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THE Meridian Sun of Liberty; OR, THE WHOLE RIGHTS of MAN DISPLAYED and moſt Accurately Defined, In a LECTURE read at the PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY in Newcaſtle, on the 8th of November, 1775, for printing of which the Society did the Author the honor to expel him.

To which is now firſt prefixed, by way of PREFACE, a moſt important DIALOGUE between the CITIZEN READER, and the AUTHOR.

Th' invention all admir'd, and each, how he
To be the inventor miſs'd; ſo eaſy it ſeem'd,
Once found, which yet unfound moſt would have thought
Impoſſible.
MILTON;
"Let Thelwall *See "Sober Reflections" or rather, Lamentations over the impending Fate of "the veſſel of Hereditary Property," by John Thelwall. and Burke from its ſplendour retire,
"A ſplendour too ſtrong for their eyes;
"Let Pedants, and Fools, their Effuſions admire,
"Inwrapt in their cobwels like flies.
"Shall Frenzy and Sophiſtry hope to prevail,
"When Reaſon oppoſes her Weight;
"When the welfare of Millions is hung on the ſcale,
"And the balance yet trembles with Fate?"

By T. SPENCE.

LONDON: Printed for the Author at No. 8. Little Turnſtile, High Holborn, Patriotic Bookſeller and Publiſher of that beſt School of Man's Rights, entitled Pigs' Meat; the End of Oppreſſion; Grand Repoſitory of the Engliſh Language, &c.

Price one Penny.

1796.

PREFACE.

[]
Citizen Reader.

PRAY what is all this you make ado about Landlords, and Tenants, and Pariſhes? We don't underſtand you.

Author.

That is ſurpriſing. I thought I had been very plain. But none are ſo blind as thoſe who will not ſee. But the reaſon why I trouble you with my little publications, is, that I wiſh to teach you the Rights of M [...].

Reader.

Rights of Man! What? —Don't we yet know enough of the Right of Man?

Author.

No.

Reader.

No! do you ſay? After all that Paine, Thelwall, and other Philoſophers, and the French Republic have taught us, do we not yet know the Rights of Man?

Author.

No.

Reader.

Does [...]ot the whole Rights of Man conſiſt in a fair, equal, and imp [...]rtial repreſentation of the People in Parliament?

Author.

No. Nobody ought to have right of ſuffrage or repreſentation in a ſociety wherein they have no property. As none are ſuffered to meddle in the affairs of a benefit ſociety or corporation, but thoſe who are members, by having a property therein, ſo none have a right [...]o vote or interfere in the affairs of the government of a country who have to right to the ſoil; becauſe ſuch are and ought to be accounted ſtrangers

Reader.

Do you then account men born in a country as ſtrangers to it, and unworthy of ſuffrage, that unfortunately may have no title to landed property?

Author.
[3]

Moſt certainly I do. Eſpecially ſuch men as being afraid to look their rights in the face, have disfranchiſed and alienated themſelves, by denying and renouncing all claim to the ſoil of their birth, and profeſs to be content with the "Right of property in the fruits of their induſtry, ingenuity, and good fortune." This is a right of property that a Hottentot, a Chineſe, or a native of the Moon may claim among us, as well as you. Wherefore, as you are content with the property of a foreigner, pray do likewiſe be content with the privileges of a foreigner.

Reader.

I tell you, we have a right to univerſal ſuffrage, as well as to the fruits of our labour.

Author.

And I tell you, that ſuch Lacklanders as you have no right to ſuffrage at all. For you are to all intents and purpoſes as much foreigners as the Jews. For if birth gave a title many of them might claim as much as you, having been born in the country, and perhaps too through as many generations. So it is not birth but property that gives right of ſuffrage in a ſociety. Sure you do not, by your ſuffrages, want to interfere in the eſtates and properties of other men? You own that the landed intereſt are the legal proprietors of their eſtates, and of courſe, the legal poſſeſſors of the fountains of life; and yet, by your univerſal ſuffrage you want to modify to your liking, thoſe very eſtates which you allow to be private property!— You ſay that no one has a right to ſet a price on your labour, yet you want to cramp others in the diſpoſal of what you allow to be as much their right: You ſay you would aboliſh the right of primogeniture; you would tax all eſtates according to their value; prevent the monopoly of farms; aboaſh the game-laws; and thus—and thus—at your whim, you would faſhion, reduce, melt, and pare down private property, contrary to your own fundamental maxims of right and wrong-Pray be conſiſtent; and let us know, before you begin, where you mean to leave off. If the Rights of Man be definable, as I believe they are, let them be accurately defined, and then let them be ſacred. This is the only way to procure unanimity of ſentiment, and prevent anarchy. Is it neceſſary that our rights, like the rainbow, ſhould always recede from us as we advance? Are they to-day to be ſubject to this decree, and to-morrow to tha [...], as it pleaſeth a few of our leading demagogues, who only wiſh us to know in part, that they may lead us like men upon a ſecret expedition. Does not this look as if they longed to fiſh in dark and troubled waters?

Reader.
[4]

Are we then, becauſe we have no land, to do nothing in our own defence againſt oppreſſion?

Author.

If you don't like the country, and the oppreſſion in it, pray leave it. You have no more right to this country than to any other. While you allow the juſtice of private property in land, you juſtify every thing the landed intereſt do, both in their own eſtates and in the Government, for the country is theirs; and what you call oppreſſion, is only their acting conſiſtently with their intereſt, and they certainly have a right to govern their own property, and what affects it. So as by your own confeſſion you have neither part nor lot among them, you are of conſequence only ſtrangers and ſojourners. Wherefore the landed intereſt act infinitely more conſiſtently in debarring ſuch unprincipled Legiſlators from interfering among them, than you do in demanding rights which are inexplicable. Noble architects, truly; who would pull down before you know what to build. Who, to ſerve ſome temporary purpoſe, perhaps of plunder, would put all things in a ſtate of requiſition, and then ſuffer matters to end in as much, perhaps more, oppreſſion than they began. This is not eſtabliſhing the immoveable Temple of Juſtice, but erecting the wavering ſtandard of Robbery.

Reader.

And pray what do you call the Rights of Man?

Author.

Read this Lecture, which I have been publiſhing in various editions for more than twenty years. There you will ſee the Whole Rights of Man without reſerve. There you will ſee how far men ought to go in recovering their rights, and where, to a hair's-breadth, they ought to ſtop.

Of kings and courtiers how the fools complain!
Nor blame their own inord'nate love of gain.
None think that while dire landlords they allow,
To kings and knaves they'll ſtill be doom'd to bow.
None think that each by favouring the deceit,
Himſelf's a fooliſh party to the cheat.
Few can be landlords; and theſe very few,
Muſt, to ſucceed, their brethren all undo.
Yet each low wretch for lordſhip fierce does burn,
And longs to act the tyrant in his turn!
Nor longs alone, but hopes' before he dies,
To have his rents, and live on tears and ſighs!
PIGS' MEAT.

A LECTURE Read at the Philoſophical Society in Newcaſtle, on Nov. the 8th, 1775.

[5]
MR. PRESIDENT,

IT being my turn to Lecture, I beg to give ſome thoughts on this important queſtion, viz. Whether mankind, in ſociety, reap all the advantages from their natural and equal rights of property in land and liberty, which in that ſtate they poſſibly may, and ought to expect? And as I hope you, Mr. Preſident, and the good company here are ſincere friends to truth, I am under no apprehenſions of giving offence by defending her cauſe with freedom.

That property in land and liberty among men, in a ſtate of nature, ought to be equal, few, one would fain hope, would be fooliſh enough to deny. Therefore, taking this to be granted the country of any people, in a native ſtate, is properly their common, in which each of them has an equal property, with free liberty to ſuſtain himſelf and family with the animals, fruits, and other products thereof. Thus ſuch a people reap jointly the whole advantages of their country, or neighbourhood, without having, their right in ſo doing, called in queſtion by any, not even by the moſt ſelfiſh and corrupt. For upon what muſt they live, if not upon the productions of the country in which they reſide? Surely to deny them that right is, in effect, denying them a right to live.—Well, methinks ſome are now ready to ſay, but is it not lawful, reaſonable, and juſt for this people to ſell, or make a preſent, even of the whole of their country, or common, to whom they will, to be held by them and their heirs, even for ever?

To this I anſwer, If their poſterity require no groſſer materials to live and move upon than air, it would certainly be very ill-natured, to diſpute their right of parting with what of their [6]own, their poſterity would never have occaſion for; but if their poſterity cannot live but as groſsly as they do, the ſame groſs materials muſt be left them to live upon. For a right to deprive any thing of the means of living, ſuppoſes a right to deprive it of life; and this right anceſtors are not ſuppoſed to have over their poſterity.

Hence it is plain, that the land or earth, in any country or neighbourhood, with every thing in or on the ſame, or pershining thereto, belongs at all times to the living inhabitants of the ſaid country or neighbourhood in an equal manner. For, as I ſaid before, there is no living but on land and its productions, conſequently, what we cannot live without, we have the ſame property in, as in our lives.

Now, as ſociety ought properly to be nothing but a mutual agreement among the inhabitants of a country, to maintain the natural rights and privileges of one another againſt all oppoſers, whether foreign or domeſtic, it ſhould lead one to expect to find thoſe rights and privileges no farther infringer upon, among men pretending to be in that ſtate, than neceſſity abſolutely required. I ſay again, it ſhould lead one to think ſo. But I am afraid, whoever does will be mightily miſtaken.—However, as the truth here is of much importance to be known, let it be boldly ſought out; in order to which, it may not be improper to trace the preſent method of holding land among men in ſociety, from its original.

If we look back to the origin of the preſent nations, we ſhall fee that the land, with all its appurtenances, was claimed by a few, and divided among themſelves, in as aſſured a manner, as if they had manufactured [...] and it had been the work of their own hands; and by being unqueſtioned, or not called to an account for ſuch uſu [...]ations and unjuſt claims, they fell into a habit of thinking, or, which is the ſame thing to the reſt of mankind, of acting as if the earth was made for or by them, and did not ſcruple to call it their own property, which they might diſpoſe of without regard to any other living creature in the univerſe. Accordingly they did ſo, and no man, more than any other creature, could claim a right to ſo much as a blade of graſs, or a nut, or an acc [...]n, a fiſh or a fowl, or any natural production whatever, though to ſave his life, without the permiſſion of the pretended proprietor; and not a foot of land, water, rock, or heath, but was claimed by one or other of thoſe lords; ſo that all things, men as well as other creatures who lived, were obliged to owe their lives to ſome or [7]other's property; conſequently they too, like the brutes, were claimed; and certainly as properly as the wood, herbs, &c., that were nouriſhed by the ſoil. And ſo we find, that whether they lived, multiplied, worked, or fought, it was all for their reſpective lords, and they, God bleſs them! moſt graciouſly accepted of all as their due. For, by granting the means of life, they granted the life itſelf, and of courſe they had a right to all the ſervices-and-advantages that the life or death of the creatures they gave life to could yield.

Thus the title of gods ſeems ſuitably enough applied to ſuch great beings: nor is it to be wondered at that no ſervices could be thought too great by poor, dependent, needy wretches, to ſuch mighty and all ſufficient lords, in whom they ſeemed to live and move and have their being. Thus were the firſt land-holders uſurpers and tyrant; and all who have ſince poſſeſſed their lands, have done ſo by right of inheritance, purchaſe, &c. from them; and the preſent proprietors like their predeceſſors, are proud to own it; and like them too, they exclude all others from the leaſt pretence to their reſpective properties. And any one of them ſtill can, by laws of their own making (for they are the landlords alone who make the laws) oblige every living creature to remove from off his property, (which, to the great diſtreſs of mankind, is too oft put in execution); ſo, of conſequence, were all the landholders to be of one mind, and determined to take their properties into their own hands, all the reſt of mankind might go to heaven if they would, for there would be no place found for them here. Thus men may not live in any part of this world, not even where they are born, but as ſt [...]angers, and by the permiſſion of the pretender to the property thereof: which permiſſion is for the moſt part paid extravagantly for, and they are ſtill advancing the terms of permiſſion, though many people are ſo ſtraitened to pay the preſent demands, that it is believed in a ſhort time, if they hold on, there will be few to grant the favour to. And thoſe Land-makers, as we ſhall call them, juſtify all this by the practice of other manufacturers, who take all they can get for the products of their hands, and becauſe that every one ought to live by his buſineſs as well as he can, and conſequently ſo ought Land-markers.— Now having before ſuppoſed it both proved and allowed, that mankind have as equal and juſt a property in land as they have in liberty, air, or the light and heat of the ſun, and having alſo conſidered upon what hard conditions they enjoy [8]thoſe common gifts of nature, it is plain they are far from reaping all the advantages from them, which they may and ought to expect.

But leſt it ſhould be ſaid, that a ſyſtem whereby they may reap more advantages conſiſtent with the nature of ſociety cannot be propoſed, I will attempt to ſhew you the outlines of ſuch a plan.

Let it be ſuppoſed then, that the whole people in ſome country, after much reaſoning and deliberation, ſhould conclude, that every man has an equal property in the land in the neighbourhood where he reſides. They therefore reſolve, that if they live in ſociety together, it ſhall only be with a view, that every one may reap all the benefits from their natural rights and privileges poſſible. Therefore, a da [...] is appointed on which the inhabitants of each pariſh meet, in their reſpective pariſhes, to take their long-loſt rights into poſſeſſion, and to form themſelves into corporations. So, then each pariſh becomes a corporation, an all the men who are inhabitants become members or burgers. The land with all that appertains to it, is in every pariſh, made the property of the corporation or pariſh, with as ample power to let, repair or alter all, or any part thereof, as a lord of the manor enjoys over his lands, houſes &c. but the power of alienating the leaſt morſel, in any manner, from the pariſh, either at this or any time hereafter, is denied For it is ſolemnly agreed to, by the whole nation, that a pariſh that ſhall either ſell, or give away, any part of its landed property, ſhall be looked upon with as much honor and deteſtation, and uſed by them as if they had ſold all their children to be ſlaves, or maſſacred them with their own hands. Thus are there no more nor other landlords, in the whole country than the pariſhes; and each of them is ſovereign landlord of its own territories.

O hearken! yet beſotted ſons of men. By this one bold reſolve your chains are eternally broken, and your enemies anihilated. By this one reſolve the power, the pride, and the arrogance of the landed intereſt, thoſe univerſal and never ceaſing ſcourges and plunderers of your race, are inſtantaneouſly and for ever broken and cut off. For being thus deprived and ſhorn of their revenues they become like ſhorn Sampſon, weak as other men; weak as the poor dejected wretches whom they have ſo long been grinding and treading under toot.

There you may behold the rent, which the people have [9]paid into the pariſh treaſuries employed by each pariſh in paying the government ſo much per pound to make up the ſum, which the parliament or national repreſentation at any time think requiſite; in maintaining and relieving its own poor, and people out of work; in paying the neceſſary Officers their ſalaries; in building, repairing, and adorning its houſes, buddges, and other ſtructures; in making and maintaining convenient and delightful ſtreets, highways, and paſſages both for foot and carriages; in making and maintaining canals, and other conveniences for trade and navigation; in planting and taking in waſte grounds; in providing and keeping up a magazine of ammunition and all forts of arm, ſufficient for all its in habitants in caſe of danger from enemies; in premiums for the encouragement of agriculture, or any thing elſe thought worthy of encouragement; and, in a word, in doing whatever the people think proper; and not as formerly, to ſupport and ſpread luxury, pride, and all manner of vice. As for corruption in elections, it has now no being or effect among them; all affairs to be determined by voting either in a full meeting of a pariſh, its committees, or in the houſe of Repreſentatives, are done by balloting, ſo that votings, or elections among them, occaſion no animoſities, for none need to let another know for which ſide he votes; all that can be done, therefore, to gain a majority of votes for any thing, is to make it appear in the beſt light poſſible by ſpeaking or writing.

Among them government does not meddle in every trifle but on the contrary, allows to each pariſh the power of butting the laws in force in all caſes, and does not interfere, but when they act manifeſtly to the prejudice of ſociety, and the rights and liberties of mankind as eſtabliſhed in their glorious conſtitution and laws. For the judgment of a pariſh may be as much depended upon as that of a houſe of lords, becauſe they have as little to fear from ſpeaking or voting according to truth, as they

A certain number of neighbouring pariſhes, chuſe delegates to repreſent them in Parliament, Senat [...], or Congreſs: and each of them pays equally towards their maintainance. They are choſen thus: all the candidates are propoſed in every pariſh on the ſame day, when the election by balloting immediately proceeds in all the pariſhes at once, to prevent too great a concourſe at one place, and they who are found to have the majority on a proper ſurvey of the ſeveral pole books are acknowledged to be their repreſentatives.

[10]A man by dwelling a whole year in any pariſh becomes a pariſhioner, or member of its corporation; and retains that privilege, till he lives a full year in ſome other, when he becomes a member in that pariſh, and immediately loſes all his right to the former for ever, unleſs he choſe to go back and recover it, by dwelling again a full year there. Thus none can be a member of two pariſhes at once; and yet a man is always a member of one, though he move ever ſo oft.

If in any pariſh ſhould be dwelling ſtrangers from foreign nations, or people from diſtant pariſhes, who by ſickneſs or other caſualties ſhould become ſo neceſſitous as to require relief before they have acquired a ſettlement by dwelling a full year therein; then this pariſh, as if it were their proper ſettlement, immediately takes them under its humane protection, and the expence thus incurred by any pariſh in providing for thoſe not properly their own poor, being taken an account of, is deducted by the pariſh, out of the firſt payment made to the ſtar [...]. Thus poor ſtrangers being the poor of the State, are not looked upon by their new neighbours where they have come to reſide with an envious evil eye left they ſhould become burthen ſome; neither are the poor haraſſed about in the extremity of diſtreſs, and perhaps in a dying condition, to gratify the litigiouſneſs of pariſhes.

All the men in the pariſh, at times of their own chuſing, repair together to a field for that purpoſe, with their officers, arms, banners, and all ſorts of martial muſic, in order to learn or retain the complete art of war; there they become ſoldiers! Yet not to moleſt their neighbours unprovoked, but to be able to defend what none have a right to diſpute their title to the enjoyment of; and woe be to them who occaſion them to do this! they would uſe them worſe than highwayman, or pirates, if they got them in their power.

There is no army kept in pay among them, in times of peace: as all have a property in their country to defend, they are alike ready to run to arms when their country is in danger: and when an army is to be ſent abroad, it is ſoon raiſed, of ready trained ſoldiers, either as volunteers, or by caſting lots in each [...]ariſh for ſo many men.

Beſides, as each man has a vote in all the affairs of his pariſh, and for his own ſake muſt wiſh well to the public, the land is let in very ſmall farms, which makes employment for a greater number of hands, and makes more victualling of all kinds be raiſed.

[11]There are no tolls or taxes of any kind paid among them, by native or foreigner, but the aforeſaid rent. The government, poor, roads, &c. &c. as ſaid before, are all maintainep by the pariſhes with the rent: on which account, all wares, manufactures, allowable trade, employments, or actions, are entirely duty-free. Freedom to do any thing whatever cannot there be bought; a thing is either entirely prohibited as theft or murder; or entirely free to every one without tax or price.

When houſes, lands, or any tenements become vacant they are let publicly by the pariſh officers in ſeven years [...]aſes to the beſt bidder. This way prevents colluſion to the prejudice of the pariſh revenue and likewiſe prevents partiality.

Methinks I now behold the pariſh republics, like fraternal or benefit ſocieties each met at quarter-day to pay their rents and to ſettle their accounts as well with the ſtate as with all their parochial officers and workmen, their ſeveral accounts having been examined ſome days before.

On that day which is always a day, not, as now of ſorrow, but of gladneſs, when the rents are all paid in, and the ſum total proclaimed, the firſt account to be ſettled is the demand made by the national repreſentation of ſo much per pound in behalf of the ſtate, which ſum is ſet apart to be ſent to the national treaſury. Another ſum is alſo ſet apart for the pariſh treaſury to anſwer contingencies till next quarter-day. Next the ſalaries of the pariſh officers are paid. Then are paid the reſpective bills of their workmen as maſons, bricklayers, carpenters, glaziers, painters, &c. who have been employed in building or repairing the houſes and other pariſh buildings. After theſe come the paviour, lamplighters, watchmen, ſcavengers, and all the other work-people employed by the pariſh, to receive their demands, until none remain. Then the reſidue of the public money or rents after all public demands are thus ſatisfied, which is always two-thirds, more or leſs, of the whole ſum collected, comes laſtly to be diſpoſed of, which is the moſt pleaſant part of the buſineſs to every one. The number of pariſhioners, and the ſum thus le [...] to be divided among them being announced, each, without reſpect of perſons is ſent home joyfully with an equal ſhare.

So if by ſickneſs or miſchance,
To poverty ſome wane,
Their dividend of rents will come,
To ſet them up again.

[12] Though I have only ſpoke of pariſhioners receiving dividends, which may be underſtood as if men only were meant to ſhare the reſidue of the rents, yet I would have no objection, if the people thought proper, to divide it among the whole number of ſouls, male and female, married and ſingle in a pariſh from the infant of a day old to the ſecond infantage of hoary hairs. For as all of every age, legitimate and illegitimate, have a right to live on the public common, and as that common, for the ſake of cultivation, muſt be let out for rent, that rent, then, ought to be equally enjoyed by every human being, inſtead of the foil which they are thus deprived of.

But what makes this proſpect yet more glorious is, that after this empire of right and reaſon is thus eſtabliſhed it will ſtand for ever. Force and corruption attempting its downfall ſhall equally be baffled, and all other nations ſtruck with wonder and admiration at its happineſs and ſtability, ſhall follow the example; and thus the whole earth ſhall at laſt be happy and live like brethren.

FINIS

Appendix A An Important QUERY.

Has the univerſal conceſſion and agitation of political opinions, occaſioned by the French Revolution, produced no publication likely, by containing a brief and clear ſolution of all the great political problems, to outlive the preſent ferment, and become a permanent and ſtanding School of Man's Rights to riſing Generations?

Anſwer. Yes, there is one that was compiled and publiſhed with that extenſive view, and whoſe ſolid worth will daily become more apparent, as the temporary and tautological productions of the moment ſink into oblivion. This Publication is entitled, in conformity to the phraſes of the times, "Pigs' Meat, or Leſſons for the Swiniſh Multitude," conſiſting of 3 volumes duodecimo, price 2 s 6 d. each, half bound. Nothing but the title is local and temporary, and it may, perhaps, hereafter be more generally printed and known under the title of the Univerſal School of Man's Rights.

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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3647 The meridian sun of liberty or the whole rights of man displayed and most accurately defined in a lecture read at the Philosophical Society in Newcastle on the 8th of November 1775 To which. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-58FB-7