very extravagant expectations which ſhe had formed.

‘Siſter, ſaid Sophia, I am wholly ignorant of your affairs; I know not what cauſe of diſcontent you have given my mother, but I ſee there is a great alteration in your condition of life, and I hope—’

‘What do you hope, pray miſs? interrupted Harriot, reddening: I ſuppoſe I am to have ſome of your ſatirical flings; your temper is not altered I find.’

[727] ‘Dear Harriot, reſumed Sophia, with tears in her eyes, this cauſeleſs anger confirming her ſuſpicions, why do you reproach me with being ſatirical? is it a crime to be anxious for your happineſs?’

‘I wiſh you would not trouble yourſelf about me, replied Harriot, I know beſt what will make me happy; you ſhould not pretend to inſtruct your elders, miſs Sophy; I am older than you; you know, you have often upbraided me with that.’

‘Siſter, ſaid Sophia calmly, you deſired to ſee me, have you any thing to ſay to me?’

‘I know, anſwered Harriot, that I ſhall meet with ungrateful returns for my kindneſs, nevertheleſs I ſhall act like a ſiſter towards you, and it was to tell you ſo that I wiſhed to ſee you: I very much doubt whether, if you were in proſperity, you would do the ſame by me.’

‘Have I behaved ſo ill in adverſity then, ſaid Sophia, that you form this harſh judgment of me, ſiſter?’

‘Pray don't upbraid me with your behaviour, miſs, ſaid Harriot; other people may have behaved as well as you, though they are not prudes.’

‘You ſay you are in proſperity, ſiſter, ſaid Sophia, but perhaps you and I have different notions of proſperity: let me know the truth of your ſituation, and if I find you happy according to my notions of happineſs, you will ſoon be convinced that I can take a ſiſter's ſhare in it.’

[728] ‘I am not obliged to give an account of my conduct to you, replied Harriot, who had liſtened to this ſpeech with great emotion; and I muſt tell you, ſiſter Sophy, that if you go on taking this liberty of queſtioning and cenſuring me, I ſhall not care how ſeldom I ſee you. As to my mother, I know that it is my duty to do every thing for her that is in my power; and this I have offered to do already.’

Saying this, ſhe rang the bell, and her maid appearing, ſhe gave her ſome orders which neceſſarily required her attendance in the room; ſo that Sophia, finding ſhe could have no further diſcourſe with her ſiſter, roſe up and took leave of her with an aching heart. Her griefs all aggravated by the apprehenſion of her ſiſter's diſhonour, and the hatred which ſhe felt for Sir Charles, as her ſeducer, ſtruggling with a tender remembrance, her gentle boſom was torn with conflicting paſſions, and ſhe proved but too well the truth of that maxim, That philoſophy eaſily triumphs over paſt and future evils, but the preſent triumph over her.

Mrs. Darnley received her daughter with unuſual tenderneſs: ſhe felt how much ſhe ſtood in need of her filial care; and her behaviour was dictated by that intereſted kindneſs which only gives in expectation of receiving back doublefold.

Sophia ſaw her pale and emaciated, and was greatly affected with the ſight: ſhe would not mention her ſiſter, for fear of diſcompoſing her; but Mrs. Darnley ſoon introduced the ſubject that was moſt in her thoughts, and exclaimed againſt [729] Harriot's undutifulneſs and want of affection with the moſt violent tranſports of paſſion.

‘I have been the beſt of mothers to her, ſaid ſhe, melting into tears; I have always indulged her in all her wiſhes, and impaired my circumſtances to ſupport her extravagancies, and how has ſhe returned this kindneſs! would you think it, my dear Sophy, though ſhe is in affluent circumſtances, and I, by the loſs of my annuity, am plunged into all my former diſtreſſes, ſhe has refuſed to pay thoſe debts which I contracted during the time ſhe lived with me; and thinks it ſufficient to invite me to reſide in her houſe, where, no doubt, I ſhould feel my dependence ſeverely.’

‘Sir Charles, ſaid Sophia ſighing, does not act with his uſual generoſity; if he has married my ſiſter, why does he ſuffer you to be in diſtreſs?’

"Married your ſiſter!" repeated Mrs. Darnley, in aſtoniſhment.

‘Ah, madam, reſumed Sophia, is ſhe not married then to Sir Charles?’

‘Why, is it poſſible that you can wiſh him to be married to Harriot?’ ſaid Mrs. Darnley.

‘Alas! cried Sophia, ought I not to wiſh it, when I ſee her in his houſe?’

‘Oh, reſumed Mrs. Darnley, I perceive your miſtake; but that houſe is not Sir Charles's now; Lord L— bought it of him, with the furniture, ſome time ago; it might have been yours, and without any offence to your virtue too, yet you thought fit to refuſe it: but I [730] will not pretend to reprove one ſo much wiſer than myſelf—’

‘Well, madam, interrupted Sophia eagerly, then it is not to Sir Charles that my ſiſter is married, to whom is ſhe married?’

"You have ſeen her, have you not?" ſaid Mrs. Darnley, looking a little confuſed.

‘I have indeed ſeen her, ſaid Sophia, but ſhe did not explain her ſituation to me.’

‘And do you imagine, reſumed Mrs. Darnley peeviſhly, that ſhe would be leſs reſerved with her mother? and if ſhe was afraid of telling you the truth, is it likely ſhe would own it to me?’

‘Then I fear it is bad indeed with Harriot, cried Sophia, in a melancholy accent, ſince ſhe has ſo much to conceal from a mother and a ſiſter.’

‘You were always cenſorious, Sophy, ſaid Mrs. Darnley, with ſome paſſion; for my part, I am reſolved to think the beſt. If Lord L—is married privately to your ſiſter, her character will one day be cleared to the world, and ſhe thinks no prudent perſon can blame her, for chuſing to bear for a time a few undeſerved cenſures, rather than to ſtruggle with poverty and contempt.’

Sophia, now convinced of Harriot's unhappy conduct, burſt into tears. Mrs. Darnley after looking at her in ſilence a moment, ſaid, with ſome confuſion; ‘Then you do not believe your ſiſter is married, Sophy?’

‘Ah, madam, replied Sophia, you do not ſay that you know ſhe is, and whatever reaſons there [731] might be for concealing her marriage from the world, certainly there are none for hiding it from you.—In vain, added ſhe, with ſtill greater emotion, would your parental tenderneſs ſeek to deceive yourſelf.’

‘Reproach me no more with my tenderneſs for your ſiſter, interrupted Mrs. Darnley, angrily; I am too much affected with her ingratitude already.’

‘I am ſorry ſhe is ungrateful, ſaid Sophia; but oh! my dear mama, it is not fit you ſhould accept of her aſſiſtance.’

‘I hope, ſaid Mrs. Darnley, calling down her eyes, that I know what is fit for me to do as well as my daughter.—But Sophy, added ſhe, after a little pauſe, I am ſorry to tell you, if you do not know it already, that if you have ſtill any thoughts of Sir Charles, you deceive yourſelf; I am very well informed, that a match has been propoſed to him, and he has given ſo favourable an anſwer, that it is expected the marriage will be concluded, as ſoon as he comes from Paris: I heard it all from one of the young lady's relations.’

This was a ſevere ſtroke to poor Sophia, who had juſt begun to breathe again, after the anguiſh ſhe had ſuffered, in the belief that Sir Charles had forſaken her for her ſiſter, and added perfidy and baſeneſs to his inconſtancy.

Mrs. Darnley, who ſaw her turn pale, and her eyes ſwimming in tears, while ſhe ſtruggled to conceal her emotions, could not help being affected [732] with her diſtreſs, and endeavoured to conſole her.

Sophia, more ſoftened by this tenderneſs, ſuffered her tears to flow a few moments unreſtrained; then ſuddenly wiping her charming eyes, ‘Pardon this weakneſs, madam, ſaid ſhe; this indeed is not a time to weep for myſelf, your ſorrows claim all my tears.’

‘Aye, I have ſorrows enough, Heaven knows, ſaid Mrs. Darnley, my debts unpaid, my annuity gone, what have I to truſt to?’

‘Providence, interrupted Sophia, your piety and my induſtry. Alas! my dear mama, your greateſt affliction is not the loſs of your annuity, or the debts with which you are encumbered, it is my ſiſter's unhappy fall from virtue. That parent, purſued ſhe, who ſees a beloved child become a prey to licentious paſſions, who ſees her publicly incur ſhame and reproach, expelled the ſociety of the good and virtuous, and lead a life of diſhonour, embittered with the contempt of the world, and the ſecret upbraidings of her own conſcience; that parent can beſt judge of your anguiſh now: I have only a ſiſter's feelings for this misfortune! but theſe feelings are ſtrong enough to make me very unhappy.’

Mrs. Darnley appeared ſo much moved with this diſcourſe, that Sophia purſued it, till ſhe brought her mother to declare, that ſhe would rather ſuffer all the inconveniencies of poverty, than give a ſanction to Harriot's guilt, by partaking of its reward.

[733]Sophia, to relieve her anxiety, laid down a plan for their future ſubſiſtence, and proved to her, that by her ſkill in ſeveral little uſeful arts, it would be eaſy for her to ſupply her with all the neceſſaries of life. "We will firſt, ſaid ſhe, pay your debts."

"How is that to be done?" ſaid Mrs. Darnley, haſtily.

‘The furniture of your houſe, ſaid Sophia, the plate, and other pieces of finery, which Sir Charles Stanley preſented to you, will, if converted into money, not only pay your debts, but provide a little fund for preſent expences, and a reſerve for future exigencies; mean while, my induſtry and care will, I hope, keep want far from you. I have friends, who will find employment for my little talents; and if I can but make your life eaſy and comfortable, I ſhall think myſelf happy.’

Mrs. Darnley, with tears in her eyes, embraced her daughter, bid her diſpoſe of every thing as ſhe pleaſed, and aſſured her ſhe would endeavour to bear her new condition of life with patience and reſignation.

Sophia immediately wrote to a gentleman of the law, who had been an intimate friend of her father's and he undertook to manage their little affairs in town. A few days afterwards he brought them fifty pounds, which was all that remained from the ſale, after every demand upon Mrs. Darnley was paid.

She read over the accounts with great emotion, bitterly regretting every trinket ſhe had [734] parted with, and told Sophia, that it was abſolutely neceſſary they ſhould ſettle in ſome village near town, for ſhe could not bear the thoughts of expoſing her poverty to her acquaintance, and of being ſeen in a worſe condition than formerly.

Sophia, who thought her declining health a better reaſon for not reſiding in London, hired in an adjacent village, at a very ſmall rent, a little houſe, or rather cottage, ſo neat, and ſituated ſo happily, that an imagination lively as hers was, and a little romantick, could not fail of being charmed with it. To this place ſhe removed her books, and being provided by her friend Dolly, with an innocent country girl for a ſervant, ſhe conducted her mother to her rural abode, and had the ſatisfaction to find her pleaſed with it, novelty having always charms for her, and here for a few days, it ſupplied the place of thoſe other gratifications to which ſhe had been accuſtomed.

In the midſt of theſe cares, Sophia did not forget her unhappy ſiſter: ſhe wrote ſeveral letters to her, in which ſhe employed all the power of virtuous eloquence to bring her to a ſenſe of her errors, but in vain.

Harriot did not deign to anſwer her, but in a letter to her mother, ſhe complained of the injurious treatment ſhe received from Sophia, and earneſtly intreated her to leave her ſiſter, and reſide with her.

Although Mrs. Darnley refuſed this offer with ſeeming ſteadineſs, yet her diſcontent was but too apparent. A life of retirement, which often obliged [735] her to ſeek in herſelf, thoſe reſources againſt languor and melancholy, which ſhe uſed to find in the diſſipations of the town, could not be grateful to one who had never accuſtomed herſelf to reflection, whoſe mind was filled with trifles, and its whole ſtock of ideas derived from dreſs, cards, and every other faſhionable folly.

To be capable of enjoying a rural life, there is ſomething more neceſſary than a good underſtandin: innocence and purity of manners muſt contribute to give a reliſh to pleaſures, which are founded in reaſon, virtue, and piety.

Hence it was, that Sophia, in the bloom of youth, found happineſs in the ſolitude of a village, while her mother, in a declining age, panted after the vanities of the town.

In vain, did Mr. Herbert fill the letters he wrote to Mrs. Darnley, with maxims of morality and pious admonitions; he experienced here the truth of that obſervation, that it is a work of great difficulty, to diſpoſſeſs vice from a heart, where long poſſeſſion ſeems to plead preſcription.

Sophia, who knew her mother's taſte for living at eaſe, that ſhe might be able to gratify it, applied herſelf diligently to her work, which was a piece of embroidery, that had been beſpoke by a benevolent lady, in order to give her preſent employmen; and, by exhibiting it as a proof of her ingenuity, to procure her more. She likewiſe exerciſed her invention in drawing little deſigns for fanmounts; and always choſe ſuch ſubjects as conveyed ſome moral leſſon to the mind, while they pleaſed the imagination.

[736]Some of theſe drawings were diſpoſed of, by the lady her friend, ſo advantageouſly, that Sophia was encouraged to purſue her labour; and Mrs. Darnley, flattered by the proſpect of more eaſy circumſtances, began to enlarge her ſcheme of expence, made little excurſions about the country in a poſt-chaiſe, talked of hiring a better houſe, and of paſſing two months at leaſt in London during the winter.

Mean time Harriot became more earneſt in her ſolicitations to her mother, to come and live with her; her ſituation began to be ſo generally ſuſpected, that ſhe was in danger of being wholly neglected.

She wrote to her in a ſtrain of tenderneſs and duty, that revived all the ill-judging parent's affection, who invited her to make her a viſit in her little retreat, and promiſed her a favourable reception even from Sophia herſelf.

Sophia was indeed far from oppoſing this viſit; ſhe was rather deſirous of drawing her ſiſter thither frequently, with a hope that her example and her arguments, might one day influence her to change her conduct.

Harriot received this invitation with joy; for ſuch was the depravity of her mind, that ſhe exulted in having an opportunity of diſplaying the granduer of her dreſs, and equipage to her ſiſter; to her who had made virtuous poverty her choice, and ſhewn that ſhe deſpiſed riches, when they were to be purchaſed by guilt. The pride of human nature (ſays an eminent writer) takes its riſe from its corruption, as worms are produced by putrefaction.

[737]The wretched fallen Harriot was proud! the diamonds that glittered in her hair, the gilt chariot, and the luxurious table; theſe monuments of her diſgrace contributed to keep up the inſolence of a woman, who by the loſs of her honour was lower than the meaneſt of her ſervants, who could boaſt of an uncorrupted virtue.

Sophia was buſily employed upon her embroidery, when Harriot, from her gay chariot, alighted at her door; ſhe entered that humble abode of innocence and induſtry, in a kind of triumph, and accoſted her ſiſter with a haughty expreſſion of ſuperiority in her looks and air, as if ſhe expected the ſplendor of her appearance ſhould ſtrike her with awe.

Sophia received her with the modeſt dignity of conſcious virtue; and Harriot, tho' incapable of much reflection, yet ſoon perceived the miſerable figure ſhe made, in the preſence of ſuch a character, and ſtood ſilent and abaſhed, while Sophia contemplated her finery with an eye of pity and of anguiſh.

Harriot, at length recovering herſelf, aſked for her mother, who that moment entered the room. The ſight of her daughter's equipage, had thrown her into an agreeable flutter of ſpirits, and ſhe readily pardoned the fine lady, all the faults of the ungrateful child.

Harriot emboldened by ſo kind a reception, propoſed to her to accompany her to town, promiſing to make her abode with her agreeable, by every inſtance of duty and affection.

[738]Mrs. Darnley bluſhed, and was ſilent. Sophia fixed her eyes upon her mother, anxious and impatient for her anſwer; ſhe caſt a timed glance at Sophia: ſhe read in her ſpeaking eyes her ſentiments of this propoſal; and turning to Harriot, ſhe told her faintly, that not being ſatisfied with her conduct, it would be very improper for her to countenance it, by reſiding with her.

Harriot burſt into tears, and exclaimed againſt her ſiſter's malice, who, ſhe ſaid, acted like her moſt cruel enemy, and ſought to ruin her character, by eſtranging herſelf from her company, and preventing her mother from taking notice of her.

Sophia, with great gentleneſs, proved to her, that the loſs of her reputation, was the neceſſary conſequence of her living in a manner unſuitable to her circumſtances; that her mother and her, by complying with her requeſt, could not preſerve her from cenſure, but would incur it themſelves.

‘You call me cruel, Harriot, ſaid ſhe, for eſtranging myſelf from your company; but conſider a little, whether it is not you that are both cruel and unjuſt. Why would you deprive me of the only reward the world beſtows on me, for a life of voluntary poverty; you have exchanged a good name for dreſs and equipage; and I, to preſerve one, ſubject myſelf to labour and indigence: you enjoy your purchaſe; but I ſhould loſe mine, were I to have that complaiſance for you which you require. Leave me [739] my reputation then, ſince it is the ſole recompence of thoſe hardſhips to which I willingly ſubmit; and if you wiſh to recover yours, be contented to be poor like me.’

Sophia, finding her ſiſter liſtened to her, tho' it was ſullenly, and with down caſt eyes, expatiated in a tender manner upon the errors of her conduct, and the fatal conſequences that were likely to follow.

Harriot at length interrupted her, with a pert air, and ſaid, ‘She would not be taught her duty by her younger ſiſter;’ then turning to her mother, ‘I hope madam, ſaid ſhe, my ſiſter will not have ſo much power with you, as to make you forbid my coming here.’

She put her handkerchief to her eyes, as ſhe ſaid this; to which Mrs. Darnley replied, with great vehemence, ‘That no perſon on earth ſhould ever prevail upon her to caſt off her child.’

Sophia was ſilent, and obſerving that her preſence ſeemed to lay them under ſome reſtraint, ſhe roſe up, to retire to her work, telling her ſiſter, as ſhe paſſed by her, ‘That far from hindering her viſits, ſhe would rather encourage her to repeat them often, that ſhe might be convinced it was poſſible, to be happy in a cottage.’

Harriot laughed, and muttered the words romantick and affectation, which Sophia took no notice of, but left her at liberty to converſe freely with her mother.

Mrs. Darnley talked to her at firſt in a chiding ſtrain, and affected to aſſume the authority of a parent; but, a ſlave to her appetites, ſhe could not [740] reſiſt any opportunity of gratifying them; and Harriot found it no difficult matter to force a preſent upon her, to ſupply thoſe expences which her extravagance, and not her wants, made neceſſary.

Harriot now came often to the village, and gave it out, that ſhe was upon the beſt terms imaginable with her mother and ſiſter, not doubting but the world would ceaſe to ſuſpect her, ſince Sophia approved her conduct.

The frequency and the length of her viſits made Sophia entertain hopes of her reformation, ſince the time ſhe ſpent with her mother, was taken from that dangerous and immoral diſſipation, which forms the circle of what is called a gay life. For it is with our manners as with our health; the abatement of vice is a degree of virtue, the abatement of diſeaſe is a degree of health.

Mr. Herbert being perfectly recovered, filled Sophia with extreme joy, by the account he ſent her of it, and of his reſolutlon to come and live near her.

While ſhe impatiently expected his arrival, and ſent many a longing look towards the road, near which her little cottage was ſituated, ſhe one day ſaw a gentleman ride by full ſpeed, who in his perſon and air had a great reſemblance to Sir Charles Stanley. Her heart, by its throbbing emotion, ſeemed to acknowledge its conqueror; for poor Sophia was ſtill in love: ſhe loved, though ſhe deſpaired of ever being happy; and by thus perſiſting in a hopeleſs paſſion, contradicted that maxim, that love like fire, cannot ſubſiſt without [741] continual motion, and ceaſes to be as ſoon as it ceaſes to hope or fear.

Sophia, not able to remove her eyes from the place where ſhe fancied ſhe had ſeen Sir Charles, continued to look fixedly towards the road, and was beginning to believe ſhe had been miſtaken, when a ſervant in Sir Charles's livery rode by alſo, and put it out of doubt that ſhe had really ſeen the maſter.

This unexpected incident awakened a thouſand tender melancholy ideas in her mind; and finding herſelf too much ſoftened, ſhe had recourſe again to her work, to divert her imagination from an object, ſhe had vainly endeavoured to forget.

[To be concluded in our next..]

THE JUDGMENT of PARIS. A POEM. Sent to the Author of the Lady's Muſeum, by a Friend.

[742]
‘Nobis forma placet; ſapientia, regna, valete.’
DAUGHTERS of Jove, immortal Nine, inſpire
This artleſs boſom with celeſtial fire:
Graces that in the cheeks of Venus ſhine,
Bloom in my numbers, and inform each line.
So may I challenge the conteſted bays,
And charm the ear, when beauty claims the lays.
On a green turf reclin'd, lo! Paris lies,
And from his pipe melodious ſounds ariſe:
His muſic ſweetly charms the hours away,
While beauty's pow'r employs his tuneful lay.
He ſung, when wounded by Alcmena's eyes,
How in a borrow'd form Jove gain'd the prize:
And how, when rifling Leda's charms, he preſs'd
(Conceal'd in ſnowy plumes) her ſofter breaſt.
Of Heav'n's great Lord he ſung each fam'd amour,
Of god's ſubdu'd by love's ſuperior pow'r;
The birds are mute, and liſten to his ſong,
Or in ſoft echo's his ſweet notes prolong.
[743]The wond'ring ſheep a while forget to feed,
And ſtop attentive to his tuneful reed:
The gods too hearken, and his ſong approve,
But moſt he charm'd the almighty ear of Jove.
"And now, he ſaid, may all our diſcords ceaſe,
"Nor female jars diſturb celeſtial peace;
"See there the judge of beauty; now agree,
"Ye lovely rivals, to his juſt decree.
The heav'nly beauties his command obey
And, conſcious of her charms, each wings her way.
The golden ball deſcends, the deſtin'd prize,
And each alternate meets his wond'ring eyes.
Firſt Jove's great queen, with proud commanding air
Graceful, not beautious, draws majeſtic near.
Reſpect ſhe gains, but ne'er the heart can move;
All muſt admire, but none preſume to love.
"Do then, ſhe cry'd, theſe beauties faintly ſhine?
"And can thoſe childiſh charms contend with mine?
"To me, preſumptous! dare they rivals prove?
"To me? the ſiſter and the wife of Jove!
"If crowns, if pow'r, if titles, honours, praiſe,
"The regal purple, or the hero's bays,
"Have charms to move—Behold! I give 'em all:
"All ſhall await thee for that golden ball.
"And heav'n's great queen thy every ſtep ſhall guard;
"Honours ſhall court thee, kingdoms ſhall reward.
"Unſkill'd you are from what a race you ſpring,
"That ſhepherd's dreſs perhaps conceals a king.
"'Tis I muſt ſeat thee on thy injur'd throne,
"And make rebellious crouds their monarch own.
[744]"I'll make each vanquiſh'd tyrant tribute pay,
"And every nation ſtoop beneath thy ſway.
"But if theſe offers fail to move thee, dread
"An injur'd queen's juſt vengeance on thy head;
"A ſure reſentment my repulſe ſhall wait,
"My ſmile is heaven, but my frown is fate.
Thus Juno ſpoke;—ſee Pallas next appear:
Pallas with decent ſteps drew ſlow'ly near.
"No ſtudy'd phraſe, ſhe ſaid, my cauſe requires;
"Wiſdom the truth, tho' unadorn'd, admires;
"Nor ſhall I venture, like a treach'rous guide,
"The dang'rous turnings of my paths to hide;
"Nor tempt with honours, nor allure with joy;
"Honours will fail, and pleaſure ſoon will cloy.
"Virtue and wiſdom, attributes of Heav'n,
"Thoſe ſiſter-beauties, thoſe to me are giv'n:
"Virtue alone, true happineſs can give,
"And wiſdom only teach us how to live.
"Theſe are my gifts: I alſo join th' fight,
"And guide th' godlike hero's blows aright.
"I, crown'd with lawrels from ſucceſsful war,
"Lead him triumphant in th' gilded car.
"Nor leſs my beauty, tho' conceal'd with care;
"Nor, tho' more manly than my ſex, leſs fair.
"Mine is each wining art, and ev'ry charm,
"That with ſoft paſſion can th' boſom warm.
"Behold theſe hands! do they to Juno's yield;
"One waves the weapon, and one graſps the ſhield.
"And view this face, which gods in vain adore;
"This breaſt, which none have ever view'd before.
[745]"A weighty breaſt-plate this ſoft boſom bears,
"This virgin brow a maſſy helmet wears.
"Speak ſhepherd, be in this one ſuit my friend,
"Thee virtue, valour, wiſdom ſhall attend.
"Th' admiring gods look down, well pleaſed to ſee
"The image of themſelves appear in thee.
She ſpoke, the ſhepherd doubts; the dubious ſcales
Hung wav'ring, nor diſcloſe who moſt prevails.
But when bright Venus drew aſide her vail,
The ſhepherd's eyes, o'erpow'r'd with beauties fail.
As when Sol, late eclips'd, illumes the skies,
His beams dart pow'rful on the weaken'd eyes.
Our dazzled ſight ſhrinks from the glitt'ring ray,
And droops beneath th' o'erwhelming tide of day.
The powerful ceſtus negligently plac'd,
With diamonds buckled round her ſlender waiſt.
Her ſparkling eyes with killing luſtre glow,
And her fair cheeks unbidden beauties ſhow.
Unſtudy'd charms her winning motion grace,
And modeſt nature purpled o'er her face.
Thus in ſoft muſic ſhe allures his ear,
"Ah! why that baſhful bluſh, thoſe ſigns of fear?"
(For now the ſhepherd felt the tender heat,
And his fond heart irregularly beat;
His quicker pulſe, and trembling nerves, confeſs'd
The riſing tumults of his raptur'd breaſt.)
"Can aught forbidding in theſe eyes appear?
"Or love inſpire th' ungentle paſſion, fear?
"Paris, then hear, and oh! if ever love
"Had charms, that could thy tender boſom move,
[746]"Grant me this ſuit, or henceforth may you find
"Th' Idalian nymphs, to all your vows unkind.
"Oh! were I skill'd thy liſt'ning ear to move,
"And ſweetly form'd to bend the ſoul to love,
"Then ſmiles and winning words the prize might gain,
"Nor others triumph, while I ſue in vain:
"Nor yet, if looks the ſecret ſoul confeſs,
"When Paris judges, need I fear ſucceſs.
"Thine are love's triumphs, and the nymph who views
"That radiant form, but coldly can refuſe.
"Yet in thy breaſt, perhaps, love never reigns,
"Stranger to all its joys, and all its pains;
"The half-conſenting bluſh, the glance betray'd,
"And the ſoft whiſper of the yielding maid;
"The flame inſpiring touch, the melting eyes,
"And the ten thouſand tender niceties,
"That lovers only feel — to none is known
"The bliſs of madneſs, but the mad alone.
"But if ſome happy nymph has found the art
To point her charms aright, and wound thy heart,
"Thy longing eyes ſhall not in vain adore,
"But ſhe alike ſhall taſte my mighty pow'r.
"I am the queen of love, 'tis I inſpire
"The riſing ſigh, fond thought, and ſoft deſire;
"In the fair cheek bid ſpeaking bluſhes riſe,
"And the kind languiſh grace the yielding eyes:
"Bid tender wiſhes warm the virgin's ſoul,
"And the fair boſom grant without controul.
"Had only Helen pow'r thy heart to gain,
"E'en Helen's ſelf ſhould joy to eaſe your pain.
[747]"Helen! the prize to which ambition ſoars;
"Helen! whoſe charms each wiſhing heart adores,
"Jove's beauteous daughter ſhall thy conqueſt be,
"And loſe ev'n crowns and fame — the world for thee!"
The boy tranſported with a joyful pride
Sprung up, and in a ſudden rapture cried,
"O give me, Goddeſs, charms like thine to view,
"Fame, wiſdom, valour, trifling toys, adieu!"

The following Life of VANDYCK is publiſhed from a Manuſcript, communicated to the Author of the LADY's MUSEUM by a Perſon of Diſtinction.
THE LIFE OF Sir ANTHONY VANDYCK.

[748]

ANthony Vandyck was born in the city of Antwe [...]p, in the year 1599; his father was a merchant of linen cloth; his mother employed herſelf in embroidery, which requiring ſome ſmall knowledge in deſign, ſhe taught her ſon in the beſt manner ſhe could the firſt rudiments of drawing, in which he made ſo quick progreſs, that he ſoon became capable of giving inſtructions to his former tutor: his mother conceived ſo great hopes of his future advancement in the arts, that ſhe perſuaded his father to place him with Rubens, who was the moſt celebrated painter of that time. Vandyck ſoon became a favourite of his maſter's, not only for his good behaviour and ingenious diſpoſition, but from the real advantage he was likely to find in having a ſcholar that would ſo ſoon be capable of aſſiſting. him. The firſt thing Rubens ſet him about was to make a drawing after his picture of the battle of the Amazons, [749] in which he ſucceeded ſo well, that, from that very drawing, the print which is ſo much admired was engraved: after this Rubens thought it time to inſtruct him in the art of colouring, that he might likewiſe be of aſſiſtance to him in painting. He firſt employed him in copying his works, in which he acquitted himſelf ſo well, that his maſter after giving a few touches, ſold them as his own performance. He ſoon after made ſo great progreſs that he executed great works in colours from his maſter's deſigns, and afterwards from his own invention, particularly the hiſtory of Achilles *, which was intended for a ſuit of tapeſtry. It is reported that Rubens got no leſs then ten pounds a day by the labours of his ingenious diſciple. Rubens began now to be not a little alarmed at the extraordinary talents he diſcovered in his diſciple; and with good reaſon, fearing he might rival his renown, adviſed him (after beſtowing great commendations on ſome portraits Vandyck had juſt finiſhed) to apply himſelf entirely to the ſtudy of portrait-painting; and at the ſame time continually recommending to Vandyck thoſe who applyed for their portraits to himſelf, he in a great meaſure ſtifled that true ſpirit and genius of painting which ought to have been exerted in the invention and compoſition of hiſtory. Thus Titian (but a little more barbarouſly) baniſhed Tintoret from his houſe; a [750] practice often uſed by the great maſters, but as unſucceſsful as malicious. For ſtrength of genius, like a ſpark of fire, will at laſt blaze up, and perhaps with greater force from its meeting with oppoſition. The firſt picture Vandyck painted after he had withdrawn from the ſchool of his maſter, was for the church of Dominick: the ſubject was that of our Saviour bearing the croſs on his knees, accompanied by the two Marys, with ſoldiers conducting him to Mount Calvary: this work is much in the ſtyle of his maſter.

He now began to think it time to viſit Italy, and accordingly ſet out for Venice, where he applied himſelf wholly to the ſtudy of the Venetian art of colouring, particularly the works of Titian and Paul Veroneſe, the ſame fountains that had before ſo liberally ſupplied his maſter. He copied many hiſtorical pictures for his improvement, and painted portraits for his ſubſiſtence; but the former producing no money, and the latter not ſufficient for his expences, he thought fit to remove to Geneva, where he found the greateſt encouragement for his talent of portrait-painting. Notwithſtanding which, being determined to viſit Rome, he undertook that journey, and at his arrival there is entertained in the court of cardinal Bentivoglio, a great favourer of the Flemiſh nation, having himſelf lived there a conſiderable time, and writ the hiſtory of that country. In return for the civility he received, he drew his patron's picture, whole length, which is now in the Palazzo Piti at Florence, and eſteemed one of the beſt of Vandyck's works: he drew alſo, for the ſame cardinal, Chriſt dying on the croſs.

[751]Sir Robert Shirly arriving at Rome about this time, with the character of ambaſſador from Abba, king of Perſia, to Gregory XV. Vandyck drew his picture and his wife's, both in the Perſian habit, which bizar kind of dreſs gave a new luſtre to the uſual graces of his painting.

There was many of Vandyck's countrymen at that time ſtudying at Rome; and it was a cuſtom amongſt them, that a new-comer ſhould always invite his countrymen and brother ſtudents to a ſupper, where in the midſt of their mirth they uſed to give him a nick-name, by which he was ever after to be known. This kind of revel Vandyck refuſed, which they took ſo ill at his hands, that ſince he would not ſubmit to receive any other name, they were reſolved to give him that of Ambitious, and they took all occaſions to condemn in him his pride and his art together.

In reality, Vandyck had a certain ſtatelineſs and gravity in his air, which might eaſily be miſtaken for pride: his manner of behaviour, the richneſs of his habits, with the number of his ſervants, ſeemed all too high for his employment. This fault (if it is one) is very pardonable, having been uſed to ſuch magnificence, in the ſchool of his maſter Rubens, whilſt he was there, converſing moſtly with noblemen, and people of the higher faſhion; and being himſelf of a temper ſomewhat elevated, he was naturally led to model himſelf on their behaviour.

The true reaſon of Vandyck's journey to Rome, appears to be, not ſo much to ſtudy, as to ſhew [752] his excellence in his art; but meeting with too much hatred and ill-will from his countrymen, and not ſo much encouragement from others as he expected, he left Rome, and returned to Genoa, which he uſed to call his home, and there his reputation and profit were very conſiderable. He drew moſt of the noblemen and ſenators of the place, particularly the family of the Raggi.

[To be concluded in our next.]

THE TALE of GENEURA.
From the Italian of LODOVICO ARIOSTO, in the Fifth Book of his ORLANDO FURIOSO.

[753]

THE noble Rinaldo ſailing to England, whither he was ſent on an embaſſy by the emperor Charlemagne, a violent ſtorm aroſe, which continuing two days and nights, drove him, at laſt, on the coaſt of Scotland: His fleet arriving ſafe, he ordered his retinue to meet him at Berwick, he himſelf, without any attendants, ſtruck into the famous foreſt of Caledonia, not without a hope of meeting with ſome adventure worthy his courage and virtue.

While he was pleaſing himſelf with this expectation, ſometimes riding, and ſometimes walking a ſlow pace leading his horſe, night drew on, and he now began to think it neceſſary to go in queſt of a lodging. Perceiving an abbey at ſome diſtance, he remounted his horſe and rode up to it. The abbot and his monks, ſeeing a ſtranger of a noble appearance at their gate, came out, and with great civility invited him to paſs the night there.

Rinaldo gratefully accepted their offer; and being conducted to a chamber, and an elegant repaſt ſerved to the table, as ſoon as he had ſatisfied the [754] cravings of an appetite made eager by travel and long faſting, he enquired of the good fathers what noble exploits in arms had been lately performed in their neighbourhood, and whether a warrior might hope to find any occaſions there of ſignalizing his valour?

'Tis certain, replied the abbot, that many great and wonderful adventures have been atchieved in this foreſt, but as the place, ſo are the actions obſcure, and buried in oblivion: however, if honour be your purſuit, the preſent time affords you a fit opportunity to acquire it; the danger, indeed, is great, but if you ſucceed, eternal fame will be your reward. The young and beautiful Geneura, the daughter of our king, is accuſed by a knight named Lurcanio, of having violated her chaſtity; and it is provided by our Scottiſh laws, that all damſels, of what rank ſoever, who are publickly charged with incontinence, ſhall ſuffer the puniſhment of fire, unleſs a champion be found who will undertake their defence, and fight with the accuſer.

Geneura, in conſequence of this law, has been adjudged to die, and only a month's ſpace allowed her to procure a defender of her life and honour. The king, anxious for his daughter's ſafety, but more for her reputation, has cauſed it to be proclaimed throughout his dominions, that by whatever perſon (provided his birth be not abſolutely baſe) his daughter ſhall be delivered from the danger that threatens her, to him he will give the princeſs in marriage, with a portion ſuitable to her high rank and quality.

[755]This enterprize, noble ſtranger, is worthy your youth, your courage, and generoſity: the law of arms requires all true knights to undertake the defence of injured and oppreſſed ladies; and, ſurely, a fairer than Geneura is not to be found from one extremity of the globe to the other; nor, if common opinion may be relied on, a chaſter.

And is it poſſible, ſaid Rinaldo after a little pauſe, that this fair princeſs is condemned to die for having generouſly rewarded the paſſion of a faithful lover? Curſed be the makers of ſo hard a law: more curſed they that are influenced by it. For me it matters not whether Geneura be juſtly or unjuſtly accuſed; what has been imputed to her as a crime, were I her judge, ſhe ſhould be applauded for, had ſhe taken care to have avoided diſcovery; but, as it is, I am reſolved to defy her accuſer to combat, and I truſt ſhall be able to deliver her from the unjuſt and cruel puniſhment ſhe has been doomed to.

The abbot and monks, overjoyed that they had procured a champion for their princeſs, beſtowed a thouſand praiſes on Rinaldo for his generous deſign; and he, full of impatience to begin the glorious enterprize, being furniſhed by his hoſts with a guide, ſet out early the next morning for the Scottiſh court, leaving the good fathers charmed with his courage and gallantry, and offering up repeated prayers to heaven for his ſucceſs.

As they were purſuing their journey through bye-roads, for the greater expedition, a cry, as of ſome perſon in diſtreſs, rouzed all their attention. Inſtantly Rinaldo clapped ſpurs to his horſe, and [756] galloping towards the place from whence the noiſe proceeded, he came to a deep valley, ſurrounded with trees, through the branches of which he perceived a young maid ſtruggling to free herſelf from the hands of two ruſſians, who were attempting to murder her. Tranſported with rage at this ſight, the generous Rinaldo flew to the relief of the diſtreſſed damſel; his appearance ſo terrified the intended murderers, that they left their prey, and fled with the utmoſt precipitation.

Mean time the maid recovered from her fright, thanked her deliverer with a tranſport of joy and gratitude, and was beginning to acquaint him with the ſtory of her misfortunes, when he, who had not alighted, being eager to purſue his journey, commanded his guide to take her up behind him; and as they travelled, having at leiſure obſerved her countenance and behaviour, he was ſo much ſtruck with the beauty of the one, and the ſoft and gentle modeſty of the other, that his curioſity was awakened, and he became ſolicitous to know by what means ſhe had been brought into ſo cruel a ſituation.

His requeſt being inforced with kind aſſurances of future protection, the damſel, with a low voice, and eyes caſt down in a graceful confuſion, began in this manner:

Since you, my generous deliverer, have commanded me to relate my misfortunes, prepare to hear a tale more full of horror, an act of greater villainy and baſeneſs than Athens, Thebes, or Argos ever knew. Ah! 'tis no wonder that our barren clime is curſt with a long winter's ceaſeleſs rage, Phoebus diſdains to ſhine upon a land where [757] ſuch inhuman crimes are perpetrated; deeds black as darkneſs, and fit to be covered with everlaſting night; unhappy as I am, I bore but too great a ſhare in thoſe I am going to relate.

From my earlieſt youth I was brought up in the palace with the daughter of our king, honoured with a near attendance on her perſon, and happy in the poſſeſſion of her affection and eſteem. Long might I have enjoyed this delightful ſituation; but love (ah! that ever ſo ſweet a paſſion ſhould prove the ſource of ſo much miſery) love interrupted my tranquility, ſubjected my whole ſoul, and gave me up to guilt, to ſhame, and unavailing penitence.

The duke of Alban was the object of my virgin wiſhes, my youth and perſon pleaſed him; ſkilled as he was in every deluding art by which the falſe and the deſigning part of his ſex betray the unexperienced of ours, is it any wonder that I was deceived? Fond of believing what I wiſhed, and judging of his paſſion by my own, I yielded to his deſires, and vainly hoped this ſacrifice of my honour would ſecure to me for ever the poſſeſſion of his heart.

Our guilty commerce laſted ſome months, during which time I always received his viſits in a ſummer apartment belonging to the princeſs my miſtreſs, into which, as it was now the moſt rigid ſeaſon of the year, ſhe never entered; and being alſo in a part of the palace little frequented, and the windows oppoſite to ſome ruined houſes, my lover could come thither unobſerved, and by the help of [758] a ſilken cord which I let down to him, eaſily aſcend the chamber.

All ſenſe of virtue being now ſubdued, and my whole ſoul ſunk in a dear lethargick dream of pleaſure, I never once ſuſpected that as my paſſion increaſed, that of my lover was decreaſing. Ah! my too violent love favoured his deceit, or ſoon I might have perceived that he feigned much, and loved but little.

At length, notwithſtanding my prepoſſeſſion, his coldneſs became viſible; I ſigh'd, I wept, I reproach'd; alas! how unavailing are all endeavours to revive a decaying paſſion, ſatiated by poſſeſſion, and conſtant only to inconſtancy.

Polyneſſo, ſo was my faithleſs lover named, languiſhed in ſecret for the bright Geneura, my royal miſtreſs; I know not if this paſſion commenced before my ruin was completed, or whether her more powerful charms was the cauſe of his infidelity; but certain it is, that relying on the fervent love I bore him, he made no ſcruple to confeſs his flame even to me, urging me by all the arguments his wicked mind could ſuggeſt, to move the heart of Geneura in his favour.

Ah my lord! judge if this cruel man was dear to me, ever ſolicitous to procure his happineſs, and ſoothed by his aſſurances that ambition was the prevailing motive of his addreſs to the princeſs, in which, if he ſucceeded, he vowed to keep me ſtill his, and that I ſhould ſhare with her his perſon and his heart, I conſented to all he propoſed; and following his inſtructions, took all opportunities of praiſing him to my miſtreſs.

[759]The duke of Alban was the conſtant ſubject of my diſcourſe; I extolled his valour, his generoſity, his illuſtrious birth, the manly graces of his perſon, the mingled ſweetneſs and dignity of his manners; the charming theme tranſported me out of myſelf. With eager pleaſure I ran over all his virtues, dwelt with delight on every imputed charm; ſcarce could my tongue keep pace with the overflowings of my love-ſick fancy, fond of the dear indulgence of talking in a perſonated character of him I loved.

But when, in compliance with his injunctions, I ventured to inſinuate his paſſion for her, then only did I ſpeak with coldneſs and reſtraint; ſlowly the unwilling words found way, checked by my riſing ſighs, and prefaced by my bluſhes. My emotions could not have been hid from an intereſted obſervation; but the princeſs was not only wholly indifferent to Polyneſſo, but indulged a ſecret paſſion for the all-accompliſhed Ariodant.

This young knight, an Italian by birth, came with his brother to the court of Scotland, either in purſuit of glory, or to tranſact ſome ſecret buſineſs with the king. To the graces of his form, than which nature never made one more lovely, is added a mind fraught with whatever is moſt great and excellent in mankind; his valour never yet found an equal in our land; his is the prize at every tournement, his the foremoſt honours of the field: in peace the ornament of our court, in war the defender of our country.

The king, to whom he had indeared himſelf by a thouſand ſervices, loaded him with riches and honours, and gave him the firſt employments in [760] the kingdom; the hill of Sicily burns not with fiercer fires, nor glows Veſuvius with more ardent flames, than thoſe which the bright eyes of our princeſs kindled in the heart of Ariodant.

I ſoon diſcovered that Geneura approved, encouraged and returned his paſſion; and being, as you may eaſily imagine, not greatly concerned at this obſtacle to the deſires of my faithleſs duke, I acquainted him with all I knew, and from the apparent impoſſibility of his ever ſucceeding in his attempt, drew arguments to induce him to give it over.

Polyneſſo, naturally haughty and vindictive, could not bear with patience, the thoughts of being rejected for a ſtranger, every way, as he conceived, his inferior; diſdain, ſhame, rage, by turns, engroſſed his ſoul, and baniſhed thence every ſofter paſſion; his love for Geneura was now converted to the moſt obſtinate hatred, and he reſolved to accompliſh her ruin by the blackeſt treaſon that ever was conceived in the heart of man.

His ſcheme of revenge concerted, in which I, alas! tho' ignorantly, was to act the chief part, he one day accoſted me with an air more tender and affectionate than uſual.

My dear Dalinda, ſaid he, generous and kind as you have been to me, well may you think yourſelf injured by my inconſtancy, but as trees, you know, when cropt by the pruner's hand, ſhoot out into freſh luxuriant branches, ſo on the root of my paſſion for Geneura, young buds of fondneſs riſe, and all the ripening fruit is yours.

[761]Nor do I languiſh ſo much for the poſſeſſion of Geneura's beauties, as I diſdain to be thus rejected and contemned; and, leſt this grief ſhould prey too forcibly on my heart, do thou, my fair, indulge my ſick fancy with a kind deceit, and in the dreſs of that too haughty charmer, receive me to thy arms.

When the princeſs is retired to bed, put on her robes, adorn thee with her richeſt jewels, with her girdle bind thy ſwelling boſom, let her coronet glitter on thy beauteous brow, and beneath it let thy hair deſcend in graceful curls like hers; then, in her borrowed form, attend my coming at the well-known window; thus ſhall my pride be gratified, and my capricious fancy pleaſed.

Without reflecting on the inſidious purport of this requeſt, I promiſed to comply with it; and, for many ſucceeſſive nights, received him in the habit he preſcribed. Having thus wrought me to his wiſh, his wicked arts were next played off on Ariodant.

Before the duke had any knowledge of his paſſion for the princeſs, he had lived in ſtrict friendſhip with this young knight, and thence took occaſion to reproach him with the breach of it, by preſuming to addreſs the princeſs.

In you, ſaid he, I little expected a rival as well on account of your attachment to me, as the improbability of your ſucceeding in your attempt; for you are not now to be told of the mutual paſſion that has long joined Geneura's heart and mine, nor that I intend ſoon to ask the king's conſent to eſpouſe her; why then do you fondly thruſt yourſelf [762] between me and my almoſt certain happineſs? how differently ſhould I act were I in your place?

Why this to me, my lord? replied Ariodant haſtily; 'tis you who have betrayed our friendſhip, you have commenced my rival, not I yours. I claim a prior right in fair Geneura, as having loved her firſt, and have been happy enough to inſpire her with an equal flame; this you might have perceived, had you not been blinded by obſtinacy; ſince then the laws of friendſhip demand one of us to yield, be yours the task, as having leſs right to perſiſt, and leſs hope of ſucceeding than myſelf. In riches indeed you are my ſuperior; but the king's favour is equally ſhared betwixt us, and in the heart of Geneura the advantage is wholly mine.

What errors does not love occaſion? replied the duke; each thinks himſelf the happy object of her wiſhes, and yet 'tis certain that only one is loved: thus then let us decide the conteſt; he who can give the moſt certain proofs of her affection ſhall be left by the other in the free and undiſturbed poſſeſſion of it: but firſt, let us bind ourſelves by the moſt ſolemn oaths not to diſcloſe each others ſecrets.

To this Ariodant, with trembling impatience agreed, and the artful duke went on in this manner:

'Tis now almoſt five months ſince the beauteous Geneura rewarded my ardent love with the poſſeſſion of her perſon; oft has the conſcious queen of night lent me her ſhades to guide me to my charmer, and ſeen me happy in her arms.

[763]'Tis falſe, by Heaven, interrupted Ariodant, tranſported with rage; not that cold queen, whoſe name thou haſt profaned, is chaſter than my Geneura. Traitor, with my good ſword I'll prove thou lyeſt; take notice I defy thee to mortal combat, and will with thy deareſt blood, waſh away the ſlanders thou haſt thrown upon my princeſs.

Moderate your rage, ſaid the calm villain, I mean to give you proofs, convincing proofs, of what I have ſaid; your own eyes ſhall be witneſſes of the favours I enjoy.

The unhappy Ariodant, pale, trembling, and loſt in ſpeechleſs grief and horror at thoſe fatal words, ſtood for ſome moments fixed in racking thought, like the ſad ſtatue of deſpair; then raiſing his eyes, overflowing with tears, to heaven, and paſſionately ſtriking his groaning breaſt, And can it be, he cried, that my Geneura, that princeſs whom I loved, whom I adored with ſuch pure reverence as mortals pay to Deities, ſhould become the prey of looſe deſires, and give her faithful Ariodant to death? Oh! 'tis impoſſible, though a God ſpoke it, I ſhould ſay 'twere falſe.

Incredulous man, ſaid Polyneſſo, have I not offered to give thee proofs that cannot be denied? Thy eyes ſhall ſee the favours ſhe beſtows on me.

I take you at your word, reſumed Ariodant impatiently, give me to behold her guilt and I am ſatisfied.

To-morrow night, ſaid the duke, I have an appointment with her; I will conduct you to a place from whence, unperceived, you yourſelf ſhall behold me aſcend her chamber window, and judge [764] by the reception ſhe gives me, if I am happy in her favour.

To this the almoſt diſtracted Ariodant conſented; and, at the appointed time, followed the duke to thoſe ruined houſes I mentioned before, and there ſtood concealed from view: being doubtful of Polyneſſo's intentions, he had ordered his brother Lurcanio to arm and go with him, directing him to ſtay at a convenient diſtance, ſo as to be within call if any treachery was offered him, but not in ſight of Geneura's window; for he would have no witneſs of her guilt but himſelf.

The duke, having placed Ariodant moſt conveniently for his purpoſe, advanced and gave the uſual ſign; unhappy as I am I heard, and eagerly obeyed the welcome ſummons; adorned in Geneura's richeſt robes, and covered with the veil that princeſſes only wear, I appeared at the window and threw the ſilken ladder over to my lover.

Lurcanio, either fearing for his brother's ſafety, or deſirous of prying into his ſecrets, quitted his appointed ſtation, and unperceived by him, walked ſoftly forward till he came within ten paces of Ariodant; and now my faithleſs duke was ſeen by both the brothers, (though known only to Ariodant) to aſcend the ladder and gain the chamber window, at which I met him with a tender embrace, wandering over his lips and eyes with eager kiſſes.

This ſight ſo enflamed the ſoul of Ariodant with rage and grief, that drawing out his ſword, and fixing the pummel of it in the ground, he was going to ruſh with all his force upon the point, had [765] he not been prevented by Lurcanio, who perceiving his raſh deſign, ſprang to him in an inſtant, and having thrown aſide the fatal inſtrument of death, received his ſinking brother in his arms.

Ah miſerable brother! ſaid Lurcanio, by what wild fury art thou poſſeſt, to fall thus meanly for a woman? Now curſed, for ever curſed be all the kind; may they all periſh in one wide ruin, blown as they are, like clouds, with every blaſt of wind: and this fair miſchief that has betrayed thee, let us deviſe ſome glorious vengeance for her: let not thy noble life be ſacrificed to her falſhood; her's is the crime, be her's the puniſhment; proclaim her guilt aloud, accuſe her to the king; my eyes as well as thine have ſeen her infamy, and with my ſword I'll make good thy aſſertion.

Ariodant, whoſe ſoul was torn with various and conflicting paſſions, ſmiled gloomily at the mention of revenge; a-while he ſeemed to bury every thought of grief and of deſpair in that one hope of ſacrificing the guilty princeſs to his wrongs; but alas! the cureleſs wound remained behind; Geneura, baſe as ſhe appeared, he loved with ſuch unceaſing fondneſs, that wholly unable to endure her loſs, and dreading no hell like that within his boſom, once more he reſolved to die.

To Lurcanio, however, he diſſembled his deſign, and went home with him at his requeſt; but early the next morning he departed, leaving no traces behind him from whence it might be gathered to what place he was gone.

Lurcanio dreading the fatal effects of his deſpair, was pierced to his inmoſt ſoul at the news of [766] his flight: the king and the whole court took part in his affliction; no methods were left untried to diſcover where he was; meſſengers were ſent in ſearch of him to the utmoſt extremities of the kingdom; but all returned without any ſucceſs.

At length a peaſant came to court, and at his requeſt was introduced to the princeſs, who informed her, that as he was travelling to the city he met Ariodant; that this unhappy knight obliged him to follow him and be witneſs of a deed he was going to perform; that obeying his orders they journeyed on together till they came to a ſteep rock that hung pendant over the ſea, fronting the Iriſh iſland.

Ariodant, ſaid the peaſant, aſcending this rock, commanded me to obſerve well what he did, to give you an account of it, and tell you his laſt words; which were, that he had ſeen too much: then ſpringing furiouſly from the top of the rock, he precipitated himſelf into the ſea. Terrified at the dreadful ſight, I haſtily turned back, and travelled hither to bring you the fatal news.

Geneura, overwhelmed with grief and amazement for the death of her lover, and the ſtrange meſſage he had ſent her, abandoned herſelf to the moſt violent exceſſes of deſpair; ſhe beat her beauteous boſom, tore her hair, and in the wildneſs of her woe, a thouſand times invoked the dear loved name of Ariodant; repeated the myſterious words he uttered, and as often called on death to end her.

The news of his death, with the ſad manner of it, ſpread grief and conſternation through the whole [767] city; even the remoteſt parts of Scotland felt and lamented the loſs of their valiant defender; the king and the whole court bewailed his loſs with the ſincereſt ſorrow: but Lurcanio, ſuperior in grief, as more nearly intereſted in the dear deceaſed, mourned his unhappy brother with all the tenderneſs of fraternal love, and all the warmth of friendſhip.

Revolving in his mind the fatal adventure of the window, which had been the cauſe of his brother's diſtraction; the deſire and hope of revenge afforded ſome relief to the poignancy of his woe; and obſtinately bent to ſacrifice the princeſs to the manes of his Ariodant, he preſented himſelf before the king and council, and accuſed her of incontinence, relating all that Ariodant and he had ſeen, and the fatal effects it had upon him: he then reminded the king of the Scottiſh laws againſt unchaſtity, and loudly demanded juſtice on the princeſs.

Horror and amazement ſeized the ſoul of the unhappy father! Geneura, tho' dearer to him than life, tho' innocent in his opinion, he has not power to ſcreen from the danger that threatens her; the laws indeed permit the accuſed to have a champion to fight in her defence; by whom, if the proſecutor (who is obliged to maintain by force of arms the truth of his aſſertion) is worſted, ſhe is declared guiltleſs of the crimes laid to her charge.

To this only remedy the king has recourſe, and cauſes it to be proclaimed throughout his dominions, that if any knight of noble birth will undertake the defence of his daughter, and by force of [768] arms ſhall vanquiſh her accuſer, on him he will beſtow the princeſs, with a dower ſuitable to her quality.

Notwithſtanding this proclamation no knight has yet offered himſelf for the enterprize, deterred therefrom by the known valour of Lurcanio: the king, no leſs anxious for Geneura's reputation than her life, cauſed all her maids to be brought to a trial, who with one voice declared they never were privy to any intrigue of their royal miſtreſs.

Alarmed at theſe proceedings, and dreading the conſequence of a further ſcrutiny, I urged the duke to take ſome meaſures for our common ſecurity: he, with diſſembled kindneſs, praiſed my ſecrecy and affection, and ſent two men to conduct me to a caſtle of his at a great diſtance from the court.

Wholly relying on his faith, I put myſelf under the protection of thoſe two villains, whom the duke, deſirous of removing for ever the only perſon who could diſcover his guilt, ordered when they came to a convenient place, to murder me: happily for me chance conducted you that way; you delivered me from my impending fate, and while it ſhall pleaſe heaven to preſerve my unhappy life, it ſhall be ſpent in grateful acknowledgments to my protector.

This account of Geneura's innocence was extremely welcome to Rinaldo; for though confiding in his own courage he was not without hopes of delivering her, guilty as ſhe appeared; yet the certainty he was going to fight in a juſt cauſe, animated him with double fires, and gave him almoſt a confirmation of victory.

[769]Now clapping ſpurs to his horſe, he rode on with ſuch eager haſte, that the noble town of St. Andrews ſoon appeared in view. There the combat was to be performed; the guards had already ſurrounded the liſts, the challenger's trumpet had ſounded, and the unhappy king, pale, trembling, and full of eager anxiety, liſtened with a beating heart, and fear-check'd wiſhes for an accepting anſwer.

Mean time Rinaldo, having left the frighted Dalinda at an inn, with repeated aſſurances of gaining her pardon, in caſe he vanquiſhed the princeſs's accuſer, advanced towards the city-gate: here he was met by a young page, who informed him that an unknown knight, clad all in ſable armour, was arrived; that he had demanded the combat with Lurcanio, and declared he would die, or free the princeſs from her ignominious ſentence.

Rinaldo, impatient to unfold the myſtery, thundered at the city-gates, which being opened, he rode eagerly to the liſts; there beholding the combatants engaged, he forced his way through the preſs, and crying aloud that they ſhould ceaſe the fight, demanded an inſtant audience of the king.

The marſhals of the field thereupon parted the two champions, and Rinaldo was immediately conducted to the king; to whom he related the whole ſtory of Polyneſſo's treachery, as he had received it from Dalinda; adding that he would prove the truth of it by force of arms, and begged that he might be allowed to defy the traitor duke to ſingle combat.

The noble form of Rinaldo, but chiefly the pleaſing purport of his ſpeech, gained him abſolute [770] credit with the king. Scarce could the raptured parent reſtrain the wild exultings of his joy of this confirmation of his Geneura's innocence; dearer than life or empire was ſhe loved by him, and freely would he have ſacrificed both to ſave her honour: he heſitated therefore not a moment in permitting the requeſted combat, but ordered duke Polyneſſo to be called.

He, by his office of high conſtable, having the ordering of the combat, was riding proudly about the field, exulting in his ſucceſsful treaſon, and anticipating, in his own mind, the ruin of the fair and injured Geneura. Ignorant though he was of the deſign of this ſummons, yet coward guilt ſuggeſting the worſt he had to fear, with a diſordered air, and eyes expreſſive of the various apprehenſions that ſtruck his conſcious ſoul, he met the reproachful look of his king, and the fierce glances of Rinaldo.

That noble warrior repeating in a few words the treaſons he had been guilty of, challenged him to the field: Polyneſſo denied the accuſation, but accepting the proferred combat, becauſe he could not avoid it, retired to arm himſelf, while Rinaldo, fraught with the pious prayers and bleſſings of the king, entered the liſts, and ordered his trumpet to ſound.

At the third blaſt the duke appeared; pale terror and diſmay were pictured in his face, his fainting heart throbbed with the conſcious pangs of guilt, and horrors of impending fate: confuſed, diſtracted, not knowing what he did, he darted forward at the ſignal given to begin the fight; but his [771] weak lance, ill guided by his trembling hand, fell harmleſs to the ground.

Not ſo the great Rinaldo; he, with calm courage, and brave, yet unaſſuming confidence, meditated the wound, and riſing all collected to the blow, threw his famed lance with ſuch unerring ſkill and force, that it pierced quite through the armour of Polyneſſo, and hid its fatal point within his ſide.

The traitor fell, Rinaldo eagerly diſmounted, and approaching him, unlaced his helmet. With faint low voice he called for mercy, and thinking to deſerve it, confeſſed unaſked the wrong he had been guilty of to Geneura; then, as if life had been only lent him till he had cleared her innocence, ſcarce had he uttered another prayer for mercy, but death ſuppreſt the coward ſupplication, and he lay a breathleſs coarſe at the feet of Rinaldo.

The people, tranſported with joy that their princeſs was not only delivered from death, but reſtored to her former ſanctity of character, made the air reſound with their acclamations.

Rinaldo being conducted to the king, untied the beaver of his helmet, and was immediately known to be that famous knight of Italy, whoſe noble exploits were noiſed over all the habitable world.

The king embraced him in a rapture of joy and gratitude; the nobles crouded round the deliverer of their princeſs, loaded him with bleſſings, and ſtrove to exceed each other in praiſes of his invincible valour.

Theſe congratulations over, all eyes were turned upon the unknown knight in black armour, who [772] had ſo generouſly undertaken the defence of Geneura againſt her accuſer Lurcanio; penſive he ſtood during the fight between Polyneſſo and Rinaldo, his eyes fixed upon the combatants, with eager attention he had liſtened to the dying words of the treacherous duke, and while the multitude in loud ſhouts expreſſed their joy, and the king and court were paying honours to the glorious victor, he ſtood apart from the throng, abſorbed in thought, and wholly inſenſible of the tumult around him.

The king cauſed him to be conducted to his preſence, and acknowledging himſelf greatly obliged to his generous intention, preſſed him to let him know in what manner he could repay the obligation.

The knight made no anſwer, but bowing low, and throwing off his helmet, the king and court, with the utmoſt aſtoniſhment, beheld the lovely face of Ariodant; wonder and joy kept them all ſilent for a while; at length the king recovering from his ſurprize, claſp'd the young warrior to his breaſt with a tender embrace:

Is it poſſible, ſaid he, in a tone of voice expreſſive of the ſtrongeſt tranſport, that I behold again my Ariodant, the gallant defender of my dominions, and the brave champion for my daughter's honour? him whom I lamented as dead, whom my whole kingdom mourned for: tell me by what ſtrange yet happy chance I now behold thee living, whoſe death was ſo confidently affirmed, and ſo univerſally believed.

[773]Ariodant knowing the king was acquainted with the whole ſtory of his love, replied without reſerve:

The peaſant, my lord, whom I detained to be a witneſs of the ſad effects of my deſpair, and to bring the news of it to the princeſs, informed her truly that I caſt myſelf from the rock into the ſea; but that natural repugnance we have all to death, when near, however we may deſpiſe its terrors at a diſtance, impelled me, involuntarily, to uſe meaſures to preſerve a life which a moment before I had been ſo deſirous of loſing.

As ſoon as I roſe again upon the ſurface of the waves, I applied myſelf to ſwimming, at which I was very expert, and ſoon reached the neighbouring ſhore, faint, weary, and almoſt breathleſs. I threw myſelf down amidſt the ruſhes, and was found in this condition by an ancient hermit, whoſe cell was at a ſmall diſtance.

Thither he conducted me, and in a few days his charitable cares reſtored me to my ſtrength; but, alas! my mind was tortured ſtill with various paſſions; love, hate, deſpair, and eager thirſt of vengeance, by turns poſſeſſed me; in vain I ſought to baniſh the idea of Geneura from my ſoul, it ſtill returned with double force; nor could her infidelity, of which, miſtaken wretch that I was, I thought I had ſuch convincing proofs, weaken the power of her reſiſtleſs charms.

Thus languiſhing, with a cureleſs wound, I heard the news of her accuſation by my brother, and the danger to which her life and honour were expoſed; at that moment, forgetting the injuries [774] I had ſuffered, inſenſible to all the ties of conſanguinity and friendſhip, and only ſolicitous for her ſafety, I determined to fight with my brother in her defence, pleaſing myſelf with the thought, that if I did not free her, I ſhould at leaſt have the ſatisfaction of dying in her cauſe, and thereby proving how much ſuperior to Polyneſſo was my love, who though favoured as he was by her, he wanted courage to defend her.

Having provided myſelf with armour that might effectually conceal me, I came hither full of fury againſt my brother, whom I could not but conſider as my worſt enemy, ſince he was the accuſer of the ſtill adored Geneura.

The arrival of the brave Rinaldo happily prevented the continuance of a combat, which muſt have ended in the death of one brother, and eternal remorſe to the other.

With joy I behold the princeſs delivered from the ignominious death with which ſhe was threatened; but oh! with far more rapture do I congratulate your majeſty on this diſcovery of her innocence: Happy Rinaldo, to be at once the defender of her life, and reſtorer of her honour: As for me, I ſought only to preſerve her from death; and if that was denied me, to have the ſatisfaction, at leaſt, of dying in her defence, by the hand of a friend and brother.

The king who loved him before for his virtues, was ſo charmed with this generous proof of his paſſion for his daughter, that he eaſily yielded to the ſolicitations of Rinaldo and the noblemen of his court, to beſtow the princeſs on ſo faithful a [775] lover; and endowing her with the dutchy of Albania, which, on Polyneſſo's deceaſe, reverted to the crown, he gave her hand to Ariodant in the preſence of the whole court, and the nuptials were ſoon after celebrated with the utmoſt magninificence.

Rinaldo having obtained Dalinda's pardon, who retired into a monaſtry, took leave of the king and happy lovers, and purſued his voyage to England.

TREATISE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONTINUED.

[776]

Of the uſe of Hiſtory for Children.

CHILDREN are very fond of ſtrange ſtories: it is common to ſee them in high delight, or in tears, at the recital of adventures: fail not to take advantage of this propenſity; whenever you find them diſpoſed to liſten, tell them ſome ſhort pretty fable, and let it be one relative to the animals, innocent and ingeniouſly compoſed: give them for what they are, fables; and explain the moral deſign of them.

As for the heathen ſtories, it will be happy for a girl to remain totally ignorant of them all her life-time; becauſe they are impure, and abound with impious abſurdities; but if you cannot prevent an acquaintance with ſome, do your endeavour to inſpire an abhorrence of them.

When you have told one ſtory, ſtay till the child aſks for another, leaving as it were a craving upon him to be further informed; at length when his curioſity becomes excited, then have ſome ſelect [777] pieces of hiſtory to relate, in a compendious manner: let there be a connection between them, and tell a particular part one day, and another the next, that he may be held in ſuſpence, and in impatience to hear the concluſion.

Animate your accounts with a lively tone of voice and expreſſion; and make the perſonages ſpeak: children of a lively imagination will fancy they both hear and ſee them: for example, recite the ſtory of Joſeph; make the brothers ſpeak like brutiſh people; Jacob, like a fond afflicted father, Joſeph, in his character, taking pleaſure, when become the ruler over Egypt, in keeping himſelf from being known by his brethren, then putting them in dread of him, and at laſt diſcovering himſelf.

This natural repreſentation, joined to the wonders of the hiſtory, will charm a child, provided he is not cloyed of ſuch things, but left to aſk for them, or be promiſed them under the notion of reward; and when he is grown wiſer, and provided we never offer them by way of a taſk, nor oblige them to a repetition; for this is a force upon him, and what will deſtroy all the pleaſure he takes in theſe hiſtorical pieces.

However, it is to be obſerved, that if he hath any degree of facility in ſpeaking, he will be naturally prone to relate to thoſe he loves, whatever ſtories have given him the greateſt entertainment; but you are not to ſet him this for a rule: you may get ſome perſon that is free with him to pretend a deſire to hear the ſtory; the child will be quite delighted to tell it, and do not ſeem to mind him, nor take any notice of his miſtakes; when he comes [778] to be better practiſed, then you may with gentleneſs obſerve to him what is the beſt manner of telling a tale, to make it ſhort, plain, and natural, by the choice of ſuch circumſtances as beſt ſet forth things as they truly were. If you have a number of children, uſe them by degrees to repreſent the ſeveral perſonages in the hiſtory they have learned: let one be Abraham, another Iſaac, &c. this perſonating will delight them beyond other plays, and give them a habit of thinking and ſpeaking ſerious matters with pleaſure, and fix the tranſactions indelibly in their memory,

We ought to endeavour to give them a greater taſte for ſacred hiſtory than for any other; not by commending it as the fineſt, which perhaps they would not readily believe, but by bringing them to perceive it without a word ſaid. Point out to their obſervation of what importance it is; how ſingular, marvellous, replete with natural paintings and nobly ſpiritous; the articles of the creation, the fall of Adam, the deluge, the call of Abraham, the ſacrifice of Iſaac, the adventures of Joſeph abovementioned, the birth and flight of Moſes, are not only proper to awake the curioſity of children, but at the ſame time that they diſcover the origin of religion, they alſo lay the foundations of it in the young mind.

It would argue a profound ignorance of the eſſence of religon, not to ſee that it is entirely hiſtorical: for by a web of marvellous facts, do we find its eſtabliſhment, its perpetuity, and all that ought to engage us to the belief and practice thereof.

[779]Let it not be imagined that we have any intention that people ſhould dip into ſcience when we propoſe theſe hiſtories to them; for they are brief, various, and proper to pleaſe the moſt ordinary underſtandings. God, who beſt knows the ſpirit of man whom he created, hath thrown religion among popular facts, which far from overcharging the ſimple, aſſiſt them rather to conceive and retain the ſenſe of its myſtery: for inſtance, tell a child, that in God three co-equal perſons make but one ſingle nature; by hearing and repeating theſe terms, he will remember them; but, I doubt, not conceive the ſenſe of them. Tell him then, how when Jeſus Chriſt came out of the water of Jordan, the Father cauſed theſe words to be heard from heaven: ‘This is my beloved ſon, in whom I am well pleaſed, hear ye him.’ Add, that the Holy Spirit deſcended upon our Saviour, in a bodily ſhape, like a dove, and you will make him ſenſibly perceive the Trinity in a paſſage which he will never forget: here are three perſons whom he will ever diſtinguſh by their different actions; you have but to teach him, that all taken together conſtitute but one God.

This example ſuffices to ſhow the uſe of hiſtory, which, though it ſeems to be a prolix method of inſtruction, is in reality the moſt compendious, and avoids the dry way of catechiſms, wherein the myſteries are disjoined from the facts; and we may know, that in the antient times they taught by means of hiſtory. The admirable method of teaching which St. Auſtin preſcribes, was not of that father's introduction; it was the univerſal practice [780] of the chuch: this conſiſted in demonſtrating, by a ſeries of hiſtorical facts, religion to be as old as the world, Jeſus Chriſt expected in the old teſtament, Jeſus Chriſt reigning in the new: this is the bottom of chriſtian inſtruction.

This requires ſomewhat more time and application than the method of teaching to which ſome people confine themſelves; however, by this ſeries of hiſtory we are brought to a true knowledge of religion; whereas, when unacquainted with it, we have but confuſed notions of Jeſus Chriſt, the goſpel, the church, and of the foundation of thoſe virtues with which the name of chriſtian ought to inſpire us.

The hiſtorical catechiſm printed a little while ago, a plain book, ſhort, and much clearer than the common catechiſms, includes all neceſſary to be known on that head, and of this no one will ſay that it requires a great deal of ſtudy.

To the paſſages I have beforementioned, let us add, the going thorough the Red Sea, the ſojournment of the people in the deſert, where they eat the bread which fell from heaven, and drank of the water which Moſes, by the ſtroke of his rod, made to ſpring out of the rock.

Repreſent to them the miraculous conqueſt of the promiſed land, on which occaſion the waters of Jordan turned back toward their ſource, and the walls of a city fell down of themſelves in the view of the beſiegers. Paint in natural colours the conflicts of Saul, and of David; ſhew the laſt, while yet a ſtripling, without arms, and in his dreſs of a ſhepherd, the vanquiſher of that [781] proud giant Goliah. Let not be forgotten the glory and wiſdom of Solomon, his deciſion of the diſpute between the two women about the child; but then deſcribe him fallen from that height of wiſdom, diſhonouring himſelf by eaſe and indulgence, the almoſt unavoidable conſequence of extreme proſperity.

Make the prophets ſpeak to the king, in the name of the Lord; let them read futurity as a volume; appear humble, of auſtere life, and ſuffering continual perſecution for the truth's ſake.

Place in its due point of time the firſt deſtruction of Jeruſalem; deſcribe the temple burned, and the holy city ruined for the ſins of the people: relate the captivity in Babylon, where the Jews bewailed their beloved Sion: before their return bring in the pleaſing relations of what befel Tobit, Judith, Eſther, and Daniel.

It would have its uſefulneſs, if children were brought to declare their thoughts on the different characters of theſe Saints, to know which affected them moſt: one would prefer Eſther, another Judith: this would create a little contention, and ſo more ſtrongly impreſs the ſtories upon their minds, and help to form their judgment.

After this, bring the people up to Jeruſalem, and let them repair the ruins thereof; then form a lovely picture of the peace and proſperity of the city; in a ſhort time after, give the portrait of that cruel and impious Antiochus, who died in hypocritical penitence.

Deſcribe the victories of the Maccabees, under the reign of that perſecutor; likewiſe the martyrdom [782] of the ſeven brethren, of the ſame family. Proceed to the miraculous birth of John the Baptiſt; then in courſe recount that of Jeſus Chriſt; after which it will be proper to ſelect out of the goſpels all the moſt ſtriking paſſages of his life, his preaching at the Temple at 12 years of age, his baptiſm, his retreat into the wilderneſs, and temptation, his calling his Apoſtles, the miracle of the loaves, the converſion of that woman ſinner that anointed his feet with precious unguent, waſhed them with her tears, and dried them with her hair.

Tell how he taught the Samaritan woman, how cured the man born blind, raiſed Lazarus from the dead; ſhew Jeſus Chriſt entering triumphant into Jeruſalem, ſhew him upon the croſs, and at length riſing out of the Sepulchre.—After this it ſhould be remarked, with how much familiarity he conſorted with his Diſciples for forty days together, even till they beheld him aſcend up into Heaven; —beſides this, the deſcent of the Holy Ghoſt, the ſtoning of St. Stephen, the converſion of Paul, the calling of the centurion Cornelius, the travels of the apoſtles, and particularly of St. Paul, are exceedingly engaging: chuſe out the moſt wonderful ſtories of the martyrs, and ſomething in general of the heavenly life of the primitive Chriſtians, interſperſed with inſtances of the courage of young virgins, the aſtoniſhing auſterities of the hermits, the converſion of the emperors and of the empire, the blindneſs of the Jews, and their terrible puniſhment, which laſteth to this day.

[783]Theſe narrations will, in a delightful manner, impreſs on the tender and lively imagination of a child an entire ſeries of religion from the creation of the world to our days; give them noble ideas of it, and ſuch as will never be effaced; they will perceive likewiſe in that hiſtory the hand of God ever lifted up to deliver the righteous, and to confound the wicked.

They will be uſed to ſee God, the efficient cauſe, in all things, drawing interceptibly into his deſigns thoſe of his creatures that ſeem moſt repugnant to them.

But as to this collection of extracts, let it conſiſt of ſuch as afford the pleaſanteſt, the moſt magnificent images; for we ſhould by all means ſo manage it, that children may find religion charming, lovely, venerable; whereas their common notion of it is as of ſomething melancholy, flat, and doleful.

Beſides the ineſtimable benefit of thus teaching them religion, all theſe delightful narrations, ſo early infuſed into their memories, awaken a curioſity to be informed of things in their nature ſerious, render them ſenſible to the pleaſures of the underſtanding, and intereſt them in whatever parts of hiſtory happen to bear any relation to ſuch as they have already learned.

Yet, I ſay again, great care muſt be taken never to lay it down for a rule, that they muſt attend to you, muſt remember all; much more, never to preſcribe ſtated leſſons: no, let pleaſure effect every thing.

[784]Do not urge them, and you will bring it to bear: even for ordinary underſtandings, the point is not to overcharge them, but wait the gradual riſe of their curioſity.

But it will be objected—to relate theſe ſeveral parts of hiſtory in a lively, conciſe, natural, and pleaſing manner, where are the governeſſes capable of it? To which I anſwer, that, in propoſing it, I mean that people ſhould endeavour to procure for their children perſons of good parts, and put them as much as poſſible into this method of teaching, and ſo every governeſs will perform according to her talent: but ſtill, whatever her capacity is, matters will not go quite ſo wrong, when this natural and plain method is in practice.

To their narrations they may add the ſight of prints or pictures, repreſenting the ſacred ſtories: prints will ſerve for general uſe. But if there ſhould be an opportunity of ſhewing the children good pictures, let it not be neglected; for the glow of colours, and ſize of figures as big as the life, ſtrike the imagination with much greater force.

THE LADY's GEOGRAPHY.

[785]

DESCRIPTION of the Iſland of CEYLON. [Continued from Page 720.]

ALL the kinds of fruits which the Indies in general produce, are found in this iſland; it has however ſome peculiar to itſelf; among which one of the moſt particular is the Jacks, a fruit which is of very great ſervice in food; it grows on a very high tree, is of a greeniſh colour, covered over with prickles, and is about the ſize of a loaf of eighteen pounds weight. Its ſeeds, or what they call its eggs, are diſpoſed in the inſide of it, like the ſeeds of a gourd. They eat the jacks as we eat cabbage, and its taſte is not extremely unlike it. When it is ripe it may be eaten raw, and one of them is ſufficient for ſix or ſeven people. The grain or eggs reſemble cheſnuts very much, both in colour and taſte; they may be eaten either boiled, or roaſted in aſhes: one jacks produces two or three quarts of them, and the inhabitants always keep ſtore of them by them.

The Jombs is another fruit which is peculiar to the iſland: it has the taſte of an apple, is very full of juice, and is no leſs wholeſome than agreeable. Its colour is white, mixed with red, in a manner that appears to be the work of an elegant pencil. There are alſo ſeveral wild fruits [786] which are to be met with in their woods, as, the Mucroes, which are round, of the ſize of a cherry, and of a very agreeable taſte. The Dongs, which reſemble black cherries; the Ambellos, which may be compared to our gooſeberries; the Carollas, Cabellas, Tookes, and Jollas, which may paſs for ſo many ſorts of very good plumbs, and the Paragiddes, which are not unlike our pears.

The iſland of Ceylon produces three trees, which, though their fruits are not indeed fit to eat, are no leſs remarkable for other conveniencies: the firſt, which is named Tallipot, is very ſtrait, and in heighth and thickneſs nearly reſembles the maſt of a ſhip; its leaves are ſo large, that a ſingle one will cover fifteen or twenty men, and ſhelter them from the rain. They grow ſtronger as they dry, without becoming leſs pliable or manageable. Nature could ſcarcely have beſtowed any gift on the inhabitants more valueable than this; although the leaves are ſo very extenſive when open, they can be folded up like a fan, and being then not thicker than one's arm, weigh very little in the hand. Their ſhape is round, but the Ceyloneſe cut them into triangular pieces, wherewith they cover themſelves when they travel, taking care to place the pointed end before them, which therefore makes its way the eaſier through the ſhrubs. The ſoldiers make tents of them.

Theſe leaves grow at the top of the tree, like thoſe of the cocoa; but, what is very extraordinary, it bears no fruit till the year of its death, at which time alone, it puts forth large branches, [787] laden with very beautiful yellow flowers, but of a very ſtrong and offenſive ſmell, which changes into a round, hard fruit, of the ſize of our largeſt cherries, but which are good for nothing but to ſow. Thus the Tillipot bears but once, but then it is ſo loaded with fruit at that time, that one tree is ſufficient for the ſowing of a whole province. Yet the ſmell of the flowers is ſo inſufferable near houſes, that they ſeldom fail to cut down the tree ſo ſoon as it begins to put forth buds, eſpecially as at that time, if they are cut, there is found within them an exceeding good ſap, which may be reduced to meal, and made up in cakes, that have the taſte of white bread. This is alſo another reſource for the inhabitants when the rice harveſt happens to turn out indifferently.

The ſecond of theſe trees is the Kitula, which grows as ſtrait as the cocoa, but not ſo tall, and by many degrees ſlenderer. Its principal ſingularity conſiſts in its yielding a kind of liquor which is called Tellegie, very ſweet, wholeſome, and agreeable, but without any ſtrength. The liquor they collect twice a-day, and from ſome of the beſt trees three times; the quantity of the whole frequently amounting to ſix quarts in a day. They boil it up till it acquires the conſiſtence and appearance of dark powder ſugar; and this the inhabitants call Jaggory. With very little more trouble they might render it as white as ſugar, to which, in every other reſpect, it is no way inferior in goodneſs. The manner of getting this liquor is as follows:

When the tree comes to its maturity it puts [788] forth, towards its extremities, a little button, which changes into a round fruit, and is, properly ſpeaking, the ſeed. This button they open, putting into it various ingredients, ſuch as ſalt, pepper, citron, garlic, and various kinds of leaves, which prevent it from ripening ſo ſoon as it would otherwiſe do. Every day, at certain times, they cut off a little piece towards the end of this, from which place the liquor flows out in abundance. As this button ripens and withers, others grow lower and lower every year, till they at length reach the bottom of the branches; but when this comes to be the caſe, which is in about eight or ten years, the tree ceaſes to bear, and preſently after dies.

Its leaves reſemble thoſe of the cocoa-palm, and are covered with a kind of bark extremely hard and full of filaments, which are employed in the making of ropes: they fall during the whole time that the tree is growing; but when it has arrived at its full dimenſions, they remain on it for many years, and when they do fall, are never ſupplied by any others.

The wood, which is ſeldom above three inches thick, ſerves as a velopement to a very thick pith; it is extremely hard and heavy, but very apt to ſplit of itſelf. The colour of it is black, and looks as if it was compoſed of inlaid work. The Ceyloneſe make peſtles of it to beat the rice withal.

The third extraordinary tree, and indeed what renders this iſland ſo extremely valuable to the Dutch, is that which bears the cinnamon: it is [789] called in the language of the country Corundagouhah. It grows in the woods indiſcriminately with other trees, and, what is ſomewhat extraordinary, the Ceyloneſe ſet no extraordinary value upon it. This tree is of a middling bulk, its bark is the cinnamon, which appears white when on the trunk, but which they take off, and dry it in the ſun. The iſlanders gather this only from the ſmaller trees, although the bark of the larger ones ſmell as ſweet, and have as ſtrong a taſte. The wood has no ſmell; it is white, and about the hardneſs of deal, and is uſed for all kinds of purpoſes. Its leaf is not unlike that of the laurel, but when it firſt begins to put forth is of a bright ſcarlet, and rubbed between the hands has more the ſmell of a clove gillyflower than that of the cinnamon. The fruit, which uſually ripens about September, is like an acorn, but ſmaller, and has leſs both of ſmell and taſte than the bark. They boil them in water, in order to extract an oil from them, which ſwims at the top, and, when congealed, becomes as hard and as white as tallow, and of a very agreeable ſmell. The inhabitants anoint their bodies with it, and alſo burn it in their lamps, but no candles are made of it, but for the King.

With reſpect to animals, the iſland of Ceylon produces a great variety; viz. cows, buffaloes, ſwine, goats, deer, hares, dogs, jackalls, apes, tygers, bears, wild bears, elephants, lions, horſes, and aſſes; but no ſheep. Amongſt the fallow beaſts they have one called the Memima, which is no bigger than a hare, but much reſembles a [590] deer; its colour is grey, ſpotted with white, and its fleſh is excellent. The Ganvera is a kind of wild buck, which has a very ſharp chine, its four feet white, and half the legs of the ſame colour. Knox gives an account of his having ſeen one, which was kept in the king's magazine, together with a black tyger, a white deer, and a ſpotted elephant.

The apes are not only in prodigious abundance in the woods, but alſo of many various kinds, whereof there are ſome very different from any that are to be found in other countries. Some of them are as large as our ſpaniels, with grey hair and black faces, and long white beards, reaching from ear to ear, which give them greatly the appearance of old men. There are others of the ſame ſize, but differing in colour, their bodies, faces, and beards, being all of a bright white. But as this difference of colour does not ſeem to form any ſpecific difference in the animal, they are both alike named Wanderous: they do but little miſchief, keeping conſtantly in the woods, where they feed entirely on leaves and buds.

There is another ſort, called Killowan, which are beardleſs, but have a white face, and long hair on their heads, which deſcend and divide like thoſe of the human ſpecies: this kind are extremely miſchievous, from the continual ravage they commit amongſt the grain. The Ceyloneſe are extremely fond of the fleſh of all their kinds of apes, as well as of that of their ſquirrels, whereof they have alſo ſeveral different ſpecies.

The variety of ants in the iſland of Ceylon is [791] no leſs admirable than their abundance. That which they call Coumbias, and Tale-Coumbias, are very much like ours in ſize, with this difference, that the firſt are reddiſh, and the others, which are black, are only to be found in rotten trees, and have a very diſagreeable ſmell.

There is a third kind, called Dimbios, which are large and red, and make their neſts on the branches of large trees, in leaves which they amaſs together, to the bulk of a man's head. Several neſts are ſometimes found on one tree, and the fear of a thouſand dangerous things will then prevent any perſon from attempting to climb up it.

The Coura [...]atches are a fourth kind of ants; they are large and black, live under ground, and form holes there, nearly of the ſhape of rabbit-burrows, and the fields are ſo full of theſe holes, that the cattle are in perpetual danger from them of breaking their legs.

A fifth ſort are the Codd as: they are of a very fine black, much about the ſize of the former, and live alſo in the earth; but they frequently make excurſions in very numerous parties, without any one knowing the peculiar period of their expedition. They bite cruelly if hurt or put out of their way, but otherwiſe, if unmoleſted, they are very harmleſs and inoffenſive.

But the moſt numerous, and at the ſame time the moſt extraordinary of all the kinds of ants is, that which they call the Vacos. The ground is covered with them: they are of a middling ſize, have a white body, and red head, and devour every thing that comes in their way. They eat [792] cloth, wood, the ſtraw wherewith the houſes are thatched, and, in ſhort, every thing but iron and ſtone. No one dares to leave any thing in an uninhabited houſe; they get up along the walls, making a rhind of earth as they go along, which they continue through the whole extent of their way, to what height ſoever they arrive. If this arcade happens to break, they all immediately return back again, to repair their building, and continue their march aſſoon as they have completed the work. The inhabitants eaſily perceive their approach by the ſight of theſe little vaults, and are obliged to uſe continual precaution to deſtroy or drive them away. In places which are without houſes, they raiſe up little mountains of earth, of four, five, or ſix feet in height, and ſo ſtrong, that it is not eaſy to deſtroy them, even with a ſpade. Theſe little huts, which are called Humboſſes, are compoſed of vaults or arcades, and built of very fine earth, which the people make uſe of for the fabrication of their idols.

The Vacos multiply prodigiouſly, but they alſo die by myriads, for when they acquire their wings, they take their flight in ſuch inconceivable numbers towards the weſt, that they almoſt obſcure the sky, and riſing to ſo great a height as to be quite loſt to the view, they ceaſe not their flight till they drop down dead, exhauſted with fatigue; they then become a prey to birds of many kinds, and chickens in particular will feed on them more readily than on even the rice.

[To be continued.]

THE LADY's MUSEUM.
The TRIFLER. [NUMBER XI.]

[]

To the AUTHOR of the TRIFLER.

MADAM,

MY brother, who is a great ſcholar, and writes A. M. after his name, deſires me to acquaint you, that having with much labour and pains tranſlated the encloſed dialogue from the Greek, he is willing to communicate it to the world in your paper, that the trifling part of your readers, which he ſuppoſes to be by far the greater number, may learn that there were trifling, that is idle people, in the time of Socrates, and may be corrected by the wiſe admonitions of that [794] great divine. My brother is determined to keep himſelf concealed, that he may ſilently, and without envy, enjoy the reputation of this performance; and therefore recommends it to you to be particularly careful that no miſtakes are made in the ſpelling and pointing.

I am your humble ſervant, UNKNOWN.

P. S. My brother ſays Socrates was not a divine, but a philoſopher.

A DIALOGUE BETWEEN SOCRATES and ARISTARCHUS.

[795]

SOCRATES one day obſerving Ariſtarchus to look thoughtful and melancholy, ſaid to him, ‘My friend, ſomething ſeems to lie heavy upon your mind, you ſhould ſhare the burden with your friends; perhaps we may be able to aſſiſt you.’

To which Ariſtarchus replied, ‘Indeed, Socrates, I am in great perplexity. You know that on account of the war a great multitude have forſaken the open country, and fled into the Piraeum; and there are come to my houſe ſo many helpleſs ſiſters, nieces, and couſins, that I have not leſs than fourteen gentlewomen— Now from our landed eſtates we get nothing, for the enemy is maſter there; nor from rent of houſes, inhabitants are ſo thin in the city; furniture no body will buy; and money there is none to be borrowed: one may as ſoon expect to find it in walking along the ſtreets as to borrow any.—It is grievous, Socrates, to ſtand and ſee our relations periſh; it is impoſſible to [796] ſupport ſuch a number of them in ſuch times.’

Socrates hearing all this, replied, ‘And how comes it to paſs that Reramo, who has a great family to maintain, not only finds means to provide himſelf and them with all neceſſaries, but likewiſe has ſo much to ſpare that he even grows rich by what he vends?’

‘Good reaſon, replied the other, becauſe he keeps ſlaves, and I gentlefolks.’

‘And of theſe two ſorts of people which may you reckon the moſt valuable, his ſlaves or your gentlefolks?’ ſaid Socrates.

"Surely mine," ſays Ariſtarchus.

‘But then is it not a diſgrace, ſays the philoſopher, that while he is thriving by the means of a parcel of ſlaves, you ſhould be driven to extremity with thoſe that are ſo much their betters?’

‘Oh! but, ſays the other, he feeds handicraftſmen, I people who have been genteelly brought up.’

‘I ſuppoſe you mean by handicraftſmen, replied Socrates, thoſe who are skilled in preparing the uſeful things of life.’

"Yes, I do," ſaid the other.

"Is meal in that number?"

"Undoubtedly."

"And bread?"

"Moſt ſurely."

‘And cloaths for both ſexes, coats, gowns, cloaks, linen?’

‘A [...] queſtionleſs, theſe are all moſt uſeful [...]

[797] ‘Probably, continued Socrates, your people are not at all skilled in making any of theſe things?’

"O yes, one or other in all or moſt of them?"

‘Poſſibly then, ſaid Socrates, you don't know that by means of one ſingle article Nauſicydes, the mealman, not only maintains himſelf and ſeveral ſervants, but likewiſe a great number of hogs and cows; and hath ſo thriven as even to be named for ſerving the expenſive offices of the ſtate: and that Kerybus, by his buſineſs of a baker, ſupports a large family; nay lives in plenty:— then there's Demeas, the taylor, and numbers of Megareans that get a fine livelihood by mercery ware.’

‘Defend me! ſays the other, theſe fellows are owners of many purchaſed ſlaves, whom they force to work, and by their labours they thrive; but I tell you, I have none but gentry and my relations.’

‘Pray now, becauſe they are gentry and your relations, ſays Socrates, do you think they have nothing to do but to eat and ſleep? or among people of the like condition do you reckon thoſe that live after that manner, to paſs their time more happily than others that both know and practiſe the neceſſary employments of life? or do you apprehend ſloth and idleneſs to be more conducive towards a man's learning what he ought to underſtand, or remembering what he has learned, or to his health and ſtrength of body, or, in fine, toward his attaining or preſerving the requiſites of life? while induſtry and care [798] are nothing worth. You confeſs they have been taught to do ſome of theſe works—why—becauſe they were things of no ſervice, or ſuch as they muſt never put their hands to; or rather on the contrary, as what they might one day labour in, and profit by—for which makes men the moſt virtuous—living in idleneſs, or being engaged in a uſeful buſineſs?—or honeſteſt, the being employed, or lazily to be talking how they ſhall live? Yet more, it is my opinion, that neither you love them, nor they you—not them, for you really feel them very burthenſome to you; they love not you, for they muſt ſee you are quite weary of them—from whence 'tis a great chance but diſlike and enmity will ſpring up more and more, while kindred and affection fades away. Now could you contrive to make yourſelf their director and protector in ſome kind of profitable employment, you would then be fond of them, finding them uſeful to you, and they would love you, becauſe they would perceive you had pleaſure in what they did; and then, reflecting with ſatisfaction on all former benefits, the obligation to them would be enhanced, and you would grow friendlier and dearer to each other every day.’

‘If any thing ſcandalous was propoſed to be done, death is rather to be choſen; but now theſe women know to perform what is very laudable, very becoming their ſex—and whatever we know how to do, that we do with [799] the greateſt facility and pleaſure. Wherefore make no heſitation to preſs them to what will be of ſervice to yourſelf and them; and it is my opinion they will with pleaſure agree to the propoſal.’

‘By all the gods! ſaid Ariſtarchus, you give me ſuch admirable advice, Socrates, that I, who lately dared not think of borrowing, being ſure that when that money was gone I ſhould never be able to diſcharge the debt, am now reſolved to venture upon it to begin our undertaking.’

Accordingly, money was raiſed, a quantity of wool laid in, the women worked, even while they eat their dinner, they worked till ſupper time: ſorrow was turned into joy; inſtead of ſour glances they looked with chearfulneſs on each other; they loved him as their guardian, he them as a ſet of uſeful relations.

Some time after he came again to Socrates, and with pleaſure in his face gave him an account of their proceedings, and added, ‘They now accuſe me as the only perſon that eats idle bread in the houſe.’

‘Well, ſays Socrates, and don't you tell them the fable of the dog? Upon a time when animals could ſpeak, a ſheep talked to her maſter in this manner, 'We are vaſtly ſurpriſed that to us, who afford you wool, and lamb, and cheeſe, you never allow any other food but merely what the earth produces: whereas your dog, by whom you get nothing, comes in for a ſnap of every ſort of victuals you eat yourſelf.' The dog overhearing this, cries, 'Aye, but 'tis to me you owe your ſafety, that you are neither ſtole [800] by the rogues, nor devoured by the wolves: was not I to watch over you ye durſt not go to paſture for your lives;' this convinced the ſheep of the dog's merit. Tell them, therefore, that you, like the dog, are their guardian and careful overſeer, by whoſe means they live to follow their employments with pleaſure and ſafety.’

THE HISTORY OF HARRIOT and SOPHIA CONCLUDED.

[801]

SOPHIA was not deceived when ſhe imagined ſhe had ſeen Sir Charles, it was really he who had rode by her window, and it was her little abode he was in ſearch of, though in his extreme eagerneſs he had overlooked it.

He had left England with a hope that change of ſcene, and a variety of new objects, would efface the idea of Sophia from his heart, and reſtore him to his former tranquility; but amidſt all the delights of Paris he found himſelf oppreſt with languor: no amuſements could entertain him, no converſation engage his attention; diſguſted with every thing he ſaw and heard, peeviſh, diſcontented, and weary of the world, he avoided all company, and had recourſe to books for relief; but Sophia was too much in his thoughts to render ſtudy either inſtructive or amuſing. He paſt whole days in ſolitude, feeding his melancholy with the reflection of a thouſand paſt circumſtances, [802] which ſerved to ſoften his mind, and make him feel his loſs more ſenſibly.

When he reflected on her exalted virtues, her wit, her elegance, the attractive graces of her perſon, and the irreſiſtable ſweetneſs of her manners, he lamented his hard fate that had put ſuch a treaſure out of his reach; but when his conſcience told him that it had once been in his power to have become poſſeſſor of this treaſure, that he had trifled with that innocent affection till he had alienated it from himſelf to another object; his anguiſh became inſupportable, and he ſought to relieve it by rouſing his indignation againſt her, for her preference of ſo unworthy a rival.

He called to mind her interview with this happy rival in the field, and concluded he was far more favoured by her than himſelf had ever been, ſince her diſcourſe to him had produced ſo tender and paſſionate an expreſſion of acknowledgment as that he had beheld.

Theſe circumſtances, which his imagination dwelt upon in order to leſſen his regret, added to it all the ſtings of jealouſy; ſo that, almoſt frantic with rage and grief, he was a hundred times upon the point of committing ſome deſperate action.

A violent fever was the conſequence of theſe tranſports, which, after confining him a long time to his bed, left his body in a weak and languiſhing condition, and his mind ſunk in an habitual melancholy.

His phyſicians recommended to him the air of Montpelier, and he was preparing to ſet out for [803] that place when he happened to meet with a gentleman who made him alter his reſolution.

This perſon had been his governor, and now attended Mr. Howard in the ſame quality.

Sir Charles, who had a ſlight acquaintance with Mrs. Howard, was prevailed upon, notwithſtanding his averſion to company, to receive a viſit from her ſon: he invited the young gentleman to dine with him, and he having not yet forgot the lovely Sophia, drank her health after dinner by the name of miſs Darnley.

Sir Charles, who could not hear that name without a viſible emotion, told him he knew two young ladies ſo called, and asked whether it was the eldeſt or the youngeſt ſiſter that he meant?

Mr. Howard replied, ‘That he was ignorant till then that miſs Darnley had a ſiſter.’

‘Yes, ſhe has a ſiſter, ſaid his governor, who is much handſomer than herſelf, and for whom a youthful paſſion would be far more excuſable.’

The young gentleman, who knew his governor talked in that contemptuous manner of Sophia in compliance with his mother's humour, in revenge avowed his admiration of her in the moſt paſſionate terms, and, forgetting that Sir Charles had ſaid he was acquainted with her, deſcribed her excellencies with all the enthuſiaſm of a lover.

Sir Charles liſtened in ſilence; and when the other had done ſpeaking told him, with an air of forced gravity, that it was eaſy to ſee he was very much in love.

This, indeed, was his real opinion; nevertheleſs he felt no emotions of jealouſy or reſentment [804] againſt a rival whom he believed was as unhappy as himſelf: he asked him with a ſeeming careleſſneſs if miſs Sophia was not to be married to the ſon of a rich farmer in the village where ſhe lived? and waited his anſwer with an agitation of mind which appeared ſo plainly in the frequent changes of his colour, that Mr. Howard muſt have obſerved it, had not the queſtion given him almoſt as much concern.

After a ſhort pauſe he replied, ‘That he never heard ſhe was going to be married;’ but, added he, ſighing, ‘I remember I have ſeen a very handſome young man at Mr. Lawſon's, who perhaps —’

‘Aye, aye, interrupted his governor, ſmiling, he was the favoured lover no doubt, you have nothing to do but to forget her as ſoon as you can.’

The youth ſat penſive and ſilent for ſome time, then ſuddenly riſing, took leave of Sir Charles and went away; his governor prepared to follow him, but the baronet, anxious to hear more of Sophia, detained him to ask ſeveral queſtions concerning her acquaintance with Mr. Howard.

Sir Charles found his old friend had loſt no part of his former candor and ſincerity: though by the truſt repoſed in him he was obliged to diſcountenance as much as poſſible the paſſion of his pupil for a young woman ſo much his inferior in rank and fortune; yet having ſeen and converſed with Sophia, he did juſtice to her extraordinary merit, and acknowledged that Mrs. Howard had treated her harſhly.

[805]He related to Sir Charles in what manner Mrs. Howard had invited her to her houſe, and the ſuſpicions ſhe entertained of Sophia's encouraging her ſon's paſſion, and deſign to enſnare him into a clandeſtine marriage. ‘Suſpicions, added he, which her ſubſequent behaviour entirely deſtroyed, for the youth was raſh enough to avow his paſſion openly, and ſolicited her by frequent letters and meſſages to grant him an interview, which ſhe abſolutely refuſed, and this conduct did her honour and procured her great eſteem; yet it is very likely that her affections are otherwiſe engaged, and that ſhe has ſome difficulties to encounter, for ſhe looks thoughtful and melancholy, and affects retirement more than perſons of her age generally do.’

Sir Charles was thrown into ſo profound a reverie by this account of Sophia, that he heard not a word of what his friend afterwards ſaid which had no relation to this intereſting ſubject, and ſcarce perceived when he went away.

After reflecting a long time with mingled grief, reſentment, and compaſſion, upon her melancholy, which he ſuppoſed was occaſioned by ſome diſappointment in the affair of her marriage with the young farmer, and which probably her want of fortune was the cauſe of, he ſuddenly formed the generous deſign of removing this obſtacle to her union with the perſon whom ſhe preferred to him, and, by making her happy, entitle himſelf to her eſteem, ſince he had unfortunately loſt her heart.

[806]The novelty of this reſolution, and its extraordinary generoſity, filled him with ſo many ſelf-flattering ideas, as ſuſpended for a while his jealouſy and his grief.

Inſtead of going to Montpelier he ſet out immediately for England, and during his journey was continually applauding himſelf for the uncommon diſintereſtedneſs of his conduct.

Nothing is more certain, than that the motives even of our beſt actions will not always bear examination: we deceive ourſelves firſt, and our vanity is too much intereſted in the deception, to make us wiſh to detect it. Sir Charles either did not or would not perceive the latent hope that lurked within his boſom, and which, perhaps, ſuggeſted the deſigns he had formed.

How muſt ſuch an inſtance of generous paſſion, thought he, affect a mind ſo delicately ſenſible as Sophia's! ſhe who had once loved him, and what was more than probable, had not yet entirely forgot him.

He never asked himſelf, why his imagination dwelt upon theſe pleaſing images? why he proſecuted his journey with ſuch eager haſte, as if the purport of it was to receive, not to reſign for ever the woman he ſo paſſionately loved?

When he arrived at his own houſe ſcarce would he allow himſelf a few minutes reſt after his fatiguing journey: he haſtened to Mr. Herbert's lodgings, to prevail upon him to juſtify by his concurrence the deſigns he had formed in favour of Sophia.

[807]Mean time the ſecret and powerful impulſe by which he was actuated, kept his mind in a continual tumult. He hoped, he feared, he wiſhed: he was all anxious expectation, all trembling doubt; he heard with grief that Mr. Herbert was at Bath; for now he knew not how to get acceſs to Sophia, who being ignorant of his intentions, and offended by his behaviour, might poſſibly refuſe to ſee him.

He went to the houſe where Mrs. Darnley lived when he left England; he was ſurpriſed to ſee it ſhut up. This incident perplexed him more, and rendered him more impatient.

He returned to his houſe, ordered his horſes to be ſaddled, and ſet out immediately for Mr. Lawſon's; where he arrived before he had reſolved how to introduce himſelf, or who he ſhould enquire for.

However, upon the appearance of a ſervant at the door, he asked for Mr. Herbert; which Mr. Lawſon hearing, came out himſelf, and, though he did not know Sir Charles, politely requeſted him to alight, telling him, he had juſt received a letter from Mr. Herbert, which acquainted him that he was perfectly recovered, and that he was on the way to London.

Sir Charles accepted Mr. Lawſon's invitation, and alighting, followed him into a parlour, but in ſuch perturbation of mind that he ſcarce knew what he did. The good curate, ſurpriſed at the penſiveneſs and ſilence of his gueſt, was at a loſs what to ſay to him, or how to entertain him: he gave him an account of Mr. Herbert's illneſs, [808] which ſeemed to engage his attention very little; but happening to mention Sophia in the courſe of his relation, the young baronet ſtarted as from a dream, and turned his eyes upon him with a look of eagerneſs and anxiety, but ſaid not a word.

Mr. Lawſon pauſed, as expecting he was going to ask him a queſtion, which Sir Charles perceiving, ſaid with ſome confuſion, ‘I beg your pardon, Sir, you mentioned miſs Sophia, I have the honour to know her, pray how does me do?’

‘I hope ſhe is well, Sir, replied Mr. Lawſon, I have not ſeen her a long time.’

"Then ſhe does not board with you now," ſaid Sir Charles, with a countenance as pale as death, dreading to hear ſomething ſtill more fatal.

As Mr. Lawſon was going to anſwer him, William, not knowing his father-in-law had company, entered the room abruptly; but ſeeing the baronet, he bowed, apologized for his intruſion, and inſtantly retired.

The various emotions with which this ſudden and unexpected ſight of his rival filled the breaſt of Sir Charles, cauſed ſuch a wildneſs in his looks, that Mr. Lawſon, in great aſtoniſhment and perplexity, asked him if he was taken ill?

Sir Charles, endeavouring to compoſe himſelf, replied, "That he was very well, but in a faultering accent asked, who the young gentleman was that had juſt left the room.

Mr. Lawſon told him he was his ſon-in-law.

[809] ‘Your ſon-in-law! cried Sir Charles, eagerly, what! married to your daughter! is it poſſible?’

Mr. Lawſon knew enough of Sophia's ſtory to make him comprehend now who this young gentleman was, who diſcovered ſo extraordinary a concern upon this occaſion; and, charmed to have an opportunity of doing her ſervice by removing thoſe ſuſpicions which he had been told had produced ſo fatal a reverſe in her fortune, he gave the baronet a circumſtantial account of his daughter's marriage: ſenſible that he was too much intereſted in this detail to make him think it impertinent, he introduced it no otherways than by declaring himſelf under the greateſt obligation to miſs Sophia, who, having honoured his daughter with her friendſhip, had been the chief inſtrument of her preſent happineſs.

While the good curate related all the circumſtances of an affair which had had ſuch melancholy conſequences, the baronet liſtened to him with an attention ſtill as the grave; his eyes were fixed upon his with a look of the moſt eager anxiety, and he ſcarce ſuffered himſelf to breathe for fear of loſing any of his words.

In proportion as his doubts were removed, his countenance expreſſed more and more joy; and when, upon his reflecting on all that he had heard, it appeared plainly that the fatal meeting which had cauſed him ſo much anguiſh, was the effect of Sophia's ſolicitude to ſerve her friend, and that the paſſionate action of the youth was an acknowledgment of gratitude, not an expreſſion of love, he was not able to conceal the exceſs of his joy, [810] but, riſing up in a ſudden tranſport, he took the curate's hand, and preſſing it eagerly, ‘You know not, ſaid he, Mr. Lawſon, how happy you have made me; but where is miſs Sophia, is ſhe gone to Bath with her good friend Mr. Herbert?’

‘No, Sir, replied Mr. Lawſon; ſhe lives with her mother. You know, I ſuppoſe, that Mrs. Darnley has loſt her annuity by the death of the gentleman upon whom it was charged.’

‘I never heard it till now, ſaid the baronet, whoſe tenderneſs was alarmed for his Sophia; tell me I beg you what is her preſent ſituation.’

‘Her eldeſt daughter has left her, ſaid Mr. Lawſon, and ſhe has retired with miſs Sophia to a village about five miles from hence, in the road to London, where that excellent young lady ſupports her mother and herſelf by the labour of her hands.’

"Angelick creature!" exclaimed Sir Charles, with his eyes ſwimming in tears. Then, after a little pauſe, he deſired a direction to the place where Mrs. Darnley lived, and took a kind leave of Mr. Lawſon, telling him he hoped ſoon to viſit him again.

Sir Charles, although he galloped as faſt as it was poſſible, found his horſe went too ſlow for his impatience; ſo eager was he to ſee Sophia, and gain her pardon for the unreaſonable conduct which his jealouſy and rage had made him guilty of.

The account Mr. Lawſon had given him of the part ſhe had taken in his daughter's marriage with the youth whom he had conſidered as his rival, not [811] only removed the torturing pangs of jealouſy, which he had ſo long felt, but made him view ſeveral circumſtances in Sophia's behaviour in a light favourable to his own ardent wiſhes.

He fondly fancied that the melancholy in which he had heard ſhe was plunged, was occaſioned by a tender remembrance of him; and that the hope of ſtill being his, might have been the chief cauſe of her rejecting the addreſſes of Mr. Howard.

How different were theſe ideas from the gloomy ones which had hitherto perplexed his mind! he ſeemed like a man waked from a frightful dream of deſpair and death, to a certainty of life and joy.

Amidſt theſe tranſporting reveries he had paſſed by Sophia's houſe, without perceiving it to be the ſame he had been directed to; and when he had reached the end of the village, he looked about for it in vain, and ſaw no one of whom he could enquire for it but an old woman, who was ſitting under a tree near the road, making up a noſegay of ſome flowers, ſuch as the late ſeaſon produced.

He ſtopped his horſe, and asked her if ſhe knew where Mrs. Darnley lived? At the mention of that name ſhe roſe as haſtily as her feebleneſs would permit her, and told him, ſhe knew the houſe very well; and, if he pleaſed, would go and ſhew it him. ‘I am making this noſegay for the ſweet young gentlewoman her daughter, ſaid the old woman; I carry her flowers every day; heaven bleſs her, ſhe is my only ſupport. [812] There is a great many fine folks hereabouts, from whom I could never get any relief; but ſince ſhe came hither I have wanted for nothing. Pray let me ſhew you her houſe; old and weak as I am, I would walk ten miles to do her ſervice.’

Sir Charles, alighting from his horſe, ordered his ſervant to lead it to the neareſt public houſe, and wait for him there; he told the old woman, he would accept of her offer, and walk along with her. Then taking two guineas out of his pocket, he gave them to her, in reward, he ſaid, for the gratitude ſhe expreſſed for her young benefactreſs.

The good woman received his bounty with a tranſport of ſurpriſe and joy, and pleaſingly repaid him by talking of his beloved Sophia; of whom ſhe related many inſtances of tenderneſs and charity towards the poor of the village, and filled him with admiration of that true benevolence, which, even in the midſt of indigence, could adminiſter to the greater wants of her fellow-creatures.

When they came within ſight of Sophia's little cottage, the old woman, pointing to it, told him, Mrs. Darnley and her daughter lived there: upon which the baronet, diſmiſſing her, walked up to it with diſordered haſte. A row of wooden pales led to a ſmall graſs-plat before the door.

As he approached, he ſaw Sophia ſitting at a window at work. He ſtopped to gaze upon her; ſhe appeared to him more lovely, more engaging than ever. He wiſhed, yet dreaded her looking up, leſt her firſt thoughts upon ſeeing him being [813] unfavourable, ſhe ſhould reſolve to refuſe his viſit. He went forwards with a beating heart, and cautiouſly opening the little gate, reached the door of this humble habitation unheard and unſeen by Sophia; the door flew open at his touch, poverty has no need of bolts and bars, and every good angel is the guard of innocence and virtue.

The noiſe he made in entering, and the ſound of her name, pronounced in a tender accent, made Sophia haſtily turn her head. At ſight of Sir Charles, ſhe ſtarted from her chair, her work fell from her trembling hands, ſhe looked at him in ſilent aſtoniſhment, unable, and perhaps unwilling to avoid him.

The baronet, whoſe heart laboured with the ſtrongeſt emotions of tenderneſs, anxiety, hope, and fear, had not power to utter a word; and while her ſurpriſe kept her motionleſs, threw himſelf at her feet, and taking one of her hands, preſſed it reſpectfully to his lips, tears at the ſame time falling from his eyes.

Sophia, whoſe gentle mind was ſenſibly affected with this action, and the paleneſs and langour which appeared in his countenance, found it impoſſible to treat him with that ſeverity which his capricious conduct ſeemed to demand of her; nevertheleſs ſhe drew away her hand, which he yielded with reluctant ſubmiſſion.

"I hoped," ſaid ſhe, in an accent that expreſſed more ſoftneſs and grief than anger or diſdain, ‘that I ſhould be ſpared any farther inſults of this ſort from you; thoſe I have already ſuffered [814] has ſufficiently puniſhed me for my weak credulity.’

Sir Charles, when ſhe began to ſpeak, roſe up; but continued gazing on her with the moſt paſſionate tenderneſs, while every word ſhe uttered ſeemed to pierce his heart.

‘I will not, purſued Sophia, gathering firmneſs as ſhe ſpoke, ask you, why you have intruded upon me thus unexpectedly? or why you aſſume a behaviour ſo little of a-piece with your paſt actions? I only beg you to believe, that I am not again to be deceived; and although I am perſuaded my good opinion is of no conſequence to you, yet I will tell you, that if it is poſſible to regain it, it will be by never more importuning me with viſits, which my ſituation in life makes it very improper for me to admit of.’

Sophia, when ſhe had ſaid this, went out of the room, without caſting a look back upon Sir Charles, who followed her in great diſorder, conjuring her only to hear what he had to ſay.

As ſhe was paſſing to her own chamber, ſhe was met by her mother, who, ſeeing Sir Charles, was filled with ſurprize and joy; and perceiving that Sophia was avoiding him, ſaid to her with an angry accent, ‘Where are you going? what is the meaning of this rudeneſs?’

Sophia, without anſwering her, retired to her own room, not without great perturbation of mind; for there was ſomething in the baronet's looks and words that ſeemed to merit a hearing at leaſt; but ſhe dreaded the weakneſs of her own heart, [815] and was fully perſuaded that any condeſcenſion on her ſide would give him too great an advantage over her.

Mrs. Darnley, finding her endeavours to retain her were fruitleſs, advanced towards Sir Charles with great obſequiouſneſs, congratulated him upon his return, and thanked him for the honour he did her in viſiting her in her poor little habitation.

Sir Charles ſaluted her reſpectfully, and took a ſeat. ‘There is a ſad alteration, Sir, ſaid ſhe, in my poor affairs ſince I ſaw you laſt. I never thought to have received you in ſuch a hovel. You have heard, I ſuppoſe, of my misfortune.’

Sir Charles, who was in great confuſion of thought, and had ſcarce heard a word ſhe ſaid, replied careleſsly, ‘Yes, madam, I am ſorry for it.’

The coldneſs of this anſwer caſt a damp upon thoſe hopes which ſhe had eagerly admitted upon ſeeing him again; and, impatient to be relieved from her tormenting anxiety on account of this unexpected viſit, ſhe asked him abruptly, whether ſhe might wiſh him joy, for ſhe heard, ſhe ſaid, that he was going to be married.

Sir Charles, rouzed by this queſtion, replied haſtily, ‘Who could have told you any thing ſo unlikely? Married! no, madam, there never was any foundation for ſuch a report.’

"Indeed I believe ſo," ſaid Mrs. Darnley, almoſt breathleſs with joy to find him deny it [816] ſo earneſtly. ‘To be ſure people are very envious and ill-natured, and thoſe who told me, no doubt, deſigned to do you an ill office.’

‘And they have ſucceeded, ſaid Sir Charles, ſighing, if they have been able to perſuade miſs Sophia, that after having aſpired to the poſſeſſion of her, I could deſcend to love any other woman. I came to implore her pardon, madam, purſued he, for all the extravagancies of my paſt conduct, and for that unreaſonable jealouſy which was the ſource of them, could I have been ſo happy to have prevailed upon her to have heard me.’

"What!" interrupted Mrs. Darnley eagerly, ‘and was my daughter ſo rude as to leave you without hearing what you had to ſay, I proteſt I am aſhamed of her behaviour; but I hope you will be ſo good to excuſe it, Sir; I will inſiſt upon her coming in again.’

‘No, madam, ſaid Sir Charles, holding her, for ſhe was hurrying away, miſs Sophia muſt not be conſtrained: I cannot bear that.’

Mrs. Darnley unwillingly reſumed her ſeat, and inly fretting at her daughter's obſtinacy, trembled for the event of this viſit.

Sir Charles, after a ſilence of ſome minutes, ſuddenly roſe up, and took his leave. Mrs. Darnley, in great anxiety, followed him to the door, and ſaid, ſhe hoped to ſee him again. He anſwered only by a low bow, and walked away full of doubt and perplexity.

[817]Sophia's ſteadineſs in refuſing to hear him, baniſhed all thoſe flattering ideas of her tenderneſs for him, which he had ſo eagerly admitted; for he concluded that if her heart had not been ſteeled by indifference, ſhe would, notwithſtanding her juſt reaſons for reſentment, have been rejoiced to give him an opportunity of juſtifying himſelf.

He had reached the houſe where his ſervant was attending with the horſes, without having determined what to do. To return to town without ſeeing Sophia again, and being aſſured of a reconciliation, was miſery which he could not ſupport; and he dreaded making a new attempt to ſee her, leſt he ſhould receive more proofs of her inſenſibility and diſdain.

In this perplexity the ſight of Mr. Herbert alighting from a ſtage-coach, was a relief as great as it was unexpected; and in the ſudden joy he felt at meeting with a man whoſe interpoſition could be ſo uſeful to him, he forgot that his former behaviour muſt neceſſarily have given riſe to ſtrong prejudices againſt him, and ran up to embrace the good old man with extreme cordiality.

Mr. Herbert was ſurpriſed, and repaid his civilities with great coldneſs: upon which the young baronet, in ſome confuſion, deſired to have a few moments converſation with him.

They walked together down a meadow; and Sir Charles, having with a candor and ſincerity becoming the rectitude of his intentions, related all thoſe circumſtances which had concurred to excite [818] his jealouſy, and with that powerful eloquence which paſſion inſpires, expatiated upon the motives of his conduct, a conduct which he acknowledged laid him open to the moſt unfavourable ſuſpicions; Mr. Herbert, convinced of his ſincerity, and full of compaſſion for the torments which his miſtaken jealouſy had cauſed him, undertook to make his peace with Sophia, and aſſured him he would very ſhortly wait upon him in town.

This would not ſatisfy the anxious lover; he declared he would not leave the place till he was aſſured of his pardon; and Mr. Herbert, who certainly was not diſpleaſed with his obſtinacy, could with difficulty perſuade him to wait only till the next day for an account of his ſucceſs.

Sir Charles unwillingly took the road to London, and Mr. Herbert haſtened to congratulate his beloved charge upon the agreeable proſpect that was once more opening for her.

Mrs. Darnley had, during this interval, been employed in reproaching poor Sophia for her behaviour to Sir Charles. In the vexation of her heart ſhe exclaimed in the ſevereſt terms againſt her pride and obſtinacy; ſhe told her, ſhe might be aſſured Sir Charles would never attempt to ſee her again; that it was plain he was diſguſted with her bad temper.

She burſt into a paſſion of tears while ſhe enumerated the glorious advantages of that rank and fortune, which, ſhe ſaid, Sophia had thrown from her; and among many motives which ſhe urged ought to have determined her to act otherwiſe, [819] that of being able to out-ſhine her ſiſter was one.

Sophia anſwered only by ſighs: ſhe herſelf was not abſolutely ſatisfied with the unrelenting ſeverity with which ſhe had treated Sir Charles. The more ſhe reflected upon his behaviour, the more ſhe condemned herſelf for not hearing what he had to offer in his own defence. She had once thought it probable that he had been deceived by the report that was ſpread through Mrs. Gibbons's folly of her encouraging the addreſſes of her nephew, and his extravagant conduct might be occaſioned by jealouſy: a fault which a woman is always diſpoſed to pardon in a lover. While ſhe revolved theſe thoughts in her mind, Mrs. Darnley perceived her uneaſineſs, and added to it by new reproaches.

Mr. Herbert's arrival put an end to this tormenting ſcene. Sophia firſt heard his voice, and flew to receive him; Mrs. Darnley followed, and ſeeing her bathed in tears, while the good old man ſaluted her with the tenderneſs of a parent, ſhe told him, with an air half ſerious, half gay, that her daughter loved him ſo well, ſhe had no tenderneſs for any one elſe. She then entered abrubtly upon the affair of Sir Charles, though ſhe hardly expected Mr. Herbert would join with her in condemning Sophia.

He pleaſingly ſurpriſed her by ſaying, that Sophia was to blame; and that he came prepared to chide her for her petulance and obſtinacy.

[820]Mr. Herbert, who ſaw a ſweet impatience in Sophia's looks, explained himſelf immediately, and told her he had met Sir Charles; who had fully removed all the ſuſpicions his ſtrange conduct had occaſioned, and convinced him, that he deſerved more pity than cenſure.

‘No doubt, purſued he, looking on Sophia with a ſmile, you will be ſurpriſed to hear, young lady, that Sir Charles was witneſs to the interview you had in the meadow behind Mr. Lawſon's houſe, with a certain handſome youth, whom he had heard was his rival, and a favoured rival too. What were his thoughts, do you imagine, when he ſaw this handſome youth throw himſelf at your feet, and kiſs your hand?’

Mrs. Darnley now looked at her daughter in great aſtoniſhment; and Sophia, who yet did not recollect the circumſtance of her meeting William, was ſo perplexed, ſhe knew not what to ſay.

Mr. Herbert enjoyed her innocent confuſion for a few moments, and then repeated all that Sir Charles had told him, of his jealouſy and rage; his vain attempts to baniſh her from his remembrance; the reſolution he had formed after his converſation with Mr. Howard concerning her; and how happily he had been undeceived at Mr. Lawſon's, where he found his ſuppoſed rival was the huſband of her friend.

"Well," interrupted Mrs. Darnley, with great vehemence, ‘I hope you are ſatisfied now, Sophia: I hope you will treat Sir Charles with more civility if he comes again.—Mr. Herbert, [821] I beg you will exert your power over her upon this occaſion —I think there is no doubt of Sir Charles's honourable intentions.’

Thus ſhe ran on, while Sophia, who had liſtened to Mr. Herbert's relation with the ſofteſt emotions of pity, tenderneſs, and joy, continued ſilent with her eyes fixed upon the ground.

Mr. Herbert, willing to ſpare her delicacy, told Mrs. Darnley, that relying upon—Sophia's good ſenſe and prudence, he had ventured to aſſure Sir Charles of a more favourable reception, when her prejudices were removed.

‘He will come to-morrow, my child, purſued he, to implore your pardon for all the errors of his paſt conduct, and to offer you his hand. I am perſuaded you will act properly upon this occaſion; and in a marriage ſo far beyond your hopes and expectations, acknowledge the hand of Providence, which thinks fit to reward you, even in this world, for your ſteady adherence to virtue.’

Sophia bowed and bluſhed; her mother, in a rapture, embraced and wiſhed her joy.

Mr. Herbert now endeavoured to change the converſation to ſubjects more indifferent; but Mrs. Darnley, ever thoughtleſs and unſeaſonable, could talk of nothing but Sir Charles, and the grandeur which awaited her daughter. All night her fancy ran upon gilt equipages, rich jewels, magnificent houſes, and a train of ſervants; and ſhe was by much too happy to taſte any repoſe: but Sophia enjoyed the change of her fortune with much more rational [822] delight, and among all the ſentiments that aroſe in her mind upon this occaſion, that of gratitude to heaven was the moſt frequent and moſt lively.

Mr. Herbert, who had accepted a lodging in Sophia's cottage, went to Sir Charles the next day, according to his promiſe. He found him waiting for him full of anxious impatience; and hearing from the good old man, that Sophia was diſpoſed to receive him favourably, he embraced him in a tranſport of joy; and his chariot being already ordered, they drove immediately to the village.

Mrs. Darnley welcomed the baronet with a profuſion of civilities. Sophia's behaviour was full of dignity and ſoft reſerve.

Sir Charles, after a long converſation with her, obtained her leave to demand her of her mother, to whom he ſhewed the writings, which were already all drawn; and by which Sophia had a jointure and pin-money, equal to the ſettlements that had been made upon lady Stanley.

He now ventured to intreat that a ſhort day might be fixed for their marriage. It was with great difficulty, that Sophia was prevailed upon to conſent; but her mother's impetuoſity carried all before it, and Mr. Herbert himſelf ſupported the young baronet's requeſt.

The ceremony was performed by Mr. Lawſon in his own pariſh-church: after which he and his amiable family accompanied the new wedded pair to their country-ſeat, where they paſſed ſeveral days with them.

[823]Mr. Herbert having previouſly acquainted Sir Charles with Harriot's ſituation, the baronet, tho' he deteſted her character, and declared he never could pardon her for the miſeries ſhe had cauſed him; yet was deſirous to have her decently ſettled, and promiſed to give a thouſand pounds with her in marriage, if a reputable match could be found for her: he even put notes for that ſum into Mr. Herbert's hands, and earneſtly recommended it to him, to take the affair under his management.

Harriot, during the time ſhe lived with her mother, had been courted by a young tradeſman in tolerable circumſtances; and although ſhe thought it great inſolence for a perſon in buſineſs to pretend to her, yet, actuated by a true ſpirit of coquetry, while ſhe deſpiſed the lover, ſhe took pleaſure in his addreſſes.

This young man ſtill retained ſome tenderneſs for her, and, allured by the proſpect of a fortune, was willing, notwithſtanding any faults in her conduct, to make her his wife.

Mrs. Darnley propoſed him to her, and Mr. Herbert enforced her advice with all the good ſenſe he was matter of. But Harriot received the propoſal with the utmoſt diſdain; inſiſted that ſhe was married as well as her ſiſter; that her rank in life was ſuperior to hers; and added, by way of threat, that her appearance ſhould be ſo likewiſe.

The extraordinary efforts ſhe made to ſupport this boaſt, engaged lord L. in expences that entirely alienated his affections from her, diſguſted [824] as he long had been, with her inſolence and folly.

His relations concluded a match for him with a young lady of ſuitable rank and fortune; and, after making a ſmall ſettlement on Harriot, he took leave of her for ever.

The vexation ſhe felt from this incident, threw her into a diſtemper very fatal to beauty. The yellow jaundice made ſuch ravage in her face, that ſcarce any of thoſe charms on which ſhe had valued herſelf ſo much, remained. All her anxious hours were now employed in repairing her complexion, and in vain endeavours to reſtore luſtre to thoſe eyes, ſunk in hollowneſs, and tinctured with the hue of her diſtemper.

Although thus altered, the report of the fortune ſhe was likely to have made her be thought a prize worthy the ambition of a young officer, who had quitted the buſineſs of a peruke maker, in which he was bred, for an enſign's commiſſion, which made him a gentleman at once.

He offered himſelf to Harriot with that aſſurance of ſucceſs, which the gaiety of his appearance, and his title of captain, gave him reaſon to expect, with a lady of her turn of mind.

Harriot, charmed with ſo important a conqueſt, ſoon conſented to give him her hand; and Sir Charles Stanley, finding his character not exceptionable, gave her the fortune he had promiſed, to which Sophia generouſly added a thouſand pounds more. The baronet procured her husband a better commiſſion; but deſignedly in one of the [825] colonies, whither he inſiſted upon his wife's accompanying him.

Harriot, in deſpair at being obliged to quit the delights of London, ſoon began to hate her huſband heartily; and he, entering into her diſpoſition and character, loſt all eſteem and tenderneſs for her. Her behaviour juſtified the rigid confinement he kept her in; and while ſhe ſuffered all the reſtraint of jealouſy, ſhe was at the ſame time mortified with the knowledge that pride and not love was the ſource of it.

Mrs. Darnley lived not long after the departure of her favourite daughter; for ſo Harriot always continued to be.

Sophia attended her mother during her long illneſs with the moſt duteous care, and had the ſatisfaction to be aſſured by Mr. Lawſon, who aſſiſted her in her preparations for death, that her attachment to the world, which the affluent circumſtances to which ſhe was raiſed but too much increaſed, had at length given way to more pious ſentiments; and ſhe died with the reſignation of a chriſtian.

The ill conduct of her ſiſter, and the death of her mother, proved at firſt ſome interruption to Sophia's happineſs; but theſe domeſtic ſtorms blown over, ſhe began to taſte the good fortune which heaven had beſtowed on her: her chief enjoyment of it was to ſhare it with others; and Sir Charles, who adored her, put it amply in her power to indulge the benevolence of her diſpoſition.

[826]He took upon himſelf the care of rewarding her friends; he preſented Mr. Lawſon to a very conſiderable living: he procured Dolly's huſband a genteel and lucrative employment; and married her younger ſiſter to a relation of his own.

Mr. Herbert, who was above receiving any other gratification from Sir Charles than the entire friendſhip which he ever preſerved for him, had the ſatisfaction to ſpend moſt of his time with his beloved daughter, as he uſed tenderly to call Sophia, and to behold her as happy as the condition of mortality admits of.

Sir Charles's tenderneſs for her ſeemed to increaſe every day; and when Mr. Herbert once took occaſion to compliment him upon the delicacy, the ardor, and the conſtancy of his affection, he replied with a ſmile, ‘You attribute to me a virtue, which, in this caſe, I cannot be ſaid to poſſeſs; had my paſſion for my Sophia been founded only on the charms of her perſon, I might probably e'er now have become a mere faſhionable huſband; but her virtue and wit ſupply her with graces ever varied, and ever new. Thus the ſteadineſs of my affection for her is but a conſtant inconſtancy, which attaches me ſucceſſively to one or other of thoſe ſhining qualities, of which her charming mind is an inexhauſtible ſource.’

THE LIFE OF Sir ANTHONY VANDYCK CONCLUDED.

[827]

HE drew the marquis Giulio Brignole, a famous poet, on horſe-back: he drew alſo the picture of the marchioneſs his wife, in which he ſeemed to oblige nature itſelf; for by eterniſing that beauty, he gave an inſtance to all poſterity of what ſhe had been able to perform.

He drew the picture of the doge Palavicino, in his habit of ambaſſador to the pope, and George Paulo Balbi, on horſe-back, which was a moſt exquiſite picture; but becauſe of his conſpiracy his face was blotted out, being a traitor to his country; and that of Franciſco Maria, of the ſame family, made in the place. There is alſo in this perſon's houſe, of the hand of Vandyck, the picture of an old man in white armour: his right hand holds a general's ſtaff, and his left the pommel of his ſword; and is in picture as great a ſoldier as the marquis Spinola was in effect, and is generally ſuppoſed to be intended for him.

[828]The queen of Sweden has in Rome, alſo of the hand of Vandyck, the picture of a boy of the family of the Imperiali, which appears ſo much alive that no body would judge it but to be really ſo.

Beſides theſe pictures of particular perſons, he made ſome hiſtories: amongſt which there is a crucifix, with St. Francis, and our Saviour, together with the patron of the picture at prayers. Vandyck had now a great mind to go into Sicily. Prince Filibert of Savoy being viceroy he drew his picture: but the plague happening about this time, and the death of the prince, to whom cardinal Doria ſucceeded, Vandyck likewiſe having received ſome diſaſter in Palermo, retired in great haſte to his home of Genoa, carrying with him the cloth for a picture for the oratory of the ſociety of the roſary; in which he repreſented the Virgin encompaſſed with the glory of angels, that preſent her each with a crown. At the bottom is St. Dominic, with the five virgin ſaints of Palermo, amongſt which are St. Katherine and St. Roſary, and a child that holds his hand to his noſe, becauſe of the ſtench that comes from a dead head that lies upon the ground; by which he deſigns to expreſs the plague from which the city was delivered by the interceſſion of thoſe ſaints.

This picture being finiſhed, and ſent to Palermo, he betook himſelf again to the drawing of faces; by which having got a good ſum of money, he returned to his own town of Antwerp, extolled by all, and welcomed by his friends, after [829] the abſence of ſome years. He employed himſelf here moſtly in drawing faces; yet he likewiſe painted ſome hiſtory pieces, which are diſperſed through all Flanders and many other places; of which we ſhall collect ſome few, there being already ſome that are made public by the engraver. Amongſt the firſt of them that was ſeen at Antwerp, was the marriage of St. Joſeph in St. Michael's church, where the ſaint kneels before the Virgin, whilſt ſhe gives him her right hand, which is propoſed to him by an angel. For the nuns of Begginage he drew a pietà, that is, our Saviour dead in the lap of his mother, and Magdalen kneeling kiſſing the wound of his hand, with a St. John. For the Magdalen he drew his ſiſter's face, who was then a nun, to whom he made a preſent of the picture. He drew alſo another pietà for St. Francis's church, which is as much eſteemed as any thing he did. He drew our Saviour extended on a winding-ſheet, with his head on his mother's boſom, who, opening her arms, lifts up her eyes to heaven: behind ſtands St. John, that takes one of the arms of our Saviour, and ſhews the wound to two angels who are lamenting at his feet.

Theſe three laſt figures are in half-ſhadow, which gives great force to the naked figure of our Saviour, upon whom he makes the principal light fall. To the ſame ſiſter, Suſanna Vandyck, he dedicated the engraven deſign of another picture in St. Auſtin's, which is very remarkable for livelineſs of colour, and variety of invention. The ſaint being in [830] an extacy, is ſuſtained by two angels. On one hand of him ſtands St. Monaca, and on the other a ſaint of his order, and to St. Auſtin in this rapture the divinity is revealed from above, one of the angels pointing up to our Saviour, whoſe arms are ſpread ready to embrace him; and at his feet ſeveral little angels with divers ſymbols, as, one of them holds a ſceptre with the eye of Providence upon it: another a branch of olive, the ſymbol of peace; a third lifts up a ſnake with his tail in his mouth, the emblem of eternity; a fourth oppoſes himſelf to a flaming ſword; a fifth looks the ſon of juſtice in the face; together with ſeveral other myſteries ſymbolically expreſſed; and above all a triangle to expreſs the trinity, with the name written in Hebrew characters.

For the ſiſters of St. Dominic he painted a crucifix, the ſaint on one ſide, and St. Catherine of Siena on the other; and another crucifix in Ghent, with a Magdalen that embraces the croſs and St. John. Behind is a man armed on horſeback, that gives orders to one of the crucifiers to reach the ſpunge to our Saviour, adored and lamented by the angels. In Malines in St. Francis's church are three other pieces of his hand: our Saviour upon the croſs over the high altar, and over two other altars St. Bonaventure ſaying maſs, and the miracle of St. Anthony of Padua, when the horſe kneeled before the hoſt.

As for drawing of faces, in which Vandyck ſeemed more eſpecially to excel, whilſt he continued in Bruſſels he drew almoſt all the nobility in [831] Flanders, having juſtly acquired greater reputation than any painter ſince the death of Titian. Indeed he gave his pictures a certain air and grace in the poſture: ſuch perhaps as was admired in Apelles when he had drawn Alexander and Antigonus.

He drew the infanta at length, and Mary of Medici, the queen-mother, ſitting, and the duke of Orleans, her ſon, at the time they fled into Flanders. Of his hand are alſo the pictures of the cardinal infant; of prince Thomas of Savoy in armour on horſeback, and many other great perſonages.

In the town-houſe of the ſame city he drew after the life the magiſtrates of that place ſitting in judgment: and this is looked upon as one of his beſt pieces, being compoſed with great judgment, and accurately finiſhed. He drew for the prince of Orange a ſtory out of Paſtor Fido; who bought, alſo of his hand, the Virgin, with the child Jeſus, before whom little angels are dancing *. Many other of his pictures, both ſtories and faces, may be ſeen at Antwerp in Van Ham's houſe, as alſo in that of Diego Vueerdt's; who, amongſt the reſt, has alſo thoſe of king Charles the firſt, and his queen, drawn at the time Vandyck preſented himſelf to the court of England.

In this abundance of employment and fame, having, as it were, filled all Flanders with his renown, [832] he reſolved to make uſe of the king of England's favour, who then called him for his ſervice to London. In this prince's court Rubens had already been honourably entertained, the king being always a great lover of all ſorts of ingenious arts; and ſo great a friend and rewarder of foreign ingenuity, that in all occurrences he not only countenanced, but preferred them. 'Twas ſo that upon Rubens' departure, Vandyck ſucceeded to his favour, which quickly augmented his wealth; and therefore, as it were, neceſſarily confirmed him in his wonted oſtentation of behaviour and ſplendor of equipage.

He had, however, opportunity enough of reimburſing his great expences by frequent viſits that were made him by the nobility, who, in that, followed the example of the king, who went often thither to ſee him paint, and took delight in his converſation. Vandyck ſeemed to vie with the magnificence of Parraſin, by keeping of ſervants, coaches, horſes, muſicians, and buffoons, with which he entertained ſuch perſons as came daily to him to be drawn, who were alſo invited to his table, where he ſpent no leſs than eight or ten pounds a day.

Beſides ſuch as are already mentioned, he kept men and women for models to paint by; for his manner was, as ſoon as the face was done, to finiſh the reſt by the help of theſe models, placed in this or that poſture.

The king was pleaſed many times to be drawn by him; ſo that Cavaliere Bernini at Rome being [833] ordered to make a marble buſt of his majeſty, he was drawn on one cloth in three different views; the one with a whole face, the other two in profile and half profile *.

He drew the king and queen in half length, holding a ſprig of myrtle between them, and another of them with the young princes. He drew alſo the king on horſeback, attended by a perſon that bears his helmet after him .

He drew general Goring in a poſture of haranguing; and the lord Newport, maſter of the ordnance, giving orders to his officers. He drew the lord Arundel and his lady (who being a great lover of painting, was the means of Vandyck's being introduced to the king's favour, and had been a great inſtrument of his coming into England), which piece he finiſhed to ſuch perfection, as if he was reſolved to ſhew his art and gratitude together. Of his hand alſo is that of the dutcheſs of Buckingham, with her daughters; who in token of the memory of her husband, holds his picture, in little, in her hand.

He drew the dutcheſs of Southampton like the goddeſs of Fortune, ſitting upon the globe ; and Sir Kenelme Digby, with his wife, ſitting in two chairs, with their children by them; who being a great virtuoſo himſelf, Vandyck, as it were by a [834] certain mutual conſent of genius, did more eſpecially confide in him. He drew him in ſeveral manners; ſometimes in his armour, and ſometimes in the habit of a philoſopher. In one of the latter there is repreſented a broken ſphere, the motto out of Horace, Si fractus illabatur orbis intrepidum ferient ruinae; which picture is one of the hundred that makes up the book of famous men, publiſhed by Vandyck, and printed at Antwerp, the beſt of which are done by himſelf with aqua fortis: amongſt which you find alſo his own picture. The ſame Sir Kenelme had a fancy to have his lady drawn in the form of Prudence, ſitting in a white robe, with a coloured veil, and belt of jewels. One hand ſhe reaches to two white doves, and the other holds a ſerpent: ſhe ſets her feet upon a cube, to which are chained as ſlaves Deceit with her two faces, anger, envy, with ſnakes about her head, and profane Love, blinded, his wings clipt, his bow broken, his arrows thrown away, and his torch extinguiſhed, with other naked figures according to the life. Above all this, is a glory of angels ſinging and playing upon inſtruments, three of them holding between them a palm and garland over the head of Prudence, in token of victory and triumph over thoſe vices. The motto is taken out of Juvenal, Nullum numen abeſt ſi ſit Prudentia.

Vandyck was ſo pleaſed with this invention, that he copied it in little; but not finiſhed. Both the one and the other, during the troubles in England, [835] land, were carried into France *. For Sir Kenelme Digby he drew alſo our Saviour taken from the croſs, with Joſeph and Nicodemus, who were anointing him before they laid him in the ſepulchre. There is by them Magdalen and the Virgin falling in a ſwoon. And with this ſeveral other pieces of devotion; as St. John Baptiſt in the wilderneſs; Magdalen tranſported, and in an extacy at the harmony of the Angels; Judith, with Holofernes's head, in half figure; our Saviour upon the croſs giving up the ghoſt, which Sir Kenelme made a preſent of to the princeſs of Guimenè, when he was at Paris.

He drew for him alſo the picture of a brown woman in the habit of Pallas armed, and a plume in her helmet; a moſt admirable head. For the earl of Northumberland he drew our Saviour upon the croſs, with five angels, that in golden chalices catch the blood as it falls from the wounds; and under the croſs are placed the Virgin, St. John, and Mary Magdalen.

He drew alſo for the king, beſides heads and many other pictures, the dance of the Muſes, with Apollo in the middle of Parnaſſus; another Apollo flaying Marſias; a Bacchanal; and a dance of Amorets, that are ſporting whilſt Venus ſleeps with Adonis. And there being then in that court, amongſt many other virtuoſi, Nicholas Lanier, a painter as well as muſician, he drew him in the form of David playing upon the harp before Saul.

[836]He drew alſo the dutcheſs of Richmond, daughter of the duke of Buckingham; which, by reaſon of her incomparable beauty, is occaſion of a doubt whether art or nature is capable of greater perfection; being drawn in the form of a Venus, which is waited upon by her ſon duke Hamilton, naked, in the character of a Cupid, with his bow and arrow. He drew alſo the counteſs of Portland, and the counteſs of Aubengey, in the habit of Nymphs. He drew alſo a lady in the character of a Venus, ſtanding by a black.

For the queen he drew the Virgin, with the child Jeſus and St. Joſeph, that are looking upon certain angels dancing upon the earth, whilſt others play to them upon ſeveral inſtruments in the air; and this accompanied with a very pleaſant landſcape. He drew alſo, in imitation of Tintorett, the crucifixion, with the crucifiers that are lifting up the croſs; which is a work of great variety of figures.

The picture alſo of the Bleſſed Virgin is very excellent. She is repreſented holding up the infant Jeſus, between two angels that play upon inſtruments. At his foot is the globe of the world. Nor muſt we paſs by the twelve apoſtles done by his hand, and Chriſt with the croſs, all in half figure, and to be found amongſt that great collection of Charles Boſch, biſhop of Ghent, which are made public by the preſs.

He likewiſe painted a picture of Sampſon breaking his bonds; which was given by Van Woonſel [837] to the archduke Leopold, governor of the Low Countries: a perſon that ſeems to have paſſed all his time in the ſtudy of antiquity, medals, and painting, as we may ſee by what is already printed of his study . Beſides the ordinary rewards of the king's munificence to Vandyck, his majeſty conferred on him the honour of knighthood: but being now, becauſe of his indiſpoſitions, which he had laboured under ſome years, deſirous to withdraw himſelf from the drudgery of portrait painting to ſome great work, by which his name might be tranſmitted with honour to poſterity, he took a journey to Paris, with an intent to procure to himſelf the painting of the gallery of the Louvre: but after having ſtayed there two months without any ſucceſs, he returned to England, and propoſed to the king, by means of Sir Kenelme Digby, to make deſigns for a ſuit of hangings for the Banqueting-houſe at Whitehall; the ſubjects of which were to be the ceremony of the crowning of the kings of England; the inſtitution of the order of the garter by Edward the third; the proceſſion of the knights in their robes, and other functions civil and military. The king was extremely well pleaſed with this deſign; but thought his demand of eighty thouſand pounds § too extravagant: [838] though it was believed the price would have been adjuſted, if Vandyck's death, which happened at this time, had not put a ſtop to all farther proceeding.

Vandyck, notwithſtanding the vaſt ſums of money he received, left very little at his death, having conſumed it all in that ſplendid manner of living, which was rather like a prince than a painter. As to his perſon, he was of ſmall ſtature, but well proportioned, and active; his features were regular, and his countenance agreeable. His hair was inclinable to red, which is common to thoſe of his country.

It is very extraordinary that his beſt pictures are thoſe he painted when very young, when he not much exceeded twenty years. He then uſed, according to the practice of the Venetians, a great body of colour, which he afterwards changed for a ſmoother, inſipid, but more expeditious manner; uſing very little colour, which, after ſome time, flying off, left the light parts of the face too white, and the half ſhadows too grey. This is the general fault of his portraits of women; and the portraits of the men are very often dry and flat, and, in the painter's phraſe, ſtarved of colour. To balance thoſe faults, which are ſometimes found in his work, he poſſeſſed other excellencies to the [839] higheſt degree of perfection: the exact drawing, and diſtinct manner of pronouncing the features, the eaſy and agreeable attitudes, at the ſame time marking the peculiar character of the perſon he drew, has deſervedly given him the character of the greateſt painter the world has ever yet produced.

TREATSE ON THE EDUCATION of DAUGHTERS CONCLUDED.

[840]

The Vanity of Beauty and of Dreſs.

THERE is nothing we ought ſo much to guard againſt as vanity in young ladies. They come into the world with a vehement deſire to pleaſe: finding themſelves excluded from thoſe paths by which men arrive at authority and glory, they endeavour to balance that loſs by all the captivating qualities of wit and perſon. This gives riſe to their ſoft and inſinuating turn of converſation; thence it is that they ſo earneſtly aſpire after beauty and every external grace, and are ſo warmly intereſted in dreſs. The faſhion of a cap, the diſpoſition of a ribbon, the form of a curl in this place or that, the choice of a colour, are to them matters of importance. This exceſs is carried to a greater height among us than any other people; the changebleneſs of our fancy occaſions a perpetual revolution of mode; ſo that to the love of dreſs, that of novelty is ſuperadded: an article that has ſtrange effects upon ſuch minds.

[841]Theſe two follies in confederacy overturn diſtinction of rank, and introduce licentiouſneſs of manners. Void as we are of any regulations in dreſs or in furniture, there is nothing effectual left with regard to difference of conditions; for as to the tables of particulars, that is what public authority cannot eaſily give rules to: every one proceeds as he can afford; or rather, neglecting that conſideration, as his ambition or his vanity prompts him.

It is this pride which often ruins whole families, and their ruin draws after it the corruption of manners. On one ſide perſons of mean birth are ſtimulated to raiſe a haſty fortune: a thing not to be compaſſed without ſin, as the Holy Ghoſt hath aſſured us.—On the other, perſons of quality, bereft of all reſources, ſtoop to the baſeſt and moſt wretched methods of ſupporting their expence. The conſequence of which is, that, by inſenſible degrees, honour and honeſty and natural affection become extinguiſhed even among the neareſt relations. Whence is all this evil but from the power which certain vain women have acquired of regulating faſhions? Whoever thinks of continuing in the gravity and ſimplicity of our ancient manners, are by theſe pointed out to be laughed at as ſo many antiques.

Apply yourſelf then to convince young women how much that reputation, which reſults from a juſt behaviour and true good ſenſe, is more valuable than what can be attained from the pattern of a cap, or fancy of a furbelow.

[842]Beauty, you may ſay, deceives the owner ſtill more than it doth its admirers: it diſturbs, it intoxicates the ſoul. The moſt paſſionate lover is not more an idolater of his miſtreſs than ſhe is of herſelf. A ſmall number of years takes away the diſtinction between a handſome woman and another, and reduces them both to an equality. Beauty is ſure to be pernicious unleſs it is inſtrumental to an advantageous match.—But how can it be ſo, unleſs ſupported by merit, and by virtue? When, for want of diſcretion and modeſty, ſhe is no object for men of correct underſtandings and ſenſible of ſolid qualities, whom can ſhe hope to attract but ſome young fool, who will make her unhappy?

Thoſe who found all their glory upon their beauty, in a ſhort time become ridiculous; for, unperceived by themſelves, they arrive to that time of life when its luſtre decays: yet ſtill are they charming in their own eyes, though the world is ſo far from being charmed with them, that they inſpire nothing but diſguſt.

This abſolute attachment to beauty alone, is juſt as unreaſonable as to place all merit in bodily ſtrength, as do the barbarians and uncivilized nations.

True gracefulneſs hath not the leaſt dependance on a vain and affected mode of dreſs: yet it is not amiſs to have ſome regard to propriety, proportion, and ſuitableneſs in our apparel, with which we neceſſarily cover ourſelves.— But then theſe materials, which we muſt put on, and which we [843] may render as commodious as we pleaſe, can never, under the name of ornaments, inveſt us with real beauty.

I would take the pains to ſhew young ladies the noble ſimplicity that appears in the ſtatues and other figures remaining with us, of the Greek and Roman women. There they will ſee, that the hair tied negligently in a knot behind, the drapery full and floating in long pleats, are at the ſame time agreeable and majeſtic.

It would be well if they were to hear the diſcourſe of ſome painters, or any other perſon that has entered into the exquiſite taſte of the ancients. Let their minds be elevated ever ſo little above the prejudion of faſhion, and they will quickly hold in contempt thoſe methods of torturing the hair into unnatural curls, in which there is neither grace nor elegance.

I am ſenſible we are not to propoſe they ſhould copy the garb of antiquity: that would be an extravagant thing; but they may, without ſingularity, adopt the taſte of ſimplicity in dreſs, ſo noble, ſo graceful, and ſo ſuitable to the decent manners of Chriſtians; ſo that while they outwardly conform to the preſent cuſtom, they might at leaſt learn how to think of it: they would fall in with the faſhion as a diſagreeable obligation, and allow no more to it than they cannot well avoid. Teach them early and frequently to obſerve the vanity, the gidineſs, whence the inconſtancy of faſhion ariſes. That it is a matter very ill underſtood, appears plainly when we ſee [844] perſons encumber their heads with a load of ornaments: true elegance follows nature, and never conſtrains her.

But faſhion deſtroys itſelf; pretends to aim at perfection, and never hits it: at leaſt it will not ſtop there. Some reaſon there would be in changing, in order to change no more, after having once found what is perfectly commodious and genteel; but to go on changing without end, ſurely this is to purſue inconſtancy and irregularity, not genuine politeneſs, nor good taſte.

And ſo in general mere caprice predominates— 'tis the women's prerogative to decide in this matter. Thus the lighteſt, the ſhalloweſt underſtanding, influences all others: they neither take up, nor quit any thing upon reaſon. It has been the mode for a conſiderable time, though never ſo well invented, that's enough to diſcard it; and another, though never ſo ridiculous, ſhall take its place, and be admired by its title to novelty.

After having laid this ground-work, we may go farther, and ſhew the regulations of Chriſtian modeſty:—and may ſay, we are taught by our religion, that man is conceived in ſin; his body afflicted by a contagious illneſs, proves an inexhauſtible ſource of temptation to his ſoul. Jeſus Chriſt teaches us to place all our virtue in fear, and in diſtruſt of ourſelves—would you be willing, one may ask, to hazard your own ſoul, or your neighbour's, for the ſake of a fooliſh vanity? Be terrified then at the thought of diſplaying the uncovered boſom, [845] and every other immodeſty.—Though theſe faults were committed without deſign, ſtill they are the reſult of vanity, and an unbridled deſire of pleaſing. Can this be a juſtification before God or man for ſo raſh a conduct; ſo ſcandalous, ſo contagious to others? This blind deſire of pleaſing doth it ſuit with the mind of a Chriſtian, who ought to regard as a ſpecies of idolatry every thing that turns us away from the love of the Creator, and, in compariſon with him, the contempt of the creatures?

In ſeeking to pleaſe what mean we? Is it not to excite the paſſions of mankind? and have they ſo much power over them as ſhall reſtrain them from going to exceſs? Ought we not to impute to ourſelves all the conſequences? and do they not always run too high if once put in motion?

It is you that prepare a ſubtle and mortal poiſon, pour it out upon the ſpectators, and believe yourſelf innocent.

Add to this argument, examples of perſons whoſe modeſty has been their commendation; and others whoſe immodeſty has drawn upon them the ſevereſt cenſures.

Never ſuffer them to wear what is beyond their rank. Check all their fancies—ſhew them the danger, the contempt they are expoſed to from all perſons of diſcretion, when they in this manner forget who they are.

Another article remains, with regard to girls of a fine genius, which is, to bring them into a right way of thinking; for if we do not take care, [846] they, in their vivacity, are apt to intermeddle, to talk on moſt things, to give their opinion on ſubjects diſproportioned to their capacity: at other times to affect a liſtleſneſs out of pure delicacy.

A young lady ſhould not talk but as occaſion requires, and then with an air of doubt and deference: nay, as to ſubjects out of the reach of women in general, ſhe ſhould not ſpeak upon them at all, though well informed. For what if her memory be never ſo good? what if ſhe has vivacity, a pleaſant turn of ſpeech, a faculty of converſing with eaſe and gracefulneſs? all theſe qualities will be in common to her, and many others of her ſex, far from being ſenſible women, and in themſelves deſpicable. Inſtead of this, let her endeavour after an exact and ſteady conduct, an uniform and correct ſtate of mind: let her learn how to keep council, and carry on an affair of moment: this quality, ſo rare to be found, will ſufficiently diſtinguiſh her.

As to delicacy, and the affectation of liſtleſneſs, theſe are to be repreſſed by demonſtrating how true good taſte conſiſts in accommodating oneſelf to things according to their utility.

Good ſenſe and virtue alone are worthy of eſtimation; and both theſe require of us to look upon diſlike and liſtleſneſneſs not as a commendable delicacy, but as the infirmity of a ſickly mind.

Seeing we muſt converſe with groſs underſtandings, and have a ſhare in unentertaining buſineſſes, it is the part of reaſon, which is the only [847] true delicacy, to be as unrefined as thoſe we are to mingle with.

A ſpirit which hath all the taſte for politeneſs, but which knows to riſe above it upon a neceſſity to enter into more ſolid matters, is infinitely ſuperior to thoſe ſo delicate ones, and ſurcharged with their own diſguſt.

In the next place let us proceed to the conſideration of thoſe many articles with which a married woman ought to be acquainted: what are her duties? Upon her lies the education of her children; of the boys to a certain age, of the girls till they be married; the government of her domeſtics, their morals, their ſervice; the disburſements of houſe-keeping, the method of living with oeconomy, and at the ſame time in figure; often even the letting of farms, and receiving rents. Women's knowledge, and that of men's alſo, ought to be limited by their functions, and the difference of them ought to make the difference of their ſtudies: by this rule then the ſubjects above-mentioned will be the bounds of female information; but at this rate, a woman of curioſity will be apt to think it put under great reſtraints. She deceives herſelf, and all for want of perceiving the importance and extent of the things I propoſe for her to learn.

What degree of penetration is requiſite for her to diſcern the temper, the genius of every particular child; to fall upon a method of conduct towards each that ſhall beſt diſcover their humour, their biaſs, and their talents; to check the paſſions on their firſt diſcloſure; to inſtil wholeſome [848] maxims, and remedy every error. How much prudence ought ſhe to be miſtreſs of, for gaining and maintaining an aſcendency over them, without riſquing the loſs of friendſhip and confidence? Nay, is it not abſolutely neceſſary for her to obſerve and thoroughly know the perſons ſhe places about her children? Moſt certainly. A mother of a family ought to be fully inſtructed in religion, endowed with an underſtanding ſound, ſteady, aſſiduous, and exerciſed in government.

Can any one doubt of theſe duties being incumbent on women, ſeeing they naturally fall to their ſhare even in the life-time of their husbands, when otherwiſe employed or abſent from home? and to a ſtate of widowhood they are more immediately annexed.

Here I omit to enter into all the particulars a woman ſhould be inſtructed in for the purpoſe of education; becauſe this hint may ſerve to give them a notion in general of the extenſive knowledge they ought to have. Add to this, family oeconomy. The generality of ladies look upon that as a mean employment, only fit for country people and farmers, or, at moſt, for a houſe-ſteward or woman houſekeeper; and theſe more eſpecially who are bred up in ſoftneſs, plenty, and idleneſs, hold every branch of it in the utmoſt contempt.

Theſe conceive very little difference between a life in the country and the life of the ſavages of Canada. Talk to them of corn, of cultivation, of the nature of eſtates, or rents, or rights of [849] lordſhips, of the beſt way of letting land, or appointing receivers, they will believe you are for having them degrade themſelves:—and yet this proceeds from pure ignorance. The ancient Greeks and the Romans, thoſe adroit and poliſhed people, applied themſelves diligently to this ſcience of oeconomy. The nobleſt among them wrote books (which are ſtill preſerved to us) upon their own experience, and deſcended even to the loweſt articles of husbandry.

It is a known fact that their victorious generals diſdained not to work with their own hands, and from the triumphal car returned to the plough.

This is ſo diſtant from our manner, that it would not be credited did hiſtory leave the leaſt room to doubt. Whereas what more natural reaſon is there for our defending or enlarging our territories than in order to cultivate them in peace? Of what ſervice is victory but to gather the fruits of peace?

After all, true ſolidity of underſtanding conſiſts in a willingneſs to be exactly informed how all thoſe things are managed, which are the ſubſtantials of human life; for upon theſe the very greateſt affairs are grounded.

The power and the felicity of a ſtate conſiſts not in a multitude of provinces ill cultivated; but in the knowing to raiſe from its poſſeſſions a ſufficency to maintain, without difficulty, a numerous people.

To attain a knowledge of every art applicable to oeconomy, to regulate the ſum of all the affairs [850] of a family, which may be ſtiled a ſmall republic,, requires, undoubtedly, much higher genius, and more extenſive, than to underſtand play, or to deſcant on the faſhions, or to exert all the minute gentilities of converſation. It is but a deſpicable ſpirit that can do no more than diſcourſe well. Women there are in numbers whoſe talk abounds with ſolid maxims; but in whoſe conduct, for want of early application, nothing but the frivolous is to be found.

Nevertheleſs, we muſt be on our guard againſt the oppoſite fault; women run a riſque of going into extremes. It is good to uſe them from their childhood to have ſomething under their care, to keep accounts, to know the method of buying, and how every thing ought to be made, to be uſeful; yet I ſay, take care leſt oeconomy ſhould degenerate into avarice; be particular in ſhewing the ridiculouſneſs of that paſſion; tell them to be cautious, for avarice produces but little profit, and much diſhonour. A rational mind need carry a frugal and diligent ſcheme of life no farther than to avoid that ſhame and injuſtice which are ever annexed to a prodigal, ruinous conduct. The true end of retrenching ſuperfluous expence, is to be in a better capacity to anſwer all the calls of decency, friendſhip, and charity.

There are occaſions when the parting with money is being a greater gainer. Good order is the profitable thing, and not a few petty articles of ſordid penuriouſneſs—wherefore fail not to paint in ſtrong colours that groſs miſtake of ſome ladies, [851] who can pleaſe themſelves with ſaving a taper, and let a ſteward wrong them in the bulk of their affairs.

Be no leſs a friend to neatneſs and order, than to oeconomy and houſewifery: uſe young ladies not to permit any ſluttiſhneſs, or miſplacing of things about the houſe, or furniture; and bring them to obſerve that nothing contributes more to oeconomy and neatneſs than every thing being in its proper ſtation: as minute as this maxim ſeems, it will have conſiderable effects if ſtrictly kept to. Is any thing wanted? no time's waſted in looking for it; no trouble, diſpute, or diſturbance enſues: you take it from its place, make uſe of it, and replace it again.

Order is a principal branch of neatneſs; becauſe a proper arrangement affects the eye forcibly; and beſides, the place aſſigned to each being that which is moſt ſuitble to it, not only for pleaſing the eye, but for the preſervation of the thing, it is therefore leſs liable to decay, leſs liable to accidental damage, and even ſhews a propriety in its being there.

The ſame ſpirit of accuracy, which prompts to orderlineſs, prompts alſo to cleanlineſs. To which advantage add, that ſuch a habit prevents idleneſs and confuſion in our domeſtics: and more than this, as it makes them ready in the diſcharge of their duties, ſo doth it keep us clear of the temptation to impatience at the delays which muſt happen, when the things we call for can hardly be found. But at the ſame time [852] avoid running into an exceſs of elegance and nicety. Nicety in moderation is a virtue; but when we carry our taſte to too great a height, it becomes narrowneſs of mind; for good taſte rejects extream delicacy: it treats little matters as they are, and will not be affected by them. Therefore ſhew, in the children's preſence, your deriſion of thoſe fopperies ſome women are ſo fond of, and by which they are inſenſibly drawn into uſeleſs expences.

Accuſtom them to a plain and practicable niceneſs. You may inform them how every thing ought to be done; but ſtill further, that they ought to be eaſy without it—for what a ſqueamiſh mind does it betray to grumble if a ſoop fails of being exactly ſeaſoned, another thing ill pleated, a chair a little too high or too low? Undoubtedly it is an evidence of a much better underſtanding to be deſignedly indifferent, rather than delicate in matters ſo inſignificant.

And this faulty delicacy, if not repreſſed in women of lively parts, has worſe effects with regard to their converſation than other ſubjects; for to them the generality of company will ſeem ſo flat, and ſo tireſome, and the leaſt ſlip in politeneſs ſo monſtrous, they are always full of ſcorn and diſguſt. Let theſe ladies know betimes, that nothing is ſo injudicious as to judge ſuperficially of a perſon by his carriage, without ſounding the depth of his underſtanding, his ſentiments, or uſeful qualifications. Demonſtrate, by frequent inſtances, how much a country gentleman, with his coarſe [853] manners, or, if you pleaſe, ridiculous teazing civility; but with a good heart, and ſteady head, is more worthy of eſteem than the moſt accompliſhed courtier, who, under that behaviour, conceals a heart ungrateful, unjuſt, and capable of every ſort of diſſimulation and baſeneſs: and that there is always a weakneſs adherent to thoſe minds ſo given to be fatigued and diſguſted—No kind of converſation is ſo poor that ſome good may not be extracted from it; and though we are in the right to chuſe the beſt, when we have choice, yet one conſolation is left us when diſtreſt, that we may put people upon diſcourſing of what they know; and then good ſenſe will draw information from the dulleſt company.

A POETICAL EPISTLE From BUSY, the Lap-dog, in London, to SNOWBALL, the Buck-hound, in Windſor Foreſt.

[854]
June 27, 1760.
IF we, like men, could envy and malign,
At Nature's, or at Fortune's gifts repine;
When great be inſolent, when little mean,
When rich and fat diſdain the poor and lean.
Then might I, puiſny Buſy, thy vaſt ſize
Contemplate, mighty hound, with grieving eyes:
Thy ſtrength, thy noſe ſagacious, ſnow-white coat,
And moſt the tuneful thunder of thy throat;
Then might I, Buſy, deck'd with em'ralds, ſcorn
The ſtarv'ling puppy gnawing a ſtag's horn
Beneath the hovel, red with aſh of peat,
And think the wretch as odious as his meat:
But nor contempt nor envy ſhook my breaſt,
Thee I admir'd, and Empreſs I careſt,
Tho' in her nonage the poor ſimple whelp
Kept no decorums, and ſcarce knew to yelp;
Empreſs may prove the terror of the wood,
For Empreſs, mighty Snowball's of thy blood.
Say, did I not accept at romps a game
With the black young cur? I forget his name.
His life in dirt and poverty begun,
Yet he may riſe the fav'rite of the gun.
[855]And I've heard it ſaid where I have din'd,
That true diſtinction amongſt human kind
Lies in the qualities, and in the mind.
O Snowball! with what pleaſure I confeſs
Thy condeſcenſion to my littleneſs;
When on the floor I dar'd approach thee near,
And gaz'd on the fine lappet of thine ear,
(At thy fair temples then my ſattin hue
Seemed a black modiſh patch to diſtant view)
To lick thy chaps, to pinch thy ſpacious paws,
Unfear'd the range of jav'lins in thy jaws;
Or on my hindlegs bolt upright, have tried
To reach the curious flavour of thy hide,
Thou did'ſt not growl, thou did'ſt not ſwing a tail
Might ſnap my ribs as ears of corn the flail;
Conſcious what dignity from goodneſs ſprings,
And much too great to ſpurn at tiny things.
All homage may your grandeur long receive
From lap-dogs due, and long unrival'd live,
Be ſtroak'd, be fed by that accompliſh'd hand,
Whoſe pen, my maſter ſays, adorns the land.
O happy Snowball! happy Cranbourn wood!
Too happy ruſtics, did ye know your good!
Lo! the tenth Muſe illuminates your cot;
Ah, wretched ruſtics,—ye perceive her not!
Eat, Snowball, legs of mutton, while ſmall I
Crack biſcuit, gingerbread, and cruſt of pye;
Or lap the remnants of the milky bowl,
Which none on earth ſhall ever prove I ſtole.
Joy thou in Windſor's verdant park and air,
Purſue the chaſe, and in the daughter ſhare;
Live in the favour of that learned fair.
[856]If my dear miſtreſs ſmiles and pats my head,
If ſhe vouchſafes a corner of her bed,
Buſy's content, and to her lateſt gaſp
Will taſte the happineſs within her graſp.
T. W.

To ISMENE playing on a Lute.

WHEN fair Iſmene to the grove retires,
And joins her warbling accents to the lyre's;
How ſweet th' enchanting ſounds! the melting ſtrains,
With pleaſing raptures fill our ſwelling veins.
The eager ear with raviſhment attends,
The ſong our ſoul in extacy ſuſpends:
Soft we approach, and awful ſilence keep,
(A ſilence more profound than that of ſleep.)
We fear to move, nay e'en to breathe we fear,
Leſt one ſoft accent ſhould eſcape our ear:
All things are huſh'd; the ſilent trees recline
Their rev'rend heads, to hear the lays divine.
The ſtreams, that ceas'd to purl, now creep along
Unheard, charm'd with the muſic of her ſong:
The liſt'ning birds ſtoop on the bending wing,
And hov'ring ſtay to learn of her to ſing.
Say, ye bleſt angels, whoſe harmonious lays
Unwearied ſing eternal hymns of praiſe,
Can heav'n itſelf Iſmene's notes improve,
When ſhe's tranſlated to the choirs above?

PHILOSOPHY FOR THE LADIES CONCLUDED.

[857]

Some reflections and deductions drawn from the works of Nature in general.

AS we are now on the point of concluding the preſent deſign of this work, it is neceſſary that we ſhould form ſome kind of concluſion to that part of it which has had a relation to the works of Nature, and the ſtudy of philoſophy. A concluſion, I ſay, with reſpect to our confined and narrow limits herein; for ſuch is the immenſe ſcope and extent which thoſe ſubjects would have afforded us, that could the proſecution of our plan have been purſued beyond the period of life alotted to ourſelves or our children, nay, even to the fartheſt ſtretch of time, our reſearches into the wonders of Nature's inexhauſtible ſtorehouſe, would have been no other than the purſuance of an apparent horizon, the boundaries of which are ever flying before us, and although they every moment preſent us with a freſh variety of enchanting objects, yet are, with reſpect to ourſelves, as abſolutely diſtant at the laſt as at the firſt moment of our journey. But to proceed.

From even the very ſmall portion concerning which we have been enabled to enter into a detail, [858] of the numberleſs amazing properties beſtowed on mankind and on the other parts of the animal creation, what is the firſt, the moſt natural deduction that muſt occur to every one? What, when we perceive that every one of the organs of this grand machine, not only the larger and more apparently uſeful, but even the more minute, inſignificant, and almoſt inviſible ones, are furniſhed in the ampleſt manner, not barely with ſuch parts, ſuch limbs, ſuch mechaniſm, as are needful for their mere exiſtence, but ſtill more particularly with ſuch peculiar contrivances, ſuch ſagacity, ſuch intellectual faculties, as muſt render that exiſtence, with reſpect to the place, ſtation, and allotment of each individual, abſolutely and perfectly happy:—ſuch properties as enable every one of thoſe beings to preſerve that exiſtence, though ſurrounded by numberleſs dangers, and to procure the means of ſupporting it in the midſt of apparent ſcarcity and want. What, when we perceive theſe aſſiſtances beſtowed on them with an endleſs variety, with ſuch a peculiar propriety to every ſingle animal, as if each was of itſelf the ſole and peculiar care of Providence:—What, I ſay, muſt be the immediate reſult of theſe obſervations, but that the whole muſt be the work of infinite power, of infinite wiſdom, of infinite goodneſs? Who can caſt his eyes around him even with the ſlighteſt reflection on what he ſees on every ſide, but muſt immediately cry out with the royal philoſopher, ‘How manifold are thy works, O Lord! in wiſdom haſt thou made them all!’ [859] Can any one perceive the work of amazing art, and maintain one moment's doubt of the exiſtence of the artiſt?—Muſt he not indeed be a fool who can ſay in his heart there is no God?

If then this reflection is the firſt that muſt ariſe from this delightful ſtudy, and moſt undoubtedly it is ſo, can we poſſibly give ſcope thereto without proceeding ſtill farther, and finding that due influence produced by it on our minds which muſt lead us to the warmeſt gratitude, and the moſt ardent zeal to do every thing that may lead towards the rendering our ſervices acceptable in his ſight? Can we look with unconcern on all theſe wondrous operations? Can we perceive theſe incomprehenſible proofs of infinite perfection, in what are but the mechanical exertion, perhaps no more than the ſport, if we may be allowed the expreſſion, of his wiſdom and power, without conceiving an idea infinitely more exalted of the almighty mind? Can we be blind to the proofs that theſe preſent us with, of his being equally the origin of all purity, and the poſſeſſor of all ability? Can we avoid being convinced that

He muſt delight in virtue,
And that which he delights in muſt be happy?

How ſtrong an incitement this to the practice of that virtue which, at the ſame time, delights that Being whoſe minuteſt pleaſure ought to be our ſupremeſt joy, and enſures our own happineſs in the very act itſelf! How eminent then the advantage to ourſelves, and the good to ſociety in general, which might be derived from a proper [860] application of this ſtudy! and from how evident a parity of reaſoning will every thinking man be convinced, whilſt he ſees every part of the creation in general formed with ſuch a connection, ſuch a neceſſary dependance on every other part, as well as on the great whole, how ſtrongly, I ſay, will he be convinced of the duty incumbent on himſelf to promote as much as poſſible this grand deſign, and render his every action conducive to it, in the peculiar circle which heaven has aſſigned to him to fill? In how ſmooth, how tranquil a path might all the tranſactions of this world proceed, would every man but carry the reflection from natural to moral connections; and, perſuaded, that his own happineſs muſt proportionably depend on that of every individual around him, labour to accelerate the movement of theſe admirably contrived wheels, inſtead of clogging them with the intricate machinery of ſelf-intereſt, or dragging them back with the weight of vice and folly.

But now let us conſider Nature's works in a ſecond point of view, let us conſider man, and every other animated part of the creation as a ſeparate and detached being, and placed in his peculiar ſphere without connection or relationſhip with any other: even in this light how admirable, how incomprehenſible is the extent of omnipotent care in this formation of each! How amazingly is each animal provided by the all-wiſe Fountain of good with every means for his preſervation! how admirably are dangers and neceſſities ſpread [861] around him, as if they were deſigned to ſhew the unlimited wiſdom of the Creator in the variety of means pointed out to him for avoiding the one, and relieving the other; at the ſame time that both are rendered the inſtruments of his happineſs, from that conſciouſneſs of relief which heightens the enjoyment of every bleſſing by a ſenſibility of the miſery attached to its oppoſite ſituation.

In this view how much has man in particular to felicitate himſelf upon! how many grateful reflections ought his mind to overflow with when he conſiders his ſituation as more expoſed, more helpleſs in its original and apparent ſtate than that of any other animal; yet in the courſe of life, in the period of his exiſtence more thoroughly protected, more perfectly ſupplied with conveniencies than that of his fellow-creatures would be, even if the various reſources of them all could be united for the ſervice of each individual. With what an eye of admiration ought he to look up to the Being, who, by a peculiar diſtinction, has ſo highly and almoſt partially favoured him, as to beſtow on him alone that ſingle ſpark from heaven, that emanation from himſelf, which in itſelf anſwers every purpoſe that any thing beneath immortality ought to wiſh for the power of executing.

Again, let us permit this laſt reflection to produce another very proper effect on our minds, and at the ſame time that it inſpires us with the moſt exalted degree of acknowledgment to the juſt giver of all things, ſuffer it to ſtrike us with [862] a conſcious humility, and curb that indecent, that dangerous pride which frequently puffs up the mind of man, and is the occaſion, that, conceiving himſelf the lord of the univerſe,

Being placed ſo high,
He 'sdains ſubjection, and thinks one ſtep higher
Would ſet him high'ſt.

But let this lord of nature, this ſovereign of the univerſe, call his eyes around and ſee all other beings emerging into life almoſt in a ſtate of perfection; let him look on the poor ſervile dog, and the domeſtic kitten, within two months of their appearance in the world able to quit the tender parent's care, and ſeek their prey, endowed with all the faculties to find and to deſtroy it. Let him obſerve the little duckling burſting from the egg, and ruſhing inſtantly into an unruly, a deſtructive element, to pick up food, and taſte the joys of living. Let him go farther ſtill, and mark the light, the tender, the ſeemingly inſignificant ephemeron, with a life deſtined but for ſome hours continuance, burſt from its embrio ſtate in one element, and almoſt imperceptibly become the inhabitant of another, enabled to rove unlimited, and taſte of every pleaſure his being will admit of. After even this ſlight review, let him but turn his eyes back on his own infant ſtate, and ſee himſelf "mewling and puking in the nurſe's arms," unable for a time to find a uſe even for his very limbs; for a yet longer period of time deprived of the advantages of language, and ſtill much longer under the neceſſity of aid, and of inſtruction [863] to form his reaſoning faculties, and render him capable of ſelf aſſiſtance.

Again, when brought to his maturity and fulneſs of perfection as to his natural ſtate, how ſtill deficient in every particular both of attack, defence, and ſuſtenance! Firſt, for attack, the lion has his teeth, the bull his horns, the eagle his talons, and the hawk his beak, either to combat with their foes or to deſtroy their prey:—but what has man? None of all theſe. Conſider him unaſſiſted, he could not ſtab the ſheep, knock down the ox, or combat with the hog, did either know his weakneſs or their own power to reſiſt him. With what propriety then do we pray to the Beſtower and Diſpoſer of all life to give us our daily Bread!

Next for defence, the horſe has his heels, the fox his holes, the calamary can ſpread a cloud of ink around him, and the torpedo ſtrike with numbneſs and inſenſibility the creature which ſhall dare to touch him. The cat can ſwell her form to twice its ſize, and even a little bird * diſtort her figure into ſuch ſhapes of terror, as ſhall deter even animals of bulk and power from coming near her neſt.—But which of theſe advantages does man poſſeſs? His ſpeed the heavy elephant will overtake; he cannot dig into the earth to hide him from his foe; nor with his firmeſt frown or fierceſt attitude drive back the hungry wolf or half ſtarved tyger.

[864]Then for his ſuſtenance, the crocodile can change his form, and the camelion his colour, the ſpider ſpread a web, and the polypus expand a net, to allure and to entrap their prey: but man, unaided by the means of art, and of a thouſand ſubſtances not any way appertaining to himſelf, might ſtarve in the midſt of plenty, and daily ſuffer the fabled fate of Tantalus, to ſee perpetually before him the greateſt delicacies without being able to procure or to enjoy them.

What deductions then may be drawn from theſe obſervations? Evidently the two following, with which we ſhall terminate this diſcourſe: viz. Firſt, that whatever we may imagine of ourſelves, and of our ſelf-applied ſuperiority, it muſt, if it has exiſtence at all, be owing to the favour of that omnipotent Being, who was equally the creator of all other creatures as of ourſelves; and that therefore, inſtead of harbouring an unbecoming pride on the poſſeſſion of the peculiar gift of reaſon, which ſupplies, in one ſingle property, all the deficiencies I have been juſt mentioning, we ought aſſuredly to be inſpired with the utmoſt humility united to gratitude, when we conſider ourſelves as ſelected out to enjoy that bleſſing from amidſt ſuch an infinite variety of his other works, every one of which appears to have an equal, and many of them even a higher claim to that moſt deſirable preference:—and ſecondly, that ſince in natural advantages many even of the loweſt and moſt inſignificant beings ſeem greatly [865] to excel us, there certainly muſt be ſome other part of us, ſome more intellectual and immaterial part belonging to us, in which our ſuperiority muſt neceſſarily conſiſt; to which therefore we ought to pay a more particular attention; and on the cultivation and improvement of which muſt wholly depend every eſſential view of happineſs both in our preſent ſtate and that which is to come.

THE LADY'S GEOGRAPHY.

[866]

DESCRIPTION of the Iſland of CEYLON. CONCLUDED.

THERE are in this iſland a very particular kind of blackiſh leaches, which lurk under the graſs, and are extremely troubleſome to foot travellers. They are at firſt not thicker than a horſe hair; but grow to be of the bulk of a gooſe's quill, and two or three inches in length. They are only to be ſeen in the rainy ſeaſons, at which times crawling up the legs of thoſe who walk barefoot, as is the cuſtom of that country, they ſting them, and ſuck their blood with ſo much quickneſs, that it is impoſſible to get rid of them before they have effected their purpoſe. This might ſeem incredible, were it not for the prodigious multitudes in which they make their attacks, which conſequently renders a conſiderable time neceſſary to oblige them to quit their hold.

As the iſland is very full of woods and lakes, it is natural to imagine that it muſt alſo be very amply ſtored with birds and fiſhes. Among the former are great plenty of green perroquets; but of a kind that cannot be taught to ſpeak. They have two other ſorts of birds, however, which learn very eaſily; they are about the ſize of a black-bird, and are called by the natives by the names of mal-couda and cau-couda: the firſt is black, and the other of a bright gold colour.

[839]As to fiſh, their lakes and rivers are extremely full of them, particularly of ſalmon; but the inhabitants ſeem to ſet no great value on them.

Serpents of many kinds, both venemous and inoffenſive, are found in this iſland: amongſt which the moſt remarkable are, 1ſt. the pimberah, which is as thick as a man's body, feeds moſtly on deer, and other animals of a like kind; and it is ſaid, will ſwallow a kid whole, whoſe horns will ſometimes pierce through his belly, and kill him. 2d. the polonga, which is about five or ſix feet long, and extremely venemous. And 3d. the noya, which is a greyiſh ſnake, not above four feet long, and is marked on its head with the appearance of a pair of ſpectacles. He is a mortal enemy to the polonga, and whenever they meet the battle conſtantly terminates in the death of one or the other of them. He is, however, very harmleſs, on which account the Indians call him noya rodgerah, or the royal ſnake.

There is a kind of venemous lizard in this country which they name hiekanella, and which harbours in the eves and thatchings of the houſes, but will not attack a man unleſs provoked. But the moſt formidable creature belonging to this iſland is a prodigious large black hairy ſpider, which they call democulo. Its body is as large as one's fiſt, and its legs proportionable. Nothing can be more mocking than its bite, which is not immediately mortal, but affects the ſenſes, and occaſions madneſs. As to the men, they find aſſiſtance in this caſe from certain herbs and barks, [834] when applied to in time; but the cattle are frequently bit or ſtung by theſe monſtrous creatures, and die without any remedy having been yet diſcovered to preſerve them.

As to the mineral kingdom, this country produces many kinds of gems, and in great quantity, particularly ſapphires, rubies, and cat's eyes; but theſe are all ſecured for the king's uſe. They have beſides both iron and lead mines; but theſe, as well as many other valuable productions of the iſland, are conſidered of little worth compared to the cinnamon and wild honey; which, are, properly ſpeaking, the peculiar traffick of the country, and of which the Dutch have made an amazing advantage ſince their conqueſt of it.

Having thus got through the deſcription of the iſland of Ceylon, and mentioned the moſt extraordinary particulars of curioſity in it, we ſhall now take leave of our readers, recommending to their peruſal the farther accounts given by the travellers who have viſited it, and who ſeem all to unite in opinion as to its being one of the fineſt, moſt amply ſtored, and moſt amazingly diverſified ſpot throughout the whole extent of the Eaſt Indies.

FINIS.

Appendix A CONTENTS.

[]
  • INtroduction to the Trifler Page 1
  • The Trifler, No. I. Page 2
  • Studies proper for women Page 9
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia Page 17
  • A ſong Page 45
  • On reading a poem written by a lady of quality Page 46
  • An ode Page 47
  • To death, an irregular ode Page 48
  • The hiſtory of the dutcheſs of Beaufort Page 49
  • The Trifler, No. II. Page 81
  • Concluſion of the hiſtory of the dutcheſs of Beaufort Page 84
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 99
  • An account of the veſtal virgins Page 115
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge Page 122
  • Introduction to the philoſophy for the ladies Page 129
  • Of the univerſe, under a general view Page 134
  • The lady's geography Page 145
  • Deſcription of Amboyna Page 146
  • Natural hiſtory of Amboyna Page 150
  • The Trifler, No. III. Page 162
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 165
  • A letter to the author of the Lady's Muſeum Page 182
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge continued Page 190
  • An eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great-Britain Page 193
  • The trial of the maid of Orleans Page 212
  • Of the metamorphoſes of animals, and the ſeveral changes obſervable in animal life Page 229
  • A letter to the author of the Trifler from Maria Page 242
  • A letter from Perdita Page 244
  • The Hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 246
  • A letter to the author of the Lady's Muſeum, giving an account of the trial of Earl Ferrers Page 261
  • []A letter from the ſame, concerning the execution of Earl Ferrers Page 269
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great-Britain continued Page 273
  • A letter from Agnes Woodbine Page 289
  • Of the importance of the education of daughters, written by the archbiſhop of Cambray Page 294
  • Hiſtory of the count de Comminge continued Page 298
  • Of the metamorphoſes of animals continued Page 306
  • The natural hiſtory of the formica leo, or lion piſmire Page 309
  • The Trifler, No. V. Page 321
  • A letter from Perdita Page 323
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 327
  • A letter from Offaria Cellina Page 344
  • The hiſtory of Bianca Capello Page 345
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great Britain continued Page 353
  • Of the inconveniencies of the common methods of education Page 368
  • What are the firſt grounds of education Page 371
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge continued Page 379
  • Of the methods Nature has furniſhed various animals with to elude the attacks, and prevent the purſuits of their enemies Page 388
  • Of the manners and cuſtoms of the inhabitants of Amboyna Page 398
  • A letter to the author of the Trifler from Perdita Page 403
  • A letter from C. D. on a paſſage in Macbeth Page 409
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 414
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great Britain continued Page 433
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge continued Page 449
  • Cautions concerning education Page 465
  • The natural hiſtory of the ſwallow-tailed butterfly Page 467
  • The manners and cuſtoms of the inhahitants of Amboyna concluded Page 474
  • Deſcription of the iſland of Ceylon Page 479
  • A letter from E. T. with the hiſtory of Caſtruccio Caſtracani Page 481
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 491
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great-Britain continued Page 513
  • The hiſtory of Bianca Capello concluded Page 520
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge continued Page 538
  • []On the education of daughters continued Page 552
  • A letter to the Trifler from Anoeta Page 561
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 569
  • Lord Dorſet to his lady, a poem Page 592
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great-Britain continued Page 593
  • The hiſtory of the count Comminge continued Page 609
  • Treatiſe on the education of daughters continued Page 627
  • The natural hiſtory of the ephemeron, or day-fly Page 633
  • A letter to the Trifler from Partheniſſa Page 643
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 645
  • On reading Hutchinſon on the paſſions, a poem Page 667
  • Shallum to Hilpa, an antediluvian love letter, a poem Page 668
  • Hilpa's anſwer Page 669
  • The Morning, a poem Page 670
  • An ode Page 671
  • The hiſtory of the count de Comminge concluded Page 673
  • On the education of daughters continued Page 686
  • Eſſay on the original inhabitants of Great-Britain concluded Page 695
  • The hiſtory of the princeſs Padmani Page 697
  • Deſcription of the iſland of Ceylon continued Page 710
  • A letter to the Trifler from Grace Pythoneſs Page 721
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia continued Page 724
  • The judgment of Paris, a poem Page 742
  • The life of Sir Anthony Vandyck Page 748
  • The tale of Geneura Page 753
  • Of the uſe of hiſtory for children Page 776
  • Deſcription of the iſland of Ceylon continued Page 785
  • A letter to the Trifler, with a dialogue between Socrates and Ariſtarchus Page 794
  • The hiſtory of Harriot and Sophia concluded Page 801
  • The life of Sir Anthony Vandyck concluded Page 827
  • Treatiſe on the education of daughters concluded Page 840
  • A poetical epiſtle from Buſy to Snowball Page 854
  • To Iſmene playing on a lute Page 856
  • Philoſophy for the ladies concluded Page 857
  • Lady's geography concluded Page 866
Notes
*
Conſtantinus, Conſtantius, and Conſtans.
All our hiſtorical authors mention the Attacotti, but none can tell exactly who theſe people were. Dr. Gale thinks them a barbarous ſort of Britons living in the north of Scotland about Attarith.
*
Theodoſius the father was put to death by the emperor Valens, becauſe Theod were the firſt letters of his name. A prophet had foretold, that a man whoſe name began with thoſe letters ſhould be emperor. Valens cut off the prophet's head, and murdered all thoſe whoſe names began with Theod.
*
Flavius Magnus Clemens Maximus.
*
Alaric was rather general than king of the Goths. He was one of the moſt formidable enemies of the Roman empire. He ſack'd Rome itſelf A. D. 4O9.
*
The inhabitants of Kent.
*
By diſobedient I preſume is meant the atheiſts, deiſts, methodiſts, and nonconformiſts of thoſe days.
*
Theſe were the Eubates, or loweſt order of Druids.
Succeſſor of Trajan.
*
Guthrie, vol. i. p. 81.
In all probability, about the middle of the fifth century. According to Nennius, A. D. 447.
*
Where ſome years ago was found a ſtone cheſt, with the corpſe of a very tall man encloſed, ſays Mr. Carte.
Bretaigne, a province of France.
*
Hampſhire.
Cadair Arthur.
*
Fccleſiaſticus, Chap. xxx. ver. 9.
*
In the year 642, in the thirty-eighth year of his age.
Bernicia and Deira were the two parts in which Northumberland was divided.
*
Strabo, as alſo Diodorus and Pliny, ſuppoſes, that Scythia Europrea extended to the utmoſt bounds of the north, and includes, among the Scythians, the antient inhabitants of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, the Daci Getae, &c. INNES'S Eſſays, page 67.
Tyrrhel, page 5 and 6.
*
The Plate referred to will be given in our Next.
*
Thoſe pictures were in Dr. Mead's poſſeſſion, and ſold at his ſale.
This was a very conſiderable ſum in thoſe days.
*
This picture is at preſent in the poſſeſſion of Lord O [...] ford at Horton.
*
This picture is ſtill in the poſſeſſion of the family of Bernini at Rome.
In the gallery at Kenſington.
In the poſſeſſion of lord Royſton.
*
The large one is now in the palace at Windſor.
Publiſhed by Teniers, and commonly called Teniers's Gallery.
§
In all the accounts that are written of Vandyck, this extraordinary ſum is ſaid to be demanded, which, conſidering the different value of money, would be equal to what two hundred and thirty thouſand pounds is at this time, it may be concluded that there is ſome miſtake: a cypher, perhaps, added too much.
*
The Wryneck.
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Citation Suggestion for this Object
TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3546 The Lady s museum By the author of The Female Quixote pt 2. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5F96-1