A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF SPAIN, CONTINUED.
CHAP. IX. CONTINUED OF MADRID.
THE rich ſubjects of Spain, concentrate all their pleaſures within the capital. Muſic and dancing are the two for which the Spaniards have the greateſt predilection. They have alſo their Tertulias and Refreſcos. The tertulias are aſſemblies very ſimilar to thoſe of France. Women, in general, ſeek not many occaſions to aſſemble; each aſpires to be the center of a tertuſia. Women are there admired, and even adored, as well as elſewhere; but when they inſpire not a lively ſentiment, the men ſeldom pay them thoſe attentions which French politeneſs prodigally beſtows on every individual of the fair-ſex. [4] It is not in the reciprocal communication of tenderneſs, that the manners are ſoftened. On the contrary, it is in the diſintereſted aſſociation of the two ſexes, that the neceſſity and deſire of pleaſing ariſes, which forms the charm and cement of ſo⯑ciety.
Their Refreſcos, the invention of luxury and greedineſs, contribute, no leſs than the tertulias, to facilitate the intercourſe of the ſexes. In general theſe are only ſlight repaſts, prepared for perſons from whom viſits are received, and as a prelude to the tertulias; but on extraordinary occaſions, as a wed⯑ding, chriſtening, or celebrating the birth-day of the head of the family, the refreſco becomes an impor⯑tant, and expenſive affair. All the friends of the fa⯑mily are invited, and, as they arrive, the men ſe⯑parate from the women. The lady of the houſe re⯑ceives them under a canopy, over which is ſuſpended an image of the virgin. The appearance of the refreſco at length enlivens every countenance, con⯑verſation becomes more animated, and the ſexes approach each other. The company are firſt pre⯑ſented with large glaſſes of water, in which little ſugar-loaves are diſſolved; theſe are ſucceeded by chocolate, the favourite refreſhment, twice a-day of the Spaniards, and believed to be ſo nouriſhing and innocent, as not to be refuſed even to the ſick. [5] After the chocolate come all ſorts of confec⯑tionary.
It is ſcarcely poſſible to conceive the profuſion with which theſe delicacies are diſtributed. The company is not only cloyed with them, but their hats, their handkerchiefs, and pockets, are loaded with them.
A ball or card-tables commonly ſucceed the re⯑freſco, but theſe entertainments are ſeldom con⯑cluded with a ſupper. This is always a frugal re⯑paſt, with the Spaniards, at which they rarely aſſemble.
Baretti's account of their aſſemblies is rather dif⯑ferent. "It is a cuſtom, (ſays he) among the Spaniſh ladies, to ſend invitations to their friends to come and ſee them; ſome even ſeveral times a month, others not ſo often. When a lady intends this, ſhe ſends word to her female acquaintance that, on ſuch an evening ſhe ſhall have a tertulia. The lady who receives this meſſage tells the gentlemen of her acquaintance that, on ſuch an evening, ſhe ſhall go to the tertulia of ſuch a lady, which is con⯑ſidered as an invitation. To one of theſe (ſays the above writer) I was invited. On alighting from the carriage, the ſervants who rode behind with flam⯑beaux, [6] lighted us up a large ſtair-caſe, there being no porter at the gate as in England. The maſter of the houſe received us at the door of his apartment, and handed the lady that was with us into that where his wife was, with the other ladies who were aſ⯑ſembled. My friend who conducted me, and my⯑ſelf, were then introduced into a room full of gentlemen, almoſt all dreſſed in laced coats.— Some were ſitting, others ſtanding, and either gaz⯑ing or talking about them, as is uſual in large companies. Preſently ſome ſervants, after having been round to the ladies, brought us in ſome refreſhments. The manner of ſerving them was ſingular. A footman firſt gave each perſon a ſilver plate; another followed him with ſilver ſalvers, loaded with biſcuits made of ſugar, hollow like a ſpunge, and extremely light. Each of us took one, with a glaſs of lemonade, upon being dipped into which it inſtantly diſſolved. Chocolate was then diſtributed, which being drank, the ſervants came round for the cups and ſilver plates.
"We then continued a little longer in conver⯑ſation, when behold! the lady of the houſe came out of her apartment, followed by all thoſe who were with her. We formed ourſelves into two rows, one on each ſide of them. None of the ladies paſſed by without having ſomething reſpectful or affec⯑tionate [7] ſaid to them, their anſwers to which were in the ſame ſtrain. At the end of the room where we were was another, into which the ladies entered without any ceremony, whether young or old, mar⯑ried or unmarried.
"As ſoon as they were entered we followed, and found them all ſitting on the eſtrado, which is a con⯑tinued ſeat, all round the room, cloſe to the wall. In a corner of this room was a large table, covered with diſhes, filled with various eatables. A large Perigord-paſty in the middle; a couple of roaſted turkies on the ſides of the paſty; with hams, fowls, game, ſauſages, ſallads, caparonnes, (a kind of ca⯑pers, as big as filberts), &c. &c. In ſhort, this was a cold collation, as plentiful as it was elegant.
"The maſter of the houſe, with the aſſiſtance of ſome of the gueſts, immediately began to carve, whilſt the reſt of us, ſnatching napkins from a heap, lying on another table, ran and ſpread them on the ladies' knees, then went back for plates, knives and forks, and then to get ſuch victuals as we were de⯑ſired to bring; ſtooping or kneeling by them whilſt they were eating, and amuſing them in the beſt manner we could; ſaying whatever came upper⯑moſt, with ſuch hilarity and pleaſantneſs that no ſcene could be more delightful. No ſervant was [8] permitted to wait at this kind of ſupper. The la⯑dies all ate heartily, and the greater part of them drank water.
This merry meal being ended, they went from this room into a much larger, the lady of the houſe preceding as before. They were no ſooner gone than we fell on the remnants with a cheerfulneſs no where to be met with but in this country. The rule is, to have a concert or cards after ſupper. About eleven the company begin to ſteal away, alla Spag⯑nola; that is, without giving the leaſt warning of their going, either to the maſter or miſtreſs of the houſe.
The deſire that men and women have here of paſſing their time in each other's company is ſo very eager, that it appears a kind of rage, eſpecially to a perſon who has lived long in England, where men of all ranks ſeem aſhamed to hang too long about the fair, and where the generality deprive themſelves, every day, of their company, during ſeveral hours, merely for the ſake of talking politics, or circulating the bottle.
Many are the methods that both ſexes have con⯑trived in order to ſpend as much of their time as poſſible together.
[9] Baretti tells us, that every great man's doors are always open, and any of his acquaintance may walk up into his chambers to find him. It is only neceſ⯑ſary to knock at the chamber door; ladies will re⯑ceive even their male viſitants in their beds, ſitting up, bolſtered with pillars, and drinking their cho⯑colate with a ſmall table before them, the company ſitting round the bed on ſtools. When ſhe wiſhes to riſe, ſhe deſires them to withdraw, and then receives them again at her toilette. Baretti made a viſit of this kind one morning, to Donna Paula, a woman of faſhion; and after ſhe was dreſſed, ſhe aſked him to take a ride with her.
One of the ſervants out of livery, got into the coach, and on ſeeming ſurpriſed, was told in French, ſuch was the faſhion, and that no femme comme il faut ever went alone with a gentleman, not even with her huſband. This privileged ſervant bears the title of page. Donna Paula's kept as cloſe as he could to the corner of the coach, not to obſtruct our view through the front glaſs, and never failed to croſs himſelf, in paſſing by a croſs.
Upon my enquiry if the ladies of Madrid had ſo far adopted the ſyſtem of ſome Italian diſtricts, as to have Ciciſbeos under the denomination of Cortejos, ſhe told me, they had ſo far improved upon that [10] mode, as to divide their male friends into three claſſes, called Anos, Eſtrechos, and Santos. Theſe names being frequently met with in Spaniſh writers, it may not be amiſs to give ſome explanation of them.
It is the general cuſtom then, for a large circle of acquaintance to meet on the laſt day of the year, in the evening, to draw the Anos. All the names of the ladies and gentlemen preſent, whether married or not, are written on ſlips of paper, and thrown, the gentlemens into one hat, and the ladies into another. The youngeſt perſon in company, then draws a gen⯑tleman's name with one hand, and a lady's with the other. The two perſons thus drawn, are to be Anos during the next twelve months. That is, a lady's Ano acquires a kind of right to be oftener in her company, than he would otherwiſe have been. He enters her houſe at any hour, dines with her without previous invitation; pays her a regular court⯑ſhip, and in ſhort, becomes in a manner, one of her family.
There is no other difference, continued Donna Paula, between the Anos and the Eſtrechos, but that the Anos are choſen on the laſt day of the year, and the Eſtrechos on the twelfth night. Each Eſtrecho's name is alſo drawn with a Copla, or Sequedilla, of [11] which there are innumerable, compoſed by our wits for the purpoſe, and bought ready printed. Eſtrecho, means a cloſe friend. As to the Santos, they are little different from the Anos and Eſtrechos. They are likewiſe drawn on Chriſtmas eve, but in⯑ſtead of Coplas, or Sequedillas, we draw them with the names of ſaints, from which circumſtance, they have their name; to the ſaint that comes out with the lady's name, the gentleman drawn with her, is to pay particular devotion during that year, and ſo the lady, to that which is drawn with the gentleman's name.
Notwithſtanding this cuſtom, ſays Donna Paula, the ladies of Madrid make good wives; nor is there any place in Europe, where huſbands are more gal⯑lant, fathers more affectionate, and friends more re⯑ſpectful. You will ſee and hear men and women behave and talk to each other very lovingly, but ſcarce ever find a gentleman téte á téte with any of us. This is no cuſtom of ours. Conſider our me⯑thod of living. Not only our gates, but every door in our apartments is open from morning to night. All our friends and acquaintances come in and go out without aſking leave, and our many ſervants are allowed to enter our rooms as freely as ourſelves, ſo that thoſe ladies who intend to carry on an intrigue, muſt alter the uſual mode of Spaniſh living, which [12] cannot be eaſily done, without incurring cenſure, and making themſelves the talk of the town.
During the whole of my reſidence in Spain, ſays Townſend, I never heard of jealouſy in a huſband, nor could I ever learn for certain, that ſuch a thing ex⯑iſted; yet in the conduct of many ladies, whether it proceeds from the remains of delicacy, from a ſenſe of propriety, or from fear, caution, circum⯑ſpection, and reſerve, it is evidently apparent, when their huſbands are in ſight. Some have addreſs enough to keep the cortejo in concealment; and this in Spain, is attended with no great difficulty, becauſe, when the ladies go to maſs, they are ſo diſ⯑guiſed, as not to be eaſily diſtinguiſhed. Their dreſs upon that occaſion, is peculiar to the country. They all put on the baſquina, or black ſilk petticoat, and the mantilla, which ſerves the double purpoſe of a cloak and veil, ſo as completely, if required, to hide the face. Thus diſguiſed, they are at liberty to go when they pleaſe. But ſhould they be attended by a ſervant, he is to be gained, and therefore he be⯑comes little or no reſtraint. Beſides this, every part of the houſe is ſo acceſſible by day, and the huſband is ſo completely nobody at home, ſo ſeldom viſible, and if viſible, ſo perfectly a ſtranger to thoſe who viſit in his family, that the lover may eaſily eſcape unnoticed.
[17]This, however, will not always ſatisfy the Spaniſh ladies, who, being quick of ſenſibility, and remark⯑able for ſtrong attachment, are miſerable when their cortejo is out of ſight. He muſt be preſent every moment in the day, whether in private or public, in health or ſickneſs, and muſt be every where in⯑vited to attend them. There have been recent ex⯑amples of women of high faſhion, who have ſhut themſelves up for months, during the abſence of their cortejos; and this not merely from diſguſt, but to avoid giving offence to them. If the lady is at home, he is at her ſide; when ſhe walks out, ſhe leans upon his arm; when ſhe takes her ſeat at an aſſembly, an empty chair is always left for him; and if ſhe joins in the country dances, it is commonly with him. As every lady dances two minuets at a ball, the firſt is with her cortejo, the ſecond with a ſtranger; with the former, if ſhe has any vivacity, ſhe makes it vi⯑ſible, and if ſhe can move with grace, it then ap⯑pears; but with the latter, ſhe ſhews not only in⯑difference, but diſguſt, and ſeems to look upon her partner with diſdain.
As ſoon as any lady marries, ſhe is teazed by nu⯑merous competitors for this diſtinguiſhed favour, till ſhe is fixed in her choice; when the unſucceſsful candidates either retire, or ſubmit to become in fu⯑ture, what may be called cortejos of the braſier, with⯑out [18] any pretenſions beyond that of ſetting round the embers to warm themſelves in winter.
It is reckoned diſgraceful to be fickle; yet innu⯑merable inſtances are ſeen, of ladies who change their lovers often. In this, there is a natural pro⯑greſs; for it cannot be imagined, that women of ſu⯑perior underſtanding, early in life diſtinguiſhed for delicacy of ſentiment, for prudence, and for the elevation of their minds, ſhould haſtily arrive at the extreme, where paſſion triumphs, and all regard to decency is loſt. As for others, they ſoon finiſh the career. It is, however, humiliating to ſee ſome who appear to have been deſigned by nature, to command reverence, at laſt degraded and ſunk ſo low in the opinion of the world, as to be never mentioned, but with contempt. Theſe have changed ſo often, and have been ſo unfaithful to every en⯑gagement, that univerſally deſpiſed, they end with having no cortejo.
Though jealouſy is ſeldom, if ever, to be diſco⯑vered in a huſband; this cannot be ſaid in fa⯑vour of the [...] connection, becauſe both parties are tormented by ſuſpicion. This is natural, for as there is no other bond between them, but the pre⯑ [...]ou [...]i [...] of mutual affection, each muſt tremble at the approach of any one, who might interrupt their union. Hence they are conſtantly engaged in [19] watching each others looks, and for want of confi⯑dence, renounce, in a great meaſure, the charms of ſocial intercourſe. Even in public, they ſeem to think themſelves alone, abſtracted and abſorbed, attentive only to each other. He muſt not take no⯑tice of any other lady; and if any gentleman would converſe with her, in a few minutes ſhe appears con⯑fuſed, and filled with fear of having given offence. In all probability ſhe has, and ſhould ſhe be the firſt ducheſs in the kingdom, and he only a ſubaltern in the army, ſhe may be treated with perſonal indig⯑nity, and we have heard of one who was dragged by the hair about the room. But if inſtead of giving, ſhe ſhould happen to have taken the offence, even the moſt delicate will fly like a tygreſs at his eyes, and beat him in the face till he is black and blue. It ſometimes happens, that a lady, weary of her firſt choice, her fancy has fixed on ſome new object, and ſhe wiſhes to change, but the former, whoſe vanity is flattered by the connection, is not willing to diſ⯑ſolve it. In lower life, this moment gives occaſion to many of thoſe aſſaſſinations, which abound in Spain; but in the higher claſſes, among whom the dagger is procribed, the firſt poſſeſſor, if a man of ſpirit maintains poſſeſſion, and the lady dare not diſcard him, leſt an equal combat ſhould prove fatal to the man of her affections. In this conteſt, the huſband is out of ſight, and tells for nothing.
[20]In a catholic country, with ſuch depravity of morals, it may naturally be enquired, what be⯑comes of conſcience, and where is diſcipline? It is well known, that all are under obligation to con⯑feſs, at leaſt once a year, before they receive the Euchariſt. Every one is at liberty to chooſe his con⯑feſſor and prieſt, but before he leaves the altar, he takes a certificate he has been there, and this he de⯑livers to the curate of his own pariſh, under pain of excommunication, ſhould he fail to do ſo. When therefore, a married woman appears, year after year, before her confeſſor, to acknowledge that ſhe has been, and ſtill continues to be living in adultery, how can he grant abſolution, or how can he be moderate in the penance he enjoins. Without penance, and unleſs the prieſt is ſatisfied that there is contrition, with full purpoſe of amendment, there can be no ab⯑ſolution; without abſolution, no participation of the euchariſt, and in the neglect of this, excommunica⯑tion follows. Yet, from the univerſal prevalence of this offence, we may be certain, that there muſt be ſome way of evading the rigour of the law. No⯑thing is more eaſy. As for the penance, it is im⯑poſed by thoſe who can have compaſſion on the frailties of mankind, and is therefore ſcarcely wor⯑thy to be mentioned. In many inſtances, it is ridi⯑culous. Were any confeſſor ſevere, he would have few at his confeſſional. The abſolution is com⯑monly a more ſerious buſineſs; becauſe the penitent [21] muſt not only teſtify contrition, but give ſome token of amendment, by obtaining at leaſt for a ſeaſon, from the commiſſion of the crime, which is the ſubject matter of confeſſion. The firſt abſolution may eaſily be obtained; but when the offender comes year after year with the ſame confeſſion, if he will obtain abſolution, he muſt change his confeſ⯑ſor; and this practice is not only diſgraceful, but ſometimes ineffectual. Here then it is needful to adopt ſome new expedient. Two naturally preſent themſelves, for either ſome prieſt, deſtitute of prin⯑ciple, may be found, who, for certain conſidera⯑tions, will furniſh billets; or elſe, which is a preva⯑lent practice at Madrid, the common proſtitutes con⯑feſſing and receiving the holy ſacrament in many churches, and collecting a number of billets, either ſell or give them to their friends: and as theſe carry neither name nor ſignature, they are eaſily tranſ⯑ferred.
The principal cortejos in the great cities, are the canons of the cathedrals; but where the military re⯑ſide, they take their choice, and leave the refuſe for the church. In the country villages, the monks bear rule, at leaſt within their limits, and even in the cities, they ſet up their pretenſions. As for the parochial clergy, one thing is certain, that many of them have families, and all are involved in the com⯑mon cenſure.
[22]This univerſal depravity of morals, may be traced to the celibacy of the clergy. It is true, the exam⯑ple of the court has given a ſanction to practices, which were before reſtrained, and made that ho⯑nourable, which had been attended with diſgrace: but the effect muſt always, in ſome meaſure, have been coeval with its cauſe. Nay, ſhould we be in⯑clined to blame in the firſt inſtance, the Italians, who are ſaid to have brought this practice into Spain, we ſhould be obliged to trace it up to this miſtaken principle, that, conjugal affection is inconſiſtent with a due diſcharge of the miniſterial functions.
This principle is abſurd, yet upon it is founded the celibacy of the clergy, and from that is neceſ⯑ſarily derived the corruption of their morals. The purpoſe of the law is, however, fruſtrated; for na⯑ture is like a rapid river, which, checked in its pro⯑greſs, ſcorns reſtraint, and when diverted from its proper courſe, either overflows the country, or forms new channels for itſelf. What then is gained? The parochial clergy, and theſe are the only clergy who ſhould be ſuffered in a ſtate, have their con⯑nections and their children, but not as they ought, in the moſt honourable way. They are diſgraced in the eyes of the people, who are taught, by their ex⯑ample, to live in violation of the laws; and their children, for want of a proper education, are fitted only for the vileſt offices in the community. How [23] different is the picture, where marriage is allowed. The miniſter is like the father of his pariſh, and his wife performs the office of a mother; both ſet an example of virtue, and in every village, teach the peaſants how to value their domeſtic comforts. In the ſtreet, their children, commonly a numerous offspring, are diſtinguiſhed by their look of health, by their cleanlineſs, and by the decency of their conduct; and when ſent out into the world, they form the moſt valuable members of ſociety.
The play-houſes in Madrid, are not much fre⯑quented; the genius of the people does not aſſimi⯑late with this ſort of amuſement. This will evi⯑dently appear, by the receipts of two theatres; for taking the average between them in December, they each produced 50 pounds a night, though ſome evenings leſs than 20 pounds, and even in the Chriſtmas week, not more than 16. They have lately introduced the opera, though not with any proſpect of ſucceſs, becauſe moſt of the genteel peo⯑ple keep to their own ſocieties, except when they attend the balls.
Few people here diſcover any love for the ſci⯑ences. Though the cabinet of natural hiſtory is open to all the world, it is little frequented: nor are books much read. All who are not engaged in [24] buſineſs, are occupied in their attendance on the ladies, with whom nothing of this kind is heard of.
When you pay a viſit to a lady, for wherever there is a lady in a family, the viſit is to her, you neither knock at the door, nor aſk any queſtions of the por⯑ter, but go ſtraight forward to the room, where ſhe uſually receives her company, and there you ſeldom fail to find her, morning, noon, or night; in winter ſitting near the braſier, ſurrounded by her friends, unleſs when ſhe is gone out to maſs. The friends are moſtly gentlemen, becauſe ladies ſeldom viſit in a familiar way; and of the gentlemen thus aſſem⯑bled, the cortejo is commonly one, though this is not univerſally the caſe.
The modes of France have reached Spain as well as many other countries. French cloths and the faſhions and colours approved in France, are worn under the Spaniſh cloak. The veil is no longer worn, but by women of the loweſt claſſes; for others it ſerves but to hide the diſorder of their dreſs, when they go out on foot. Except in this caſe, their head⯑dreſs, and whole attire, are carefully adjuſted to French faſhions.
Their cookery, ſuch as they received it from their anceſtors, is of a nature to pleaſe few people. [25] They are fond of high ſeaſonings; pepper, pimento, and ſaffron, ſeaſon or colour moſt of their diſhes. One of them only, has been introduced among ſtrangers, and the art of the French kitchen has not diſdained to adopt it; this is, what in Spain is cal⯑led olla-podrida, a ſort of hotch-potch of every kind of meat, cooked together. There is, however, ge⯑nerally a mixture in the Spaniſh cookery, participat⯑ing of the French ſort, and in ſome, this has wholly ſupplanted that of Spain.
The Spaniards have phraſes of addreſs, that would ſound odd in all other languages. When a gentleman approaches a lady, he does not tell her that he is her humble ſervant, her moſt obedient, as is the uſual mode of addreſs in England, France, or Italy, but that he kiſſes her feet, or lays himſelf at her feet, and when he takes his leave, he entreats her to keep him at her feet, or under her feet: me tenga uſted a ſus piés, or baxo de ſus piés. The compliment ſhe re⯑turns is, may you live a thouſand years, or, God go with you, or, the Virgin Mary go with you; and when ſhe intends reſpect, ſays, Beſo a uſted las manos, i. e. ſhe kiſſes his hands. Theſe civilities may ap⯑pear a great deal too lofty; but general cuſtom takes off much from the literal meaning of complimen⯑tary words in all countries.
Proviſions in this town are not ſo dear as might [26] be expected, conſidering its populouſneſs, and its being ſituated in a province naturally barren. A poor family, of ſix or ſeven people, may be ſupplied with bread, meat and wine, for as many reals. The common fare of the lower claſs is freſh mutton, and ſalted pork, boiled with French-beans, chick-peas, onions, and pot-herbs. On meagre days they live on ſtock-fiſh and pilchards, dreſſed in various man⯑ners, but always ſo much ſpiced that it is not eaſy for ſtrangers to accuſtom themſelves to ſuch a burning diſh. The pooreſt claſs of all live almoſt entirely on the diſtribution of victuals which many convents make here every day throughout the year. Here the beggar makes ſure of a loaf and a meſs of broth, enriched often with a ſlice of meat.
With regard to the tables of the rich, they are as ſumptuous as in any country whatever. A grandee of the firſt claſs will frequently ſpend one half of his income for the maintenance of his table. The ſingle article of fiſh has been known to ſtand ſome noblemen in full £2000 a-year.
The two deareſt articles in Madrid are wood and charcoal. A hundred pounds weight of each coſts near a crown. This is the reaſon, perhaps, that there are ſo few chimnies to be ſeen in Madrid. The poor ſtand baſking in the ſun in winter, wrapped [27] up to their chins in their large capas, and the rich ſit round a brazier, placed in the middle of the room, with well-lighted charcoal.
CHAP. X. Of the Eſcurial, Aranjuez, Ildefonſo, and other Pa⯑laces, together with the Court.
HAVING taken a very diſtinct view of the build⯑ings, manners, and cuſtoms of the capital, we ſhall proceed to the royal palaces in the environs; and, in treating of them will give ſome account of the court.
Amongſt theſe, the Eſcurial claims our firſt no⯑tice. The whole building conſiſts of a palace, a church, a convent, and a burial-place for the ſove⯑reigns of Spain. The etymology of the word Eſcu⯑rial, is a place full of rocks, and the nature of the country agrees perfectly with it. This famous mo⯑naſtery is ſeated in a deep receſs, at the foot of [28] thoſe high mountains ſeparating the two Caſtilles; and protected from every wind, except the ſouth⯑eaſt; it looks down upon a wide extended plain, with all the neighbouring hills, covered by thick woods; whilſt the mountains, to the north, are bare, or covered almoſt perpetually with ſnow.
It was built by Philip II. in obedience to his fa⯑ther Charles V. to accompliſh his vow, made after the battle of St. Quintin, which he gained by the interceſſion of St. Lorenzo. In honour of that ſaint the architect, Juan de Bautiſta de Toledo, took his idea from a gridiron, the inſtrument on which he ſuffered, making the royal reſidence pro⯑ject, by way of handle, and repreſenting not only the bars by multiplied diviſions, but the legs by four high towers, placed in the angles of this edifice.
In Spain the building goes by the name of this ſaint. The choice which Philip V. made of this ſteep ſituation, indicates the ſavage and melancholy character which hiſtory gives to that prince. This building is quadrangular, with the principal front to the weſt, behind which is a mountain; the oppoſite front, facing Madrid, takes the form of the ſhorten⯑ed handle of a gridiron reverſed. It is an amazing ſtructure, and has the appearance of a town. In the whole it certainly has ſomething awful, but [29] does not perfectly correſpond with the idea formed of it, according to the accounts received. Its form does not permit the architect to make the moſt of its vaſt extent, and it is not till we have paſſed the numerous dormitories, and wandered among the courts, ſtair-caſes, and galleries, that the imagination completes what, at firſt view, was only ſketched.
In the architecture there is nothing magnificent. It has rather the ſerious ſimplicity of a convent, than the ſplendid elegance of a palace. The front, to the weſt, has a fine portal, formed by large co⯑lumns, of the Doric order; and on each ſide two great doors of noble dimenſions. By this portal we paſs to an elegant ſquare court, at the bottom of which is a church. This principal entrance is ne⯑ver open, even for the kings of Spain and the princes of the blood, but on two ſolemn occaſions. When they come the firſt time to the Eſcurial, and when their remains are depoſited in the vault which awaits them. "I could not but imagine (ſays Bour⯑goannè) on viewing this entrance, but that I perceiv⯑ed the emblems of the gates of life and thoſe of eternity, which, for the children of kings, as well as for the reſt of mortals, open but once, and imme⯑diately ſhut again for ever."
The front, to the ſouth, is entirely deſtitute of or⯑nament, [30] but in the four ſtories there are nearly 300 windows. The whole edifice is built with hewn ſtone, of a ſpecies of baſtard granite; which, being become brown with time, adds to the auſterity of the building. The quarry where it was dug, in the neighbourhood of the Eſcurial, is ſaid to have been one motive for the choice of its ſituation. It fur⯑niſhed blocks of ſuch conſiderable dimenſion, that three ſtones were ſufficient to form the chambranle of the greateſt doorways, and each ſtep of the prin⯑cipal ſtair-caſe is compoſed but of one.
At the firſt ſight of the Eſcurial, it conveys the idea of a ſquare quarry of ſtone, above ground; for it is indeed the largeſt, though not the moſt elegant building in Europe. The dimenſions are 657 feet in breadth, and the ſides 494 feet in depth. Twiſs, from whom we have made this extract, ſays he meaſured it himſelf. The height is 70 feet.
The chief front has 35 windows in breadth. It is ſaid there are 4000 windows, and 8000 doors in the building; 1110 of theſe windows are on the outſide of the four fronts.
When the court is not at the Eſcurial, it is but a vaſt convent, inhabited by 200 monks, under the inſpection of a prior. At the arrival of the court the convent is transformed into a palace. The monks [31] are baniſhed to the ſouth and weſt ſides, and the principal cells become the habitation of the royal family, and the nobility and gentry by whom it is accompanied. The king himſelf has his in the narrow ſpace which forms the handle of the grid⯑iron. Philip II. ſeems to have wiſhed to make this a retreat where ſovereign greatneſs might retire to hide itſelf beneath the ſhade of the altars, and become familiariſed to its tomb; and its ſucceſſors, faithful to this vow of humility, ſtill content them⯑ſelves with the ſame modeſt habitation.
To connoiſſeurs in painting no place can afford higher entertainment than the convent of the Eſcu⯑rial. In every part are ſeen works of the beſt maſ⯑ters, and even ſome of their moſt capital perform⯑ances. It were endleſs to enumerate particulars. Suffice it to ſay, that during the reſidence of a month I never failed a ſingle day viſiting the con⯑vent, and never left it without regret. I had pecu⯑liar pleaſure in finding here ſo many monuments of Titian, and a Holy Family by Raphael; the latter once in the poſſeſſion of our Charles I. but ſold by Cromwell, and purchaſed by the Spaniſh ambaſſador for £2000.
The ſtatues, buſts, and medallions of the Eſcuri⯑al, are not in any great number, nor very remarkable for their excellence. St. Laurence, in the church, is [32] good and ſimple. Many have taken it for an an⯑tique; but the only part likely to be ſo is the head, and that is ſuſpected to have belonged to a Bac⯑chus.
Never was an inſtrument of martyrdom ſo multi⯑plied, ſo honoured, and ſo celebrated, as the grid⯑iron. They are to be met with in every part of this building; there are ſculptured gridirons, painted gridirons, iron gridirons, marble gridirons, wooden gridirons, and ſtucco gridirons; there are gridirons over the doors, in the yards, in the windows, and in the galleries.
The Eſcurial, as a reſidence, is far from plea⯑ſant. Were it low and ſheltered, like Aranjuez, it would be agreeable in ſpring; or, were it elevated, hanging to the north, and covered by thick woods, like S. Ildefonſo, it might be delightful as a retreat in ſummer; but, expoſed as it is to the full power of the meridian ſun, and raiſed up nearly to regions covered with eternal ſnow, without ſhelter, and deſtitute of ſhade, it has no local charms at any ſea⯑ſon of the year. The miniſters, foreign and domeſ⯑tic, give good dinners, and do every thing to make this ſolitude ſupportable; but, as few ladies can be accommodated here, the aſſemblies want that gaiety which is peculiar to the ſex.
[33]The pantheon, or catacomb, where the royal fa⯑mily, beginning with Charles V. are buried, is a ſub⯑terranean vault, of beautiful marble, highly finiſhed, capable of receiving 26 bodies, each in its own re⯑ceſs. It is impoſſible not to feel a kind of religious awe when we deſcend into this vault, in which de⯑ceaſed grandeur ſeems to ſtruggle againſt annihi⯑lation. A few rays of half-extinguiſhed light, with difficulty penetrate this cold abode. To ſup⯑ply the defect, a ſuperb luſtre, pendant from the cupola, is lighted up on extraordinary occaſions; but, except in theſe caſes, the curious are conducted by a flambeau, into the middle of this motionleſs and ſilent aſſembly of ſovereigns of both ſexes.
By the unſteady light of the flambeau we diſcover, oppoſite the door by which we enter, an altar and a crucifix of black marble, upon a pedeſtal of por⯑phyry. The reſt correſponds to this melancholy magnificence. The caſes which contain the bodies of the kings and queens are placed on each ſide of the altar. The pantheon is not yet full, but the empty caſes are open, ready to receive their depo⯑ſits. A ſalutary, yet terrible leſſon, which kings have not refuſed to receive, from the bold deſigns of an able architect.
The ravages of time, ſeconded by the damps, have not ſpared even the marble. Here we are at [34] once led to reflect on the frailty of man, whatever may be his rank, and the periſhable nature of his works, which in his pride he dares conſecrate to immortality.
The Friars of this convent, ſays Townſend, are 160, and their annual revenue is 5,000,000 of reals, or about 50,000 pounds, ariſing partly from land, and partly from their flock of 36,000 Marino ſheep, be⯑ſides 1000 kept conſtantly near home for the con⯑ſumption of the family.
Their library conſiſts of 30,000 volumes, con⯑tained in two magnificent apartments, each about 182 Engliſh feet in length. In the lower room are chiefly printed books; yet, in it is depoſited the fa⯑mous manuſcript of the Four Goſpels, written in gold letters, a work of the eleventh century. Over theſe are collected 4300 manuſcripts, of which 567 are Greek, 67 Hebrew, and 1800 Arabic, the latter well deſcribed in a catalogue lately publiſhed by Caſiri.
The library is open every morning and evening, during the reſidence of the court. If, ſays Bour⯑goanne, you have brought with you to the Eſcurial, prejudices againſt the Spaniards in general, or againſt the Monks in particular, you will certainly lay them aſide after having paſſed a quarter of an [35] hour with the Jeronymites of this monaſtery; you will be convinced that, under the Spaniſh mantle, or even the religious habit, more obliging manners, more complaiſance, and more real goodneſs are con⯑cealed, than are promiſed by the elegance of a French dreſs. For the truth of what I here ſay, I may appeal to two Daniſh profeſſors, who, a few years ago, were ſent to the Eſcurial to make learned reſearches, and were, perhaps, better received by the Monks, notwithſtanding the difference of man⯑ners, language, and religion, than they would have been at the Univerſity of Copenhagen. They were lodged in the convent, and provided with every thing they could wiſh, with the moſt generous hoſ⯑pitality.
All the treaſures of the library were open to them, and they paſſed two months in examining and mak⯑ing extracts from the manuſcripts which excited their curioſity. They returned home with hearts deeply impreſſed with gratitude, and Port-folios enriched with the fruits of their laborious reſearches.
The obliging generoſity they experienced on this occaſion, was the more remarkable, as the manu⯑ſcripts, entruſted to their inſpection, are ſtill un⯑known to the public, except by a few extracts only, ſays Bourgoanne, given of them by a learned Monk, named Caſſiri.
[36]Theſe conſiſt of two volumes, in folio, but are far from completing the extenſive plan propoſed by the Monk. After his death, they were conſigned to another of the fathers of the Eſcurial, and the learned impatiently expect the reſult of his labours.
The ſituation of St. Ildefonſo, upon the declivity of the mountains, ſeparating the two Caſtiles, and fronting a vaſt plain, where there is no obſtacle to the paſſage of the North wind, renders this abode delightful in ſummer. The mornings and evenings of the hotteſt days, are agreeably cool. Yet, as this palace is upwards of 20 leagues from Madrid, and half of the road leading to it croſſes the broad tops of mountains, extremely ſteep in many places, it is much more agreeable to the lovers of the chace, and ſolitude, than to others. The court of Spain comes here annually, during the heat of the dog days. It arrives about the end of July, and returns at the beginning of October.
There is nothing magnificent in the palace, par⯑ticularly in its exterior appearance. The front, on the ſide of the garden, is of the Corinthian order, and not deſtitute of elegance. It is two ſtories high, contains 31 windows in view, and 12 rooms in a ſuite. In the middle is the church. The gardens are on a ſlope, on the top of which is the great re⯑ſervoir of water, called here, el mar, i. e. the ſea; [37] which ſupplies the fountains: this reſervoir is fur⯑niſhed from the torrents which pour down the mountains. The great entry is ſomewhat ſimilar to that of Verſailles, and with a large iron palliſade. In the gardens are 27 fountains; the baſons are of white marble, and the ſtatues, which are all excel⯑lent, and equal to any of the kind even in Italy, are of lead, bronzed and gilt. Here are two noble caſcades, of ten falls each. Theſe gardens are alſo ornamented with 61 very fine marble ſtatues, as large as life, with 28 marble vaſes, and 20 leaden vaſes gilt. For the diverſions of the younger branches of the royal family, there is a mall of 580 paces in length. Near which is a large labyrinth. The gardens were laid out by a Frenchman, named Bouteleux. The fountain of fame, which is the loweſt in ſituation, ſpouts water to the height of 133 feet, which is exactly that of the weather-cock, on the top of the church ſteeple.
The upper part of the palace contains many va⯑luable paintings, and the lower part antique ſtatues, buſts, and bas-reliefs. All the rooms have their ceilings painted in freſco, and decorated with large looking-glaſſes, made here. The floors are all of chequered marble, and the tables of the fineſt Spa⯑niſh marbles, of various ſorts. The windows, which reach from the ceiling to the floor, conſiſt of large plates of glaſs, ſet in lead, gilt.
[38]It is ſingular that the caſtle, and magnificent gardens of St. Ildefonſo, ſhould have coſt about 45,000,000 of piaſtres, or near 6,500,000 ſterling, preciſely the ſum in which Philip died indebted. This enormous expence will appear credible, when it is known that the ſituation of the royal palace was, at the beginning of this century, the ſloping top of a pile of rocks; that it was neceſſary to dig, and hew out the ſtones, and, in ſeveral places, to level the rocks; to cut out of its ſides, a paſſage for a hundred different canals, to carry vegetative earth to every place in which it was intended to ſubſtitute cultivation for ſterility, and to work a mine to clear a paſſage to the roots of the numerous trees, which are there planted. All theſe efforts were crowned with ſucceſs. In the orchards, kitchen gardens, and paſtures, there are but few flowers, eſpaliers or plants, which do not thrive; but the trees, naturally of a lofty growth, and, which, conſequently muſt ſtrike their roots deep in the earth, already prove the inſufficiency of art, when attempting to ſtruggle againſt nature. Many of them languiſh with with⯑ered trunks, and with difficulty keep life in their almoſt naked branches. Every year it is neceſſary to call in the aid of gun-powder, to make new beds for thoſe which are to ſupply their place; and none of them are covered with that tufted foliage which belongs only to thoſe that grow in a natural ſoil. In a word, there are, in the groves of St. Ildefonſo, [39] marble ſtatues, baſons, caſcades, limpid waters, ver⯑dure, and delightful proſpects; in ſhort, every thing but that which would be more charming than all the reſt, thick ſhades.
At the diſtance of a quarter of a league from this royal manſion, runs a little river, (the Ereſma,) made for the innocent pleaſures of the ſovereign. The banks have on each ſide a cauſeway, or when the ground requires them, there are ſtone, or ſod ſteps. It is encloſed between two piles of rocks, grouped in the moſt romantic manner. Its limpid waters ſometimes run tumultuouſly over leſſer rocks in the bed of the river, or precipitate themſelves by natural caſcades, ſometimes form ſmall baſons, ſerv⯑ing as aſylums to the trout, where the king occa⯑ſionally fiſhes. Readers, if ever you ſhould reſide for ſome time at St. Ildefonſo, and find yourſelf wearied with the dull magnificence, on the bank of this river is one of the fineſt Engliſh gardens nature ever formed.
The court of Spain goes once a year to alarm the Naiades of this ſtream, by the noiſe of a general deer-hunting. The rendezvous is on the banks of this little river, about a league from St. Ildefonſo. Some days previous to the arrival of the court, a number of peaſants are ſent to the neighbouring woods and hills, to drive before them the deer, with [40] which the country plentifully abounds. The pre⯑ſcribed limits are by degrees narrowed, until the time fixed for rouſing the game. The ſport then becomes excellent; the deer run in ſmall herds on every ſide, ſeemingly perceiving the danger into which they are driven; after which, they face about, and endeavour to brave the running fire of the muſ⯑quetry, threatening them in the rear; but, obeying the impulſes of fear, and failing in the attempt, they paſs in cloſer herds through the fatal defile, where the King and Royal family, placed in ambuſcade, wait their arrival. Their agility now becomes their laſt reſource, and ſaves the greater number. Out of 3 or 4000, and ſometimes more, which thus paſs in review, about 100 fall. Some remain dead on the ſpot; others carry away with them the mortal wound, and fly, to conceal their agony, in the thickets. Their bodies, whilſt yet in palpitation, are brought, and arranged upon the field of battle. Theſe are numbered with a cruel ſatisfaction, for which a philoſopher would reproach himſelf, but which it is agreed to pardon in hunters. The whole court, the Ambaſſadors, and foreign miniſters, commonly take part in this amuſement, which is repeated towards the end of every viſit to the Eſ⯑curial.
The glaſs manufacture is here carried to a degree of perfection, unknown in England. The largeſt [41] mirrors are made in a braſs frame, 162 inches long, 93 wide, and ſix deep, weighing near nine tons. Theſe are deſigned wholly for the royal palaces, and for preſents from the King. Yet, made for ſuch purpoſes only, it proves a devouring monſter in a country where proviſions are dear, fuel ſcarce, and carriage exceedingly expenſive. About 280 men are employed. The King is ſaid to make no great profit by it; however, it is a very material point to be able to ſupply his ſubjects with a good commo⯑dity, and to keep in the country a large ſum of money that formerly went out annually, to purchaſe it from ſtrangers. To provide fuel for the fires they have put the pine-woods under proper regulations, and ſtated falls: 27 mule loads of fir-wood, are con⯑ſumed every day; and four loads coſt the King, in⯑cluding all the expences of cutting and bringing down from the mountains about 40 reals.
The palace of Aranjuez, is 27 miles from Ma⯑drid. The road to it is one of the fineſt in Europe. It croſſes the famous bridge of Toledo, built by Philip II. and which, it has been ſaid, only wanted a river. When the Manzanares is very low, which is moſt commonly the caſe, this little river is ford⯑able, and the bridge avoided, which cuts off a quarter of a league in croſſing the fine part of the environs of Madrid, called Las delicias, a walk con⯑ſiſting of two divergent allies, which terminate at [42] the canal of Manzanares. On the other ſide begins the fine road to Aranjuez. After having travelled ſix leagues on a level road, ſurrounded with olive trees, we deſcend by a ſpiral declivity to the charm⯑ing valley of Aranjuez.
On arriving in this valley, the dry and naked plains of Caſtille diſappear, and are ſucceeded by a richer ſoil when we travel in the ſhade, ſurrounded by caſcades, and the murmurs of rivulets. The meadows are enamelled with flowers, and the paſ⯑tures diſplay the moſt lively and variegated colours. Vegetation appears in all its richneſs, and proclaims a neighbouring river, which, with its beneficent waters, fertilizes and vivifies the landſcape. The Tagus, entering the valley at the Eaſt end, runs and meanders for two leagues; and, after having re⯑flected the images of the moſt beautiful plantations, joins the Xamara.
The learned find, in this junction, the etymology of the name of Aranjuez. They tell us, the ancients erected temples at the confluence of rivers, that there was one in honour of Jupiter at that of the Tagus and Xarama; and, that thence is derived the name of Aram Jovis, 'altar of Jupiter,' whence by corruption Aranjuez. Ancient however as may be the name, the embelliſhments are modern.
[43]The firſt Spaniſh monarch who reſided there for any conſiderable length of time, was Charles V. He began to build the palace his ſucceſſors have in⯑habited, and to which Ferdinand VI. and Charles III. have each added a wing. In this new form it is ſtill leſs a royal manſion, than a very agreeable country houſe, moſt delightfully ſituated, where art has done nothing more than make an advantageous uſe of the advances of nature. The Tagus, which runs in a right line to the Eaſtern front, glides by the paſ⯑ture, and forms, almoſt under the windows, an ar⯑tificial caſcade.
A ſmall arm of the river eſcapes from the caſ⯑cade, and ſo cloſely waſhes the walls of the palace, that, from his terrace, the monarch may take the diverſion of fiſhing. This arm afterwards rejoins the river, and thus forms a pleaſant iſland; which is a vaſt garden of an irregular form, where ſhade, and freſh air, and the warbling of birds, are con⯑ſtantly found.
Art ſeems to have left to nature the care of em⯑belliſhing Aranjuez. The palaces, and other edi⯑fices, are of a pleaſing form, but without magnifi⯑cence. The furniture of the apartments is leſs rich than elegant. The paintings are not numerous; there are only ſome portraits of the princes of the houſes of Bourbon and Braganza; and a few Nea⯑politan [44] paintings, in which nature ſeems imitated with more truth than elegance.
It would require too much time to conduct the reader through all the fine plantations of Aranjuez; from the village of which, runs a covered portico, continued to the buildings adjoining to the palace.
Near Aranjuez are ſtables of breeding mares, be⯑longing to the King of Spain, in which the breed of Spaniſh horſes is ſtill preſerved in all its ancient beauty. The building, has for inſcription, vento gravidas ex prole putaris; i. e. From their ſwiftneſs you would imagine them engendered by the winds. Theſe animals more eſpecially contribute to the em⯑belliſhment of Aranjuez. They there peculiarly diſplay all the beauty of their motions, and their ſpeed.
Formerly the Calle de la reyna was the courſe where horſes from Barbary diſplayed their ſwiftneſs. A new kind of amuſement is now ſubſtituted there, called the Parejas, which I had the ſatisfaction of viewing, ſays Townſend, previous to my departure from Aranjuez. The Prince of Aſturias, with his two brothers, attended by 45 of the firſt nobility, all in the ancient Spaniſh dreſs, and mounted on high-bred Andaluſian horſes, performed a variety of evolutions to the ſound of trumpets, and French-horns, [45] forming four ſquadrons, diſtinguiſhed from each other by the colour of their dreſſes, which were red, blue, yellow, and green. They executed this figure-dance with great exactneſs, and made an elegant appearance. When the weather is fine, the Parejantes, for ſo the figurans of this equeſtrian country dance, are called, walk in their dreſſes in the gardens of the palace, and join the ſpectators. The ſubjects of Philip II. and Charles V. and thoſe of Charles IV. ſeem then to be united; imagination approaches theſe two reigns, and compares with pleaſure the age of ſplendour in Spain, with that of its regeneration.
The reſidence of Aranjuez favours all the inno⯑cent diverſions of the country; walks are no where more varied; whether with a book in your hand, you wander in the ſhrubberies, or paſs through the long allies on horſeback, or in a carriage, you may ſecurely indulge in meditation and reverie.
The corps diplomatique ſeem to enjoy themſelves more in this retreat, than at the other ſitios; they live near together, give good dinners; have frequent balls; and, from day to day, they have one con⯑tinued round of pleaſant amuſement.
In this ſequeſtered ſpot we meet with none but men of the moſt poliſhed manners, well informed [46] of every thing that is paſſing in the world; and with the moſt accompliſhed women, all chearful, gay and lively. "The refinements of a ſelect ſoci⯑ety like this (ſays Townſend) were ſo powerfully at⯑tractive, that I laid by my pen, I cloſed my books, and, from morning to night, had agreeable engage⯑ments."
The motions of the court are moſtly uniform from day to day. Whilſt at Aranjuez the king common⯑ly amuſes himſelf with fiſhing till noon, when he returns to dine, like every other branch of the royal family, in public. After dinner follows a ſhort converſation with the foreign miniſters, which being finiſhed they retire to the garden, and he, accom⯑panied by the prince, leaving the palace between three and four in the afternoon, goes 20 or 30 miles to ſhoot, following his ſport as long as he can ſee.
The old faſhioned courtiers, dine at half after one, immediately on returning from the palace; but the more modern at two o'clock, and the foreign miniſ⯑ters between that and three.
In the evening after the ſieſta, the princeſſes at⯑tended by their guards, the grandees, and ſome of the foreign miniſters, enter their coaches, and move [47] ſlowly on, ſaluting each other as often as they paſs.
By the ſide of the long extended mall, the calle de la reyna, between Madrid and Aranguez, is a fine avenue, well filled with company, in which the princeſſes occaſionally walk. If they are on foot, the whole company follows in their train: when paſſing in their carriages, all ſtand ſtill to make their bow; and the cloak which was flung looſely back, or held up, or tucked under the arm, and the flap which was caſt negligently over the left ſhoulder, is let fall, and hangs like the undertakers cloak, when walking at a funeral. It is pleaſing to ſee the gen⯑teel young Spaniard in his capa, which he throws into a thouſand graceful forms, each remarkable for its peculiar eaſe and elegance, ſuch as no foreigner can imitate; but when he meets a perſon of ſupe⯑rior rank, or when he goes into a church, eaſe and elegance are baniſhed by decorum, and this capa, ſo much to be admired, degenerates into the ſtiff⯑neſs and formality of a cloak.
The Spaniſh ladies diſcover the ſame taſte in wearing the mantilla, a kind of muſlin ſhawl, cover⯑ing the head and ſhoulders, and ſerving the va⯑rious purpoſes of the hood, the cloak, and the veil. No foreigner can ever attain their eaſe or ele⯑gance in this ſimple dreſs. In the Spaniſh women, [48] the mantilla appears to have no weight. Lighter than air, it ſeems to ſupply the place of wings.
One evening, ſays Townſend, when this public walk was thronged with ladies, many of whom were richly dreſſed; on the tinkling of a little bell, at a diſtance ſcarce to be heard, in one moment all were upon their knees. Upon aſking a lady what was the matter, ſhe told me his Majeſty was paſſing. Had I enquired of a Frenchman, he would have ſaid, 'c'eſt le bon dieu qui paſſe.' Her looks pointed me to the ſpot, where two ladies of high faſhion had quitted their carriage to the hoſt, which the prieſts were carrying to ſome dying chriſtian. Had it been the rainy ſeaſon, they muſt have done the ſame; and had the public walk been even wet and dirty, none would have been excuſed from kneeling.
At a ball at this place, ſays the above writer, I had the happineſs to ſee Madame Mello, dance a volero. Her motions were ſo graceful, that whilſt ſhe was dancing ſhe appeared to be the moſt beautiful wo⯑man in the room: but ſhe had no ſooner retired to her ſeat than the deluſion vaniſhed.
This dance bears ſome reſemblance to the fan⯑dango, at leaſt in ſprightlineſs and elegance; but then it is more correct than that favourite, yet a moſt laſcivious, pantomime. The fandango itſelf is [49] baniſhed from genteel aſſemblies, and juſtly ſo. As danced by the vulgar it is moſt diſguſting; as re⯑fined in higher life, covered with a moſt elegant yet tranſparent veil, it ceaſes to diſguſt; and from that very circumſtance excites thoſe paſſions in the youthful breaſt, which wiſdom finds it difficult to curb. This dance muſt certainly come to them by tradition from the Moors. The muſic of it has ſuch a powerful effect on young and old, that all are pre⯑pared for motion the inſtant that the inſtruments are heard. "And from what I have ſeen (ſays Townſend) I could almoſt perſuade myſelf that, were it ſuddenly introduced into a church, or a court of judicature, prieſts and people, judges and crimi⯑nals, the graveſt and the gay, would forget all diſ⯑tinctions, and begin to dance.
CHAP. XI. Of Toledo, and its Environs.
THE origin of Toledo is uncertain. According to Sylva, in his Enquiry concerning the Manner in which Spain was Peopled, ſome Jews eſtabliſhed [50] themſelves in the place where Toledo now ſtands, 540 years before Chriſt, and called the city they founded, Toledath, which, in their language, ſignifies Mother of the People. This origin is equally noble and doubtful. Two hundred and twenty-three years before the Chriſtian aera, Hannibal added Toledo, with Caſtille, to the empire of Carthage. From thence it paſſed under the dominion of the Romans; and, in 467, Eurico, the ſeventh ſovereign of the Goths, took poſſeſſion of this city. In that line the ſceptre continued more than 240 years, when the Moors entered Spain, and in three years over⯑ran the whole kingdom, and Toledo ſubmitted to its fate A. D. 714. From this time to the final ex⯑pulſion of the Moors, in 1085, Toledo was the object for which moſt blood was ſhed. Alphonſo VI. who reſcued this city, ſtiled himſelf Emperor of Toledo, whence it took, and has preſerved the title of royal and imperial.
This famous city, once the ſeat of empire, where the arts and ſciences—where trade and manufac⯑tures flouriſhed—is now brought to ruin and decay, and is kept in exiſtence only by the church. This city, which contained 200,000 ſouls, is now reduced to leſs than 25,000. The citizens are fled, the monks remain.
The ſituation of Toledo is remarkable. The [51] Tagus, paſſing between two granite mountains' and almoſt ſurrounding one of theſe, forms a penin⯑ſula, on which the city ſtands, appearing at a diſ⯑tance like a cone.
Toledo is 12 leagues from Madrid. Solitary ſtreets, houſes in ruins, and the almoſt total abſence of induſtry and affluence, but ill agree with the idea formed of a city, firſt in rank of the cortes of the kingdom of Caſtille, which, for a long ſeries of years paſſed for its capital, and of which all the monuments prove its ancient ſplendour. Ma⯑drid, which, in the latter centuries, increaſed its population at the expence of the neighbouring cities, laid Toledo, in particular, under heavy contributions. The aſpect of the ruins and barren⯑neſs of the environs, concur in giving it an appear⯑ance of wretchedneſs in ſome reſpects, however contradicted, when we enter their houſes, which are clean and neat in the extreme — a pleaſing ſight, and ſeldom to be ſeen where poverty reſides. The inhabitants of Toledo are not in this reſpect, much inferior to the Dutch; and the pains the latter take about their walls, their windows, and their furniture, are employed by the former in de⯑fending their habitations from the ſun, and pro⯑curing coolneſs even in the dog-days. "In viſiting ſeveral of theſe little manſions (ſays Bourgoanne) [52] I thought myſelf tranſported into the palace of ſleep: Nothing diſturbed the calm of their peace⯑ful inhabitants. At three in the afternoon, the win⯑dows and lattices ſhut, the floors moiſtened by frequent ſprinklings, and large ſheets ſpread over their courts, all concurred to make us forget the heat of the climate, and the hour of the day.
The induſtry of the inhabitants was not long ſince confined to theſe effeminate inventions. Within a few years they have ſhaken off that ſtupor to which they ſeemed condemned. Their prelate declared open war againſt indolence and wretchedneſs. His immenſe alms, above £2000 ſterling annually, were unequal to the beneficence of his intentions. He therefore fitted up the Alcazar, a palace which had been the reſidence of the Gothic kings, and after⯑wards that of Charles V. and converted it into an ho⯑ſpicio, or general workhouſe for the poor. This palace had been ſuffered to decay, till ſome lovers of the arts, mourning over the ruins of this once ſtately pile, made repreſentations to the king, and urged him to repair it. This, at the expence of £50,000 was undertaken by the archbiſhop, and reſtored to its priſtine grandeur. All the magnificent apart⯑ments are now occupied with ſpinning-wheels and looms; and, inſtead of princes are filled with beg⯑gars. In theſe they work, and in the under-ground [53] ſtory which had been the ſtables, they have their dormitory.
This palace was almoſt rebuilt by Charles V. it is ſituated on a ſteep hill, and commands a very fine proſpect; it has 11 windows in front, and is three ſtories high; the inner court is very grand; its co⯑lonnade of granite columns, of the Corinthian or⯑der, makes a noble appearance; the grand ſtair⯑caſe is of very fine architecture; the chapel is lofty and narrow, which renders it very convenient to attend divine ſervice, there being a balcony in each ſtory of the houſe leading into it. The ſtables, which are under-ground, are capable of containing 5000 horſes. The attic ſtory is one open gallery for playing in, above 240 in length. In the middle ſtories are ſeveral large halls; one of them has a very remarkable echo, to be equalled by none, except that of the Simonetti palace near Milan.
The good archbiſhop here feeds 700 perſons em⯑ployed in the ſilk manufactory; but unfortunately, with the beſt intentions, he has completed the ruin of the city; for, by his weight of capital, he has raiſed the price of labour, and of the raw materials; whilſt by carrying a greater quantity of goods to the common market, he has ſunk the price of the commodity ſo much, that the manufacturers, who [54] employed from 40 to 60 workmen, now employ only two or three, and many who were in affluence, are now reduced to penury.
Theſe people are ſo far from earning their own maintenance, that over and above the produce of their labour, they require 40,000 ducats a year for their ſupport. If we reckon the ducat at 2s. 3d. ½, we ſhall find the ſum amounts to £6 10 and a frac⯑tion, for each pauper, which alone, without the aſſiſtance of their work, ſhould ſuffice for two of them. Of theſe 40,000 ducats, the archbiſhop gives 20,000 to the church, and the church ſupplies the reſt.
From the univerſal experience of mankind, ſays Townſend, I may venture to aſſert, that if the moſt able ſilk manufacturer in Europe, who, in the way of his profeſſion, has acquired wealth, were to feed, to clothe, and to employ 700 people upon the ſame terms, either with theſe in the Alcazar, or with thoſe who belong to ſimilar eſtabliſhments in England, France, or Spain, he would ſoon be reduced to po⯑verty. For health, for comfort, for profit, for popu⯑lation, let every family occupy a ſeparate cottage, and learn to live on the produce of its induſtry. From not having a right underſtanding on this ſub⯑ject, benevolence in England, France, and Spain, muſt ſigh and ſay, 'When I would do good, evil [55] is preſent with me.' Such eſtabliſhments increaſe the evils they mean to remedy, and aggravate the diſtreſs they were intended to relieve.
The cathedral is one of the moſt noble ſacred edifices in Europe. Its foundation is dated as far back as the end of the ſixth century. During 400 years, it was in poſſeſſion of the Moors, and pro⯑faned by the Mahometan worſhip. The building itſelf, the carving, the pictures, and the treaſures it contains, all attract and rivet the attention. This magnificent church is 404 feet long, and 203 feet wide; it contains five aiſles, and the higheſt of theſe is 160 feet. The choir is covered with carv⯑ings, repreſenting the conqueſt of Granada, exe⯑cuted in a moſt ſuperior ſtile. The eye is never weary of examining theſe monuments of conſum⯑mate ſkill. Among the pictures are the works of the beſt maſters. In the library they have near 700 manuſcripts.
The treaſures of this cathedral, ſays Townſend, ſtruck me with aſtoniſhment. La Cuſtodia, an ele⯑gant ſilver model of the cathedral, weighs 22,000 ounces, and took 55 ounces of pure gold for gild⯑ing. It contains a multitude of pillars, and more than 200 little images of exquiſite workmanſhip. In the centre of this edifice, is placed a ſhrine of maſſive gold, weighing 50 pounds; another occa⯑ſionally [56] ſupplying the place of this, contains a ſta⯑tue of the infant of Jeſus, made of pure gold, and adorned with 800 precious ſtones. In four ſeparate cloſets, are four large ſilver images, ſtanding on globes of ſilver, each two feet diameter, repreſent⯑ing Europe, Aſia, Africa, and America, with their ſeveral emblems. The grand ſilver throne, on which is placed the Virgin, wearing a crown, and adorned with a profuſion of the moſt coſtly gems, weighs 50 arrobas, which at 25 pounds the arroba, is equal to 1250 pounds. In the chapel of the Virgin, is an al⯑tar, covered with gold and ſilver.
It is evident, that this profuſion of wealth, has ariſen from the pious donations of the Spaniſh princes, out of the immenſe treaſures obtained from their gold and ſilver mines, on the firſt diſcovery of America. The value of theſe donations may be aſ⯑certained with eaſe; but no pen can eſtimate, no fi⯑gures calculate, no imagination conceive, what would have been their value, if, inſtead of being thus buried, and as far as relates to any uſeful pur⯑poſe, loſt; it had been employed in making eaſy communications through the kingdom, by roads and canals, or in the improvement of the ſoil by draining, by planting, and by watering, or in the eſtabliſh⯑ment, by premiums and by loans, of uſeful manu⯑factures, ſuited to the genius of the people, and to the nature of the country. If that overflowing [57] wealth had been diverted into profitable channels, what might Spain have been! Dicite pontifices, in ſancto quid facit aurum! 'What has gold to do in the ſanctuary?' We may venture to ſay, that if the gold and ſilver of America, inſtead of being buried in the churches, or, which is worſe, inſtead of pam⯑pering the pride, the prodigality, and the unprofit⯑able luxury of the great; or, which is worſt of all, inſtead of being idly ſquandered in uſeleſs, and al⯑moſt endleſs wars, if all this gold and ſilver had been devoted to Ceres, Spain would have been her moſt favourite reſidence, and the whole peninſula one continued garden.
The revenues of the cathedral, is, perhaps, not to be equalled by any church in Europe. The archbiſhop has 9,000,000 of reals a year, which makes about £90,000 ſterling; a revenue fit for a ſovereign prince. Beſides the archbiſhop, there are 40 canons, 50 prebendiaries, and 50 chaplains. The whole body of eccleſiaſtics belonging to this cathedral, are 600, all well provided for. The pope and the king of Spain, are always canons of this cathedral.
There is an aſylum open at Toledo to ſuffering humanity, viz. an hoſpital for the inſane. There are two principal ones in Spain; one at Saragoſſa, and the other at Toledo, I went ſeveral times to the latter, ſays Bourgoanne, and was always ſurpriſed at [58] the cleanlineſs and regularity, which I conſtantly found there.
The ſight of ſuch a place, has always ſomething in it afflicting to humanity, even when viewed with the curious eye of philoſophy; but I confeſs I never felt the ſentiment of thoſe who ſay they are hum⯑bled at the ſight of this degradation of human reaſon. We never feel humiliation, except we can make compariſons to our own diſadvantage. What claſs in the creation is better treated than the human ſpecies? If any other be ſo, is our ſituation in life ſuch, as to make us bluſh before it? Shame ſuppoſes a reciprocal conſciouſneſs, between the being that feels, and that by which it is cauſed. We know not angels; beaſts are unacquainted with us, and inſanity being an involuntary defect, from which no one is ſecure, in what manner can any in⯑dividual of the human ſpecies feel humiliation at the ſight of a madman; he himſelf would not feel it, were he capable of reaſoning. The drunkard and paſſionate are thoſe that ought to bluſh; they rebel againſt the reaſon which would reſtrain them. The madman, no longer under its empire, is ſlave of a power which has ſubjugated him without his conſent. He is not to be pitied, unleſs when lucid intervals give him knowledge of his ſituation. Except in theſe caſes, a wretch racked with the gout, ſeems to have greater claim to compaſſion. With theſe [59] preliminary obſervations, the aſylums of humanity deſpoiled of its moſt exalted endowment, may be entered with greater compoſure. There was but one man raving mad in the hoſpital of Toledo; he was a prieſt, who, from the wretched bed to which he was chained, uttered uninterrupted execrations againſt the principal perſonages of the kingdom of Spain. I beheld in him, ſays Bourgoanne, only a ferocious beaſt in a human form, whoſe roarings were articulated by words. Without blaming or pitying him, I fled from his approach. His com⯑panions were much leſs frightful. I particularly remarked a Franciſcan monk, who had preſerved his habit, and had wrapped up his head in a wig, made of paper; his only mania was that of mount⯑ing on a ſtone, and thence, as from a pulpit, deli⯑vering ſcraps of ſermons, which he mingled with fa⯑cetious jokes, and ended with making capers. In 1783, I paſſed a quarter of an hour among his au⯑dience; two years afterwards, I again appeared be⯑fore him, and was not a little aſtoniſhed at his re⯑collecting me. I admired this inexplicable ſingula⯑rity of nature, which in ſo ſeverely treating his intel⯑lectual faculties, had ſtill preſerved to him a happy memory. Is not this another problem for meta⯑phyſics to reſolve?
Near this city, is to be ſeen part of an aqueduct erected to convey on a level with the Alcazar, the [60] water from a ſpring ſeven or eight leagues from To⯑ledo. This is one of thoſe works, equally uſeful and magnificent, by which the Romans have marked their reſidence in ſeveral places in Spain; nor is this the only Roman monument of which the remains are found in the environs of Toledo. Near a con⯑vent of the Minimes, are the ruins of a circus; and not far from thence, may be diſcerned the traces of an old Roman road.
Thus the Romans, the Arabians, the Goths, and the Spaniards of the time of Charles V. by turns embelliſhed and improved Toledo. We cannot ſay ſo much for the preſent race. Houſes out of re⯑pair, fine edifices going to ruin, few or no manufac⯑tures, a population conſiderably reduced, and the moſt barren environs are all that now offer them⯑ſelves to the ſight of the travellers, drawn thither by the reputation of that famous city. Under the late reign, ſome ſucceſsful efforts were made, to recover it from the univerſal decay into which it is fallen. We have ſeen that the archbiſhop has rebuilt part of the Alcazar, and eſtabliſhed there ſome manufactures of ſilk. The blades of Toledo were formerly fa⯑mous for their temper and ſolidity. Charles III. erected a very ſpacious edifice for making them; and the experiments already made, ſeem to promiſe that the modern citizens of Toledo, will not, in this reſpect, be long inferior to their predeceſſors.
[61] Twiſs ſays, that all the ſword, hanger, and dagger-blades for the Spaniſh army, are made in this city, but that they are far from being ſo well tempered, as in former times; a true old Toledo ſword-blade, ſells even in Spain for ſix or ſeven guineas, and can be purchaſed only by chance. There are daggers that have been made here, which will ſtrike through a crown-piece. The ſteel is ſtill excellent, ſays Townſend, and ſo perfectly tempered, that at thruſt⯑ing at a target, the ſwords will bend like whalebone, and yet cut through a helmet, without turning their edge.
Peyron adds, that the ſecret of hardening them, has again been recovered, and that experiments have been made with blades lately fabricated here, which ſeem to juſtify this aſſertion. When one of theſe has undergone the operation of tempering, if it is in the leaſt notched by ſtriking with it ſeveral blows on an iron head-piece, it is rejected. All ſword-blades made for the ſoldiers, have the king's name engraven on one ſide, and ſome device on the other, ſuch as, 'No me ſaques ſin ragon, na me embaines ſin honor.' 'Draw me not without reaſon, ſheath me not without honour.'
[62]It is likewiſe remarked by Diodorus Siculas, that the Celtiberians gave ſuch temper to their ſteel, that no helmet could reſiſt their ſtroke.
The inhabitants of this city would ſcarce par⯑don us, were we to paſs over in ſilence their Cigar⯑rales: Theſe are little country houſes, reſembling thoſe in the environs of Marſeilles, except that they are leſs ornamented, and not ſo numerous. Upon the banks of the Saone, the Loire, or the Thames, theſe Cigarrales would diſhonour the country. In the barren part of Caſtille, they are delightful retreats, offering in the heat of the dog-days, coolneſs and repoſe, amidſt the ſhade of orchards. But it is impoſſible to ar⯑rive at them, except by croſſing parched and un⯑ſhaded meadows, or climing ſteep and rugged precipices. They are, however, the garden of Eden, to the inhabitants of Toledo.
CHAP. XII. Of the Province of Old Caſtille.
[63]THE name of Old Caſtille was given to this pro⯑vince, as being recovered from the Moors, ſooner than New Caſtille. On the ſouth it is bounded by New Caſtille; on the weſt by Leon; on the north by Aſturia and Biſcay; and on the eaſt by Navarre and Arragon. Its figure is irregular, and conſe⯑quently its dimenſions very different. Its greateſt length from Valladolid to Tarracona, is about 112 Engliſh miles, and its greateſt breadth about 180. The principal rivers are the Duoro and the Ebro. The ſources of all the rivers are in this province, which is mountainous, and not near ſo fertile as New Caſtille. The moſt fruitful part, is a tract lying north near Medina. The wine produced here is ex⯑cellent; and its plains are covered with cattle, par⯑ticularly ſheep, the wool of which is the beſt in all Spain. It was formerly only a country, ſubject to the kings of Leon; but in 1016, was erected into a kingdom. The moſt remarkable cities, which claim [64] the attention of travellers, are Burgos its ancient capital, Valladolid, and Segovia: of theſe we ſhall treat in their turn.
Burgos, the capital of Old Caſtille, is very agree⯑ably ſituated; the greateſt part of it, is on the right of the Arlaneon, over which there are three bridges. This river deſcribes the arch of a circle round Bur⯑gos, and on the other ſide is a hill, upon which there ſtill remains ſome ruins of an old fort. The Arla⯑neon embelliſhes and fertiliſes all the environs; it renders flouriſhing the plantations, which ſerve as public walks, waters the verdant meadows, and waſhes the walls of two remarkable edifices, ſituated below the city: the firſt is a convent of nuns, the abbeſs of which has conſiderable privileges; and is the beſt endowed in Spain. The other is the royal hoſpital, remarkable for the extreme cleanlineſs pre⯑ſerved in it, and the healthineſs of its ſituation. The moſt poliſhed nations might take example from the Spaniards, with reſpect to their charitable founda⯑tions.
There is nothing remarkable in Burgos, except its cathedral, one of the moſt magnificent and beſt pre⯑ſerved of the ancient gothic edifices, now exiſting in Europe. Its form is exactly the ſame as that of York Minſter, which may be ſaid to be the crite⯑rion, according to which the beauties and defects [65] of every Gothic church are to be eſtimated. We are ſtruck (ſays Swinburne) with the reſemblance between theſe two buildings; both were embelliſhed with a profuſion of ſtatues; moſt of thoſe at York were deſtroyed in the firſt emotions of Iconoclaſtic zeal; thoſe of Burgos are ſtill in full poſſeſſion of the homages of the country, and conſequently entire. The foliage-work, arches, pillar, and battlements, are executed in the moſt elaborate and finiſhed man⯑ner, of that ſtile which has uſually been called Go⯑thic. Of late this appellation has been exploded, and that of Arabic ſubſtituted for it.
I confeſs (ſays Swinburne) I ſee ſome reaſon to doubt of the propriety of this ſecond epithet. The churches of our anceſtors ſhoot up into ſpires, towers, pinnacles, ſillagree-work, and no ſuch thing as a cupola ſeems ever to have been attempted; the moſques and other buildings of the Arabians, are rounded into domes, and coved roofs, with now and then a ſlender ſquare minaret, terminating in a ball or pine-apple; the Arabic walls ſhine with painted tiles, moſaics, and ſtucco, none of which ever appear in our ancient edifices.
From all theſe differential marks, there is reaſon to ſuſpect, that our old ſtructures have been new named, and Mahometaniſed, without ſufficient proof of their Arabic origin. At the ſame time [66] it muſt be acknowledged that it is difficult to find them a more ſatisfactory and genuine pedigree.
The beſt age of that ſtile of conſtruction began in England, in the reign of Henry III. for till then we built in the clumſy manner called Saxon, deſti⯑tute of every recommendation but ſolidity; the new taſte came, in all probability, from France, introduced by ſome Provencals that followed the Queen. If we ſuppoſe it imported into that king⯑dom by thoſe that returned from the cruſades, we muſt of courſe ſet it down as an Eaſtern invention. The queſtion is what part of the Eaſt it came from, and whether it was the ſame as that employed by the Arabians. If there were clear proofs of its be⯑ing a branch of the Arabic architecture, it would ſtill appear extraordinary, that its very firſt intro⯑duction into Chriſtendom ſhould be attended with ſo great a variation from the models it was meant to imitate; and that any prince, or learned prieſt, that thought it worthy of being employed in his country, ſhould ſet about new faſhioning it in all its points.
Some perſons have ſuſpected it to have been the manner practiſed by the Eaſtern Chriſtians, and not adopted by the Arabs; who might diſdain to have any thing ſimilar in their places of worſhip with thoſe of a conquered people. Others have [67] been of opinion that it comes originally from Per⯑ſia, or further Eaſt; and ſome again maintain it to be an European invention, or at leaſt a barbarous mode of building, brought by ſome great genius to the elegant proportion we behold in our cathe⯑drals.
The civdad of Valladolid, anciently called Pindia, is a large, beautiful, and populous city, ſituated in a ſpacious and delightful plain, watered by the Piſu⯑erga. It is one of the moſt ſtately cities in Spain, having long, broad, fine ſtreets, with large and lofty houſes, ſplendid palaces, ſpacious and elegant ſquares, piazzas, and fountains, 70 convents, ſix hoſpitals for the ſick, for infants, and for lunatics, and 20,000 inhabitants.
The univerſity has more than 2,000 ſtudents. In the year 1346, this ſeminary was inſtituted, and, A. D. 1784 to 1785, there entered, and were ma⯑triculated 2000 ſtudents.
The king's palace, rather elegant than grand, is ſtill preſerved; but all the palaces of the great nobi⯑lity are going to decay.
In the royal palace Philips II. and III. were born; and here Charles V. received the news that his vic⯑torious [68] troops had taken Rome, and made the Pope his priſoner; and from hence he ordered prayers to be offered up in all the churches of Spain, for the de⯑liverance of the Sovereign Pontiff. In this city, his ſucceſſors, likewiſe, kept their court, till Philip IV. removed it to Madrid.
As we have mentioned Charles V. we ſhall add a ſhort quotation from the Abbé de la Porte — he ſays, on viſiting the monaſtery of St Juſt, at no great diſtance, he was ſhewn by one of the monks the place where that Emperor had lodged, "There, (ſaid he ſneeringly) is the melancholy ſolitude where that monarch, become imbecile and devout, paſſed his days in winding up clocks, in teazing the Friars, in giving himſelf the diſcipline, in daubing the walls of his cell with ſcraps on predeſtination and grace, in ſtunning himſelf with reflecting on the abandon⯑ment of his crown, and in repenting. There he performed the farce of his own burial, put himſelf in a coffin, ſung for himſelf the de profundis, and ſhewed all the follies of a diſtempered brain."
The large field, called El Campo Grande, is with⯑in the walls, and round it are 15 churches. On this ſpot many thouſands of heretics have been burnt alive by order of the Inquiſition; but none of theſe execrable executions have taken place for many years.
[69]All the public walks are ornamented with trees, ſome of which are delightfully ſituated on the banks of the Piſguera. The country round this city is a perfect garden, watered by the Norias. It pro⯑duces white wine of a good quality, excellent mad⯑der, ſome ſilk, and a few olives.
Valladolid is not wholly without manufactures; ſome ſtuffs and coarſe cloths are made there, from the wool of the ſheep kept in the neighbourhood. There are alſo gold and ſilverſmiths; and one ſtreet is entirely inhabited by jewellers.
This city, though fallen from its ancient ſplendor, on the finiſhing of the projected canal may recover it again.
This canal begins at Segovia; 16 leagues north of Madrid; from Segovia, quitting the Ereſma, it croſſes the Piſuerga, near Valladolid, and proceeds to Reinoſa. At Reinoſa is the communication with the canal of Arragon, which unites the Medi⯑terranean to the Bay of Biſcay.
They have already completed 20 leagues of it, which has coſt near £400,000 which is about £4,318 per mile. It is nine feet deep, 20 feet wide at bot⯑tom, and 56 at top; and, when perfected, which may be in leſs than 20 years, the world will, [70] perhaps, have nothing of the kind to be compared with it, either in point of workmanſhip, extent, or utility.
Segovia is a city of great antiquity, and ſtill conſiderable. It ſtands high between two hills, be⯑ing large, populous, and handſome, having excel⯑lent manufactures of cloth and paper; and export⯑ing alſo a very fine ſort of wool. In Segovia, the firſt object to attract the eye is the aqueduct, a moſt amazing fabric of antiquity, carried from one mountain to another, to the length of 3000 paces, and ſupported by two rows of 76 lofty arches: it paſſes through the ſuburbs, and conveys water to the whole city.
Antiquaries have not agreed upon the time of its erection. The Romans were certainly the builders of it, but no inſcription remains ſufficiently legible to lead to the knowledge of the preciſe period of their empire, in which it was conſtructed. It is likely to remain in its preſent ſtate as long as Segovia exiſts; for the ſituation of that city, on a dry rock, renders this ſupply indiſpenſibly neceſ⯑ſary.
The principal buildings in this city are the ca⯑thedral and the Alcazar.
[71]The cathedral is one of the handſomeſt churches in Spain, in the lateſt Gothic manner. The inſide is majeſtic, and remarkably clear of the embaraſs⯑ments of altars and chapels, ſo common throughout the kingdom.
The Alcazar, or palace, formerly the reſidence of the Gothic kings, ſtands in one of the fineſt poſi⯑tions poſſible, on a rock, riſing above the open country; a very pretty river waſhes the foot of the precipice, and the city lies admirably well on the brow of the hill; the declivity is woody, and the banks charmingly rural; the ſnowy mountains, and dark foreſts of St. Ildefonſo compoſe an awful back-ground to the picture. Towards the town there is a large court before the great tower, which, having been the priſon of Gil Blas, is ſo well de⯑ſcribed by Le Sage, that the ſubject requires no far⯑ther explanation. The reſt of the buildings form an antique palace, which has ſeldom been inhabited by any but priſoners, ſince the reign of Ferdinand and Iſabella, who were much attached to this ſitua⯑tion. There are ſome magnificent halls in it, with much gilding in the ceilings, in a ſemi-barbarous taſte. All the kings of Spain are ſeated in ſtate along the cornice of the great ſaloon. The royal apartments are now occupied by a college of young gentlemen cadets, educated at the king's expence, in all the ſciences requiſite for forming an engineer. [72] The grand maſter of the ordnance reſides at Segovia, which is the head eſtabliſhment of the Spaniſh ar⯑tillery.
Another court of the palace is allotted as a priſon to Algerine captains of ſhips. Their crews work in the arſenal of Carthagena. Moſt of their time is ſpent in converſation, walking up and down a long gallery, ſmoaking, and playing at cheſs, except when they go down, at ſtated hours, to fetch water for their own uſe. Confinement apart, their lives paſs in caſe and tranquillity.
The mint is ſituated at the bottom of the city, upon the ſmall river Ereſma. The whole machi⯑nery for coining is moved by water-wheels, by means of which the metal is weighed, cut, beat⯑en, ſtamped, and milled, as it were, in a moment. This is the moſt ancient of the three mints in Spain; the other two are at Seville and Madrid.
The head attire of the married women of this province has ſomething very ſingular in its appear⯑ance; it conſiſts of a black perriwig, faced all round with the wool of a black lamb, ending behind in two long plaited treſſes, that reach down to their rumps. Previous to their nuptials, they are obliged to make up this elegant kind of helmet, which ren⯑ders their natural uglineſs ſtill more horrible. They [73] wear large, clumſy ſhoes, almoſt as bad as the French ſabot, a brown gown, thrown back and tied behind, a blue and white apron, and a large flowing white veil, faſtened with blue ribbands. The montero caps of the men are all faced with red or blue.
"At one place where we ſtopped (ſays Swin⯑burne) the only thing we remarked was a cow's tail, in which the hoſteſs ſtuck combs; this was the firſt inſtance we had met with of a cuſtom which prevailed in Sancho Panca's time, and was of ſuch ſervice in furniſhing the barber with a falſe beard.
In ſome parts of this province the houſes are built with pieces of clay, ſquared and baked in the ſun. On every ſteeple in the villages there are two or three ſtork's neſts; theſe birds ſeem to be held here in the ſame veneration as they are in the Low countries.
Numberleſs flocks of ſheep cover the plains of Segovia, and produce that excellent wool which makes ſuch an important branch of the com⯑merce of Spain. The kings were anciently the pro⯑prietors of the greateſt parts of theſe flocks; they have been ſucceſſively alienated for ſtate exigen⯑gencies. Philip I. was obliged to ſell the laſt [74] 14,000 ſheep which belonged to the crown, to defray the expences of war. They are however ſtill the object of the government's particular at⯑tention: in effect, there is a conſiderable exporta⯑tion, which is uſed all over Europe.
The ſheep-ſhearing, performed in the month of May, is an object of conſiderable magnitude in Spain, becauſe it is done in great buildings, con⯑trived ſo as to receive flocks of 40, 50, and ſome⯑times 60,000 ſheep. The harveſt and vintage in corn and wine countries are not ſeaſons of greater feſtivity. It is a time of rejoicing both to the own⯑er and to the workmen. The latter are divided into claſſes, each of which has its diſtinct employ⯑ment. A hundred and twenty-five workmen are ne⯑ceſſary to every 10,000 ſheep. Each ſheep produces four ſorts of wool, more or leſs fine, according to the part from which it is taken.
CHAP. XIII. Of Leon, &c.
[75]WE ſhall now proceed to ſpeak of the remain⯑ing provinces, on the northern part of this king⯑dom; theſe are, Leon, Biſcay, Navarre, Aſturia, and Gallicia, the laſt four lie on the ſea-coaſt, which forms part of the Bay of Biſcay. The principal ſea-port in this bay is Bilboa. In the province or kingdom of Leon, is the city of Salamanca, famous for its univerſity. Beſides theſe two towns, there are few others of any celebrity. Before, however, we ſpeak of theſe cities, we ſhall, as we have already done, give ſome general view of each province, claſſing whatever may be intereſting under its reſpective territory.
The kingdom of Leon is bounded on the north by Aſturias, on the weſt by Gallicia and Portugal, on the ſouth by Eſtramadura, and on the Eaſt by Old Caſtille. Its extent, from north to ſouth, is near 200 miles, and from eaſt to weſt about 100. The ſoil produces all the neceſſaries of life, parti⯑cularly the diſtricts of Vierzo and Ledeſma. The [76] wine likewiſe is tolerably good; and in this pro⯑vince are mines of turquois. "All the way from Leon, the ancient capital of this province, to Sala⯑manca, (ſays Townſend) the country is ſo flat and open, that the Mooriſh horſe, when they invaded Spain, muſt have met with nothing to impede their progreſs; becauſe in ſuch extenſive plains, an op⯑preſſed people, diſpirited and diſarmed, could have little inclination to make reſiſtance; and, had it not been for a more hardy race, inhabiting the moun⯑tains of the north, the whole peninſula might at this moment have been numbered among the fol⯑lowers of Mahomet. The principal river is the Douro, dividing the province into two nearly equal parts, and after paſſing through Portugal, diſcharges itſelf into the ſea.
Leon, the capital of the province, was built by the Romans, in the time of the Emperor Galba, and called Legio Septima Germanica, from whence the name Leon is derived. It lies at the end of a large plain, bounded by the mountains of the Aſtu⯑rias. The cathedral is famous, not only for its beauty, but for having been the burial-place of ſe⯑veral Saints, 37 Kings of Spain, and one Emperor. The city was formerly much larger, richer, and more populous, than at preſent. It was the firſt city of any conſequence, that was retaken from the [77] Moors, and the ſeat of the firſt Chriſtian King of Spain.
All the churches of this city, like thoſe of Arra⯑gon, are crowded with pillars, which are nearly hid with prepoſterous ornaments, ſuch as vines, cherubs, angels, and birds, covered entirely with gold.
This city, deſtitute of commerce, is ſupported by the church. Beggars are to be ſeen in every ſtreet, who are fed by the convents and at the biſhop's palace. Here they get their breakfaſt, and here they dine. Beſides food they receive, every day at one, of the convents, the men a farthing, and the women and children half as much. On this proviſion they live, marry, and perpetuate a miſerable race. An hoſpi⯑cio, or general workhouſe, is nearly finiſhed to re⯑ceive them; but, if alms continue to be thus diſ⯑tributed, the ſame number of wretches will in time occupy the place of thoſe who ſhall be ſent into con⯑finement.
The ſurrounding country is bold and beautiful, but ill cultivated. This city is watered by two little ſtreams, which unite below the city. Theſe, in ſummer, might be called brooks, in winter they are torrents.
[78]With the rolling ſtones hurried down from the mountains, by the impetuous raging of theſe tor⯑rents, on the melting of the ſnow, a great part of the wall is built; which forms a valuable collection for the naturaliſt, who wiſhes without labour, to inveſtigate the nature of the country. Among theſe are found limeſtone, ſchiſt, and grit. All theſe prove, by their extraneous foſſils, that the hills from whence they come, were in a ſtate of diſſolu⯑tion, and covered by the ſea.
Salamanca, termed by the Spaniards, the mother of virtues, ſciences, and arts, is ſituated on little hills, and in a plain, watered by the river Tormes. It lies 35 leagues north-weſt of Madrid. It is an ex⯑tenſive, rich, and populous city, abounding in all the neceſſaries of life.
The moſt beautiful part of this city is the great ſquare, built about 30 years ago. The houſes are of three ſtories, and all of equal height and exact ſym⯑metry, with iron balconies, and a ſtone balluſtrade at the top of them; the lower part is arched, which forms a piazza all round the ſquare, of 293 feet to each ſide. Over ſome of the arches are medal⯑lions, with bad buſts of the Kings of Spain, and of ſeveral eminent men, in ſtone bas-reliefs, among which are thoſe of Fernando Cortes, Francis Pizarro, Davila, and Cid Ruy.
[79]The piazza is not more to be admired for its beauty in the day, than for the protection it affords by night; becauſe, in this city, they have an exe⯑crable cuſtom, both offenſive to the noſtrils, and deſtructive to the cloaths, ſimilar to that for which the inhabitants of the Old Town, in Edinburgh, have been deſervedly reproached.
The river Tormes has a bridge of 25 arches over it, in this city, built by the Romans, and yet en⯑tire. There are alſo the remains of an old Roman cauſeway, leading from this city to Lerida, and from thence to Seville; there is an inſcription to be met with, denoting it to have been repaired by the Emperor Adrian.
Of all the public edifices, the cathedral is the moſt worthy of attention. The foundation of this ancient ſtructure was laid A. D. 1513, but it was not finiſhed till 1734. The whole is beautiful, but the moſt ſtriking part of this church, and of many public buildings in this city, is the ſculpture, which merits admiration, not only for the taſte therein diſplayed, but for its excellent preſervation.
The church of the Dominicans comes little ſhort of the cathedral in point of ſculpture. It has a re⯑preſentation of St. Stephen ſtoned, with a crucifix above it, all as large as life, and not apparently in⯑jured [80] by the weather. Indeed, in both theſe edi⯑fices, the carvings are in ſome meaſure protected, not from a driving rain, but from its perpendicular deſcent, becauſe they ſink back as much as the thickneſs of the wall will permit, which is at leaſt ſix feet; and are ſurrounded by mouldings, project⯑ing conſiderably beyond the wall. The precaution without doubt was prudent; yet ſome of the orna⯑ments, in bas-relief, preſerve their ſharpeſt angles, even when expoſed to the full force of the deſtructive elements. This circumſtance may be readily ac⯑counted for, when we conſider that ſtone is a grit, which, when firſt taken from the quarry, is ſoft, but upon being expoſed to the air acquires hardneſs. Hence it is peculiarly valuable, both to the architect and the ſculptor; and to theſe properties we may attribute the beautiful monuments of art abound⯑ing in Salamanca.
It would be tedious to deſcribe the convents and public ſeminaries of this once famous city; yet to paſs them all in ſilence would be inexcuſable: we ſhall briefly therefore mention ſuch as merit at⯑tention.
Among theſe may certainly be reckoned the old college. Here the quadrangle is ſmall, yet elegant; and the cloiſter, with its 24 columns, one of the prettieſt in Salamanca: the apartments are com⯑modious, [81] and thoſe of the regent are in a ſuperior ſtile.
The college of the Archbiſhop is built upon a larger ſcale, more light and airy, and having four galleries, of 130 feet, with 32 columns, ſupported by as many, which form the cloiſter, it may be called magnificent.
Cuenca college is remarkable at preſent for its neatneſs and ſimplicity; but the portico, when finiſhed, will place it among the moſt elegant build⯑ings of this city.
The college of Oviedo, with the churches of the Auguſtines and the Carmelites, deſerve attention.
Of all theſe colleges and convents it were endleſs to enumerate the treaſures and rich jewels deſigned for the ſervice of the altar. Whatever is moſt va⯑luable, the product of Europe, Aſia, Africa, and America, is here collected; and the beſt workmen in every country have exerted all their taſte and ſkill, each in his ſeveral branch, to ſhew the per⯑fection of his art. The ornaments and dreſſes of the prieſts are both rich and beautiful; but the moſt coſtly piece of furniture, in moſt convents, is the cuſtodia, that is the depoſitory of the Hoſt; or, ac⯑cording to the ideas of a Catholic, the throne of the [82] Moſt High, when, upon ſolemn feſtivals, he appears to command the adoration of mankind. It is not uncommon to expend 6000 ounces of ſilver upon one of theſe, beſides gold and precious ſtones; yet in moſt of them, the workmanſhip ſurpaſſes the value of the materials.
In the year 1030, there was not a ſingle convent in Salamanca; and in 1480, previous to the diſco⯑very of America, they had only ſix for men, and three for women; but now there are 39. In 1518, they counted 11,000 virgins. At preſent, the per⯑ſons under vows are happily reduced to 1519.
The houſes are no more than 3000, yet they have 27 pariſh churches, with 15 chapels; and the clergy, including thoſe belonging to the cathedral, and thoſe of St. Mark, amount in the whole, to 580.
In a city where the convents and clergy are ſo numerous, it may be well expected, that beggars will abound; and agreeable to this idea it is ſeen, that by the ample proviſion here made for lazineſs, every ſtreet ſwarms with vagabonds; not merely with thoſe who are proper objects of compaſſion, but with wretches, who, if compelled to work, would be found abundantly able to maintain them⯑ſelves. There is, indeed, an hoſpicio, or general [83] work-houſe, for their reception; but as the funds are limited, and do not amount to £1,600 a year, it can ſupport only 450 paupers. Should, how⯑ever, the government be inclined to increaſe theſe funds, it will make no great difference; becauſe the numbers both in the work-houſe and the ſtreets, will always bear proportion to the food diſtributed. This truth can ſcarcely be inculcated too often; but we ſhall defer our obſervations on it, till we come to treat of Cadiz.
Among the various implements in the hoſpicio, there is an admirable one for weaving tape, both cheap and ſimple in its conſtruction, and ſo expe⯑ditious in its work, that a little child weaves near 50 yards, and a woman more than 120 in a day.
The univerſity of Salamanca, was founded in the year 1200, by Alfonſo IX. This ſeminary ſoon roſe into importance, and became eminent in Europe by acquaintance with Arabian authors, and through them with the Greeks. Its profeſſors tranſlated Aricena, who took the lead in medicine; and Averroes, who had beſtowed much time in ſtudying Ariſtotle; but not ſatisfied with copying from the Arabs, they laboured much themſelves, and became juſtly famous in their day for their knowledge in juriſprudence, and for the progreſs in all the ſci⯑ences then cultivated in Europe.
[84]The ſtudents were formerly reckoned about 16,000, but they are now much reduced; and in 1785, the number of matriculars was not quite 2000. In a curious edict of the Emperor Charles V. for the regulation of mendicity, we find a clauſe, permitting ſtudents to beg, provided they have a licence from the rector; but in the preſent day, they appear to be in a more reputable condition; and few, if any, take advantage of this privilege.
The library is ſpacious, and tolerably well fur⯑niſhed with modern books; yet the bulk is traſh, conſiſting chiefly of ſcholaſtic divinity.
There is in this univerſity an Iriſh college; three⯑ſcore ſtudents are received in it at a time, and when they are ſent back to Ireland, the ſame num⯑ber from thence are admitted, to be like them, trained up for the miniſtry. Their courſe of edu⯑cation requires eight years. They are expected to come well founded in the languages; and of the time allotted to them in Spain, four years are given up to the ſtudy of philoſophy, the remainder to divinity.
The mode of giving lectures, is, perhaps, pecu⯑liar to themſelves, but worthy to be followed in our univerſities. The ſtudents have queſtions pro⯑poſed for their diſcuſſion twice every day, and on [85] theſe they are informed what books to read; then, ſuppoſing the ſubject to admit of a diſpute, it is carried on by two of them, under the direction of a moderate, who gives aſſiſtance when it is wanted, and guides them to the truth. When this mode of proceeding is not admiſſible, the tutors, inſtead of giving formal lectures, employ themſelves in the examination of their pupils, and the buſineſs of in⯑ſtruction is thus greatly expedited.
The ſtudents are dreſſed in black, like prieſts, and have their crowns ſhorn.
The lower claſs of people wear large hats un⯑cocked, ſome black and ſome white, ſlit ſleeves, broad leather belts, and ſandals made of cords.
About two leagues from this city is a foreſt of ilex, ſtretching eaſt and weſt near 40 leagues. The acorns here are of the kind deſcribed by Ho⯑race, as the origin of war among the rude inhabi⯑tants of an infant world. Not auſtere, like thoſe of oak, or of the common ilex, but ſweet and pala⯑table, like the cheſnut; they are food, not merely for the ſwine, but for the peaſants, and yield conſi⯑derable profits.
The accommodation for travellers through this province are very indifferent, perhaps ſome of the [86] worſt throughout Spain; in the villages they are execrable. Heavy and inceſſant rain, ſays Town⯑ſend, compelled us to have recourſe for ſhelter to a miſerable village, between Salamanca and Avila, called Malpartido.
The poſada had only one bed for the uſe of the whole family; and as that was occupied by a lad, ſon to the good woman of the houſe, then dying of a putrid fever, we had a moſt uncomfortable proſ⯑pect for the night. Beſides the bed-chamber, they had as uſual, a kitchen, a room of about ten feet ſquare, with an elevated hearth in the centre of it, over which a little opening in the roof afforded a vent for the ſmoak. Around the hearth was a wide bench, which by day ſupplied the place of chairs, and by night ſerved the purpoſe of a bed. Upon this they deſigned to ſcatter ſtraw for me, leaving my guide to meaſure his length on the bare boards at the other end of this magnificent apartment. A paſs, however, from Count Campomanes, fortunately procured me a lodging in the village. Having had the curioſity to meaſure the room of another poſada in this province, which, like moſt of thoſe in Spain, ſerved the double purpoſe of bed-chamber and parlour, I found it to be twelve feet by ten; yet, in theſe contracted limits were contained, a bed, the treſſels for another, a chair, with two large cheſts for the king's tobacco, for barley, linen, and [87] all the treaſures of the family. The kitchen was nearly of the ſame dimenſions: yet in this poſada were 35 horſes, mules, and aſſes, with their riders and drivers, who all found lodging for the night.
No country can ſuffer more than Spain for want of a rich tenantry. Excepting a few provinces, the lands are commonly in adminiſtration; and hence extenſive diſtricts yield only a contemptible revenue to their lord; and diſtricts that of about ſix ſquare leagues, that once could boaſt of more than 100 towns, are now reduced to a tenth part of that number.
Avila is celebrated among the Catholics, as having been the birth-place of St. Tereſa: in this city are two convents, one built upon the ſpot where ſhe was born, the other is the one in which ſhe took the veil.
The provinces Biſcay and Navarre, are bounded to the weſt by the Aſturias, to the north by the ſea, which is here called the Bay of Biſcay, and to the ſouth by Old Caſtille. Its extent from north to ſouth, is about 100 miles, and from eaſt to weſt about 120. The air here is mild and temperate, as in the other provinces, but the ſoil uneven and ſtony. Biſcay, which joins the Pyrenees, ſeems to be an extenſive continuation of theſe mountains to [88] the borders of Caſtille; notwithſtanding its being very mountainous, few parts of Spain, or indeed of any part of Europe, are ſo well inhabited as this province, and Navarre. Houſes and cottages may be diſcerned in great numbers on the higheſt moun⯑tains, and in many of the vallies, the villages and hamlets are within ſight of each other. Many of the hills produce a light ſort of wine, partaking of the qualities of champagne, and which, if tranſported to England, ſays Baretti, would be liked equally well. It is pleaſing in many parts of Biſcay, to ſee vineyards and corn fields hanging reciprocally over each other on the ſloping ſides of the mountains. For 30 leagues, the diſtance be⯑tween the Bedaſſoa which divides the Frontiers from France, and Vittoria, not a quarter of an hour paſſes, but the traveller diſcovers ſome village or hamlet.
The tops of all theſe mountains, ſays Swinburne, are crowded with foreſts, or covered with paſtures; the acclivities cultivated as far as their nature will allow, and the deep vallies thronged with villages, hamlets, iron-works, orchards, and gardens. The timber of the mountains, and the iron melted in the forges, employ a great number of hands, and give life and ſpirit to the whole province. The little towns are full of good houſes, built by thoſe whoſe induſtry and enterprizes have been rewarded [89] with ſucceſs. Theſe manufactories and undertak⯑ings diffuſe opulence among the middle claſs of men, and enable them to indulge the patriotic va⯑nity of ſettling comfortably in their native ham⯑lets.
Biſcay is the country of the ancient Cantabri, ſo imperfectly ſubdued by Auguſtus, and ſo ſlightly an⯑nexed to the Roman empire. Their mountains have in all ages afforded them temptations and op⯑portunities of withdrawing themſelves from every yoke that has been attempted to be impoſed upon them.
Beſides corn and wine, the Biſcayans raiſe a great deal of very fine flax. The ſea-coaſt abounds ſo with oranges and lemons, that they are ſold ex⯑tremely cheap. Fruit is plentiful throughout the province, the upper parts of the mountains being well wooded; and every one being at liberty to go and cut down as much timber as he thinks proper; but that it may not become ſcarce, they have a cuſtom once a year for all the inhabitants to go into the woods, from which they have cut down any timber, and then each man plants two young trees, which he brings from the nurſery in his garden. When the trees are all planted, they dance jovially round a large caſk of wine, which, after having emptied, they ſeparate and return to their reſpec⯑tive [90] habitations. The perſon who inſtituted this cuſtom, has certainly been a great benefactor to his country. The loſtieſt and wildeſt parts of the mountains abound with the beſt ſort of Spaniſh cheſnuts.
The ſea yields plenty of all kinds of fiſh, and at Bilboa they have a kind called angullas, which are reckoned a moſt choice dainty. This fiſh is as white as milk, and ſo very ſmall, that a perſon may put two or three dozen of them in his mouth at once. The Biſcayans fry them in oil, and ſqueeze the juice of lemon over them, when they eat them, They are ſo plentiful, that the pooreſt people may purchaſe them. Boats are eaſily loaded with them by the fiſhermen, all along the river Orduna, below Bilboa, down to the ſea, which is at the diſtance of four or five miles.
The principal rivers are the Bedaſſoa, and the Nervio, which falls into the ſea two miles below Bilboa. The ancients called this latter river Cha⯑lybs, and its water is excellent for tempering ſteel. The greateſt riches in this province, lie in the boſom of the earth, in the iron mines, from which are made large quantities of arms, particularly ſword-blades, eſteemed the beſt in Europe; a great deal of iron is likewiſe exported in bars. Here are alſo mines of lead, and other more valuable metals, [91] with which, and the other productions of the coun⯑try, they carry on a conſiderable trade with Hol⯑land, France, and England.
Bilboa, the capital of the province, lies in a plain, environed by high mountains. This city is plea⯑ſantly ſituated, enjoys a good air, ſtands in a fruit⯑ful country, is well built, and carries on a very con⯑ſiderable traffic in iron, wool, ſaffron, and cheſnuts. It is ſaid to contain about 20,000 inhabitants. The merchants here are reputed to be very rich. The tide comes cloſe to the town, and the harbour is one of the beſt and moſt frequented on the north⯑ern coaſts of Spain.
There are two other ſea-ports in this province, S. Sebaſtian and Fontarabia, which merit the tra⯑vellers attention; the former pleaſantly ſituated at the foot of a mountain, on the Bay of Biſcay, about four or five leagues to the weſt of the French fron⯑tiers. The harbour is large and ſafe, and the town fortified, but appears to be a place of leſs ſtrength than the Spaniards imagined, having been taken from them after a month's ſiege by the French, in 1719. The ſtreets are long and ſpacious, and the houſes well built. Their trade is very flouriſhing, and conſiſts chiefly in iron and ſteel, ſaid to be the fineſt in Europe. There is alſo a great deal of fine wool exported from hence, the growth of Old Caſ⯑tille. [92] Some Spaniſh men of war lie about a quarter of a league to the eaſtward of this place at Port-Paſſage.
Fontarabia is the laſt town in Spain, on the ſide of France. It is ſituated on a peninſula in the Bay if Biſcay, near the mouth of the river Bidaſſoa, which ſeparates the two kingdoms. It was for⯑merly looked upon as impregnable by the Spaniards, but was taken by the French after a ſhort ſiege, in the ſame year that S. Sebaſtian was taken. This is the only town honoured with the title of a city, and the ſee of a biſhop in this diviſion of the province, Biſcay being divided into three diviſions, and it is generally conſidered to be the key of Spain on that ſide of the kingdom.
Vittoria, or Victoria, the capital of another di⯑viſion of this province, is moſt delightfully ſituated in a fine valley, about 14 leagues ſouth of Bilboa. What renders this town very attracting to the eye of a ſtranger, is the trees planted in all the prin⯑cipal ſtreets. It is chiefly inhabited by merchants and perſons of rank, who have been drawn hither by the beauty of the town, and its delightful ſitua⯑tion. It is ſaid to have been built by Sancho, King of Navarre, in memory of his victory over the Moors of Alava, from which circumſtance it was named Victoria.
[93]The three provinces of Biſcay, are the aſylum of liberty and induſtry, and this is the great cauſe of their common proſperity. In croſſing Biſcay, we perceive their preſence has given animation to every object; nothing can be more delightful than the hills; nothing can be more chearful than the cultivated vallies. What a difference (ſays Bour⯑goanne) in the aſpect of this country, and that of the neighbouring province! I am far from wiſhing to throw ridicule on the Caſtillians, whoſe virtues I eſteem; but they are ſilent and melancholy, they bear in their auſtere and ſallow viſages, the marks of laſſitude and poverty. The Biſcayans have a different complexion, and quite another air of countenance and character. Free, lively, and hoſ⯑pitable; they ſeem to enjoy their happineſs, and wiſh to communicate it to thoſe who come among them.
Theſe Biſcayans, who are ſo different in their language and appearance from the Caſtillians, are not leſs ſo in the conſtitution of their country. Their province is conſidered, in many reſpects, as beyond the Spaniſh frontiers. Except a few re⯑ſtrictions, all merchandize enters, and is never ex⯑amined, but at the interior limits. The province has other privileges, of which the people are very jealous, but ſo precarious a poſſeſſion is liberty, that theſe have recently been more than once [94] attacked. The moſt moderate government, ſuffers with regret, the ſhackles with which liberty con⯑fines its authority. If the king be in want of a certain number of ſoldiers or ſailors, he notifies his wiſhes to the province, and the people find the moſt eaſy means of furniſhing their contingency. The taxes which they pay, have the name and form of free gifts. The monarch, by his miniſter of fi⯑nances, requires a certain ſum; the demand is diſ⯑cuſſed by the ſtates, and, as it may be imagined, is always acquieſced in. They then levy the ſum upon the different cities and communities. There is one advantage derived from this mode of levying; the impoſt being paid from the city grants, indi⯑viduals are not expoſed to ſeizure or conſtraint. It therefore ſeems in the firſt point of view, that Biſcay taxes itſelf; and for want of the reality, the inhabitants cheriſh the ſhadow; to which, for ſome years paſt, they have made real ſacrifices. The free commerce of Spaniſh America, might be extended to their ports, if the Biſcayans would allow the neceſſary duties to be there paid; but they look upon cuſtom-houſe officers as the crea⯑tures of deſpotiſm, and their jealouſy rejects the proffered benefits of their ſovereign. They can therefore make no commercial expedition to Ame⯑rica, without preparing for it in a neighbouring port, and the moſt induſtrious people of Spain, the moſt experienced in navigation, and the beſt ſitu⯑ated [95] for ſuch a commerce, ſacrifice a part of theſe advantages to that of preſerving ſome ſmall re⯑mains of liberty. Thus before the war, which gave independence to Britiſh America, all the inhabitants of one of the provinces engaged them⯑ſelves, by an oath, not to eat lamb, in order to in⯑creaſe the growth of wool, with the intention of rendering uſeleſs the manufactures of the mother country.
Biſcay is remarkable for its roads, cultivation, and privileges, but more particularly for the in⯑duſtry of its inhabitants. This is chiefly exerciſed upon iron, the principal production of the pro⯑vince. In order to improve this manufacture, the Biſcayans have recourſe to foreign correſpondence, public lectures, and travelling. At Bergara, there is a patriotic ſchool, in which metallurgy is taught by ſome able profeſſors. They have already ſent ſtudents into Sweden and Germany, where they have acquired ſuch knowledge in the mines, and in the ſhops of the manufactures, as has been very uſeful to their country. The inhabitants, ſeparated by their ſituation, language, and privileges, weak as they are, and confined within narrow limits, are called by nature and policy to feel the ſpirit of pa⯑triotiſm, and are obedient to the call. This noble ſentiment produced the ſchool of Bergara, where the nobility of the country are brought up, at the [96] expence of the ſtates; and the ſame ſpirit of pa⯑triotiſm has lately given new employment to the induſtry of the Biſcayans, by digging the port of Deva.
Their privileges, ſays Swinburne, are very ex⯑tenſive, and they watch over them with a jealous eye. They have no biſhops in the province, and ſtyle the King only Lord of Biſcay. In the year 1477, when Ferdinand, King of Caſtille, entered Biſcay with the Biſhop of Pampeluna in his ſuite, the people roſe in a tumultuous manner, and re⯑preſented to his Majeſty, that it was contrary to their laws and conſtitution, to admit a biſhop into their province, and the King was obliged to ſend him back; they even went ſo far as to dig up the earth the holy man had trod upon, and burnt it.
The Biſcayans are ſtout, brave, and choleric, to a proverb. The beſt ſailors in Spain belong to the ports of Biſcay, and its mountains produce a very valuable race of ſoldiers. The men are well-built and active, like all mountaineers. "The people of Biſcay and Navarre (ſays Baretti) are in general as well-limbed as any of the petty nations living on the Apennines; yet in no part of theſe mountains are there ſo many handſome women as in Biſcay: almoſt every poſada here offers at leaſt one beautiful face. [97] The ſex, however, of this province, have the repu⯑tation of being the moſt arrant coquettes. Beſides my own obſervations, I have been told by Biſcayans, themſelves, in the jollity of converſation, that al⯑moſt the women will ogle, and whiſper, and ſmile, and flatter, and ſqueeze your hand, to draw preſents from you, if poſſible, without intending to make the leaſt return.
Many of the Biſcayan women, of the lower claſs, while very young, go to ſervice in the neighbouring provinces, where their neatneſs, and ſimplicity of their general dreſs, particularly of their head-dreſs, renders them diſtinguiſhable at the firſt glance. Numbers of them are to be met with at Bayonne, and in the Pays de Bigorre. The neceſſity that theſe females are under of learning more than one lan⯑guage, is far from impairing their beauty, as no new language can be learned without acquiring new ideas; and the more ideas a woman has the more agreeable ſhe will be. But the Biſcayans turn all their talents, as well natural as acquired, to no other vices but coquetry; and the more agreeable they know themſelves to be, the more they expect from every man who covets their acquaintance; ever al⯑luring, ever kindling hope, and for ever diſappoint⯑ing.
It is a general cuſtom in the ſouthern provinces [98] of France, to employ female ſervants in the inns, as well as in private houſes, and this draws a great number of young women from Biſcay into the dif⯑ferent parts of Gaſcony and Guienne, where they are certain of being preferred to the natives. The filles Gaſconnes are in general ſhort and clumſy, with broad, tawny, and unmeaning faces; but the filles Baſquoiſes, or Biſcayan girls, are almoſt all of a good ſize, and well-ſhaped, with lively black eyes, fair complexions, and a ſmartneſs about them, very attracting. Then, the manners of the Gaſconnes are coarſe and vulgar, and they do not ſcruple to throw themſelves into the power of every one who will give them the ſmalleſt trifle; but the Baſquires are ſhy and artful, and will go no farther than wheed⯑ling and cajoling, ſeeking only to ſcrape together a few hundred livres, that they may return to their own country and marry.
With reſpect to the men, it is ſaid in Spain, that they will rather ſteal than beg; not as being re⯑markable for thieving, but that they ſcorn begging. They have a tradition in Biſcay, that one of their kings declared them all Hidalgos, and this is the reaſon that they will not degrade themſelves by aſk⯑ing alms. It is ſaid there are more natives of Biſcay than of any other province at Madrid, and that no Biſcayan goes there who is not certain to find employment. This is owing to a prevailing opinion [99] that the Biſcayans are more active and intelligent than the reſt of the Spaniards: beſides, like the Scotch in England, and the Savoyards in France, they ſtand by each other, and promote the intereſt of their courtrymen more ſedulouſly than is practiſed by the inhabitants of the other provinces in Spain. In one reſpect, however, they differ from the Scotch, and the Savoyards; for as ſoon as they have acquired a little property at Madrid, they retire to their own dear mountains, where they build themſelves comfortable habitations, and live the remainder of their days in eaſe and comfort; but the Savoyards, when once ſettled in France, think no more of the weſtern ſide of Mount Cenis, except they be porters, chimney-ſweepers, and marmote-ſhewers. Nor is the caſe much different with the Scotch, who, when they have once got a footing in any other country, eſpecially in England, will ſubmit to any thing, rather than return back to their own country.
This continual return of the Biſcayans to the place of their nativity, is the reaſon that one ſees, even on the higheſt mountains, ſo many houſes well-built, with panes of glaſs to the windows, and neat window-ſhutters, painted yellow or green; a ſight which does not occur in the other provinces of Spain.
[100]"The moſt ſingular thing in their dreſs (ſays Swinburne) is the coverings of their legs; they wrap a piece of coarſe grey or black woollen cloth round them, and faſten it with many turns of tape; it an⯑ſwers preciſely to the idea I have of Malvolio's croſs-gartering in the Twelfth-night. The garb of the women, who are beautiful as angels, tall, light, and merry, is neat and paſtoral; their hair falls in long plaits down their backs; and a veil or handkerchief twiſted round in a coquettiſh manner, ſerves them for a very becoming head-dreſs; on Sundays they generally wear white, tied with roſe-coloured knots.
Their language is called aboriginal, being un⯑mixed with either Latin, French, or Spaniſh. It is ſo totally different from the Caſtillian, that ſcarce any of the peaſants are to be met who underſtand one word of Spaniſh.
The greateſt part of this province, lying among the Pyrenean mountains, its chief wealth conſiſts in graziery. The mountains abound in game of all kinds, as boars, ſtags, roe-bucks, wild-fowls, &c. The moſt remarkable of its vallies are Roncal or Roncevaux, where Charles the Great loſt a battle againſt the Spaniards. The King of Spain receives no revenue from this country, all the impoſts and duties being, by compact, to be employed in the ſervices. Navarre, from the year 718 to 1512, had its peculiar kings, of different families; but in the laſt mentioned year was reduced by Ferdinand the Catholic, under the frivolous pretence that its mo⯑narch had been declared an enemy to the church, and excommunicated by the Pope.
Pampeluna is the town of moſt note, and capital of the province. It is ſituated in a plain, near the Pyrenees, on the river Arga, about ten leagues to the South of Fontarabia. This city was formerly called [102] Pompeiopolis, as having been built by Pompey. It is a large city, ſurrounded by a wall, and defended by two caſtles, one within the city, and the other without. The fortifications of the city are inconſi⯑derable, but the caſtle without is ſituated on a high rock, and well fortified. Pampeluna is at preſent a biſhop's ſee, and the reſidence of the Viceroy. It contains, likewiſe a univerſity, founded in 1608. What is more remarkable in this ſpacious town is, a ſpacious ſquare, in which the bull-fights are held.
There are two other towns in this province, Ollita and Taffala, in both of which are palaces belonging to the ancient kings of Navarre. They are hand⯑ſome towns, well fortified, and ſituated in fine val⯑lies. The latter contains likewiſe a univerſity. The city of Tudala, on the river Ebro, is, from its delightful ſituation, the reſidence of many perſons of quality.
CHAP. XIV. Aſturias and Gallicia.
[103]THE principality of the Aſturias borders to the weſt on Gallicia, to the north on the ſea, to the eaſt on Biſcay, and to the ſouth on Old Caſtille. Its ex⯑tent, from north to ſouth, is about 18 leagues, and from eaſt to weſt about 45. It is ſaid to take its name from the river Aſta or Aſtura. The air of this province is much colder than any other part of Spain, occaſioned by its high mountains and north⯑erly ſituation. Towards the ſouth it is ſeparated from Leon and Old Caſtille by high mountains, covered with woods, ſo that the country is thinly peopled; yet the ſoil produces a great deal of grain, plenty of fruit, and excellent wine. Its horſes were, of old, famous, and much ſought after, on account of their ſpirit and goodneſs. They are ſuppoſed to be the ſtrongeſt and ſwifteſt in Spain. This coun⯑try, being naturally defended by high mountains, held out for a long time againſt the Romans, and was never entirely conquered by the Moors.
[104]The nobility of this province value them⯑ſelves on their deſcent from the old Goths, and on their blood not being adulterated either with the Moors or the Jews. For after the unfortunate battle which Roderic, King of the Goths, fought with the Moors, near Xeres, the Gothic prince re⯑treated, with a conſiderable number of his nobility, into the mountains of Aſturias, and there collected a ſmall army; but finding himſelf unable to face the enemy in the field, he betook himſelf, with 1000 brave Goths, retired into a large cave in the mount⯑ains of Auſena, and, on the approach of the Moors, ſallied forth, and finally routed them. This de⯑feat, and bold ſtand made by the Goths is, to this day, ſo celebrated in Spain, that all the inhabitants of this mountain are looked upon as true Goths, and enjoy particular privileges; and, though they are but peaſants, and go in great numbers from this mountain into the other provinces of Spain to find work, yet they diſdain to be called by any other title than that of Goths. Both great and ſmall give themſelves the appellation of Illuſtre Goths, or Illuſ⯑tres Montagnes; and, amidſt their poverty, look up⯑on it as ignominious, to intermarry with great and rich families of any other race. They are likewiſe ſo much eſteemed, that other families frequently give conſiderable ſums to many amongſt them, but the greateſt honour of this diſtrict ariſes from its belonging to the hereditary Prince of Spain, who [105] takes his title from it. It is divided into two une⯑qual parts, and hence ariſes the name of the Aſturias, as uſed in the plural number.
Oviedo, anciently Brigetum, the capital of all Aſturia, and the only place which bears the name of Civdad, is ſeated on a plain, in a kind of elevation, between the little rivers Ove and Deva; the firſt of which has given the name of Ovetum to the city, from whence comes Ovedo. The town is well-built, but not conſiderable either for its trade or its riches. Its population is eſtimated at between 7 and 8,000 inhabitants. The cathedral boaſts a vaſt number of relics, which were brought hither from all parts of Spain, by way of ſecuring them againſt the Moors. The houſes about the church of S. Salva⯑dor, ſtand on Piazzas, and make a very handſome appearance, but the grand ſquare in the centre of the town, where all the ſtreets terminate, and in which are the colleges, compoſing the univerſity, are its principal ornament.
This town, like moſt other large cities in Spain, contains an hoſpicio, or general workhouſe.
Beſides this refuge for the poor, and for their children, the Biſhop cauſes money to be diſtributed every morning at his gates. In addition to all this, the canons ſcatter plentifully their alms as they walk [106] the ſtreets; and the convents adminiſter daily bread and broth to thoſe who will apply. When ſick, the poor have, beſides, a commodious hoſpital ready to receive them.
"Notwithſtanding all that has been done, (ſays Townſend) beggars cloathed in rags, and covered with vermin, ſwarm in every ſtreet." Is it not therefore evident they have done too much, increaſing both the numbers and diſtreſſes of the poor, by the very means which have been employed to relieve their wants.
Nothing can exceed the ſimplicity of manners in this diſtant province. Poliſhed nations would be offended at the freedom with which they ſpeak of things, which, in the more advanced ſtate of ſociety muſt not even be hinted at; yet ſuch language nei⯑ther gives diſguſt nor tends to excite the paſſions. On the other hand, familiarities, ſuch as in other countries would be eſteemed innocent, are here highly of⯑fenſive.
They wear no paint, no powder, no curls, nor any cap, they have nothing but a bit of ribbon bound round the head. In this ſimplicity of dreſs youth and beauty enjoy their triumph; but old wo⯑men, for want of borrowed charms, have nothing which can pleaſe the eye. They meet with atten⯑tion [107] however from the gentlemen, nor do they ap⯑pear inſenſible to theſe attentions.
In this province oxen ſupply the place of horſes, and conſequently beef is cheap. No diſtinction in price is made between the prime and the coarſe pieces, nor between fat meat and lean, becauſe the prices are fixed by the magiſtrate, without reſpect to quality. The conſequence is, that the meat is never ſo good as it would be, were the market free. Beef, in this province, is under three-halfpence, mutton ſomething more than two-pence per lb. and bread is little more than a penny for the pound.
The reſemblance between the Aſturias and many parts of England is very ſtriking. The aſpect of the country is the ſame, as to verdure, incloſures, live hedges, and woods; there is a ſimilar mixture of woodlands, arable, and rich paſtures; there are the ſame kind of trees, crops, fruit and cattle.
Both ſuffer by humidity in winter, and both en⯑joy a temperate climate, with this difference, that with reſpect to humidity and heat, the ſcale prepon⯑derates on the ſide of the Aſturias. The atmoſphere of this province is at times ſo charged with vapour, that for many months together they ſeldom ſee the ſun. This happens generally in the ſpring months, May, June, and July; but then, to balance this, [108] in Auguſt and September, they as ſeldom ſee a cloud.
Beſides the relaxing humidity of the climate, the common food of the inhabitants contributes much to the prevalence of the many diſeaſes which infeſt this country. They eat little fleſh, they drink little wine. Their uſual diet is India corn, with beans, peas, cheſnuts, apples, pears, melons and cucum⯑bers; and even their bread, made of Indian corn, has neither barm nor leaven, but is unfermented. Their common drink is water.
Agues, fevers, and even pleuriſies, often terminate here in ſcabies, and this frequently gives place to them, returning however when the fever ceaſes. In adults it takes poſſeſſion of the hands and arms, with the legs and thighs; covering them with a filthy cruſt. In wet weather the itching be⯑comes more troubleſome, and towards midnight is inſupportable.
There are no fewer than 20 hoſpitals in the Aſtu⯑rias for the leproſy. It appears in different forms. Some patients are covered over with a white dry ſcurf, and look like millers; in others the ſkin is al⯑moſt black, full of wrinkles, and covered with a loathſome cruſt; others have one leg and thigh enormouſly ſwelled, and full of ulcers, ſending [109] forth a moſt abominable ſmell. Some patients, in⯑ſtead of the great leg, have a moſt enormous ſwelling of one hand, or elſe have the features of the face ſwoln to ſuch a degree as ſcarce to retain the human form; others again have carbuncles, big as hazle nuts, all over the ſurface of their body.
Although ſubject to ſuch a variety of diſeaſes, there are few countries which can produce more ex⯑amples of longevity. Many of the inhabitants live to the age of 100, ſome of them to 110, and others ſtill longer. If we conſider the temperature of the climate, ariſing from its humidity, together with the cooling winds from the Atlantic, and from the ſnowy mountains, we muſt naturally expect to find inſtances of advanced age, with the prevalence of chronical complaints, and of ſuch diſeaſes as are ſeldom mortal: in warmer and in drier climates nature comes ſooner to maturity, is ſubject to more acute diſeaſes; and like combuſtibles, when burning with a vivid flame, is rapidly conſumed.
The houſes of people of faſhion in this country are generally built round a court, with corridors; ſomething like many of our great old faſhioned inns.
The ground-floor is generally occupied wholly by ſervants, except one corner, which is made uſe of [110] as a chapel. The bed-chambers contain, ſome two, ſome three, and others four beds; for in Spain, even in reſpectable families, ſeveral gentlemen will occupy one chamber.
Cuſtom reconciles them to this, and by the prac⯑tice of Scotland, France, and Spain, we may ſee clearly that other nations can ſubmit to that which is moſt diſguſting to an Engliſhman; and we may further obſerve, even in our own cottages, that the olfactory nerves may be reduced to ſuch a degree of torpid inſenſibility, as to be happy and contented in the midſt of filth and naſtineſs.
The walls are white-limed, and the floors ſmoothed with the adze, but none of them are ever planed, nor have the chambers any ceilings to them. The beds likewiſe have no curtains. They have large halls in their houſes, reſembling thoſe in our old Engliſh manſions; and the ſtile of living reſembles the old Britiſh hoſpitality; the long oak table, ſurrounded by ſtrong oak benches, being every day very plentifully covered.
Agriculture is at a very low ebb in this province; nor are the implements made uſe of for the purpoſes of agriculture worthy of imitation. The cart-wheel has no ſpokes, but conſiſts of a wooden ring, com⯑poſed of four quadrants, biſected by a plank, of [111] from eight to ten inches wide, which receives the axle-tree, and, being faſtened to the wheel turns, round with it. The farmers, not ſatisfied with the friction ariſing from a wooden axle-tree, of eight inches diameter, revolving without greaſe, ſix two wooden pins, which confine it in its place, ſo near together, that they bind hard againſt it; and this they do for the ſake of the noiſe ariſing from the friction, and which is conſidered as exciting the oxen to labour, and thereby precluding the neceſſity of either ſpeaking to them, or pricking them with goads. This muſic, which reſembles the ſound of a poſtboys's horn, is heard from morning to night, in every part of the Aſturias, and at a diſtance is not unpleaſant even to a ſtranger; but to the pea⯑ſant, is the never-failing ſource of calm enjoy⯑ments.
The province of Gallicia, which was formerly a kingdom, is bounded on the ſouth by Portugal, on the north and weſt by the ſea, being joined to the eaſt by Aſturia and Leon. It receives its name from the ancient Gallazi, the moſt powerful and numerous of the ſeveral nations who inhabited it. Its extent from north and ſouth is nearly 40 leagues; and almoſt as many in breadth from eaſt to weſt. This is the moſt maritime of all the Spaniſh provinces, and enjoys accordingly the greateſt number of ſea-ports, amongſt which Corunna and Ferrol, are the [112] moſt conſiderable. Cape Finiſterre, one of its pro⯑montories, the Promontorium Artabrum & Celticum of the ancients, lies towards the weſt, and is well-known to all navigators. The coaſt enjoys a temperate air, but in the inland parts it is ſome⯑what colder and very damp. This country is ſo mountainous as to admit of few levels, and, the ſea-coaſt excepted, is but thinly inhabited in reſpect of the other provinces. It has no leſs than 70 rivers and ſmaller ſtreams, the principal of which is the Minho.
This province produces little corn, but makes up for that deficiency in wine, flax, and lemons. It has alſo very fine paſtures. The ſea abounds in excel⯑lent fiſh, particularly ſardines and ſalmon, and a particular kind, called bezugos. Its foreſts alſo af⯑ford good ſhip-timber. The univerſal poverty of the inhabitants obliges great number of them to ſeek a living in the neighbouring provinces, where they let themſelves out to the moſt ſervile and laborious employments. For this humble induſtry they are deſpiſed by the other Spaniards.
Gallicia was raiſed to a monarchy in the year 1060, by Ferdinand, King of Caſtille and Leon; and Fer⯑dinand the Catholic, quelled the mutinous temper of the Gallicians, particularly of the nobility, who, for a long time, had been wanting in due regard to [113] the King's Governor. This province contains 64 cities and towns, but few of the latter are any ways conſiderable.
St. Jago de Compoſtella, the capital of Gallicia, is ſituated in a fine plain, ſurrounded with little riſing hills, and watered with a great many ſmall ſtreams. It lies 30 miles ſouth of Corunna, and 40 to the eaſt of Cape Finiſterre. The town con⯑tains about 2000 houſes. It is a rich, flouriſhing city, better accommodated with proviſions and the luxuries of life, than moſt towns in Spain, from its vicinity to the ſea. In this town are to be ſeen fine piazzas, with ſeveral monaſteries of both ſexes, and beautiful churches, amongſt which the cathedral is particularly worthy of notice, as in it is kept the pretended body of the Apoſtle James the younger, the titular ſaint and patron of all Spain, which, towards the cloſe of the ninth century, they af⯑firm to have been diſcovered by a divine revelation. The rage for pilgrimage is much abated; but there are people living, who remember when it was the faſhion for all young men of ſpirit, both in Italy and France, before they married, to go as pilgrims to St. Jago; and even now it is not uncommon to ſee ſome few old men, and many companies of young ones, come to this place, on a pilgrimage, from the moſt diſtant parts of Europe. The ſee of the archbiſhop is one of the richeſt in Spain, having [114] a revenue of 70,000 crowns per annum, and the chap⯑ter as much more.
It was from this city that the military order of St. James had its origin, in 1170, under the reign of Ferdinand II. King of Leon. The knights wear a medal, upon which there is a red ſword, at the button-hole of their coats. This order has 87 commanderies in the kingdoms of Caſtille and Le⯑on, which annually produce 2,72,000 ducats.
About 14 leagues ſouth-eaſt of Compoſtella, lies Orenſe, famous for its mineral baths. Some are only of ſuch a moderate heat that perſons may bathe in them, and others are ſo very hot that eggs may be dreſſed in them; but they are all very much reſorted to, and are ſaid to poſſeſs great vir⯑tue in the removal of different diſeaſes. Theſe baths appear to have been known in the time of the Romans, and had the appellation of aquae ca⯑lidae. The town is ſituated at the foot of a mountain, on the river Minho; and, what is very remarkable, in that part which lies near the mountain, the air is extremely cold, and the win⯑ter of great length; whilſt the other, which lies on the ſide of the plain, enjoys all the pleaſures of the ſpring, and the autumnal fruits, on ac⯑count of the ſprings, which warm the air with their exhalations. On the outſide of one of the [115] gates is a noble arch, ſo very lofty that a man of war might paſs under it, with all its ſails ſtand⯑ing. The fields, in the environs of this town, are very rural, and well cultivated, and, among other delicious fruits, produce grapes that make moſt de⯑licious wine.
The manners and cuſtoms of the inhabitants of this province appear to differ very little from thoſe in the adjoining province, which we have already deſcribed. "The inhabitant of Gallicio (ſays Peyron) may be compared to the native of Au⯑vergne; he quits his country, and is employed in the reſt of Spain, much in the ſame manner as perſons of the ſame claſs, from Auvergne and Li⯑moſin are in France; that is, in ſweeping chimnies, cleaning ſhoes, &c."
The climate appears, likewiſe, to reſemble that of the Aſturias, being very humid; nor are in⯑ſtances of longevity wanting in this province. The curate of the pariſh of S. Juan de Poyo, A. D. 1724, is ſaid to have adminiſtered the ſacrament to 13 perſons, whoſe ages, together, made 1499, the youngeſt of them being 110, and the oldeſt 127. But, in Villa de Fosfinares, one Juan de Outeyro a poor labourer, died in the year 1726, aged more than 146 years.
CHAP. XVI. Kingdoms of Murcia and Granada.
[116]HAVING now traverſed the provinces on the northern coaſt of Spain, we ſhall proceed to thoſe which lie on the Mediterranean, beginning firſt with the kingdom of Murcia, in which is ſituated Carthagena, one of the moſt conſiderable of the ſea-ports.
This kingdom is the leaſt of thoſe which com⯑poſe the monarchy of Spain; it is but 25 leagues in length, and about 23 in breadth. Its principal river is the Segura, which receives its ſource in New Caſtille, and, after paſſing through this pro⯑vince and Valencia, falls into the Mediterranean ſea. The air is accounted healthy and pure, and the country produces wine and corn, which are both good, but, being mountainous, not in any great quantity, ſo that its chief commodities are fine fruits, ſuch as oranges, lemons, &c ſugar, honey; ſilk, and grain, ſuch as rice, peas, &c. Its principal produce appears to be ſilk. The Moors, when they conquered Spain, are ſaid to have [117] brought thither the mulberry-tree, and to have taught the Spaniards the manner of cultivating it, as alſo how to prepare and weave the ſilk. The ſoil of Murcia is ſo favourable to this tree, that it more eaſily grows there than in any other part of Spain. The little kingdom of Murcia is ſaid to contain 355,500 mulberry trees, and to produce annually, 250,000 lbs. of ſilk.
Every kind of fruit produced in Spain is found in Murcia. It ſupplies Caſtille, England, and France, with oranges, lemons, figs, &c. The mountains are covered with ſhrubs, reeds, and odoriferous, as well as medicinal, plants. The two principal cities of which we mean to ſpeak, are Murcia and Carthagena.
Murcia. Several volumes (ſays Bourgoanne) have been written upon the antiquities of this city. In the earlieſt ages it is ſaid to have been called Tadmir, that is, productive of palm-trees. But Caſcalis maintains it never had any other name than that of Murcia. Theſe diſputes are of little con⯑ſequence; its antiquity is ſufficiently proved by inſcriptions, ſome of which are quoted by Appian, in his deſcription of Spain; and the reſt ſtill remain in Murcia.
In its origin Murcia was, like every other city [118] near Carthagena, only a ſmall village. The latter eclipſed them all till it was conquered by Scipio. The Romans no ſooner came to the village of Murcia, and obſerved its agreeable ſituation, the natural caſcades of the river, and the banks covered with myrtle, (where this ſhrub ſtill flouriſhes more than in any other part of Spain) than they reſolved to conſecrate it to their Venus Myrtia, who delighted in myrtle, waters, and fountains: they added an a only to the name, which was Murci.
It was in the fields of Murcia that Scipio, return⯑ed from his conqueſt, celebrated the obſequies of his father and uncle. This celebration conſiſted in games and combats of Gladiators, and according to Livy, it was not ſlaves, who were forced to combat, but brave champions, who voluntarily en⯑tered the liſts, to give proofs of their valour. Mur⯑cia remained 616 years under the dominion of the Romans.
It was then taken, diſmantled, and ſacked, by the Goths, who poſſeſſed it 310 years. The Moors, in their turn, came to beſiege it, and the inha⯑bitants went out of the city to give them battle. The two armies met in a field, ſtill called Sangore⯑na, from the bloody battle that enſued, in which the Murcians fought with ſuch gallantry that moſt of them remained dead upon the field. In this [119] extremity the Governor ordered all the women to be clad in armour, and drawn out on the ramparts, whilſt, in the character of an ambaſſador, he went to the Mooriſh General to capitulate. The Moors, believing the city to be full of ſoldiers, granted him very advantageous terms; but what was their aſtoniſhment, when, upon entering the gates, they found only an army of women! At length, after 527 years poſſeſſion, the Moors loſt it, in 1241; and it has, ever ſince, remained under the dominion of Spain.
Murcia ſtands in a plain, which, from eaſt to weſt, is 25 leagues and a half in length. The Se⯑gura runs by the ſide of the city. This river is decorated with a fine ſtone bridge, and has a magnificent quay.
"I was exceedingly ſtruck (ſays Townſend) with the bridge over the Segura, magnificent in itſelf, and delightful for the proſpect it commands of the river, the city, the vale, and the diſtant mountains, all in the moſt pleaſing points of view."
The entrance to Murcia is by a ſtrait and ſpacious avenue, well planted, and well water⯑ed; to the right and to the left of which, the [120] water, in abundance produces the moſt luxuriant crops.
This city is divided into 11 pariſhes, with a ca⯑thedral; and contains, by the laſt return to govern⯑ment, 15000 families. There are nine convents for nuns, and ten for friars.
The principal front of the cathedral is beautiful, but overcharged with ornaments. The three prin⯑cipal doors are of reddiſh marble, and of the Co⯑rinthian order; they are ornamented with 32 ſtatues, as large as life. The Arabian ſculpture, which ornaments the pillars, is well executed, and in a good taſte.
The inſide of the cathedral is ſpacious. The beauty, lightneſs, and elegance of Gothic archi⯑tecture are found throughout.
The altar of the cathedral is of maſſy ſilver, and the ſteps which lead to it are of the ſame metal.
Among the convents, that of the Cordeliers is the moſt diſtinguiſhed. It has a good library, but badly managed, in which are the portraits of many great men, who have rendered themſelves famous by arms, letters, and the art of govern⯑ment. The Mooriſh palace ſtood formerly upon [121] the ground on which the canvent of the Domi⯑nicans is built.
Murcia is ſurrounded by public walks, which are moſt delightful. This city, although conſider⯑able, and well peopled, has not one ſingle inn; the only lodging to be had in it is as wretched as thoſe found upon the great roads in Spain, generally kept by Gitanos, or Gipſies.
The environs of Murcia exceed any thing of the kind to be met with in Spain. The ſoil is a rich loam, well watered; and the wide expanſe ap⯑pears like a well cultivated garden. Oranges and lemons, olives and mulberries abound; and the whole valley ſwarms with ſuch multitudes of men, all active and uſefully employed, that they reſemble bees, when collecting honey, or returning loaded to the hive. Being dreſſed in white, they are the more conſpicuous. They have only a linen waiſt⯑coat, and ſhort trowſers.
Carthagena is announced at a diſtance by vil⯑lages, farms, country-houſes, and pleaſant walks. The principal founders of this city, were Teucer and Aſdrubal; but a large city called Conteſta, from the name of Teſta, King of Spain, is ſaid to have ſtood upon the ſame ground, 1412 years before Chriſt. Teucer came next, and began to embelliſh and for⯑tify [122] this city; at length, Aſdrubal finding its ſitua⯑tion delightful, added to its magnificence, and made it the rival of Carthage.
Carthagena remained in the poſſeſſion of the deſcendants of Aſdrubal, until the year 208 before Chriſt, when it was conquered by Publius Scipio, and Caius Loelius. It was then governed by Mago, the laſt Carthaginian chief. Livy tells us, that when Scipio arrived in Spain, Carthagena was, after Rome, one of the richeſt cities in the world; full of arms, and full of ſoldiers. Notwithſtanding its great reſources, Scipio took it, and delivered it up to be pillaged. He brought away with him 64 mi⯑litary banners, 276 gold cups, and 18,000 marks of ſilver, beſides veſſels of the ſame metal; 40,000 meaſures of wheat, and 160,000 meaſures of oats; in a word, he acquired ſuch immenſe treaſures, that the hiſtorian ſays, the city itſelf was the leaſt the Romans gained by the expedition. Ut minimum omnium inter tantas opes bellicas Carthago ipſa fuerit.
It was after this conqueſt, that Scipio ſet the great example of temperance and generoſity, ſo much celebrated in that and the ſucceeding ages. A young female captive of noble extraction, whoſe beauty attracted the eyes and admiration of the whole camp, being brought before him, Scipio, when he was informed ſhe had been promiſed in [123] marriage by Lucius, Prince of the Celtiberians, and that the two lovers had a great affection for each other, ſent for the young prince, and not only re⯑ſtored him the lady, but forced him to take as a marriage portion, the gold her friends had brought as a ranſom; and further offered him at the ſame time, the friendſhip of the Roman people.
Carthagena was a long time the Indies of the Romans; and there are ſtill ſilver mines in the en⯑virons. The lead mines in the village of Los Alumbres are very rich; amethyſts and precious ſtones are found in its vicinity; and not far from Hellin, there is a very conſiderable mine of ſulphur.
The country round Carthagena, was formerly called Campo Spartaio, and the appellation of Spartaria, was alſo given to this city, from the great quantities of Spartum, or Spaniſh broom, found in the plains and the mountains.
Carthagena was totally deſtroyed in the wars of Atanagilda, with Agila, King of the Goths in Spain: ſeveral antique ſtones with inſcriptions, have been found among the ruins. One of theſe is now in a garden, in the town of Eſpinardo, near Murcia. It has one ſide the ſtern of a ſhip, and on the other the figure of Pallas, holding an olive branch; at [124] her feet are the cornucopia, and the caduceus of Mercury. Caſcalis, for what reaſon we know not, attributes this monument to Julius Caeſar, and ſup⯑poſes it to have been erected by him, at the time when he formed the deſign of ſubjugating the world and his country.
On the land ſide, Carthagena is defended by a mountain, formed by three hills: in the middle of the city is a high hill, with a fort, now almoſt in ruins. The harbour is ſpacious, and ſo deep, that ſhips may moor cloſe to the land. It is a baſon, hollowed by nature, which ſeems to have ſheltered it from the winds by ſeveral hills, placed round it at equal diſtances; ſo that from the mole, nothing but the entrance of the harbour, and the baſon, are to be ſeen. No port in the world can be compared with this, for ſafety and regularity.
The arſenal is very large, and furniſhed with every thing that can facilitate the building, and fitting out of a ſhip. Every requiſite is in ſuch rea⯑dineſs, that a ſhip of the line may, in three days, be got ready for ſea. At the pleaſure of the builder, the water fills the magnificent baſons, which ſerve as ſtocks, and the ſhip ſlides of herſelf into the ſea.
Carthagena occupies the declivity of a hill, with [125] a little intermediate ſpace between that and the harbour. The city is protected from the ſouth and the weſt by high mountains and barren rocks; but to the north and the eaſt it is open, and com⯑municates with an extenſive valley.
The ſtreets are wide, and the houſes are commo⯑dious. They have generally flat roofs, which, in a climate like this, adminiſters to the comfort of the inhabitants, affording them a cool retreat, where, after ſun-ſet, they may aſſemble to enjoy the re⯑freſhing breeze; and the rainy ſeaſon being of ſhort duration, theſe are ſufficient to protect the in⯑terior of their manſions from humidity.
The cathedral, a miſerable pile, is now degraded, and the Biſhop's ſee being removed to Murcia, it is become a pariſh church. Of the convents, not one is worthy of notice.
There have been here 2,000 criminals, chiefly ſmugglers, who, being condemned to work in chains, are called preſidiarios. They are employed in the moſt ſervile labours, ſome for five years, others for ſeven; and at the expiration of theſe terms, like our convicts upon the Thames, are turned looſe upon the public, not corrected nor trained to in⯑duſtry, but vitiated by the ſociety of thieves.
[126]In the dock-yard, we omitted to obſerve a very ſingular circumſtance, viz. that the maſts and timber are floated in water, without the leaſt apprehen⯑ſion of their ſuffering by the worms; becauſe, as they never open their ſluices, till the water is be⯑come putrid, the evaporation, proceeding with ra⯑pidity, leaves a ſtrong brine, in which it is impoſſi⯑ble the worm ſhould live; and in the north of Spain, where the evaporation is not ſufficient for this purpoſe, they bury their maſts in ſand, and by pins prevent their floating when they are covered by the tide.
In this city are made great quantities of the eſparto ropes and cables, ſome of them ſpun like hemp, and others platted. Theſe cables float on the water, and therefore are not liable to be cut by the rocks on a foul coaſt. This ruſh makes good mats for the peaſants houſes, and of late years, it has been ſpun into fine thread, for the purpoſe of making cloth. We have remarked, that this ruſh is the natural and peculiar production of all the high and uncultivated mountains of the ſouth; and here we cannot help admiring the tranſcendant goodneſs of Providence, in giving abundantly to man, in theſe dry and elevated regions, where neither hemp nor flax will grow, materials proper for his clothing, and the exerciſe of his induſtry.
[127]No one who has always lived in a temperate cli⯑mate, can conceive how much a traveller, who paſſes the ſummer in the ſouthern parts of Spain, ſuffers from the flies. But there is no city, ſays Townſend, ſo much moleſted by ſwarms of theſe in⯑ſects, as Murcia. To diſperſe them in ſome houſes, they have a large fan, ſuſpended over the dining table, and kept conſtantly in motion; in others, one of the domeſtics are conſtantly engaged in wav⯑ing the bough, all the time the company is at ta⯑ble; but the great have a ſervant at their elbow, whoſe ſole buſineſs is to keep off the flies with a napkin.
Want of fidelity to matrimonial vows, ſays the above writer, is equally prevalent at Carthagena, as in the other provinces of Spain. It was here, that a gentleman ſaid one morning to his friend, "Be⯑fore I go to reſt this night, the whole city will be thrown into confuſion." This he occaſioned him⯑ſelf, by going home an hour before his uſual time, to the no ſmall vexation of his wife and her cortego, whoſe precipitate retreat, and unexpected arrival in his own houſe, occaſioned the like confuſion there; and thus, by ſucceſſive and ſimilar operations, was literally fulfilled the prediction he made in the morning.
We have already traced this corruption of morals [128] to one grand ſource, the celibacy of the clergy; in addition to this, we may venture to aſſign another cauſe, the want of admonition from the pulpit, be⯑cauſe the ſecular clergy ſeldom or ever preach. The monks, indeed, deſcant on the virtues of their favourite ſaint, but they ſeldom appear ſolicitous to improve the morals of the people.
Such has been the poverty of Spain, in point of pulpit orators, that they have no author to recom⯑mend worthy of being noticed; and if a preacher of more than moderate abilities appears, he is ad⯑mired as a prodigy, and worſhipped as a God.
Such, ſays Townſend, was a famous capuchin, who viſited Carthagena, during my reſidence in that city; and every evening preached in the great ſquare to more than 10,000 people. This man licenſed by the Biſhop, and protected by the magiſtrates, was conſtantly attended by a guard, to prevent his clothes being torn from his back, to be kept as re⯑lics. What he delivered, was heard with the moſt profound attention, and after a diſcourſe preached by him on the forgiveneſs of injuries, many were reconciled, and became friends, who had before been at enmity. One ſermon, however, had a per⯑nicious tendency, it was, that in caſes of hereſy, they were bound to accuſe, at the tribunal of the in⯑quiſition, their neareſt and deareſt friends; yet ſo [127] deeply is a ſenſe of honour, gratitude, and filial piety impreſſed on the human heart, that moſt of his hearers appeared neither to reliſh his diſcourſe, nor be convinced by his arguments; but ſeemed to ſhud⯑der with abhorrence at his doctrine.
The baths of Archena, four leagues from Murcia, are eſteemed uſeful in all maladies proceeding from the humours, but are prejudicial in venereal caſes. They occaſion violent and continued tranſpiration, and it frequently happens, that perſons bathing in them, are obliged to change their linen five or ſix times in the day. Thoſe who drink theſe waters, muſt uſe a great deal of exerciſe to carry them off. The water is ſo hot, that it is impoſſible to ſupport the heat of it, even with the hand, for more than a ſecond; before it is bathed in, it is beaten for a con⯑ſiderable time; it is of a bluiſh caſt, very heavy and nauſeous; the froth or ſcum at the ſource, takes fire like brandy.
The roads in this province are horrid, and over the high mountains, are no other, than ſuch as the currents have made them.
The kingdom of Granada, ſometimes called Up⯑per Andaluſia, borders to the weſt and north on Andaluſia; to the north-eaſt on Murcia, and to the eaſt and ſouth by the Mediterranean. It made part [128] of the ancient Boetica, and was inhabited by the Baſtula Sexitani, &c. Its extent from eaſt to weſt, is about 65 leagues, but its breadth varies, being in ſome places ſcarce five leagues, and in others at leaſt 20.
This province is interſected in every direction by very lofty mountains, which form delightful vallies. Among the mountains, thoſe called Alpuxarras, are ſo high, that the coaſt of Barbary, and the city of Tangiers and Ceuta are diſcovered from their ſum⯑mits. They are about 17 leagues in length, and 11 in breadth, abounding in fruit trees of great beauty and prodigious ſize. In theſe mountains, the wretched remains of the Moors took refuge, ſo that they are covered with villages, and are extremely populous. Theſe mountaineers ſeems to have pre⯑ſerved the induſtrious ſpirit of their anceſtors; they cultivate the vine, and almoſt every ſort of fruit-tree, the produce of which they ſend to Malaga.
Granada is one of the moſt healthy and tempe⯑rate provinces of Spain. It contains an abundance of ſprings, which water the whole country.
The celebrated baths, ſo extremely beneficial in diſeaſes proceeding from cold humours, are a league from Granada. Four leagues from them are thoſe of Alicun, which ſeem to be of a nature entirely op⯑poſite, [129] as they are chiefly efficacious in diſeaſes pro⯑ceeding from acrid humours.
The water of the Darro, being drunk, cures all ſorts of diſeaſes in animals. It is termed by the natives, a ſalubrious bath for their ſheep.
The mountains of Granada contain ſeveral quar⯑ries of fine tranſparent jaſper; black, green, and red marble; mines of granite, amethyſts, and other precious ſtones.
Whilſt this province was in the poſſeſſion of the Moors, it was one of the beſt cultivated in the world; the number of its inhabitants was immenſe, and the vallies and mountains were covered with luxuriant plantations of vines and fruit-trees. Each Moor had his allotment of as much ground as ſuf⯑ficed for his habitation, the maintenance of his fa⯑mily, and the provender for his horſe, which every man was obliged to keep. Theſe ſmall freeholds formed the general appearance of the country, be⯑fore the inroads and ravages of the Chriſtians had driven them into cities, mountains difficult of acceſs, or quite away to the coaſt of Barbary. The ſingle city of Granada, contained 80,000 families, and frequently ſent out armies of 30,000 infantry, and 10,000 horſe. An Arabian author ſays, that the kings had a conſtant ſupply of 100,000 horſes for [130] their own uſe, and for mounting their cavalry in time of war, and more than once had muſtered 200,000 ſoldiers in actual pay, for the purpoſe of making war upon the Caſtillians. But its preſent ſtate is widely different. Depopulation is a terrible ſcourge to a country. In many parts of Granada, the lands have no other ornament, than the plants with which nature has covered them. It is ſtill, however, one of the moſt fertile provinces in Spain, and produces wine, oil, hemp, flax, ſugar, cinna⯑mon, oranges, pomegranites, almonds, figs, citrons, lemons, and raiſins, in great abundance. The mul⯑berry-tree is cultivated here with ſucceſs, and the filk it produces, is ſaid to be finer than that of the kingdom of Valencia. Here are alſo great quanti⯑ties of honey and wax. Several towns in the moun⯑tains near Antequerra, make ſalt, which the ſun prepares from water conveyed into pans. Of the galls, which are found in this country in large quan⯑tities, a dye is made for leather. This province likewiſe produces great plenty of dates, from which conſiderable advantage is derived, as alſo from the acorns, which far exceed the fineſt nuts.
This province firſt became a diſtinct kingdom in the 13th century, when the Mooriſh king Abenhud, who reſided at Cordova, having in the year 1236, loſt his wife and crown, in a battle againſt the Chriſtians, his ſubjects retired to Granada, and choſe [131] a new king, who made that city his capital and place of reſidence. This kingdom, which was the laſt of the Mooriſh, contained 32 large towns, and 97 ſmaller, and continued from the year 1236, to 1492, when Ferdinand the Catholic reduced it, and annexed it to the crown of Caſtille. The princi⯑pal cities we ſhall notice, are Granada and Ma⯑laga.
Granada is ſaid to have been one of the largeſt cities in Spain. It is ſituated at the foot of the Sierra Nevada, or the ſnowy mountain, and ſtands upon two hills, ſeparated by the Darro. The Xenil runs under the walls, and theſe two rivers are formed by the melting of the ſnow, with which the mountain is conſtantly covered. The Darro is ſaid to carry with it ſmall particles of gold, and its name derived from dat aurum, may be alledged as a proof. The Xenil, in like manner, rolls with its ſtreams little pieces of ſilver. When Charles V. came to Granada, in 1526, with the Empreſs Iſabella, the city preſented him with a crown made of gold, ga⯑thered from the Darro.
Several authors give to Granada the title of il⯑luſtrious and famous, and ſome aſſert, that it is ſtill the greateſt city in Spain. The country round it is [...] terreſtrial paradiſe, but extremely neglected.
[132]The Moors are ſaid to regret nothing but Gra⯑nada, of all the loſſes they have ſuſtained in Spain. They mention it in all their evening prayers, and ſupplicate Heaven to reſtore it to their poſſeſſion. The laſt Mooriſh ambaſſador who came into Spain, obtained permiſſion of the King to viſit Granada; and, on entering the Alhambra, or Mooriſh palace, he ſhed tears, and could not refrain from exclaim⯑ing, that the folly of his anceſtors had deprived them and their poſterity of this delightful country. The date of the foundation of Granada is ſaid to be 2801 years before Chriſt. In the time of the Ro⯑mans it was a municipal colony.
The Moors have left more monuments in Grana⯑da than in any other city in Spain. From the great number of inſcriptions, and the fine edifices of the Alhambra, and the generalif, or houſe of pleaſure, it might be imagined theſe people intended Granada as the great depoſitory of their religion, manners, cuſtoms, and magnificence. There is not a wall which does not bear ſome marks of their power; but, notwithſtanding, the reign of the Moors in Spain is buried in confuſion and obſcurity. The ignorance of the Spaniards, their ſuperſtition, and hatred of the Moors, have much contributed to this obſcurity; they either abſolutely deſtroyed, or ſuf⯑fered time to efface every thing bearing the marks of Mahometaniſm; and it may be ſaid that chance [133] alone has preſerved thoſe ſtill exiſting, although go⯑ing daily to decay. What information might not hiſtory have derived from them; and how many fables might have been refuted, and eraſed from our writings?
The royal palace of the Alhambra, in this city, is one of the moſt entire, as well as the moſt magni⯑ficent, of any edifices, which the Moors erected in Spain. It was built in 1280, by the ſecond Moor⯑iſh King of Granada; and, in 1492, in the reign of their eighteenth king, was taken by the Spaniards, under the command of Ferdinand, as has been al⯑ready mentioned. It is ſituated on a hill, which is aſcended on a road, bordered with hedges of impe⯑rial myrtle, and rows of elms. On this hill, within the walls of the Alhambra, the Emperor Charles V. began a new palace, in 1568, but it was never finiſhed:—the ſhell of it remains.
The Alhambra is a maſs of many houſes and towns, walled round, and built of large ſtones, of different dimenſions. Almoſt all the rooms have ſtucco walls and cielings, ſome carved, ſome paint⯑ed, and ſome gilt, and all over-loaded with various Arabic ſentences, ſuch as, 'There is no other God but God;' which is repeated an infinite number of times. All the floors are either marble or tiled; [...]e in particular is paved with two ſlabs of white [134] marble, each upwards of 13 feet long, and about half as broad. Some of the walls are encruſted with a kind of coarſe Moſaic, compoſed of pieces of different coloured tiles, repreſenting ſtars and ſoliages.
The firſt cortile, on entering the palace, is an oblong ſquare, with a fountain at each angle; and in the middle is a canal of running water, deep and wide enough to ſwim in. Round this cortile are ſeveral baths, the walls, floor, and cieling of which are of white marble. In thoſe parts of the Alham⯑bra, where bricks have been employed in the build⯑ing, the mortar between the bricks is as thick as the bricks themſelves. Almoſt all the columns are of white marble, and uſually eight times their dia⯑meter, (which is one foot) in length.
The court moſt to be admired of the Alhambra, is that called the Court of the Lions; it is orna⯑mented with 60 elegant columns, of an architec⯑ture which bears no reſemblance to any of the known orders, and might he called the Arabic or⯑der. "Architecture, (remarks Bourgoanne) like all other arts, owes its origin to nature. The Goths, a northern people, inhabited caves. The Arabs and Saracens ſpread over the country, lived under tents: hence that difference in the architecture of theſe nations. The Goths had flat cielings; thoſe of the [135] Arabs were terminated in a point, as may be ſeen in moſt of the apartments of the Alhambra."
But to return to this celebrated ſquare; it is paved with white marble, and at the extremities are two fine Moſaic cupolas, painted in gold colour and azure, and ſupported by ſeveral groups of co⯑lumns. Portraits of ſeveral of the Mooriſh Kings are preſerved, under a kind of vaulted ceiling, at one end of the court. Near this place is a croſs painted upon the wall, to indicate the place where the firſt maſs was ſung in the caſtle of the Alham⯑bra, after it was taken by Ferdinand.
This magnificent court is ſurrounded by baſons of white marble, which form a kind of caſcade or⯑namented with jets d'éau; but its principal monu⯑ment, and that from which it takes its name, is an alabaſter cup, ſix feet in diameter, ſupported by 12 lions, ſaid to have been made in imitation of the brazen ſea of Solomon's temple. The cup is of one ſingle piece, ornamented with Arabic figures, and bears an inſcription of 24 verſes, compoſed in that language. The lions ſpout water out of their mouths.
We next entered into the ſaloon of ſecrets, which is a ſmall octangular room; a whiſper at one cor⯑ner is diſtinctly heard from the oppoſite corner, but from no other place. The bathing-room is entirely [136] of marble and coloured tiles, and in the midſt is a fountain, which formerly ſupplied the baths with water. Here are, beſides, a great number of fountains, diſtributed in various rooms, which ſtill play.
In one of the rooms are two Roman ſtatues of two nymphs, of white marble, as large as life, with cornucopias; and over a door is a very fine oval marble bas-relief, repreſenting Leda with the ſwan, whoſe neck is twiſted round hers, and is be⯑ſides in a very indecent poſture.
We afterwards walked through the gardens, which abound with orange and lemon-trees, pome⯑granates, myrtles, &c. At the end is another pa⯑lace, called Ginaraliph, or the houſe of love and pleaſure, ſituated on a more elevated ſtation than the Alhambra; from the balconies is one of the fineſt proſpects in Europe, over the whole fertile plain of Granada, bounded by the ſnowy mount⯑ains. Cloſe to the entrance of this palace are two exceeding large cypreſs trees, which are near 500 years old, and are called cypreſſes of the Sultana Queen, as ſhe was diſcovered, under them, in fami⯑liar converſation with Abencerrage. In one room the walls are covered with the three following in⯑ſcriptions, repeated hundreds of times, in Arabic, [137] "God alone conquers,"—"Glory be to God."— "God is my hope."
In the gardens are two jars, or pitchers, of blue and white earthen ware, each ſeven feet high, and five in diameter, with various inſcriptions.
"In examining this abode of magnificence, (ſays Bourgoanne) the obſerver is every moment aſtoniſhed at the new and intereſting mixture of architecture and poetry. The palace of the Alhambra may be called a collection of fugitive pieces; and, whatever duration theſe may have; time, with which every thing paſſes away, has too much contributed to con⯑firm to them that title."
The city is divided into four wards, the principal of which, called Granada, lies in the plain, and in the vallies, between the two mountains. Here the nobility, clergy, merchants, and moſt wealthy of the citizens reſide. Its public and private build⯑ings are very handſome, and the ſtreets arched for the convenience of ſupplying the houſes with water, by the means of conduits.
The king's tribunal is held in a large and ſtately edifice, and oppoſite to it is the Alcaxeria, a vaſt building, where the merchants have their warehouſes. In the Placa Mayor are held the bull-ſights. Moſt [138] of the ſmall houſes are Mooriſh built, or coarſe imi⯑tations of that manner; the modern maſons decora⯑ting their walls with uncouth copies of Saracenic Moſaics. "From top to bottom, (ſays Swinburne) they ſeem to be nothing but rows of large windows, divided by narrow brick pilaſters."
The outſides of the churches are painted in a the⯑atrical taſte, and their inſides ſet off with a profuſion of marble, brought from the neighbouring moun⯑tains. The dark green is the moſt valuable. Ta⯑bles of an extraordinary ſize have been lately cut of that marble. There are alſo many handſome brown marbles and alabaſters, diverſified with an infinite number of ſhades and tints. One whole ſtreet of artificers is employed in making little boxes, bracelets, necklaces, and other nick-nacks, which they retail cheap enough. It is uſual in gen⯑tlemens' houſes to frame fine ſpecimens of marble and hang them up in the apartments, by way of or⯑nament.
The cathedral, which, in point of architecture, ſtands very high in the opinion of the Granadines, is an aſſemblage of three churches. Ferdinand and Iſabella repoſe before the altar, under a large marble monument, full of figures and groteſques, in a to⯑lerable good ſtyle. Over the great door is the em⯑blem [139] of the united monarchies, a bundle of arrows, together, clinched in the talons of an eagle.
The Alameda along the banks of the Xenil, is as pleaſant a walk as any in Spain. This and another drive beyond the river, are the chief reſort of peo⯑ple both on foot or in coaches: and the beauty of Granada is no where more ſtriking, than from theſe points of view.
The environs of this town are delightful, even in the depth of winter. Every one allows, that in ſummer, Granada is a delicious abode, never too hot nor too cool, refreſhed by numberleſs ſtreams, and perfumed by all the ſweets wafted from the gardens, ſcattered over the declivities of the neighbouring hills. Nothing can be more agreeable, though at Chriſtmas, than the walks along the heights of the Alhambra. A great concourſe of people is always ſeen ſitting there on the graſs, baſking in the ſun, and diverting themſelves as at a fair. Venders of cakes, toys, and liquors, call their wares through the crowd. The women come dreſſed out in all their finery; black ſilk petticoats and veils. In that dreſs, every woman has ſomething ſingularly alluring. Here, indeed, ſays Swinburne, the ſex is handſome in any dreſs; their complexions are fairer, their ſkins clearer, and their cheeks glowing with a brighter tinge, than in any of the faces along [140] the coaſt. The diſtance of Granada from the ſea-ports, has probably preſerved it from the general in⯑fection of that odious diſeaſe, which rages with ſuch violence in all theſe trading towns. The ſur⯑priſing purity of the air, muſt alſo greatly contri⯑bute towards the freſhneſs of their looks. In many houſes, a current of water paſſes in an uncovered channel, through bed-chambers where people ſleep, winter and ſummer, without its having the leaſt bad effect upon their health. Fruit and butchers' meat remain in the Alhambra an unuſual length of time, without taint or putrefaction.
The city does not contain more than 50,000 in⯑habitants; of which number, 18,000 only are uſe⯑ful working hands; the ſurplus is made up of law⯑yers, clergymen, children, and beggars. There are not leſs than 1000 ſturdy, able-bodied raſ⯑cals, who live by arms, and conventual donation.
Here is an academy, as in all the great towns in Spain, for painting, ſculpture, and architecture; conducted at the king's expence, and free for every one.
This loſs, added to the previous expulſion of 800,000 Jews, with all their wealth, in the reign of Ferdinand and Iſabella, was under ſuch a go⯑vernment as that of Spain, irreparable.
The Moors are acknowledged by the beſt Spaniſh writers, to have excelled in agriculture, particularly in watering their lands, in the cultivation of mul⯑berry-trees, the ſugar cane, rice, and cotton; in their peculiar breed of horſes, and in the manufac⯑tures of ſilk, paper, and gunpowder, firſt brought into Europe by them. How then could it be re⯑conciled to the ſyſtem of ſound policy, to ſubject the country to ſuch a loſs?
By their expulſion, houſes went to ruin and decay, lands were left uncultivated, commerce was neg⯑lected, [142] and manufactures felt the ſevereſt ſhock. The ſudden departure of this multitude, left a va⯑cuity, which it was not eaſy to fill up; more eſpeci⯑ally by a nation, which, having for the ſpace of ſeven centuries been trained to war, had learnt in that long interval, to look down with contempt upon all who were engaged in the mechanic arts, and more eſpecially to deſpiſe thoſe occupations in which their antagoniſts excelled.
Numerous privileges and immunities enjoyed by the Hidalgos, or Knights, have contributed very much to confirm hereditary prejudices to the de⯑triment of trade. Till the year 1784, their perſons and goods were free from arreſt. They are not ſent to the common gaols, but either confined in caſtles or in their own houſe on their parole of honour. They are not hanged, but ſtrangled. They are ex⯑empted from various taxes, to which others are li⯑able. None but the royal family can be quartered on them. To conclude, the noble female conveys all theſe privileges to her huſband and children, in the ſame manner as the eldeſt daughter of the titular nobility tranſmits the title of her anceſ⯑tors.
The proportion of Hidalgos in this province, is not conſiderable, for out of 653,000 inhabitants, only about 2000 are nobles; but in the kingdom of [143] Leon, where there is not one third of that popula⯑tion, the knights amount to 22,000.
The manners of the inhabitants are nearly the ſame as in the other inland cities. The morning is employed in buſineſs by thoſe who have any thing to do, or in viſits to the ladies. They dine early, and eat after the Spaniſh faſhion, with the ſopa, the olla, and various kinds of meat, ſtewed in their lit⯑tle pitchers, except at one or two of the principal houſes, where the French cookery prevails. After dinner they go to the fieſta, in the evening to the paſeo, or public walk. When the evening cloſes, they aſſembly at the Tertulia, where they generally amuſe themſelves with cards.
Their morals are much like the reſt of Spain; the monks are exceedingly debauched, and the women do not want admirers.
Malaga is a ſmall, but very ancient city. The Phoenicians built it ſeveral centuries before Chriſt, and called it Malacha, on account of the great quan⯑tities of ſalt fiſh ſold there. Ptolemy and Pliny give it the name of Malaca; and the latter adds, that it belonged to the allies of the Romans. Antoninus, in his Itinerary, deſcribes a road from Caſtelon to Malaca, and another from Malaca to Gades or Cadiz. Strabo ſpeaks of it as a Carthaginian co⯑lony, [144] very commercial and famous for its ſalted proviſions.
After having been built by the Phoenicians, it paſ⯑ſed ſucceſſively under the dominion of the Cartha⯑ginians, Romans, Goths, and Moors. The firſt ſovereign who ſwayed the ſceptre there, and made it the ſeat of empire, was Haly Abenhamith. When this monarch had eſtabliſhed his ſovereignty over the kingdoms of Granada and Murcia, he marched at the head of his victorious troops to Cordova, where having ſlain the uſurper Zuleman, he took poſ⯑ſeſſion of the vacant throne, and left the united em⯑pire to his poſterity.
It was not till the year 1487, that Ferdinand and Iſabella recovered Malaga from the dominion of the Moors. At that period, it muſt have been a place of conſiderable ſtrength, and two ſtrong towers, with their communicating walls, appear to have been the chief dependance of the beſieged.
The town is ſituated in a valley of no great extent, on the ſide of a deep ravin, which in ſummer con⯑tains no water, but in winter affords a paſſage to a conſiderable river. A Mooriſh caſtle on the ſharp point of a rock, commands every part of it. Bour⯑goanne gives it the appellation of a handſome city, and that the Mole is ſupported by a magnificent [145] quay. Townſend's deſcription of the city is, that the houſes are high, the ſtreets contracted, and that many of them are not more than eight feet wide, others not even ſo wide, and that they are all badly paved, and dirty even to a proverb.
Of the buildings, whether public or private, the only one worthy of the leaſt attention, is the cathe⯑dral, a very ſtupendous pile, begun by Philip II. while married to Mary, Queen of England. Their united arms are ſtill to be be ſeen over the door. It is aſſured by ſome travellers, who have meaſured both churches, that this cathedral is as large as that of St. Paul's in London.
The convents, though numerous, are few of them remarkable, either for architecture, or for any mo⯑numents of art. The biſhopric is a very conſider⯑able one, being eſtimated to bring in near £17,000 ſterling a year.
There are about 14 foreign houſes, ſays Swinburne, ſettled in trade at Malaga, who export 5000 butts of wine a year, of which the price runs from 10 to 30 pounds a butt. Till within theſe laſt 20 years, the quantity ſent off was double, but no difference being made in England, on the duties between old and new wine, the exporter grew careleſs in the quality of the wine ſent, and the demand of it ſell one half.
[146] Townſend, on the other hand, ſays, that one mer⯑chant, whom he names Martinis, exported 5000 butts a year, and other merchants in the ſame pro⯑portion to their uſual ſales. The other exports are fruit, oil, and fiſh. Their fiſh are anchovies, of which, in years of great abundance, they have ſold 10,000 barrels, of two quintals each. It is com⯑puted there are from 800 to 1000 veſſels, which en⯑ter the port of Malaga every year; of theſe one tenth only are Spaniſh.
The chief dependance of this country, is on the vines. Theſe are cultivated with much labour, and at a great expence: when it is conſidered that theſe vineyards are always on the declivity of hills, in⯑clined towards the ſcorching ſun, it may be readily conceived, that the labour is ſevere; and that the people, who, with unremitted application, perform this taſk, cannot deſerve the character of drones. The peaſants of no country upon earth, are more pa⯑tient of heat, hunger, and thirſt, or capable of greater exertions, than this very people, who have been accuſed of indolence. In the diſtrict of Ma⯑laga, it is computed there are 14,000 vine preſſes, chiefly employed in making the rich wines, which if white, from the nature of the country round Ma⯑laga being high, rugged, and pointed, is called mountain; if red, from the colour, vino tinto, known to us by the name of tent.
[147]For the purpoſe of making theſe wines fuller in the body, and ſweeter than they would otherwiſe be, the grapes are left to be very ripe; then, being cut, they are expoſed to the ſun to evaporate their moiſ⯑ture, after which they are preſſed, and put into veſſels, with a due proportion of inſpiſſated vinous ſyrup.
Murders and aſſaſſinations, with every ſpecies of violence and exceſs, muſt, without the ſtrenuous ex⯑ertions of the magiſtrate, and the ſtrict execution of the laws, be frequent in a country, where, whenever the wind blows over land, all the paſſions are in⯑flamed, and in ſome perſons, almoſt to frenzy. Yet here juſtice, when moſt awakened, purſues offenders with a tardy ſtep, ſlow in its approach, and uncer⯑tain in its vengeance. Inſtances are cited of crimi⯑nals, who have died forgotten in their priſons, and of others, who, whilſt under ſentence of death, have married, had numerous offsprings, and been brought forth to execution, when all recollection of their crimes had been long ſince obliterated.
In ſummer, the inhabitants of theſe ſultry regions, where the overwhelming heat of the ſun is ſucceeded by the refreſhing coolneſs of the evening, wander abroad; and when the light is gone, all the young people bathe for hours in the ſea. The ſexes, how⯑ever, do not bathe promiſcuouſly, but at ſome diſ⯑tance [148] from each other. At ſuch ſeaſons, to prevent intruſion, the ſpot where the ladies are, is guarded by centinels with loaded muſkets, and ſhould a gen⯑tleman attempt to ſwim round to them, it muſt be at the hazard of his life. Whenever, therefore, a young perſon is determined to intrude, he goes in diſguiſe as the female attendant of ſome frail fair, and in that character paſſes unobſerved.
This cuſtom of bathing every night, is practiſed not ſo much for pleaſure as for health, being intend⯑ed to obviate the inconvenience ariſing from the exceſſive heat. Yet, notwithſtanding, the diſeaſes proceeding from relaxed fibres, are very prevalent: (for not to mention thoſe which ariſe from irritability of nerves, the conſequence of debility,) tertian and putrid fevers rage with ſuch violence, that more than 3000 perſons died, (ſays Townſend) in the year he was there, beſides multitudes in the city and its environs.
CHAP. XVIII. Of the Province or Kingdom of Cordova, and Andaluſia.
[149]THIS ancient kingdom is one of the ſmalleſt in Spain, it has been by ſome writers comprehended under Andaluſia, which in former times compriſed Granada, Cordova, and Seville; but the province of Cordova, which was the eaſtern part of Andaluſia, having been by later writers ſpoken of ſeparately, we ſhall follow that diviſion, and include only the kingdom of Seville, under the general name of Andaluſia, of which, in the ancient diviſion, it formed the weſtern part.
In the province of Cordova, there appears little in its modern ſtate to attract attention, buſides its capital; it is ſituated in a plain of great extent, bounded on the ſouth by ſwelling hills, cultivated to their very ſummits, and on the north by a chain of rugged mountains, the continuation of the Sierra Morena. Through the midſt of the plain, runs the Guadalquivir, and the whole country being well wooded, well watered, and well cultivated, can⯑not be ſurpaſſed either in riches or beauty.
[150]This city, anciently called Corduba, was illuſtri⯑ous, ſo far back as the time of the Romans. Strabo ſays, it was founded by Marcellus, and was the firſt Roman colony eſtabliſhed in Spain. All who have written on Cordova, have called it the mother of men of genius. In the firſt ages after the founda⯑tion of this city, it poſſeſſed a univerſity, in which all the ſciences were cultivated. Strabo ſays, the ancient books of the Turdetani, their poverty and their laws, all written in verſe, were here preſerved. It had the honour of giving birth to the two Sene⯑ca's, and to Lucan the poet.
And when Abdoulraman, after ſubduing the ſouth of Spain, had eſtabliſhed here the ſeat of his domi⯑nion. A. D. 759, the ſciences, with arts and arms, which were every where elſe abandoned, took up their reſidence, and flouriſhed in this city. It was within the walls of this city, that the 30 philoſophers and phyſicians, who compoſed, and put in order the works of Avicenna were formed.
This city (ſays Peyron) has preſerved nothing of its ancient grandeur, except a vaſt encloſure, filled with houſes half in ruins, and the famous moſque built by Abdoulraman, in the eighth century. This monument is really worthy the attention of the cu⯑rious. After the conqueſt of Cordova, it was con⯑verted into a cathedral, and not more than half of it [151] now exiſts; but ſuch as it is, nothing would equal its magnificence, were the height proportioned to its extent.
The roof is ſuſtained by a great number of co⯑umns, placed in ſuch an irregular manner, as to make it very difficult to count them. They are reckoned to be above 800; Townſend ſays he ſhould ſuppoſe there were many more. Some deſcriptions of this church, reckon 29 aiſles, others only 19, but the whole is ſuch a ſcene of confuſion, as renders it very difficult to give any tolerable idea of this build⯑ing. It is ſaid to have been a temple of Janus be⯑fore the time of the Moors, which is very probable, from ſome of the columns having Corinthian capi⯑tals. The columns are each of a ſingle piece, ſome of marble, ſome of jaſper, of granite, of porphyry, of alabaſter, of verde antico, &c. The ſquare be⯑fore this church is very beautiful, being planted with 80 large orange trees; in the midſt is a pond full of tench, and on each ſide a fountain continually playing; theſe are environed with cypreſs and palm trees.
A bridge of 16 arches, defended by a large Moor⯑iſh tower, leads from the ſouth into Cordova, and near the end of the bridge, ſtands the above moſque, converted into a cathedral. The walls of the [152] town are in many places juſt as the Romans left them.
This city contains 32,000 inhabitants, 14 pariſhes, and 44 convents. Few of the public or private buildings are conſpicuous for their architecture. The great ſquare is large and regular, and ſurrounded by porticos. The biſhop's palace is ſeated on the ſide of the river, and his gardens are open to the public.
The ancient palace of the Moors has been con⯑verted into ſtables, in which 100 Andaluſian horſes are generally kept. Their genealogy is carefully preſerved, and the name and age of each written over the place in which he ſtands; and as the horſes are very ſpirited, their hinder feet are faſtened to iron rings, fixed to a ſtaple in the ground. The mares are kept in the environs, and in the proper ſeaſon, the horſes are taken to them.
Cordova is the greateſt market for horſes in all Spain; it is here that the moſt beautiful and ſo juſtly celebrated Andaluſian horſes are to be ſeen, which it is death to export; they are all long tailed and entire, very few geldings being ſeen in Spain. Mates are only kept for breeding and treading out the corn: theſe are allowed to be exported. They are fed with wheat ſtraw, which is preferable to hay, [153] by reaſon of its juicy delicacy; ſometimes barley is given to them.
"This city (ſay Twiſs) is the moſt agreeable of any in Spain for a place of reſidence:—Here are about 30 noble families, who alternately ſpend the evenings at each other's houſes. They live in great ſplendor, and have equipages much more magnificent than in any other part of Spain: here are 14 or 15 coaches, chariots, or phaetons, which were lately made in London, and as many more procured from Paris. All theſe (ſays the above writer) I had an opportunity of ſeeing drawn by four and ſix long-tailed beautiful prancing ſtone-horſes, as it was then Whitſuntide-fair; the foot⯑men were all dreſſed in gold and ſilver laced live⯑ries. At a ball to which I was invited, the Engliſh country dances conſiſted of near 30 couple; the refreſhments were, chocolate, lemonade, ice-creams, cakes, and various kinds of wines and liqueurs. The ſaloon we danced in, very large, hung with crim⯑ſon damaſk, enriched with ſeveral of the St. Ilde⯑fonſo looking-glaſſes; the ceiling of white ſtucco, with gilt foliages; and the whole of theſe elegant decorations executed in the French taſte. Among the company much more freedom might be ob⯑ſerved than at any grand ball in England, and none of that obſtinate ſhyneſs and reſerve, ſo peculiarly charaſteriſtic of the Britiſh nation. Moſt of the [154] furniture in theſe palaces was Engliſh, as chairs, ta⯑bles, carpets, &c."
Upon the borders of this province, on the Sierra Morena, or chain of mountains, ſeparating Anda⯑luſia from New Caſtille, and called Morena, from its brown colour, is the new colony of La Carolina, planted a few years ſince by the king, in a very ex⯑tenſive tract of woody mountainous country. The firſt ſettlers were Germans; but, from eating un⯑wholeſome herbs, and drinking too freely of ſpirits, above half of them died; and now the inhabitants are a mixture of Germans, French, Savoyards and Spaniards.
They talk of 10,000 families being already ſettled here. Every new comer, on application, receives a lot of land, a houſe, two cows, one aſs, five ſheep, as many goats, ſix hens with a cock, one pregnant ſow, a plough, and a pick-axe, with other emolu⯑ments of inferior value. They begin with 50 fane⯑gas of land, of 10,000 ſquare feet each; and, when they have cultivated theſe, they receive 50 more, free of all rent for the firſt ten years; and, after that period, ſubject only to the royal tythes.
La Carolina, the capital of all the colonies, ſtands on a fine hill, towering over the whole ſettlement. For the ſake of thus overlooking the reſt of the plan⯑tations, [155] they have placed it in a ſpot deficient in wood and water; and reduced themſelves to the ne⯑ceſſity of digging an incredible number of wells, for the purpoſes of drinking, and watering their gardens. The whole town was new from the foundations, for there was not a cottage there ten years ſince. The ſtreets are wide, and drawn in ſtraight lines, but the ground is not ſufficiently le⯑velled; the houſes are upon one uniform plan, with⯑out the leaſt decoration. All the flat on the crown of the hill is laid out in kitchen-gardens, and planted with avenues of elms, to ſerve hereafter as public walks.
Conſidering that the town has been built and peopled in leſs than ten years, we cannot but ad⯑mire the energy and zeal of Olavidé, the founder, who conceived the idea of introducing agriculture and arts in the deſart mountains of the Sierra, where rapine and violence had for ages eſtabliſhed their dominion. "This colony, however, (ſays Town⯑ſend) is far from proſpering; which has been ge⯑nerally attributed to the want of a market for the ſurplus of their produce."
The ſame remarks have been made by Swin⯑burne, who ſays, there does not ſeem to be an outlet from this ſettlement, in caſe their manufac⯑tures ſhould arrive at any perfection, for it is ex⯑tremely [156] remote from the ſea, and many days jour⯑ney by land from the great cities in Spain, where the conſumption of their commodities might be ex⯑pected to turn to any account.
Andaluſia is bounded by that long chain of mountains, called Sierra Morena, on the north; by Murcia and Granada on the eaſt; by Granada, the Streights of Gibraltar, and the Atlantic on the ſouth; and by Portugal, from which it is ſeparated from the Guadiana on the weſt; its extent, from eaſt to weſt, is about 90 leagues; but its breadth varies very much, being in ſome places not above 30. It has the advantage of near 70 leagues of ſea-coaſt.
The name of Andaluſia, which it owes to the Vandals who ſettled here in the fifth century, is de⯑rived from Vandalenhaus, and from thence, by cor⯑ruption, came Andaluſia. In former times it was called Tarteſſis and Boetica. The Moors took poſ⯑ſeſſion of this province in the eighth century. The river Guadalquavir, by the ancients called Boetis and Tarteſſus, traverſes the whole country, and the Guadiana, as we have before remarked, ſeparates it, to the weſt, from the Portugueſe Algarve. Of the other ſmaller rivers, ſome run directly into the ſea; as the Odier and the Tinto, the water of which lat⯑ter river cannot be drank, being noxious even to [157] herbs and the roots of trees, and having neither fiſh nor any living creature in it; and the Guadalate, or river of oblivion. Others fall into the Guadalquivir, as the Guadiamar, and the Xenil, which riſes in Granada, &c.
Andaluſia is reckoned the fineſt province in all Spain, abounding in exquiſite fruits of all kinds; honey, excellent wines, grain, ſilk, ſugar, fine oil, numerous herds of cattle, particularly horſes, me⯑tals, cinnabar, and a certain ſpecies of quickſilver. The heat in ſummer is very great, but the inhabi⯑tants generally deep in the day-time, and travel, and follow their occupations in the night.
The principal cities in this province are Seville, Cadiz, and Gibraltar.
Seville, the capital of Andaluſia, ſtands on the banks of the Guadalquavir, in the midſt of a rich and, to the eye, a boundleſs plain. It is ſurround⯑ed by a wall of more than a league in circumference, with 126 towns. The ancient name of this city was Hiſpalis, which name was preſerved to it by the Latins. The Goths, from Hiſpalis, made Hiſ⯑palia, But the Arabians, who came after them, not pronouncing the p, called it Ixbilla, of which the Caſtillians have made Seville. Arias Montano derives the name Hiſpalis, from the Phoenician word Spala, [158] or Spila, which, in that language, ſignifies plain, or field of verdure. The Romans granted it the privileges of a Roman colony, and called it Julia Ro⯑mula, or little Rome.
Hercules is ſaid to have been the founder of Se⯑ville; and the opinion is ſo general, that it is current among the people, by long tradition; it is even in⯑ſcribed on the gates of the city.
There ſtill remain in Seville ſeveral ſtatues of Hercules and Caeſar, beſides that ſupported by two antique columns at the Alameda. Of the 43 Hercu⯑les, mentioned in hiſtory or fable, two came into Spain; one was a Lybian, the other from Thebes. The latter came to Cadiz with the Argonauts, and went thence to Gibraltar, where he founded a city, which he called Heraclea. This Hercules came about 1000 years after the other, ſo famous for his 12 labours, his ſtrength, and his courage. It re⯑mains to be known which of the two founded Se⯑ville.
Under the Roman government this city was em⯑belliſhed with many magnificent buildings, the very ruins of which have long ſince diſappeared. The Gothic kings made this city their reſidence, before they removed their court to Toledo. In the gene⯑ral confuſion enſuing upon the downfal of the king⯑dom [159] of Cordova, in 1027, Seville became an inde⯑pendent ſovereignty.
Ferdinand, the third King of Caſtille, after a year's reign, forced Seville to open its gates to him, and acknowledge his ſway. Three hundred thouſand Moors are ſaid to have left the city upon the capitu⯑lation, and to have carried their arms and induſtry to ſuch countries as were obedient to the law of Mahomet. It is difficult to conceive how Seville could continue to be a great and populous city after ſuch an emigration; yet we find it in a few years enlarged, adorned with new buildings, the chief of which was the cathedral, and long enjoying the rank of one of the moſt conſiderable cities in Spain.
Its moſt brilliant epocha, was ſoon after the diſco⯑very of America, when all the treaſures from that quarter of the globe were poured into Europe, and Seville made the magazine of its valuable produc⯑tions. The Sovereign frequently honoured this city with his preſence; merchants from all parts flocked hither to open houſes of commerce, or to provide themſelves with goods for foreign markets; the ſai⯑lors and adventurers of the Indian fleets rendez⯑vouſed here, and with wanton prodigality laviſhed the wealth which they had acquired in America. Then, indeed, was the time when the Spaniard cried out in the fulneſs of his heart. He that has not ſeen [160] Seville, has not ſeen the wonder of the World. Its court was then the moſt ſplendid in Europe; its ſtreets were thronged with an immenſe concourſe of people; its river was crowded with ſhips, and its keys covered with bales of precious merchandize. Great were the buildings begun, and ſtill greater the projects for future ones. Its proſperity ſeemed proof againſt the fickleneſs of fortune, when the danger and embarraſſments in the navigation of the Guadalquiver, occaſioned it to fall from the higheſt pitch of grandeur, to ſolitude and poverty. From the ſuperior excellence of the Port of Cadiz, the Galeons were ordered to be ſtationed there in fu⯑ture.
The ſhape of Seville is circular, without any great riſing in its whole extent. The walls ſeem of Mooriſh conſtruction, or of the ages following the diſſolution of the Saracenic empire. The ditch in many places is filled up. The circuit of the walls is not more than ſix miles. The ſuburb of Triana, on the weſt ſide of the river, is as large as many towns, but remarkable for nothing but its gloomy gothic caſtle, where, in 1481, the inquiſition formed its firſt eſtabliſhment in Spain.
Seville, (ſays Twiſs) is the largeſt city in the king⯑dom of Spain, and is ſituated in the middle of a plain, as level as any part of Holland. The river [161] Guadalquiver divides it into two unequal parts; that on the ſouth ſide is called Triana: theſe parts are joined together by a mean and ſhabby bridge, conſiſting of planks laid on ten boats, forming the ſegment of a circle, according as the tide runs.
There were at the time I was there, (ſays the above writer) 14 Dutch veſſels lying near the bridge, wait⯑ing for their cargoes of wool, which is a very dan⯑gerous commodity; for if proper care be not taken to air it frequently, by opening the hatches of the veſſel, it takes fire; a Dutch veſſel was by this means burnt down to the water's edge, a ſhort time before my arrival: this happened in the river, ſo that the crew ſaved their lives; but if ſuch an accident ſhould happen at ſea, the conſequence is evident. This river is neither broad nor rapid, but very deep.
The ſtreets are narrow, and ſome of them ſo con⯑tracted, that both walls may be touched at the ſame time. Few are wide enough for carriages; and many through which coaches paſs, ſhew, by the deep furrows in the walls, that one have touched, and often both at the ſame time.
This city is ſaid to contain 80,000 inhabitants, and is divided into 30 pariſhes. It has 84 convents, with 24 hoſpitals.
[162]Of the public edifices, the cathedral is the firſt to demand attention; it is a building of ſingular magnificence, but chiefly admired for its tower, the work of Guever, a Moor. It was originally built only 250 feet high, but was afterwards raiſed 100 more, and is therefore at preſent 350 feet. It has no ſteps, nor are they required; becauſe the inclined plain is ſo eaſy of aſcent, that a horſe might trot from the bottom to the top; and at the ſame time it is ſo broad, that two horſemen might ride abreaſt. On the top of this tower is the Giralda, or large brazen image, 14 feet height, which, with its palm-branch, weighs near one ton and a half, yet turns with the ſlighteſt variation of the wind. The effect of this tower riſing above every edifice in Seville, is extremely noble.
The Moors erected this tower about the year 1000. Tradition relates, that to form a ſolid foun⯑dation for it, the Moors made a deep hole, into which they caſt all the marble and ſtone monuments of the Romans that could be found. When repairs have been neceſſary, and the ground has been opened near the bottom, many broken ornaments and in⯑ſcriptions have been diſcovered. For ſome purpoſe, unknown to poſterity, the architect has made the ſolid maſonry in the upper half, juſt as thick again as that in the lower, though on the outſide it is all the way of the ſame dimenſions.
[163]The dimenſions of the cathedral are 420 feet, by 263, and the height is 126. It was built A. D. 1401. This cathedral receives light by fourſcore windows, with painted glaſs, the work of Arnao, of Flanders, each of which coſt 1000 ducats.
The treaſures of this church are ineſtimable; one altar is wholly ſilver, with all its ornaments, as are the images, large as life, of S. Iſidore, and S. Leander, and a tabernacle for the hoſt, more than 12 feet high, adorned with 48 columns; yet the value of theſe is trifling, when compared with the gold and precious ſtones depoſited by the piety of Catholics, during the period in which all the wealth of the newly diſcovered world flowed into this city. The profu⯑ſion of gold, ſilver, and gems, would be more ſtrik⯑ing, were not the attention occupied and loſt in ad⯑miration of innumerable pictures which were the works of thoſe Spaniſh maſters, who flouriſhed immediately after the arrival of the art in Seville.
To the cathedral belongs a library of 20,000 vo⯑lumes, collected by Hernando, ſon to Chriſtopher Colon, the firſt diſcoverer of America.
The new organ in this church, contains 5300 pipes, with 110 ſtops, which are ſaid to be 50 more than in the famous one of Harlaem; yet ſo capacious are the bellows, that when filled, they ſupply the [164] organ 15 minutes. The mode of filling them with air is ſingular; a man walks backwards and forwards along an inclined plain of about 15 feet in length, which is ballanced in the middle on its axis. Paſ⯑ſing ten times along the inclined plain, fills the bel⯑lows.
In the cathedral are 82 altars, at which are ſaid daily 500 maſſes. The annual conſumption is 1500 arrobas of wine, 800 of oil, and 1000 of wax. The archbiſhop has a revenue of nearly £33,000 a year. There are beſides eleven dignitaries, who, on high feſtivals, wear the mitre, amply provided for.
Many of the convents are remarkable for the beauty of their architecture; but in Seville, the eye covets only pictures, and amidſt the profuſion of theſe, it overlooks works, which in other ſituations, would rivet the attention, and every where fixes on the pencil of Murillo. His moſt famous perform⯑ances are in the hoſpital de la Caridad, and, ſuited to the inſtitution, expreſs ſome act of charity. The church of the Capuchins is alſo richly furniſhed with his works. Eleven of his pictures are to be ſeen in a chapel, called De la vera Cruz, belonging to the Franciſcans. But the moſt maſterly of all his works, (ſays Townſend) is in the refectory of an hoſpital, deſigned for the reception of ſuperannuated prieſts. [165] It repreſents an angel holding a baſket to the infant Jeſus, who, ſtanding on his mother's lap, takes bread from it to feed three venerable prieſts. No repre⯑ſentation ever approached nearer to real life, nor is it poſſible to ſee more expreſſion than glows upon that canvaſs. This great painter was born in the year 1618, and died in 1682. His name ſtands high in Europe, but to form an adequate idea of his ex⯑cellence, every convent ſhould be viſited, where he depoſited the monuments of his ſuperior ſkill. In exactneſs of imitation, he has been equalled; in the clair obſcur, and in reflected lights, he was ſur⯑paſſed by Velaſquez; but not one of all the Spaniſh artiſts have gone beyond him in tenderneſs and ſoft⯑neſs.
Murillo, Valaſquez, and De Valdes, three of the beſt Spaniſh painters, were all born in or near Se⯑ville; no wonder, therefore, that ſo many of their paintings are to be found in this royal city.
The Alcazar, or palace of the Mooriſh kings, is an irregular building, but commodious and pleaſant⯑ly ſituated, compriſing many large and well propor⯑tioned rooms. The modern part of this palace, has the celebrated motto of Charles V, Plus ultra, inſerted in every room, together with the Imperial Eagle. Charles was fond and vain of this motto.
[166]The garden is ſingular, and having obtained its priſtine form, is meant to ſerve as a model of the Mooriſh taſte. It is laid out in alleys, with clipped myrtle hedges, and in the middle of the parterres are ſingle trees, cut into the form of warriors, with ſpiked clubs. The whole of this pleaſure garden, with the palace and the court-yard, is ſurrounded by a ſtrong rampart, communicating with, but much higher than, the city wall; and beyond this is an orange grove of conſiderable extent. For the winter, and for the ſpring, there cannot be a more de⯑lightful reſidence.
Of the convents, that which is upon the moſt ex⯑tenſive ſcale, belongs to the Franciſcans. It con⯑tains 15 cloiſters, many of which are elegant and ſpacious, with apartments for 200 monks. Their annual expenditure is about £4000.
The univerſity was founded in the year 1502, and ſoon roſe into conſideration. The name of Arias Montanus, who lies buried at the convent of S. Jago, is alone ſufficient to give celebrity to this ſeminary. His tranſlation of the holy ſcriptures, will be va⯑lued by the learned, as long as the ſcriptures them⯑ſelves ſhall be the object of veneration to mankind. The number of under graduates here, is about 500.
The Spaniards look upon this city and its envi⯑rons, [167] as a perfect paradiſe, eſpecially in fine even⯑ings, which they are ſeldom without, when all the people of faſhion repair to the neighbouring fields in their coaches, to breathe the fragrant air, per⯑fumed with a variety of ſweet flowers and bloſſoms, that nature produces in almoſt every ſeaſon. The olives are the beſt in Europe, and are here in prodigious quantities: there is a grove of them, not far from the city, twenty miles in circum⯑ference.
The Almeida, or Mall, is about three furlongs in length, divided into four ſhady walks, by five rows of trees; it is, beſides, embelliſhed with fountains and ſeats, and ſmall canals of water run⯑ning along the border of each row of trees. This Mall is further remarkable for having two very high columns of granite, taken from a temple of Hercules, which exiſted here in times of very remote antiquity; on the top of one is placed a ſtatue of Hercules, and on the other that of Julius Caeſar. At the other end are two modern columns, with a lion on the top of each.
Between the hours of ſix and eight in the evening the Spaniſh ladies reſort hither in their carriages; and, from ten to midnight, they return again to walk, eſpecially on Sundays, attended by their corlejos.
[168]The royal tobacco manufacture is ſituated juſt without the walls, it was built in 1757, wholly of white ſtone. The building is a ſquare of 240 feet, and of two ſtories in height: the chief front has 29 windows, and the others nearly the ſame num⯑ber. Fifteen hundred men are conſtantly employ⯑ed in this manufacture of ſugars and ſnuff, and 190 horſes alternately turn 80 mills for the ſame purpoſe. The whole fabric coſt nearly half a million ſter⯑ling. The net revenue amounts to one million ſterling, it being the only manufacture in the kingdom.
There is but one door by which it can be entered, to prevent labourers from ſmuggling the tobacco, which ſome of them, nevertheleſs, found means to do by a very uncommon method, which was diſco⯑vered by their being obliged to be cured of the in⯑flammation happening to the part where they had concealed it. The firſt three or four days of their coming to work, the volatile parts of the tobacco and ſnuff affect them ſo much as to cauſe them to ſtagger and reel as if they were intoxicated.
The univerſal uſe of ſnuff and tobacco in almoſt all countries, and the vaſt ſums of money gained by its commerce and manufactures, is wonderful, when we conſider how few years have elapſed ſince its firſt introduction, compared with other articles of commerce. Sir Walter Raliegh was the firſt perſon, we are told, that ſmoaked it, and this while he was in America; and it is related, whilſt he was lighting his pipe, having ſent out his black ſervant for ſomething to drink, the poor fellow on his return finding the ſmoke iſſue from his maſ⯑ter's mouth in volumes, conceived him to be on fire, and inſtantly threw the contents of the pot in his face, in order to extinguiſh it.
The ſilk manufacture was formerly conſiderable at Seville. When Ferdinand III. in the year 1248, entered the city, he found, as it is ſaid, 16,000 looms, which employed 130,000 perſons; and ſuch was the population of the city, that the Moors who left it, when it was ſurrendered to the Chriſtians, were 400,000, beſides multitudes who died during [170] a 16 months' ſiege, and many who remained after their fellow-citizens were gone. On the firſt diſ⯑covery of America they once more reckoned 16,000 looms, but ſome heavy taxes impoſed by Philip II. during the latter end of his reign, and the ſubſe⯑quent expulſion of the Moors, gave a ſhock to com⯑merce it has not yet recovered.
In the vicinity of Seville is a curious monument of antiquity, the amphitheatre of Italica. It is an oval of 291 feet by 204. Italica is the city where Trajan, Adrian, and Theodoſius the Great are ſuppoſed to have been born. Of the ancient colony of Italica, ſuppoſed to have been compoſed by Scipio, of his veteran ſoldiers, ſcarce any veſtiges remain. It is ſaid, the Moors deſtroyed it, not to have a rival ſo near Seville. The amphitheatre is now more like Stonehenge than a regular Roman edifice.
About four leagues from this city is a ſmall tower, called La Torre de Quatro Abitas, which may be ſhaken by a perſon who aſcends it, to ſuch a degree as to ſpill liquids out of a glaſs; and Twiſs, from whom this extract is made, farther ſays, he has been aſſured, that all along the coaſts of Spain are watch-towers, from mile to mile, with lights and guards at night, ſo that from Cadiz to Barcelona, and from Bilboa to Ferrol, the whole kingdom may, [171] by theſe means, be ſucceſſively alarmed in caſe of an invaſion.
The country round the city, to a conſiderable diſtance, lies ſo low that it is frequently overflowed; and upon ſome occaſions the water has been eight feet high even in their habitations. The ſoil is rich, and being at the ſame time very deep, its fertility is aſtoniſhing. The produce is corn, legu⯑minous plants, hemp, flax, lemons, oranges, and liquorice. The quantity of liquorice exported an⯑nually from Spain, is ſaid to amount nearly to 200 tons, a conſiderable part of which is purchaſed by the porter-brewers in London. The importation of this produce from Spain has increaſed very rapid⯑ly within theſe few years. From being only three tons in the year 1785, it became 60 tons in the year 1788, into the port of London only, and 183 tons including the outports. From which circumſtance we may collect, that London has taught the country brewers the uſe of this innocent drug in making porter.
In conſequence of vapours and miaſmata from ſtanding waters, and frequent floods, the inhabi⯑tants of Seville and its neighourhood are ſubject to tertian and putrid fevers, and to hyſterical diſorders. Theſe diſorders may likewiſe be occaſioned by the quantity of melons and cucumbers conſumed by them all the year, in conſequence of which they [172] are likewiſe infeſted with worms, accompanied with epilepſies. There are other diſeaſes, which origi⯑nate in heat. Whenever they have the Solano wind, that is, whenever the wind blows from Africa, they become liable to pleuriſies; but what is chiefly complained of by the phyſicians and magiſtrates is, an irritability of nerves, influencing the morals in a variety of ways.
A. D. 1731, the conſumption of fleſh in Seville was 1,792,271 lbs. of which the eccleſiaſtics had 8,11,091 lbs. free from taxes.
Cadiz, or, as the Engliſh generally pronounce is Cales, was not leſs famous in antiquity, than when it became the ſtaple of general commerce from Spain to the Indies.
The Phoenicians had no ſooner landed in Spain than they founded a city, which they named Gadez (or encloſure) upon that tongue of land which the Greeks believed to be the weſtern extremity of the world.
This place became very powerful under the em⯑pire of the Romans. They embelliſhed it with ſe⯑veral temples; and, if the ancients may be believ⯑ed, the ceremonies and dogmas of religion had there a more ſublime meaning than in the reſt of the [173] world. Altars were dedicated to the year, the month, to commerce, and, what is ſtill more ſur⯑prizing, Gadez contained the ſtatue and temple of Poverty. The temple of Hercules, built by the Phoenicians, in this city, was the moſt famous; it was here he vanquiſhed the triple Geryon. The great antiquity of the temple gave riſe to fa⯑bulous tales. Among the numerous columns with which it was decorated, were two of braſs, upon which unknown characters were engraved. According to the Roman hiſtorians it was near this place Julius Caeſar found the ſtatue of Alexander, which inſpired his ambition with ſuch bitter complaints. No ſacrifice of animals was made in this temple: nothing but incenſe was burned within the walls; and, by an inſtitution not remarkable for politeneſs, and difficult to be explained, women and ſwine were forbidden to enter it. The prieſt who offered up the ſacrifice was to be chaſte, to have his head ſhaved, his feet bare, and his robe tucked up. Some authors pretend that there was no ſtatue in the temple, not even that of the divinity to which it was dedicated. By Hercules the Phoeni⯑cians meant to indicate the almighty power of the Supreme Being.
It is recorded by ſome old French writers that, during the time of the Romans, 'their great riches [174] had introduced ſuch luxury, that the girls of Gades, were ſought after in all public rejoicings, as well for their ſkill in playing on different inſtruments of muſic, que pour leur humeur, qui avoit quelque choſe de plus que de l'enjouement.'
The ſmall peninſula on which Cadiz is ſituated embraces a very conſiderable extent of the ſea; and, with its two extreme points, called Los Puntales, forms a noble bay, the work of nature, which is about three leagues long, and two broad. Its en⯑trance is in breadth a ſhort league. The two points appear contrived expreſsly to defend the bay.
Cadiz occupies the whole ſurface of the weſtern extremity of the iſle of Leon. This iſland bears reſemblance to a pear with a long ſtalk; and is in length, from the ſouth-eaſt to the north-weſt, about ſix leagues. The north-weſt end, where the town ſtands, is ſcarcely half a league in breadth. At the ſouth-eaſt end of the ancient bridge of Sua⯑co, thrown over a deep channel or river, affords a communication between the iſland and the conti⯑nent.
The iſland, with the continent oppoſite to it, forms a bay four leagues in lenght, and in moſt places [175] two in breadth, except about the centre of the bay, where are two points of land which approach ſo near as to command the paſſage. One of theſe points is on the iſland and the other on the conti⯑nent. Within theſe points of land is the harbour. Two forts are erected on them, Fort Puntal and Fort Matagorda, which muſt be taken before an ene⯑my can enter the harbour; theſe two forts are well fortified, and render the harbour perfectly ſecure. During the time of the ebb a great part of the har⯑bour is dry.
The bay is ſo ſpacious, that there are moorings for the different veſſels, according to their various deſtinations.
Cadiz is ſurrounded with walls, which contribute more to its embelliſhment than to its defence.
Cadiz contains ſeveral regular ſquares, the ſtreets are broad, ſtraight, and at preſent almoſt all paved with a large white and ſmooth ſtone, in which care has been taken to cut it in ſuch a manner as to pre⯑vent the horſes and mules from ſlipping.
The ſwarms of rats that run about the ſtreets in the night are incredible; whole droves of them paſs and repaſs continually, which makes walking late in the ſtreets extremely troubleſome.
[176]The houſes are very high, with each a veſtibule, which being left open till night, ſerves paſſengers to retire to: this cuſtom, which prevails throughout Spain, renders theſe places exceedingly offenſive. In the middle of the houſe is a court like a deep well, under which is generally a ciſtern, the breed⯑ing place of gnats and moſquitos; the ground-floors are warehouſes, the firſt ſtories compting houſes or kitchens, and the principal apartments up two pair of ſtairs. The roofs are flat, covered with an im⯑penetrable cement, and few are without a mirador or turret, for the purpoſe of commanding a view of the ſea. Round the parapet wall are placed rows of ſquare pillars, intended either for ornament, agreeable to ſome traditional mode of decoration, or to fix awnings to; that ſuch as ſit there for the benefit of the ſea breeze may be ſheltered from the rays of the ſun: but the moſt common uſe made of them, is to faſten ropes for drying linen upon. High above all theſe pinnacles, which gives Cadiz a moſt ſingular appearance, ſtands the tower of ſignals: here flags are hung out on the firſt ſight of a ſail, marking the ſize of the ſhip, the nation it belongs to, and, if a Spaniſh Indiaman, the port of the Indies it come from.
The public walk or alameda is pleaſant in the evening: it is cuſtomary to walk here till midnight. Among the reſt, ſays Twiſs, I obſerved ſeveral ladies [177] who had fixed glow-worms by threads to their hair, which had a luminous and pleaſing effect. The alameda is planted with double rows of white elms; ſeats of ſtone are fixed on each ſides: it is parted from the coach-road by iron rails, and commands a fine view of the ocean. This walk is as much reſorted to by ladies of eaſy virtue as our St. James's park, and is the only place in Spain where ſuch bare-faced licentiouſneſs and libertiniſm is to be ſeen.
At the extremity of this walk, weſtward, is a large eſplanade, the only airing place in this city: it turns round moſt of the weſt and ſouth ſides of the iſland, but the buildings are ſtraggling and ugly.
They reckon now in Cadiz not more than 70,000 inhabitants; but, about ten years ſince, it is ſaid to have contained near 90,000, beſides 20,000 that entered daily from the ſea and the adjacent country.
The moſt diſtinguiſhed buildings are the two cathedrals, the one ancient, the other not yet finiſhed. The former is chiefly worthy of notice for ſome good pictures and its treaſures, conſiſting of gems, ſilver candleſticks and lamps, both nu⯑merous and bulky; and three cuſtodias or taber⯑nacles, [178] one of which conſtructed of the fineſt ſilver, and weighs more than half a ton; another is moſtly of ſolid gold.
The new cathedral is an immenſe pile, with large and lofty domes, and many pillars well proportion⯑ed; yet the whole appears heavy and diſguſting. This is attributed to its being loaded with a very projecting cornice, which in a rotunda of large di⯑menſions would not be void of elegance, but is by no means ſuitable to an edifice abounding with angles. All who view this building are ſtruck with the abſurdity of this prepoſterous ornament. It is not impoſſible, however, that the waves may ſoon wipe away this diſgrace to taſte, as they have al⯑ready begun their devaſtations on that ſide, and not more than ten feet are interpoſed between the build⯑ing and the ſea.
In the convents are ſome good pictures, more particularly in the cloiſter of the Auguſtine friars; and in that of the Capuchins, are ſome moſt worthy of attention, by Murillo.
Of the three hoſpitals, two are remarkable for their neatneſs; the third deſerves moſt commenda⯑tion for its general utility. It is called the Royal or Military Hoſpital, becauſe deſigned for ſoldiers; it has fourſcore ſtudents maintained and educated [179] at the King's expence. One of the two diſtin⯑guiſhed for neatneſs is ſet apart for women; the other, deſigned for men, is elegant. All the wards are paved with marble, in checkers of black and white; and, inſtead of white walls, wainſcoting, or ſtucco, the ſides are covered with Dutch tiles.
In this hoſpital are generally about 6000 pa⯑tients, and out of theſe they annually loſe one tenth.
There is alſo a retreat for widows, founded by a Turkey merchant, ſettled at Cadiz, who died A. D. 1756, aged 104. In this hoſpital 47 widows have each two good rooms, with a weekly allow⯑ance of ſix reals. But the moſt intereſting eſta⯑bliſhment in Cadiz, and the beſt conducted of the kind in Spain, is the hoſpicio, or general houſe of induſtry. In it are received the poor of every nation unable to maintain themſelves; and in the firſt place, orphans, deſerted children, and the aged, who are paſſed the capability of labour, the blind, the lame, idiots, and mad people, but eſpe⯑cially prieſts when aged and reduced to poverty. Even ſtrangers paſſing through the city, with per⯑miſſion of the governor, may be entertained here for two days.
[180]Neatneſs univerſally prevails, and all who are here received are clean, well cloathed, and have plenty of the beſt proviſions. The young people are taught to read, to write, to caſt accounts; and ſuch as manifeſt abilities, are not only inſtructed in the principles of geometry, but, if they are ſo inclined, are taught to draw. The boys are trained to weav⯑ing, and to various crafts; the girls ſpin wool, flax and cotton; they knit, make lace, or are employed in plain work.
To encourage induſtry an account is kept of what every individual earns, out of which he is made debtor to the houſe for about three reals a day, and the overplus given to him, when he can make it appear he is able to eſtabliſh himſelf without their future aid. I examined the accounts of many, ſays Townſend, who cleared for themſelves more than half a crown a week, and were looking out for ſet⯑tlements, that they might marry, and gather the fruits of their induſtry.
Adjoining to the houſe is a ſpacious ſhop, for the accommodation of all who are willing to work, wherein are provided proper implements and raw materials, and the moment any one has completed his work, he receives the price of his labour with⯑out any deduction; being at liberty not only to [181] lodge where he pleaſes, but to ſpend his gains ac⯑cording to his own fancy.
But becauſe many, who would work, are indiſ⯑penſibly confined at home, where from poverty they are unable to procure either wheels or wool, the governors provide both, and pay them without any deduction for their work. Townſend inſtances three children employed by them, the eldeſt nine years of age, who by ſpinning gained ſix reals, that is more than 14 pence a day, and maintained a pa⯑ralytic father.
Not ſatisfied with theſe exertions they have eſta⯑bliſhed ſchools, in the diſtant quarters of the city, and, providing maſters in every branch of buſineſs, freely admit all who are deſirous of being taught.
The management is veſted in 12 directors, who are preſided over by the governor of the city, for the time being, with power to fill up of themſelves any vacancy which may happen in their body.
The ſource of their revenue are from voluntary contributions, legacies, a tax on all wheat brought into the city, and from the produce of labour in the houſe.
[182]The agreeable and amiable qualities of the fair ſex renders a reſidence at Cadiz delightful, the ladies poſſeſs to a very uncommon degree the pleaſ⯑ing exterior of the Andaluſians, modified by the ſociety of ſtrangers, and by that general deſire to pleaſe, which the refinements of ſociety and a con⯑courſe of admirers maintain in continual activity. Pleaſures are not much varied at Cadiz. During ſome years there was a French comedy. The only theatre at preſent is the national one, which rivals thoſe of the capital, and ſometimes is enriched by their loſſes. The ſituation of the city, but of a middling extent for a population of 80,000 inha⯑bitants, and which the ſea almoſt ſurrounds, renders the pleaſures of public walks but very few. At a quarter of a league from the land-gate, ſterility again appears, and continues for ſeveral leagues round, if a few kitchen-gardens and ſome orchards, in the vicinity of the iſle of Leon, be excepted, where waterings ſupply the want of moiſture in the ſandy dryneſs of the ſoil. The bull-fights are ex⯑hibited in the hotteſt months of the year; this being one of the few cities in Spain where they have not been baniſhed, and it is not that in which the people are leaſt delighted with them.
They have an Italian Opera, and a French Thea⯑tre, upon a very grand ſcale, ſupported by the vo⯑luntary ſubſcriptions of the French merchants.
[183]The end of the carnival at Cadiz differs very little from the beginning; no public balls or maſ⯑querades being allowed; the only marks of the feſ⯑tivity of Shrove-tide, the laſt day of the carnival, were pail-fulls of water which the women in the balconies poured upon the men in ſlouched hats and cloaks that paſſed within their reach. There were, however, many aſſemblies and balls of a lower claſs, where the fandango was danced a la ley, that is in all the perfection it is capable of. Among the gipſies there is another dance called the Man⯑guindoy, ſo laſcivious and indecent that it is pro⯑hibited under ſevere penalties; the turns are ſimple, like that of the fandango, being little more than a return of the ſame ſet of notes; this, as well as the fandango, is ſaid to have been imported from the Havannah, being both of negro breed. On the coaſt of Africa it is likewiſe ſaid they exhibit a variety of ſtrange dances, pretty ſimilar to theſe. From whatever country the fandango may have ori⯑ginally come, it is now ſo thoroughly naturalized in Spain, that every Spaniard may be ſaid to have been born with it in his head and his heels. Towards the cloſe of the great balls, given heretofore in the theatre, when all the company appeared drooping with fatigue, it was a conſtant trick of the fiddlers to ſtrike up this dance. In an inſtant every one ſtarted up, and the whole houſe reſounded with the [184] uproar of clapping hands, footing, jumping, and ſnapping of fingers.
This is the moſt commercial city in Spain, the firſt marine department, and the centre of all the traffic to America and the Weſt Indies. Cadiz, ſays the author of the Voyageur Français, in his ac⯑count of the trade of this city, is the place where the Engliſh, French, Dutch, and Italian merchants ſend their goods to be exported to America in Spa⯑niſh veſſels, which are divided into three claſſes; the fleet, (flota,) the regiſter ſhips, and the galleons. The flota conſiſts of three men of war, and 14 or 15 merchant ſhips, whoſe burthen is from 400 to 1000 tons. Theſe veſſels are laden with the beſt European productions; ſilk, ſtuffs, linen, velvet, ribbonds, laces, glaſs, paper, hardware, watches, clocks, ſhoes, ſtockings, books, prints, pictures, iron utenſils, wine, fruit, &c. ſo that every nation is in⯑tereſted in the lading. Spain hardly contributes any thing but wine, which with the freight, broker, age, and taxes to the King, are all the advantages ſhe derives from this commerce. The fleet ſails from Cadiz to La Vera Cruz, the veſſels which compoſe it are not allowed to part company, nor to put in, nor break bulk any where on the voy⯑age. It takes in return gold, ſilver, jewels, cochi⯑neal, indigo, tobacco, ſugar, coton, &c.
[185]The regiſter ſhips are equipped by, and ſail for the account of ſome private merchants of Seville and Cadiz. When they think the Americans are in want of certain goods, they preſent a petition to the council of the Indies, and deſire leave to ſend each of them a veſſel of 300 tons, for which leave they pay a certain ſum; and, beſides, are obliged to make conſiderable preſents to different officers; and though they only obtain leave to ſend veſſels of 300 tons, they generally ſend thoſe of at leaſt double that burthen.
The galleon fleet is compoſed of eight ſhips of the line, chiefly deſtined to furniſh Peru with war⯑like ſtores, but they are alſo filled with various merchandiſe for the account of private perſons. Twelve other veſſels, ſail under their convoy. This fleet may only trade on the coaſts of the South Sea, and the other is limited to Mexico.
The whole trade of Cadiz engages about 1000 veſſels, of which nearly one-tenth are Spaniſh.
The wines moſt remarkable in Cadiz, are Sherry and Pacaretti, both from Xeres and its vicinity. The former is ſold for 48 pounds a ton, the latter for 56; when they come to England, they pay in the out ports exciſe and cuſtoms, near 30 pounds a [186] ton, but in the port of London near three pounds more.
The people who moſt abound at Cadiz are, firſt the Iriſh, and next the Flemings, Genoeſe, and Germans. The Engliſh and Dutch are not numer⯑ous. There are many Frenchmen, but more among the workmen of every kind, and retail dealers, than among the merchants. It appears, however, that the commerce carried on by foreigners in this city, is very much on the decline. This is attributed chiefly to the extenſion of the commerce of the Spaniſh Indies, formerly confined to this city, and to ſeveral other ports of the kingdom of Spain.
The manufactures of this city are very inconſi⯑derable: that of ſalt is the moſt intereſting branch of induſtry. The ſalt-pits encompaſs a great part of the bay from Puntal to Port St. Mary. The ſalt manufactures ſell what remains to them after fur⯑niſhing the King's magazines, more or leſs dear according to circumſtances. The nations who purchaſe it are Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Eng⯑land, and particularly Portugal. The fiſhermen from St. Malo, Dieppe, and Granville, ſometimes go to the Bay of Cadiz to take in cargoes of ſalt for Newfoundland; and when the ſalt-pits in France fail, the French take large quantities of it for home conſumption.
[187]Every commercial nation has a conſul reſident at Cadiz; thoſe of England are the only ones not al⯑lowed to have any concern in trade.
The ſtir in this city is prodigious during the laſt months of the ſtay of the flota. The packers poſſeſs the art of preſſing goods in great perfection; but as the freight is paid according to the cubic palms of each bale, they are apt to ſqueeze down the cloths and linen ſo very cloſe and hard, as ſometimes to ren⯑der them unfit for uſe. The exportation of French luxuries in dreſs is enormous; Lyons furniſhes moſt of them; England ſends out bale good; and the North, linens.
At about four leagues from Cadiz is Chiclana, a handſome village, where the merchants of Cadiz have their country houſes. Theſe they have em⯑belliſhed and ſurrounded with that verdure of which they are deprived in their town reſidence. The citizens of Cadiz carry thither, and enjoy, for a time, all the luxuries of the capital; dinners, ſup⯑pers, balls, concerts, all the diſplay of opulence, and every ornament of the toilette; this village is, if we may ſo expreſs it, a theatre opened by luxury and taſte; in which the polite and amiable diſplay their charms, ſmooth the brows of the calculators who accompany them, and generouſly beſtowing [188] unnumbered pleaſures, oblige them to confeſs that there are things more precious than gold.
GIBRALTAR. This town, which has been in poſſeſſion of the Engliſh ſince the year 1704, is ſeated at the foot of the famous mount Calpe, generally known by the name of one of Hercules's pillars, the other being mount Abyle, directly oppoſite to it on the African coaſt. Mount Calpe is a high and ſteep rock, ſtanding by itſelf and joined to the Spaniſh continent by means of a low neck of land, about two hundred fathoms broad. The town of Gibral⯑tar is built on a ſlip of land, which runs out into the Mediterranean ſea, and forms a bay called the bay of Gibraltar. The mountain, or rock which defends it on the land ſide is half a league high, and ſo ſteep that there is no aſcending it by a body of troops if they met with oppoſition. Its perpendicular height above the level of the ſea, is fourteen hundred feet. Many apes and monkies inhabit its caverns and pre⯑cipices, and are frequently ſhot; it is thought that theſe animals are not produced in any other part of Europe. The birds called ſolitary ſparrows, are alſo found here.
In blowing up the rock in various places, many pieces of bones, teeth, &c. are daily found incorpora⯑ted with the ſtones. On the weſt ſide of this moun⯑tain, is the cave called S. Michaels, eleven hundred [189] and ten feet above the horizon. It contains many pillars of various ſizes, from the thickneſs of a gooſe's quill to two feet in diameter, formed by the drop⯑pings of water, which have petrified in falling. The water is perpetually dripping from the roof, and forms an infinite number of ſtalactitae, continually increaſing in bulk, which will probably, in proceſs of time, fill the whole cavern. At the end of this cave is a hole, about ſix feet in diameter, of which the depth is uncertain. The ſignal houſe, built on the higheſt part of the mountain, commands a proſpect of the town, the bay, the ſtraits. Mount Abyle, or Ape's hill, on the African ſhore, the city of Ceuta, and great part of the Barbary coaſt; the town of S. Roque and Algeziras, and the ſnowy Alpuxarra mountains. At night an infinitely greater number of ſtars maybe diſcovered from hence by the naked eye than from below, becauſe in this elevated ſitua⯑tion the atmoſphere is much more pure and thin.
Gibraltar is not ſo conſiderable for extent or beauty, as for its ſtrength or ſituation, which renders it the key of Spain. It is accordingly provided with all the artillery, ſtores, and forces neceſſary for its defence. Seven regiments generally are in garriſon here, and ſix hundred men are always on guard at a time. The diſcipline obſerved here is very ſtrict, and the officers always appear in their regimentals. There are 340 guns mounted on the fortifications, [190] and there is room for 100 more; thoſe of the grand battery are of bronze, and the reſt of iron, they are all fired in ſucceſſion on the king's birth-day; this performance takes up half an hour. At ſun-riſe, ſun-ſet, and at nine in the evening a gun is daily fired.
In the year 1704, the united fleets of England and Holland, after a cannonading of only a few hours, took it by ſurrender; and though the Spaniards endeavoured to recover it the following year, by a formal ſiege, and afterwards by a block⯑ade, they miſcarried in both; and at the Treaty of Utrecht the Engliſh were confirmed in the poſ⯑ſeſſion of it. In the year 1727 the Spaniards again attempted Gibraltar, but with no better ſucceſs than before. A freſh attempt was likewiſe made on the ſide of the town during the late war, by the means of floating batteries, which likewiſe failed. This laſt attempt would have proved ſuc⯑ceſsful, had it not been for the ſtratagem of firing red hot balls on them from the garriſon, which ſet fire to the greateſt part of the new invented batteries, and diſperſed the reſt.
This moſt extraordinary fortreſs and mountain has been ſo often deſcribed by particular hiſtories, prints, and drawings, that we have given a view of it.
The views publiſhed by Major Macé are exact, and convey a very good idea of the four different faces of the mountain. Since the time of their pub⯑lication General Boyd has completed the roads up the hill in every neceſſary direction: a carriage may now go up to the ſignal-houſe, which be⯑fore ſeemed a place where none but goats could climb up.
The ſtrait to which this town gives name is about eight leagues in length and five in breadth. There is a ſtrong current ſetting into this ſtrait from the Atlantic, which will carry a veſſel ten miles an hour, and requires a very ſtrong gale to ſtem it.
The town conſiſts chiefly of one ſtreet, which is tolerably broad and well paved; the other ſtreets are crooked, narrow, and dirty: it contains an Engliſh church, a Roman Catholic one for the Spaniards and Portugueſe, who inhabit this town, [192] to the number of 300, and are moſtly ſhopkeepers, and for about 700 Genoeſe, chiefly mariners; and a ſynagogue for the Jews, who amount nearly to the number of 600. The number of the Engliſh may be about 2000, excluſive of the military: beſides theſe, there are a few hundred Moors, who continually paſs and repaſs to and from the Barbary coaſt, trafficking in cattle, fowls, fiſh, fruits, and other proviſions, as nothing is to be had from Spain, which neither Jews nor Moors are ever ſuffered to enter.
There is a ſmall theatre here, where the per⯑formances are well got up; the actors are mili⯑tary gentlemen, and the actreſſes ſuch by profeſ⯑ſion.
All European coin are current here, but conſi⯑derably under the value; a guinea paſſing for no more than 19 ſhillings and ſixpence, and five Spaniſh reals for not more than three.
No perſon is allowed to go out of the Engliſh territory, either by land or ſea, without a paſs from the Governor, who grants the inhabitants one an⯑nually. No veſſels, nor even boats, are ſuffered to land their people in any of the Spaniſh poſts, till after they have performed a quarantine of three or four days. Here are taverns, coffee-houſes, billiard-tables, [193] ſhops, &c. as in England. The Gover⯑nor's garden is open to the public, and much re⯑ſorted to on Sunday evenings.
The province of Andaluſia, watered throughout its whole extent by the Guadalquivir, if properly cultivated, would produce corn ſufficient not only for its own conſumption but for exportation. Yet the wheat annually imported is little leſs than one million and an half of fanegas; the fanega being generally one cwt. but at Cadiz ſomething leſs. Nearly one half of this quantity, in the year 1787, came from Africa, and the remainder, except about 85,000 fanegas, imported from America, was fur⯑niſhed by Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia. In Cadiz, to prevent a ſcarcity of corn, and to make a profit by the ſale of it, the city has eſtabliſhed a public granary, from which the bakers are ſupplied at a given price, and according to that the magiſtrates regulate the aſſize of bread.
The country between Cadiz and Algeſiras, which lies on the bay of Gibraltar, is one of the moſt de⯑ſert of thoſe not quite uncultivated. "For ten leagues (ſays Bourgoanne) I croſſed the duchy of Medina-Sidonia, which, in this diſtrict, conſiſted of corn-fields and paſtures. In no part of them was the veſtige of a human habitation. The great pro⯑prietor ſeems to reign there like the lion in the fo⯑reſts, [194] by driving away with his roarings, thoſe who otherwiſe might approach him. Inſtead of men and women I met with ſeven or eight great herds of horned cattle and ſome troops of mares. On ſeeing them free from the yoke and bridle, wan⯑dering over an immenſe region, unbounded to the eye by barrier or encloſure, we were ready to ima⯑gine ourſelves in the firſt ages of the world, when animals in a ſtate of independence divided with man the dominion of the earth, found every where their own property, and were not that of any per⯑ſon. This province has been divided into great poſſeſſions as far back as the conqueſt of it by the Moors. The principal Caſtillian noblemen who then accompanied the conquering kings obtained enormous grants in perpetuity, according to the fatal cuſtom introduced into almoſt the whole of the monarchy. The extinction of males in the great families encreaſed the inconvenience. Rich heireſ⯑ſes carry with them their opulent portions into fa⯑milies not leſs opulent, ſo that this abſurd ſucceſſion is become, if we may ſo expreſs it, a vaſt tontine, which will ſooner or later make the greateſt part of Spain the inheritance of a few families, who ſhall ſurvive the reſt."
"The Andaluſian (ſays Peyron) may be com⯑pared to the Gaſcon for extravagant expreſſions, vivacity, and vain boaſting: he is eaſily diſtinguiſh⯑ed among a crowd of Spaniards. Hyperbole is his favourite language; he embelliſhes and exaggerates every thing, and offers you his purſe and his ſer⯑vices in as little time as he takes to repent of having ſo done. He is a bully, an idler, lively, jovial, attached to the ancient cuſtoms of his country; nimble, well-made, extremely fond of women, and loves dancing, pleaſure, and good cheer."
CHAP. XX. Conſtitution and Government.
HAVING now gone through the different pro⯑vinces and cities, and given an account of their ancient and preſent ſtate, their manners, cuſtoms, trade, manufactures, and other local circumſtances, [196] we ſhall proceed to treat of the kingdom in gene⯑ral, as to its conſtitution, government, laws, reve⯑nues, forces, literature, religion, &c.
Firſt, as to its conſtitution. Spain, from Gothic times to that of Pelagius was an elective kingdom; and, for two centuries after him, the throne was filled by the ſuffrages of the ſtates, who departed, however, in no inſtance from the royal family; but from Ramir I. to Alphonſo V. all the concern the ſtates had in the creation of a new king was to acknowledge him as a lawful and worthy ſucceſſor; and ſince the latter, there appears not the leaſt trace of an election, the crown always, of courſe, without any form or ceremony, devolving to the neareſt in blood. The kings of Spain have ſometimes limited the ſucceſſion to certain families, ranks, and perſons; of which the firſt inſtance was Philip III. in the year 1619; and the ſecond, Philip V. in 1713. Females here are alſo capable of inheriting the crown, on failure of the male line. In caſe of a total extinction of the royal family, it is an uncontroverted perſuaſion, that the right of electing a king would revert to the people. If the next heir be incapable of government, and eſpe⯑cially if, on the deceaſe of the king, affairs are in confuſion, the ſtates are empowered to chuſe five perſons to take the adminiſtration upon them, [197] among whom the queen-mother is to hold the chief place.
The King's title at large runs thus: Ferdinand, by the Grace of God, King of Caſtille, Leon, Arragon, the two Sicilies, Jeruſalem, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Gallicia, Majorca, Seville, Cerdena, Cor⯑dova, Corſica, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves of Al⯑geſiras, Gibraltar, the Canary Iſlands, the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, the Iſlands and Continent of the Ocean, Archduke of Auſtria, Duke of Burgundy, Brabant, and Milan, of Habſburg, Flanders, Tirol, and Bar⯑celona, Lord of Biſcay, and Molina, &c. The ſhort title is Rey Catholico de Eſpanna. This title of Catholic King, though before aſſumed by ſome kings of Spain, and other ſovereigns, was, in 1500, ſolemnly conferred on Ferdinand V. by Pope Alex⯑ander VI. Since the year 1308, the Hereditary Prince is ſtyled Prince of the Aſturias, but becomes ſo always by creation. The other royal children are called Infantes.
The King's power is unlimited, and the ſtates of the kingdom conſiſt of the clergy, the ancient no⯑bility, and the deputies of the towns. Since the beginning of the 17th century, or the time of Philip III. the Cortes or Dyets have been diſ⯑continued, no other aſſembly than conventions of the deputies, or agents of the towns, having been [198] thought neceſſary; in which are ſettled the neceſ⯑ſary taxes and impoſts, without any infringements on the privileges of the eccleſiaſtics and nobility, whom unqueſtionably the King ſummoned to thoſe aſſemblies when the public good required it.
The hiſtory of Spain, ſays Bourgoanne, ſufficiently proves how great an influence the Cortes had for⯑merly in the moſt important affairs of government. Theſe for a long time have not been aſſembled, except for the ſake of form. And the ſovereigns without violence, or formally rejecting their inter⯑vention, have found means to elude their authority. They promulgate from the throne ordinances, under the name of Pragmatiques, the preambles of which gives us to underſtand, that they claim the ſame authority as if they had been publiſhed in the aſ⯑ſembly of the Cortes; which are never convoked except at the acceſſion of a new ſovereign to the throne, to adminiſter to him an oath in the name of the nation, and to ſwear to him fidelity.
On this occaſion letters of convocation are ſent to all the grandees, to all perſons bearing titles of Caſtille, (an honorary diſtinction,) to all the pre⯑lates, and to every city which has a right to ſend deputies to the Cortes. The firſt two claſſes repre⯑ſent the nobility, the biſhops ſit in the name of the clergy, and the cities, which depute one of their [199] magiſtrates, repreſent the people. Except on theſe occaſions, the Cortes of the whole kingdom have not been aſſembled, ſince Philip V. convoked them to give their approbation to the Pragmatic Sanction, for changing the order of ſucceſſion to the throne.
They are ſtill conſulted for form's ſake, in cer⯑tain caſes; but then the members of which they are compoſed, correſpond with each other, without aſſembling. A faint image of them, however, re⯑mains in an aſſembly, which conſtantly reſides at Madrid, under the name of Diputados de los Reynos, or Deputies of the Kingdom.
At their breaking up, when convoked by Philip V. it was agreed that they ſhould be repreſented by a permanent committee, whoſe buſineſs it ſhould be to watch over the adminiſtration of that part of the taxes, known by the name of Millones, and which had been granted under Philip VI. with the formal conſent of the Cortes, upon certain conditions, which that monarch ſwore to obſerve. They re⯑tained the adminiſtration of theſe impoſts till the year 1718, when Cardinal Alberoni, whoſe ardent and impetuous genius was irritated at ſuch ſhackles, transferred the adminiſtration of it into the hands of the Sovereign. From that time the aſſembly of de⯑puties of the kingdom have held no more of the ſtate revenues, than the ſmall portion neceſſary to [200] pay the ſalaries, and defray the expences of the members. Theſe deputies are only eight in num⯑ber, and are choſen according to the ancient divi⯑ſion of the provinces of the crown of Caſtille, and thoſe of the crown of Arragon.
Theſe two parts of the monarchy differ from each other, with reſpect to the adminiſtration, form, and collection of taxes; a diſtinction which had its origin at the time when Caſtille and Arragon were united by the marriage of Iſabella and Ferdinand, the Catholic, and which ſince that time has undergone but few alterations. All the provinces of Caſtille unite to name ſix; Catalonia and Majorca, one; and the regencies of Valencia and Arragon elect the eighth. Theſe deputies ſit ſix years, at the expi⯑ration of which a new election takes place. As a relict of their ancient rights, they ſtill retain the privilege of being, by virtue of their places, mem⯑bers of the council of finance, by which the ſove⯑reign communicates to the nation the neceſſity of levying any new tax; and the approbation they are ſuppoſed to give to the royal reſolution, is a ſhadow of the conſent of the Cortes, without which taxes could not formerly be either levied or augmented. The provinces of Biſcay and Navarre, which have aſſemblies, and particular privileges, ſend alſo on ſome occaſions, deputies to the throne, but they do not make a part of the body of deputies of the [201] kingdom, and their conſtituents fix, at pleaſure, the object and duration of their temporary miſſion.
From this ſketch of the preſent conſtitution, we may perceive how little the Sovereign authority is limited in Spain. How feeble muſt that rampart of liberty be, which is only formed of a ſmall num⯑ber of citizens, poſſeſſed but of little real power, under the controul of government, from whom they expect favours and preferments, and who, after all, repreſent only the people, the moſt numerous, but the leaſt reſpected part of the nation! The will of the monarch is alſo carried into execution by ſeveral other permament bodies, under the name of councils, who are the interpreters and keepers of the law. But before we treat of theſe it will be pro⯑per to ſay ſomething concerning the miniſters who are conſtantly near the perſon of the Monarch, and with whom alone he at preſent ſhares the weight of royalty. Their authority was formerly counter-balanced by the council of ſtate, which ſtill ſubſiſts, and forms the moſt diſtinguiſhed body in the mo⯑narchy; but which, ſince the adminiſtration of Cardinal Alberoni, has not been permitted to aſ⯑ſemble, and exerciſe its functions. The place of counſellor of ſtate is, therefore, now, only honorary, with a conſiderable ſalary annexed to it, and fur⯑niſhes the Sovereign with the means of rewarding thoſe of his ſubjects who have deſerved well of the [202] ſtate, in the moſt diſtinguiſhed employments. The want of this aſſembly of the counſellors of ſtate, is now ſupplied by the Sovereign's uniting the mi⯑niſters of the ſix principal departments into a com⯑mittee.
For the adminiſtration of the kingdom is divided into ſix grand departments. The miniſter of fo⯑reign affairs is, in many reſpects, the directing miniſter, and receives, as a mark of diſtinction, the title of Secretary of State. The miniſter of war has but a very circumſcribed authority. He is preſident of the council of war, which is rather a tribunal than a board of adminiſtration. The in⯑ſpectors of the different regiments, draw up a ſtate⯑ment of whatever relates to the corps of which they have the direction, and the miniſter at war has only to preſent the memorials they give in to the king.
The marine miniſter has no aſſociates. The chiefs of the three departments, and the inſpectors of the marine, are named by the King, on the repre⯑ſentation of the miniſter; the marine ordinances prepared by him, require only the ſanction of the ſovereign.
The miniſter of finances who ſhould properly be un⯑der the inſpection of the ſuperintendant-general of that department, were ſome time ſince united, and [203] will probably be ſo continued. This miniſter is beſides, preſident of the council of finance.
The miniſter of the Indies has the moſt extenſive department in all the monarchy, for in him is cen⯑tered the civil, military, eccleſiaſtical, and financial government of Spaniſh America; and it may be ſaid, that in the whole political world there is no miniſter whoſe department comprehends ſo many different objects. Had Auguſtus committed to one ſingle miniſter the government of the whole Roman Empire, his power would only have extended to a ſmall part of modern Europe, the coaſts of Africa, and ſome provinces of Aſia; for the Roman Em⯑pire, at the time it was moſt extenſive, was not to be compared to that immenſe country, which from the north of California, ſtretches to the ſtraits of Magellan, and forms the dominions of the Spaniſh monarch in America, and the department of the miniſter of the Indies.
The miniſter of Favour and Juſtice, has his de⯑partment in the judiciary and eccleſiaſtical affairs; but his authority is controuled by the great cham⯑ber of the council of Caſtille, of which we ſhall treat hereafter; and with reſpect to the nomination to benefices, by the intervention of the King's con⯑feſſor. The latter, however, depends upon the will [204] of the monarch, and the confidence with which he honours the director of his conſcience.
Theſe ſix offices are uſually filled by ſix different perſons; but, until the year 1776, the ſame miniſ⯑ter held thoſe of the marine and Indies, which are ſo connected that the good of the nation will per⯑haps require them to be again united.
The ſtability of miniſters is one of the moſt re⯑markable peculiarities of the court of Spain. The monarch who, in diſpoſing of theſe eminent places, conſults public opinion, has hitherto had the ſingu⯑lar happineſs of his approbation never having been diſhonoured by the event. For which reaſon his miniſters, without abandoning themſelves to indo⯑lence, ardently labour to juſtify his confidence, and loſe not that time, which is to them ſo precious, in watching the latent ſprings of court intrigues, in order to diſconcert their ſecret machinations. They have the courage to form vaſt projects, know⯑ing that they are certain to find a conſtant ſupport in the benevolence of the monarch. There is no⯑thing to divert them from an attention to the duties of their office. Pleaſures do not abound at the Spaniſh court; there are no theatrical repreſenta⯑tions of any kind; the amuſement of the Sovereign and the princes is confined to the chace. This, though a great inconvenience to the idlers about [205] the court, is of unſpeakable advantage to public affairs. Miniſters may there dedicate the whole of their time to buſineſs and audiences. The ſimple and regular life that they lead is greatly to be ad⯑mired: walking is almoſt the only amuſement they permit themſelves. Their principal ſociety conſiſts of their clerks, who habitually eat at their tables. This reciprocal conſtraint has ſome inconveniences, but there reſults from it a greater union between the heads and the ſubalterns in office, and more unanimity in the conduct of affairs. Thoſe who diſpatch them under the eye of the miniſter, are not, in fact, merely clerks; they may rather be compared to the principles of our offices. To be appointed to theſe places, it is neceſſary to have given proofs of talents in ſome confidential employ⯑ments. There are no doubt abuſes in the public offices of the court of Spain, as well as in all others; but in general, corruption is very rare, and perſons in office are polite and obliging. With reſpect to the miniſters themſelves, nothing leſs than the eſteem of the nation, and the love of public good, can make them amends for ſo entirely renouncing the greater part of the pleaſures of life.
The ſupreme royal council of Caſtille, holds the firſt rank among the councils and tribunals of the kingdom: it is at once a council of adminiſtration, which has the inſpection of all the interior opera⯑tions [206] of govonment, and a ſovereign tribunal, that has excluſive cognizances of certain cauſes, and in certain caſes receives appeals from the other tribu⯑nals. The oldeſt members of this council, form what is called, in Spain, the Camara, which is pro⯑perly the privy council of the monarch; and, at the ſame time, a ſovereign tribunal for certain cauſes, ſuch as all which relate to the right of patronage; the ſucceſſion of perſons of the royal family; and all conteſts relative to the rights of cities; civdades, which differ from villa, the former having a par⯑ticular juriſdiction, and being repreſented in the Cortes of the kingdom. Madrid, for example, is only a villa, yet is repreſented in the Cortes, like the civdades.
The Camara is alſo the council which iſſues all acts or patents of royal favour. All places in the magiſtracy, and all conſiſtorial benefices, are con⯑ferred by its means. It recommends to his Ma⯑jeſty, through the medium of his miniſter of favour and juſtice, three perſons to fill them, and the King chuſes one of the three.
No place in the magiſtracy is venal in Spain. This, like all human inſtitutions, has its advantage and inconvenience. If it leaves a greater opening to caprice, favour, and intrigue, it prevents the tribunals from being diſhonoured by incapacity and [207] ignorance, and diminiſhes the temptation to ſell that juſtice of which the right of diſpenſing it had been previouſly purchaſed. It is true, that the integrity of magiſtrates, frequently without fortune, muſt appear ſuſpicious, and that their moderate fees ſeem but a weak barrier againſt corruption. How⯑ever, notwithſtanding the declamations of diſſatis⯑fied clients, iniquitous and partial judges are not more common in Spain than in other countries.
There is a kind of gradation in the Spaniſh ma⯑giſtracy, of which the degrees are eaſily traced. All the members of the Camara are ancient coun⯑ſellors of Caſtille; theſe ſeldom obtain their places without having been preſidents in ſome inferior tribunals. In the ſame manner from among the Advocates, Corregidors, or Alcaldes Mayores, the latter are choſen. It may here not be amiſs to give ſome account of the different ſpecies of Alcaldes, which are frequently confounded by foreigners; ſo much ſo, as if, in England, a ſheriff's officer was to be taken for a juſtice of the peace, or vice verſâ.
Firſt, there are two claſſes of ſimple Alcaldes eſtabliſhed in the cities, boroughs, and villages. The Alcalde ordinario judges in the firſt inſtance, when there is no Corregidor; but, in places where there is one, he has cognizance of civil cauſes in concurrence with him, whilſt the latter acts only in [208] matters of police. The Alcalde pedanco, taken from the lower claſs of people, has no other functions but thoſe of arreſting delinquents, and executing the orders of the Corregidor, or Alcalde Mayor.
The ſimple Alcaldes are differently appointed, according to the places in which they reſide. The Alcaldes Mayores, or Corregidors, which have both the ſame meaning, are all named by the King upon the preſentation of the Camara. This inferior degree of magiſtracy was formerly under very im⯑proper regulations: the place of Corregidor being beſtowed on perſons of ſmall fortune, who fre⯑quently expended their whole property in ſoliciting the promotion. After having ſucceeded, they held their places three years, when their office expired, and they were again obliged to have recourſe to new ſolicitations. How could it be expected that men, ſcarcely eſcaped from want, and upon the brink of relapſing into their former indigence, would not be tempted to inſure to themſelves re⯑ſources at the expence of thoſe over whom they poſſeſſed a tranſient authority? It was neceſſary to preſerve the ſubjects of the King from their rapa⯑city, and the magiſtrates from temptation. Men virtuous, from an innate love of virtue, and who reſolve firmly not to commit evil, though they can perpetrate it to their advantage, and with impu⯑nity, are rare in every country; and the Corregidors [209] but too frequently confirmed this melancholy truth. It was, therefore, determined that they ſhould con⯑tinue in office ſix years inſtead of three, that there ſhould be three claſſes of them, and that they ſhould paſs from one claſs to another, after having well diſcharged the duties of their firſt place; that their emoluments ſhould be increaſed at every re⯑moval; and that, having thus gone through the three claſſes to the ſatisfaction of his Majeſty, they ſhould have what is called in Spain the honours of Togado, that is, the title and prerogatives annexed to the place of counſellor of the ſuperior tribunals, whether their acknowledged merit was rewarded by one of theſe places, or that they ſtill continued to occupy the poſt of Corregidor of the firſt claſs.
It now remains to ſhew how juſtice is admini⯑ſtered in Madrid, as well as in the reſt of the king⯑dom. The Roman or civil law may be ſaid, ſtrictly ſpeaking, to have here no force. This, by ſome old ordinances of the king's of Caſtille, is even forbidden, under ſevere penalties, to be ſo much as quoted. Theſe laws, however, which for ſo long a time were the object of a blind admira⯑tion, and againſt which it is now become the cuſ⯑tom to declaim with virulence, are frequently con⯑ſulted in practice. The Spaniards obſerve a juſt medium between the two extremes. They do not adopt the civil law implicitly, and look upon all [210] its deciſions as infallible; but their lawyers derive from it knowledge and authorities; being convinced that, in the midſt of a number of laws contradictory to each other, many are to be found dictated by reaſon, and applicable to every legiſlation.
The only authentic laws, according to which juſtice is adminiſtered, are regiſtered in the Codes, publiſhed by the ancient kings; ſuch as are the Ley de las ſiete partidas, the Ordenamiento-Real, the Fuero-Juzgo, and Fuero-Real. The principal Code, that which is in conſtant uſe, is called Recopilacion. It is a collection of various and diſtinct edicts of the monarchs of Spain, from the earlieſt ages to the preſent reign. A new edition is given from time to time, in which all the laws, publiſhed ſince the laſt, are inſerted; for it is not till after they are thus regiſtered, that certain edicts acquire the force of law.
The canon law is the received code in Spain, in all eccleſiaſtical matters. But it muſt not be ima⯑gined that the court of Madrid pays implicit obe⯑dience to the orders of the holy ſee. There is no catholic kingdom in which more ſucceſsful efforts have been made to lighten this yoke.
There ſtill exiſts in Spain, very great abuſe ariſ⯑ing from religion, ill underſtood; this is the ex⯑treme [211] riches of the monks and clergy. Next to the eccleſiaſtical principalities of Germany, the richeſt catholic prelacies are found in Spain. The archbiſhoprics of Toledo, Seville, St. Jago, Valen⯑cia, and Saragoſſa, have larger revenues than any in France. There are monaſteries, the property of which extends to the greateſt part of the diſtrict in which they are ſituated, and theſe religious founda⯑tions, while they depopulate and impoveriſh the neighbouring country, increaſe poverty and idle⯑neſs by indiſcriminate charity.
The government, however, which becomes more and more enlightened, is endeavouring to leſſen the conſequence of theſe evils. In the firſt place, the wiſe choice of prelates prevents in them that diſ⯑play of offenſive luxury, which, by irritating indi⯑gence, diminiſhes the reſpect due to religion. Their conſtant reſidence in their dioceſe, makes them expend their revenues in the country by which they are paid. All the prelates there employ a great part of their income in alms. When we come to treat of taxes, it will be ſeen that they pay conſiderable contributions.
In Spain there is but one religious inſtitution, which philoſophy mourns to ſee that nation ſub⯑jected to; it may be eaſily perceived, that by this is meant the Holy Office, that tribunal to which [212] every odious epithet has been given, and which has ſtill, in Spain, two powerful ſupporters, policy and religion.
Its defenders alledge, that the authority of the Sovereign find, in the Holy Office, a means of making itſelf reſpected, ſince, by chaining the con⯑ſciences of the ſubjects, it provides another ſecurity for their obedience. They aſſert, that religion gains by it the preſervation of its unity and purity, and attribute to the inquiſition the tranquillity which Spain has, in this reſpect, conſtantly enjoy⯑ed, whilſt the reſt of Europe has been a prey to all the bitterneſs of religious quarrels, and the turbu⯑lent zeal of innovators.
The antagoniſts of the inquiſition maintain, on the contrary, that it has fed ſuperſtition and fanati⯑ciſm, and kept the mind in a ſervile ſubjection, fit only to repreſs thoſe vigorous efforts of genius by which great works of every kind are produced; that, while it contracts the heart by fear, it prevents the ſweet effuſions of confidence and friendſhip, deſtroys the moſt intimate connexions which con⯑ſtitute their charms, and, for two whole centuries, has condemned Spain to ignorance and barbariſm.
Theſe are no doubt very ſerious accuſations. But an account of the preſent ſtate of this tribunal, will [213] ſhew how far they are well founded. The eſta⯑bliſhment of the Holy Office was cotemporary with the religious wars, with all the outrages which fa⯑naticiſm has produced in moſt of the ſtates of Chriſtendom. But, ſince that period, manners are happily become more civilized; and, if the primi⯑tive conſtitution of the Spaniſh inquiſition has not been changed, the rigours of it have at leaſt been ſoftened, and are become leſs frequent. Auto de fés are not the ſame pompous ſolemnities as for⯑merly, when, by their apparatus, under pretence of honouring religion, they inſulted humanity; when the whole nation ran to them as to a triumph; when the ſovereign and all his court were preſent, believing they thus performed a moſt meritorious act in the eyes of the Deity, and there enjoyed the torments of thoſe victims delivered up to the exe⯑cutioner, and the maledictions of the people.
The forms of the procedure excepted, the in⯑quiſition may at preſent be eſteemed as a model of equity and mildneſs. It takes every poſſible means of verifying the depoſitions it receives. Let it not be ſaid, ſays Bourgoanne, that the reſentment of a ſecret enemy is ſufficient to provoke its rigours. It condemns not upon the evidence of one accuſer, nor without diſcuſſing the proofs of the accuſations. Serious and repeated crimes are neceſſary to incur its cenſures; which, with a little circumſpection [214] in words and conduct reſpecting religion, are eaſily to be eſcaped, and men may live as unmoleſted in Spain, as in any other country in Europe. The indiſcreet zeal of ſome of the commiſſaries, indeed, diſturbs the quiet of the inhabitants in ſome cities, by entering their houſes to confiſcate pictures too licentious, or books that are prohi⯑bited; but this zeal is repreſſed either by the court or the Grand Inquiſitor, who in the preſent and late reign has always been a learned and prudent prelate.
As a proof of this, ſome French merchants at Cadiz, having received a conſignment of leather from one of their manufactories, were much alarm⯑ed at ſeeing the officers of the inquiſition enter their houſes. They deſired to ſee the leather that was juſt arrived, and having obſerved that it bore the image of the Holy Virgin, which was the mark of the manufacture, exclaimed againſt the profanation. They remarked that the leather being intended to make ſhoes, the image of the mother of Chriſt ran the hazard of being trodden under foot, and there⯑fore confiſcated it. The affair was referred to the ſu⯑preme tribunal of Madrid. The merchants, much alarmed, had recourſe to the court, by the medium of their Ambaſſador. The conſequence of which was, that the officers of the inquiſition were enjoined not to moleſt ſtrangers on ſuch trifling pretences; and the [215] merchants recovered their leather without further trouble.
On other occaſions, ſtill more recent, the mi⯑niſter and the Grand Inquiſitor have protected the inhabitants againſt the cavils of the ſubalterns of the Holy Office. In a city of Andaluſia they attempted to give diſturbance to a French houſe, becauſe they were proteſtants; and, when it was obſerved to them, that the Engliſh and other Northern nations were tolerated in Spain, though they were heretics, it was anſwered that the catholic religion was the only one eſtabliſhed in France. The cauſe, how⯑ever, of this perſecuted houſe was no ſooner brought before the court than it was gained.
In fine, tho' we ſhould admit that bigotry is more prevalent in the capital than in the provinces, no great inconveniences can ariſe from it, becauſe the ſentences of the provincial tribunals have no force until they have received the ſanction of that of Ma⯑drid. Beſides the court ſcrutinizes more ſtrictly than ever the proceedings of the inquiſition, and certainly not with an intention of increaſing its ſeverity.
The Holy Office, to this day, receives a certain tax from each veſſel that arrives in any of the ports of Spain, in conſequence of the examination it is [216] authorized to make, in order to ſee that the veſſel contains nothing that may be offenſive to religion. The ſearch has been for a long time neglected, but the duty is ſtill paid.
Before we quit this ſubject we ſhall take notice of another political body, which many ſtrangers confound with the inquiſition, but which has no other relation with it than the common epithet.
This is the holy Thermandad, much ſpoken of in Spaniſh novels; it is no more than a confrater⯑nity, in different parts of the kingdom of Caſtille, to watch over the ſafety of the country, by ap⯑prehending thoſe who diſturb the public peace. It is ſubordinate to the council of Caſtille, who do not permit its Juriſdiction to extend to cities.
Having now taking a general view of the conſti⯑tution, government, and interior adminiſtration of the Spaniſh monarchy, both in civil and religious matters, we proceed to treat of its finances and population, or rather of the cauſes of its depo⯑pulation.
CHAP. XXI. On the Finances, Population, and General State of the Kingdom.
[217]THE finances of Spain may be divided into two claſſes; and theſe compoſe moſt of the revenues of the King: General rents and provincial rents.
The general rents ariſe from duties paid at the frontiers upon merchandize entering or going out of the kingdom. This duty has been increaſed by degrees, in many of the provinces, to 15 per cent. upon every article of importation or exportation. It varies however in different provinces, and in ſome is not more than four or five per cent. ad valo⯑rem. There are, beſides, ſeveral articles, ſuch as cocoa, chocolate, ſugar, and paper, which pay par⯑ticular duties.
The whole produce of the general rents when they were farmed, did not amount to more than about £270,000. A few years after they, were put into commiſſion they produced £400,000, and in 1776, they produced £580,000.
[218]There are ſome other duties which may be in⯑cluded in the general rents, although differently collected; and their produce does not enter the ſame cheſt; ſuch are the duties of the office of health, firſt eſtabliſhed at Cadiz, and ſince extended to the other ſea-ports in Spain.
Secondly, The duties of the Grand Admiral which were appropriated to the treaſury by Ferdinand V. in 1748, and two other duties, one under the name of Lanzas, the other of medias annatas, or half the firſt fruits. The firſt is an annual contribution of nearly £40, paid by all the grandees of Spain, and by every citizen honored with the title of Caſtille. The half of the firſt fruits is paid at each deſcent of the above titles, and amounts to about £250. It is alſo levied upon all employments, to the amount of half the firſt year's income, upon entering into office.
The produce from the ſale of ſalt makes a ſe⯑parate article in the finances of Spain. This is excluſively ſold for the King's account, the ſame as in France, yet the revenue from ſalt is not con⯑ſiderable, and ſcarcely exceeds 4,000,000 livres, which is not the tenth part of what it produces in France, though the population of this latter country is not more than double that of Spain.
[219]There is ſtill a greater difference between the profits ariſing to theſe two kingdoms from the ſale of tobacco, which is ſold excluſively for the account of the Sovereign. In Spain, the produce of this article is calculated at 20,000,000 of livres, whereas in France, previous to the late revolution, it produced near ſeven times as much.
The prohibitory laws on this article in Spain are very ſevere, and in certain caſes makes the puniſh⯑ment of ſelling it death. This, like all other laws which are too ſevere, is ſeldom enforced. Great quantities of tobacco are ſmuggled into Spain, and thoſe who vend it, at the exorbitant price of a guinea a pound, to gratify the inclinations which mankind always have for whatever is prohibited, are conſider⯑able gainers by this illegal traffic.
There are alſo other articles ſold excluſively for the King's account. Theſe are brandy, lead, gunpowder, cards, Spaniſh wax, and ſtamped pa⯑per.
The moſt reprehenſible part of the Spaniſh taxes, however, is the ſecond claſs; the provincial rents: a ſpecies of impoſts which, falling upon the neceſ⯑ſary articles of life, is a burden to the people, and one of the greateſt obſtacles to induſtry.
[220]The provincial rents are, firſt, the produce of a duty upon wine, oil, meat, vinegar, candles, &c. This was firſt levied under Philip II. in 1590, who, being overwhelmed by the ruinous enterprizes to which his ambition had impelled him, propoſed it to the Cortes, upon conditions, moſt of which have been violated. This grant has been renewed every ſix years, and had different augmentations, called the ſervices of the Millones, becauſe it was for a certain number of millions of ducats that it was made.
Secondly, a duty of ten per cent. on every thing ſold or bartered, whether uſed in manufactures or huſbandry, to be paid every time the property is transferred. This tax was firſt granted by the Cor⯑tes in 1342. It was then but five per cent. In 1349, it received the increaſe of five per cent. more, and was made perpetual. In the 16th cen⯑tury it received four additions, each an hundredth part, whence it acquired the name of Cientos.
Theſe two duties united ought therefore to amount to 14 per cent. but they vary in different cities and provinces, according to particular privileges, grant⯑ed by the ſovereign, which in ſome places have en⯑tirely ſuperſeded them, and they are no where le⯑vied to their utmoſt extent; which, however, does [221] not prevent their being very burthenſome to induſ⯑try and commerce.
The tercias reales are another impoſt, collected with the provincial rents; theſe are two-ninths, which the Court of Rome, in 1274, permitted the kings of Spain to receive upon all the tenths of their kingdom. They are paid in kind from the produce of the earth, and afterwards ſold for the king's account. This impoſt, with two or three others, collected under the ſame denomination, is not very productive; but would be ſuſceptible of conſiderable augmentation were government in col⯑lecting it, not to truſt to the unfaithful ſtatement of the eccleſiaſtical offices.
The duties of entry into Madrid alſo, form an⯑other ſource of revenue to the crown; theſe are at preſent farmed out to the community of Gremios, or five united companies of Madrid, at 7,000,0000 and a half of reals.
All theſe interior contributions, which relate only to the provinces of the crown of Caſtille, produce about 1,400,000 pounds. The provinces of the crown of Arragon have another form of taxation, having no provincial rents, ſuch as thoſe above⯑deſcribed. They pay one general contribution, which each city, borough, and community, aſſeſſes [222] on its inhabitants. As ſome of theſe provinces were the laſt to hold out againſt Philip V. this form of taxation was intended as a puniſhment; but his intention has been defeated, as, in fact, they are better treated than the reſt of the kingdom.
Catalonia, which, more than any other province, excited the Monarch's indignation, was ſubjected to a regiſter, in which all the lands were under⯑valued, and taxed at eight per cent. on their annual rents; but they ſcarce pay more than one per cent. To this regiſter was added, a tax upon induſtry; but this, not being arbitrarily aſſeſſed, is not bur⯑thenſome, and neither of them are prejudicial to agriculture or induſtry, in Catalonia.
Theſe provinces are, however, ſubject to the tax called tercias realès, and obliged to take at a fixed price the ſalt, tobacco, lead, &c. which are ſold for the King's account. They are alſo equally ſubject to the bull of the cruſade. The primitive object of this bull was to grant indulgences to thoſe Spaniards who ſhould contribute to ſupport the war againſt the infidels. Until the reign of Ferdi⯑nand VI. this grant of the court of Rome was to be renewed every five years, the inconvenience of which Philip V. was very ſenſible, on three dif⯑ferent occaſions when his diſputes with the Holy See, prevented a renewal of the bull. It was not [223] till 1753, that, by compact with the court of Rome, this bull was made perpetual, ſince which time it has been a conſtant ſource of revenue to the trea⯑ſury. The price of it is ſeven-pence or ſeven-pence-halfpenny. No catholic in Spain can diſpenſe with purchaſing it, without having his orthodoxy ſuſ⯑pected. Provided with this bull, beſides the other indulgences annexed to it, ſuch as a remiſſion from certain ſins, he has the liberty of eating meat, with the conſent of his phyſician and confeſſor; as alſo to eat eggs and milk on faſt-days, and in Lent.
For this bull the nobles pay according to Town⯑ſend, about ſix ſhilling and four-pence: the com⯑mons about one third of that ſum, in Arragon, but leſs in the provinces of Caſtille. "No confeſſor (he adds) will grant abſolution to any one who has not this bull." Townſend ſays, the produce of this tax is reckoned at above £200,000 per annum, but Bourgoanne does not eſtimate it at quite ſo much.
The clergy are not exempt from this tax; nor is this the only one they pay. In the firſt place they are in part ſubject to that of millones; but to this it is neceſſary the Pope ſhould conſent, every ſix years, by a brief. Beſides, as in moſt caſes, fact differs from right, the clergy pay next to nothing of the [224] millones, which tax falls upon the body of the people.
There is another impoſt, called ſubſidio, to which the clergy are liable. This is one per cent. granted by the Pope to the King's of Spain, upon all eccle⯑ſiaſtical lands, for the wars againſt the infidels.
But the greateſt contribution levied upon them, is the eſcuſado, which conſiſts in the right, granted by the Holy See to the kings of Spain, to appro⯑priate to themſelves the moſt advantageous tenth of each pariſh throughout the whole kingdom. In every pariſh the King chooſes the beſt farm, whether for olives, corn, or wine, of which he takes the tythes both in Caſtille and Arragon. The clergy formerly agreed with him for this. Afterwards it was farmed by the gremios, or five united companies of merchants at Madrid, for 12,000,000 of reals; but in the year 1778, the clergy had the grant for one third leſs. Moſt of them accepted the offer, but they who thought themſelves too poor to ven⯑ture, refuſed, and theſe farms are let to the gremios, at 4,000,000. The gremios have been accuſed of this bargain, to purchaſe corn in all the country villages, when it is cheap, to lodge it in their gra⯑naries, and then ſelling it out at a high price, to ſtarve the people, and enrich themſelves.
[225]It may be imagined that Spaniſh America is one great ſource of revenue to the royal treaſury; but hitherto its produce has been but trifling. For a long time the expences of the adminiſtration of theſe immenſe colonies, were not defrayed by the revenues they produced: and it is only ſince the adminiſtration of M. de Galvez that Mexico has yielded a ſurplus, by the eſtabliſhment of the farm of tobacco. The Indian revenue in America is ſaid to amount to near 4,000,000 and an half ſter⯑ling.
"All theſe duties and contributions (ſays Bour⯑goanne) of which we have given a ſummary ac⯑account, amounted in 1776, to no more than 110,000,000 of livres, or about 4,000,000 and an half ſterling, and the expenditure was then exceed⯑ed by the receipts." This, according to Townſend, appears to have been the caſe ten years after; for in the year 1786, the Miniſter of the Finance, in his circular letter, ſent through all the provinces, urged the collectors to double diligence in collecting the taxes, becauſe the expences of government were 40,000,000 of reals more than the revenue. Since that ſhort period the revenue is increaſed, and the laſt ſtatement of Mr. Eden, our Ambaſſador, is 500,000,000 of reals, or 5,000,000 Britiſh, and that now they have a ſurplus of revenue to diſcharge former debts.
[226]Though the debts of this kingdom are not ſo great as thoſe of France or England, yet they amount to a very conſiderable ſum, and are of va⯑rious kinds; ſome ancient, and ſome more recent. The former date their origin from the revolt of the Belgic provinces, in 1566, and a conflict of more than 43 years, during which, contracting a debt of 200,000,000 of dollars, Spain brought on ſuch a derangement in her finances, that ſhe has ever ſince been in a crippled ſtate, when ſhe has found herſelf engaged in a war. The country, exhauſted by this long conteſt, cried univerſally for peace, and Philip III. in 1609, although he would not ac⯑knowledge the ſovereignty of the new republic, conſented to a truce; but his ſucceſſor, having other views, provoked hoſtilities, carried on a very ex⯑penſive war, and, before he conſented to the peace of Munſter, and to the independency of the United Provinces, in 1646, diſcovered that he had doubled the debt; which, therefore, amounted to about 60,000,000 ſterling.
The principal creditors, the Genoeſe, and other foreign merchants; to whom, as ſecurity for pay⯑ment of the principal, with intereſt, government aſſigned certain portions of the revenue, denominated Juros; becauſe they paſſed, like other property, ei⯑ther by deſcent or transfer.
[231]Theſe Genoeſe, and other foreign merchants, being, after the expulſion of the Jews, the chief farmers of the revenue, were accuſed of innume⯑rable frauds againſt the public; and this, both with the connivance and participation of the clerks and comptrollers of the treaſury. When their evil practices were brought to light, they ſold their juros to the natives; yet frauds continued, and thus adminiſtered, the intereſt of the debt ſwallowed up the whole of the revenue.
In order therefore to redeem theſe juros, the tax called millones, already ſpoken of, was granted by the Cortes; yet the deficit continued: In conſe⯑quence of this, many whoſe anceſtors had purchaſed juros were happy to ſell them at a loſs of 90 per cent. whilſt the Genoeſe and ſtrangers, ſtill farmers of the revenue, being purchaſers, paid them back for rent, to government, at par.
The ſecond claſs of public debts are thoſe con⯑tracted by the Emperor Charles V. in his raſh war. Theſe amounted, according to the Abbé Raynal, to near 42,000,000 ſterling. But the intereſt of this being then more than the whole revenue, the ſtate, in the year 1688, became bankrupt.
At the death of Charles II. and the acceſſion of a new family, public credit was reſtored; and, in leſs [228] than half a century, Philip V. availing himſelf of this reviving confidence, contracted freſh engage⯑ments, to the amount of near 7,000,000 ſter⯑ling. At his death, Ferdinand VI. his ſon and ſucceſſor, an equitable and pious prince, terrified at ſo enormous a burden, and heſitating between the fear of making the ſtate ſupport it, and the ſcruple of depriving the creditors of their right, aſſembled a junto, compoſed of miniſters, biſhops, and lawyers, and propoſed to them the following queſtion; Is a king obliged to pay the debts of his pre⯑deceſſors? Will it be believed that it was decided in the negative, under pretence that the ſtate was a patrimony, of which the ſovereign had but the temporary uſe, and that he was anſwerable for no engagements but his own? This deciſion, equally contrary to reaſon, juſtice, and policy, quieted the conſcience of the monarch, and legalized in his eyes that which was a real bankruptcy. The payment of the debts of Spain was entirely ſuſpended.
Ferdinand VI. carried his inconſiderate economy ſtill further; wholly employed in making ſavings, he ſuffered every branch of adminiſtration to lan⯑guiſh; the army, fortreſſes, and colonies were neglected. When Charles III. aſcended the throne, in 1759, he found in the royal coffers upwards of 165,000,000 of livres. The new ſovereign, more delicate in his ſcruples than his predeceſſor, thought [229] it incumbent on him to repair the fatal omiſſion of Ferdinand VI. In 1761, he paid ſix per cent. of the capital due from Philip V. but, beginning with his own ſubjects, he put off foreigners until all the Spaniſh debts ſhould be diſcharged. This was act⯑ing towards his ſubjects as a good father might to⯑wards his children, but it was perhaps deſtroying all the ſources of future foreign credit. In modern times, when war coſts more money than men, when great enterprizes require frequently prodigious ſums, what ſtate can ſupply its own wants? Spain continued for five years to pay ſix per cent. in dimi⯑nution of her capital debt. In 1767 the dividend was reduced to four per cent. and in 1769 the expences of the ſtate were ſo increaſed as to neceſſi⯑tate a ſuſpenſion of further dividends; an interrup⯑tion which gave the finiſhing ſtroke to the credit of government. They are ſtill received in payment of firſt-fruits, but, except in this, and one or two other caſes, the claims of Philip V. are almoſt of no value; they bear no intereſt, and the entire liquidi⯑tion of them, if ever it ſhould take place, can on⯑ly be conſidered as very diſtant.
It is not but the Spaniſh government perceives the inconvenience of depriving the poſſeſſors of theſe claims of their rights. But the neceſſities of the ſtate have not hitherto permitted it to adopt proper meaſures. In 1783 government endeavoured [230] with this view, to open a loan of [...]80,000,000 of reals. One of the conditions of the loan was, that the claims upon Philip V. ſhould be received, to the amount of a third of the ſubſcription. This, how⯑ever, did not raiſe the value of the claims ſo much as was expected; the credit of ſtates reſembles the human body, an inſtant may deſtroy either, but much time is required to give them ſtrength and maturity. The loan, which was ſuppoſed to be of⯑fered upon advantageous terms, tempted but few perſons to ſubſcribe. Foreigners, who would have been glad to have made advantage of their claims, were deterred by the conſideration that they muſt riſk a capital double the ſum they wiſhed to recover. The loan, in fact, recalled to their minds the loſs they had ſuſtained.
The Spaniſh nation is in general ſuſpicious, and does not reſemble thoſe which the ſpirit of ſtock-jobbing keeps in continual fermentation. Far from being tempted by foreign ſpeculations, for the ſake of greater gain, it confines its confidence to the company of merchants at Madrid, known by the name of Gremios, of which we have already had oc⯑caſion to ſpeak. The treaſure of the Gremios is a kind of public bank, in which individuals may place their money at the moderate intereſt of two and a half and three per cent.
[231]The foundation of this confidence ariſes from the ſupport given by government to the Gremios, and from the regularity obſerved by this ſociety in paying the intereſt of the capital in their hands. The government, which has frequently had recourſe to them in caſes of neceſſity, has long conſidered this bank as the chief pillar of the ſtate.
Adminiſtration has however lately perceived that it could do without them. During the late war in America, Spain being obliged to iſſue paper cur⯑rency, at different periods, to the amount of be⯑tween four and five millions ſterling, notwithſtand⯑ing the high intereſt it bore, and its being deemed lawful payment in all money tranſactions, theſe bills were for a long time received with repugnance; and the paper money iſſued by government was de⯑preciated 24 per cent. when M. Cabarrus, by the inſtitution of a national bank, called the bank of S. Charles, reſtored the public credit, and ſaved the country.
This bank is too ſingular in its hiſtory to be paſſed over in ſilence. The principal object pro⯑poſed was to eſtabliſh a capital, which ſhould diſ⯑count, at four per cent. per annum, all bills drawn upon Madrid. This reſource was moderate, Ma⯑drid not being properly a commercial city. It was further held out, that the profits of the realgiro, a [232] particular ſpecies of bank, from which the court takes the money it has occaſion to ſend abroad for the payment of ambaſſadors, envoys, conſuls, &c. or for other purpoſes, ſhould be given to the na⯑tional bank. This likewiſe was but a weak re⯑ſource; the realgiro not paying more than two or three millions of livres annually.
But the chief ſource of profit which M. Cabarrus propoſed to open to the national bank, was the victualling and furniſhing of the army and na⯑vy: for this they were to be allowed ten per cent. commiſſion for their trouble, beſides four per cent. per annum, on all the money they ſhould advance. Beſides this, they were to have the excluſive privilege of exporting ſpecie, collecting from the merchant four per cent. and three for the uſe of the bank. No entail was to be valid againſt the de⯑mands of the bank. Such were the advantages held forth to ſubſcribers.
Its firſt inſtitution was to conſiſt of 150,000 ſhares, at 2000 reals each, conſtituting a capital of 3,000,000 ſterling, with liberty to add, annually, 3000 ſhares, for 30 years, in order that there might not be one citizen of the Spaniſh empire excluded from this be⯑neficial enterprize.
To create a confidence in the public, the directors [233] were not to enter into any ſpeculation, except where the King ſhould give them a commiſſion for foreign and diſtant commerce, or to favour the agriculture and manufactures of the kingdom; and to remove all occaſions of jealouſy, they were to have no mo⯑nopoly; they were to receive at par, and there⯑by to procure a circulation for the government paper.
Thoſe who had property to purchaſe ſhares were not excluded from the profits which theſe ſhares might produce, and, according to the proſpectus, they ſeemed to be very promiſing. Beſides the idle money to which an advantageous opening was to be given, it was hoped that great part of that in the hands of the Gremios, which was at ſuch a very low intereſt, would be removed from their coffers to thoſe of the national bank. The ſurplus of the grants from cities and communities was alſo reck⯑oned upon. Theſe, were in the adminiſtration of the council of Caſtille, whence the national bank was to take them, and make ſuch uſe of them as ſhould be moſt advantageous to the perſons con⯑cerned. In Spain there are magazines of grain in moſt of the cities, boroughs, and villages, and of theſe there are upwards of 5000. Their ſurplus is converted into money. This alſo was an uſeleſs capital, which the bank might employ. Hence it appears that great advantages were promiſed to every [234] claſs of citizens. It is not therefore aſtoniſhing that the miniſter adopted the project.
This bank met with rough uſage in its begin⯑ning, but the indefatigable application of its pro⯑jector, ſupported by the good ſenſe of Count Flo⯑rida Blanca, overcame all difficulties, and eſtabliſhed it on a firm foundation. The firſt year the bank divided nine and a half per cent. and the ſecond year a ſimilar dividend was made, beſides an in⯑veſtment of 21,000,000 of reals, amounting to nearly as much more, in the New Philippine Com⯑pany.
In May, 1785, the bank made a propoſal, the ad⯑miſſion of which will furniſh a new employment to its funds. This was to undertake the completion of the canal which begins at the foot of the moun⯑tains of Guadarama, and terminates at the Guadal⯑quavir, after croſſing the centre of Spain. It has offered to ſuperintend the work, receiving ten per cent. commiſſion, and four per cent. per annum, for all the money they ſhould expend. This propoſal has been accepted by government, which will fur⯑niſh the bank with another means of augmenting its profits, and rendering itſelf advantageous to Spain, without endangering the funds.
"The placing money in this bank, (ſays Bour⯑goanne) [235] I deem, with impartial judges, ſafe and advantageous. Not that the great dividends with which it hath began are always to be expected. The exportation of piaſtres will not in future be ſo beneficial as it was immediately after the peace; but ſo long as the bank preſerves that excluſive pri⯑vilege, and government ſhall confide to it the vic⯑tualling, and other ſupplies for the army and navy, the principal ſource of its profits, the ſubſcribers may reckon upon an intereſt, of from five to ſix per cent.
It may here be proper to ſpeak of the quantity of money circulating in Spain, the amount of which is very difficult to come at, as great part of that ſtruck in the Indies paſſes clandeſtinely into Eu⯑rope. It is, therefore, only from looſe calculation, and the opinions of ſome well-informed merchants, ſays Bourgoanne, that I have eſtimated it at 80,000,000 of double piaſtres, or about 16,500,000 ſterling. It will, perhaps, be thought extraordi⯑nary, that Spain, in poſſeſſion of moſt of the gold and ſilver mines in the world, and annually coining 30,000,000 of piaſtres, ſhould be reduced to ſo moderate a ſum of circulating money, eſpecially when it is recollected, that in the reign of Charles V. it contained almoſt all the gold and ſilver in Eu⯑rope; and, what is ſtill more valuable, poſſeſſed in the productions of its ſoil and induſtry, the [236] means of ſubſiſting without the aid of any other nation.
In leſs than a century has this kingdom fallen from ſuch a ſtate of ſplendour. To what is this ſo rapid and total a revolution to be attributed? To the abundance of the precious metals, which have increaſed the price of manufactures, and the wages of workmen; to the great depopulation, occaſioned by the numerous emigrations to America; the great deſtruction of men in the long wars, at a diſtance from the frontiers; and the expulſion of the Moors and the Jews. It may alſo be more particularly attributed to the ruinous wars, undertaken by Philip II. againſt the Low Countries; and which, from the year 1567 to the truce in 1612, coſt up⯑wards of 200,000,000 of piaſtres. But every thing announces, that Spain is riſing from her own aſhes, and will ſoon be induſtriouſly employed in culti⯑vating her ſoil, and animating her manufactures. Weary of purſuing a paſſive commerce, ſhe will ſoon ceaſe to leſſen her current coin, by paying foreign induſtry, and ſending every year the greateſt part of her money into foreign countries, for fo⯑reign produces.
The population of Spain, in 1787, appears to have been 10,268,150 ſouls. Such are the laſt re⯑turns to government. In the year 1770, the po⯑pulation, [237] by the ſame authority, was ſtated to be 9,307,803. From thence it would ſeem that, in 17 years, the population had increaſed nearly 1,000,000 of inhabitants. In like manner, the number of ſouls in 1723, were 7,625,000, from whence it might be inferred, ſince that period ſhe had advanced in population more than 2,500,000. But, according to Uſtariz, the returns to Govern⯑ment are not always juſt; and the people, to leſſen their contributions of men and money, conceal their numbers, and make falſe returns. This, however, is no concluſive argument againſt the increaſed population of Spain. For it is reaſonable to infer, that the people have concealed their num⯑bers, in the ſame proportion, in each of the returns.
Now, if from the number above ſtated as the population of 1787, we deduct 358,264, theſe being out of the peninſula, and inhabiting either the iſlands or the coaſts of Africa, we ſhall have for the remainder 9,909,886; and, if we allow the area of Spain to be 148,448 ſquare miles, we ſhall find 67 perſons nearly to a ſquare mile. This, if compared with Ruſſia, is reſpectable; if with France, below mediocrity. In the former, they reckon five to a ſquare mile; in the latter, 157. England comes in between France and Spain; but Spain, if properly cultivated, and well-governed, [238] might be the firſt in Europe; not excepting Hol⯑land, which to its wiſe and equitable laws, is in⯑debted for a population amounting to 272 on a ſquare mile. Bernardo Ward, who was in the em⯑ployment of the Spaniſh government, admits that 18,000 ſquare leagues, of the richeſt land, are left uncultivated, and that 2,000,000 of the people are unemployed.
All are agreed, that Spain in more diſtant periods was much better peopled than at preſent. It may be uſeful, therefore, to trace the circumſtances which have contributed to depreſs this once-power⯑ful nation, and deſolate, at leaſt, comparatively, one of the richeſt countries in Europe.
In the year 1347, the plague broke out with more than common violence, at Almeria, and for three years ravaged Spain to ſuch an extent, that many cities were left almoſt without inhabitants; and, through the whole peninſula, it reduced the population to one-third of what it was previous to that event. Subſequent to this cruel misfortune, Spain has been repeatedly laid waſte by peſtilential fevers, introduced from Africa, or dating their origin from ſome preceding famine. In 1649, more than 200,000 periſhed in the ſouthern pro⯑vinces. Such a vaſt extent of territory as this pe⯑ninſula contains, having no communication either [239] by roads or canals, divided formerly into a multi⯑tude of independent kingdoms, and, at a ſubſe⯑quent period, into provinces, each exacting heavy duties on the introduction of grain into them, muſt often have felt diſtreſs for want of bread. In fact, one province has been reduced to the extremity of famine, whilſt others have been ruined by abun⯑dance. In 1642, wheat ſold in Seville as high as 15 ſhillings and three-pence the buſhel, and the year following ſo low as 16 pence. It was not till the year 1752, that corn was permitted to paſs from one province to another. The conſequence of famine, as is well known, is peſtilence. The ordinary diet of the peaſants prediſpoſes them to receive infection, and the practice of the phy⯑ſicians in preſcribing veneſection indiſcriminately to all their patients, does but increaſe the ma⯑lady.
From all theſe circumſtances concurring, few countries have ſuſtained ſuch loſſes, by epidemic diſeaſes and peſtilential fevers.
Another cauſe of depopulation is, that for more than ſeven centuries, from the year 714 to 1492, Spain was harraſſed by inceſſant ſtruggles, and the heart of that divided country, contending for dominion. Theſe ſtruggles did not ceaſe till the marriage of Fer⯑dinand and Iſabella united the crown of Arragon and [240] Caſtille, and the conqueſt of Granada put a period to the empire of the Moors.
In 1493, Columbus opened a new channel for Spa⯑niſh ambition, and gave beginning to endleſs emi⯑grations, by the diſcovery of America. Previous to this period the nobility reſided moſtly on their eſtates, and, when not engaged in war, gave them⯑ſelves up to the arrangement of their domeſtic con⯑cerns. Without accumulating treaſures, many were able to conduct 5 or 6000 ſoldiers into the field; but when they had ſeen the gold and ſilver of Peru and Mexico, they became reſtleſs and im⯑patient to obtain employment in thoſe countries, and neglected the flower, yet more certain means of obtaining wealth, by the improvement of their lands. The people likewiſe emigrated in ſuch numbers to America, that the maritime provinces ſuffered very eſſentially by their loſs.
Emigrations, if regular, and in due proportion, do not weaken the parent ſtate, but when ſud⯑den, and carried beyond certain bounds, tend to impoveriſh and depopulate a country. The former may be obſerved in the Highlands of Scot⯑land, in Switzerland, and many parts of Germany: the latter was viſible on the firſt diſcovery of Ame⯑rica, and has ever ſince been ſeverely felt.
[241]From the acceſſion of Charles I. of Spain, but the Vth of Germany, in 1506, Spain was engaged in war, with ſhort intervals, for two centuries more, there⯑by, exhauſting the treaſures of America, and waſt⯑ing the blood of its moſt adventurous ſubjects in Italy, Germany, Flanders, Portugal, and France, only to gratify the ambition of its ſovereigns, and extend the bounds of their unjuſt dominion.
The immediate ſucceſſors of Charles, having Spain, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Milan, Franche Compté, and 17 provinces in the Low Countries, beſides Portugal, and boundleſs territories in North and South America; ſuch an immenſe and diſ⯑perſed empire, weak in proportion to its extent, perpetually conſumed both men and money, without the poſſibility of ſolidly uniting ſuch diſtant and diſ⯑cordant provinces, under one command.
The cauſe, however, uſually aſſigned for the depopulation of Spain, as if it were the only one, is the expulſion of the Moors. To this may be added the previous expulſion of the Jews, to the number of 800,000, who were baniſhed by Ferdi⯑nand and Iſabella in gratitude to Heaven for the conqueſt of Granada.
Conſequent to the expulſion of the Moors, their depredations along the whole extent of the coaſt [142] waſhed by the waters of the Mediterranean, render⯑ed the moſt fertile parts of Spain unſafe, and the produce precarious. For the laſt century the num⯑ber of Spaniſh captives at Algiers has uſually been about 30,000, and their ranſom, reckoned one with another, £150 at which it has been eſtimat⯑ed, amounts to 4,000,000 and an half ſterling. With ſuch premiums for the ranſom of their cap⯑tives, theſe pirates found ample ſupplies for the equipment of their gallies.
No country ever invented a more ruinous ſyſtem of finance, or one leſs friendly to manufactures and commerce. The tax of 14 per cent. on all com⯑modities, both on the raw materials, and on the ſame when manufactured, as often as the property changes hands, rated, not according to the prime coſt, but the ſelling price, is almoſt ſufficient of it⯑ſelf, to occaſion a general ſtagnation. This effect is viſible in Caſtille, whilſt in Catalonia, and in the province of Arragon, where Philip V. exchanged this oppreſſive tax for the equivalent, induſtry pre⯑vails and manufactures flouriſh. The millones like⯑wiſe being a tax on proviſions, tends to enhance the price of labour, and thereby indirectly forms an ob⯑ſtacle to foreign commerce.
Convents alſo are by no means favourable to po⯑pulation. Theſe in Spain are 8932; containing [243] near 100,000 monks and nuns; but the perſons bound to celibacy by vows are little ſhort of 200,000. The univerſity of Toledo, in a memorial delivered to Philip III. in the beginning of the 17th century, complains, that not one tenth of the uſual marriages took place; and particularly ſtates, that, whilſt commerce flouriſhed, it had been uſually ſaid, he who has a trade has the beſt benefice; but that now all parents, dreading the poverty and wretched⯑neſs attached to trade, were inclined to breed up their children nuns, monks, and pariſh prieſts, or expoſed them to periſh in their infancy. Some of the beſt Spaniſh writers on political economy, (ſays Count Campomanes, in his Education Populaire) have declared againſt multiplying convents; and the cortes, with the conſent of Philip IV. determined, in the laſt century, that no more ſhould be built; but as general opinion is more powerful than law, this reſolution of the cortes was never carried into effect.
"Numerous feſtivals (remarks the above writer) contribute to depopulate a country. Benedict XIV. leſſened the number in his temporal eſtates, and recommended a ſimilar reduction to his clergy. In conſequence of this they have now only 93 gene⯑ral feſtivals, not including the ſpecial feſtivals of each pariſh, and of the religious houſes, which in every city ſwell the number of unproductive [244] days. If to theſe are added, the bull-feaſts, and the Mondays, claimed by all claſſes of working-people for their diverſion, the number of days in which work is done will be reduced very conſider⯑ably; beſides this, a freſh reduction muſt be made from their time, becauſe the working hours are ſel⯑dom more than ſix.
Prevalence of paſture alſo tends to depopulate a country. The ſame quantity of land, which in wild paſture would require the labour of one family, when tilled, gives employment to 20 or even twice that number. In Spain, ever ſince the year 1350, when the plague carried off two-thirds of the inha⯑bitants, the laws of the Meſta have ſet the plough⯑man and the ſhepherd at variance, and prevented each from deriving the leaſt advantage from the other, ſo that 5,000,000 ſheep, under the ſanction of a peculiar code, not only fail to enrich the lands on which they feed, but effectually prevent its cul⯑tivation. Independent of the Merino flock, many of the great landlords have ſuffered villages to go to ruin, and let their eſtates to graziers.
The want of yeomenry and ſubſtantial tenants is another obſtacle to population. The diſtracted and divided ſtate of the country, during the domi⯑nion of the Moors, made it neceſſary for the pea⯑ſants to ſeek refuge in the cities, or aſſociate in [245] villages for their mutual defence. For this reaſon, independent farms, detached and diſtant from a town, are ſeldom or ever ſeen in the ſouthern pro⯑vinces of Spain. In the year 1347, when the plague had ſpread deſolation through the country, many towns and villages were ſuffered to go to ruin and decay. To this event has been attributed the extenſive territories of innumerable towns, many of which are from ten to 15 miles diameter, and therefore too far diſtant from the habitation of the farmer to admit of cultivation. Adjoining to the village may be obſerved vines, olives, figs, and grain. All beyond is deſolation.
Previous to the recovery of the ſouthern domi⯑nion from the Moors, many of the nobility could bring into the field 5 or 6000 vaſſals. But then, as moſt of theſe were little leſs than independent ſovereigns, the prince was obliged to court and al⯑lure them to his ſtandard, by the hope of making conqueſts for themſelves. Hence they acquired towns, cities, and villages, with extenſive diſtricts.
In ſucceeding periods, the great nobility, taking advantage of the minority of the ſovereign, extort⯑ed conſiderable grants from the king's demeſne, in addition to thoſe they already poſſeſſed, all which they tranſmitted to poſterity. By intermarriages, many of theſe poſſeſſions have been united; three [246] great lords, the Dukes of Oſuna, Alba, and Medina-Coeli, cover almoſt the whole province of Andaluſia; and the laſt of theſe claims, by inheritance, the greateſt part of Catalonia.
Such vaſt poſſeſſions, paſſing by entail, are not friendly to population, more eſpecially as the pro⯑prietor never reſides upon his eſtates, and, being frequently in embarraſſed circumſtances, is little able to make improvements for his heirs.
The national prejudice againſt the ſettlement of ſtrangers in Spain may likewiſe be added among the deſolating cauſes. In 1622 ſtrangers were al⯑lowed to be naturalized, and either to take farms or practiſe their mechanic arts, provided they did not ſettle within 20 leagues of the coaſt. In 1772, this privilege was extended to merchants, who were permitted to ſettle in any of the ports. For want of intercourſe with other nations, all the arts, ſci⯑ences and manufactures, appear to be at leaſt a century behind the reſt of Europe. In the year 1655, an author of high reputation, in his diſcourſe on the population of Spain, aſſerted, that 120,000 ſtrangers ſpread themſelves over the country, and by their induſtry carried out of the kingdom, an⯑nually, near 1,000,000 ſterling. He therefore re⯑commends alms to be given to ſtrangers, but not employment, and relates the hiſtory of a Spaniſh [247] farrier, as an example to be followed. This man went to Paris, to work at his trade, but, being threatened with death, if he attempted to exerciſe his art in that metropolis, he retired to Bour⯑deaux, hoping there to find a more hoſpitable re⯑ception; but in that place they cut off one of his arms, that he might no longer work, and rob the French farrier of his bread.
Perſecution too is a powerful cauſe of depopula⯑tion. It were endleſs to enumerate the advantages a community derives from toleration. As without an eſtabliſhed religion the poor would be neglected, and in danger of loſing all knowledge of the Deity; ſo without a toleration, according to Townſend, there could be no competition, and therefore little ſcope for emulation, without which, zeal, he ſays, would languiſh, and morals decay.
The gold and ſilver of America, ſay the Spa⯑niſh writers of eminence, inſtead of animating the country, and promoting induſtry, have had an op⯑poſite effect, and produced in the end, weakneſs, poverty, and depopulation. The wealth ariſing from induſtry, reſembles the copious, yet tranquil ſtream, which, paſſing ſilently along, enriches the whole extent of country through which it flows; but the treaſures of the new world, like a ſwelling torrent, were ſeen, were heard, were felt, and [248] were admired; yet their firſt operation was deſo⯑lating and laying waſte the ſpot on which they fell. The price of labour, proviſions, and manufactures, bore proportion to the quantity of circulating caſh. The conſequence of which was, that all the manu⯑factures went to ruin and decay; every thing was imported from abroad, and, till the preſent century, Spain purchaſed all her men of war, with maſts and cordage from Holland, rigging from France, ammu⯑nition from England, and even her gallies from the Genoeſe.
Among other cauſes of depopulation, Count Cam⯑pomanes reckons, likewiſe, corporations. In Spain theſe are injurious to a degree ſcarce to be con⯑ceived. In all the trading companies, or Gremios, religious fraternities are formed, who make laws, ſit in judgment on offenders, and in many caſes claim exemption from the common tribunals of the country.
Theſe corporations, which are eſtabliſhed in cities, baniſh by their oppreſſive laws, all the me⯑chanic arts from towns and villages. In the cities they limit the numbers in every branch of buſineſs, and go ſo far as to aſſign the diſtance between ſhop and ſhop, under pretence that two ſhops vend⯑ing the ſame commodity, muſt not be ſo near as to [249] interfere with each other: in other cities they aſ⯑ſemble all the mechanics of the ſame profeſſion in one ſtreet, particularly ſilverſmiths, the pretext for which then is, that the magiſtrate may more eaſily inſpect their work, and ſee that the various articles in which they traffic are of a proper ſtandard.
In many caſes the various Gremios bear hard up⯑on each other. The carpenter muſt not employ his induſtry on any other wood but deal, nor muſt he invade the province of the turner. The turner muſt work only in wood, and not preſume to touch either ivory or metals. The wheeler muſt not, however qualified, extend his art beyond the ap⯑pointed bounds, ſo as to encroach on the coach-maker, who is equally reſtrained from making or mending either cart or waggon-wheel. The barber may ſhave, draw teeth, or bleed, but he muſt not make wigs. It is the ſame with ſhop-keepers as with mechanics, they muſt confine themſelves to their proper articles; and, under no pretence, may the manufacturers open magazines to ſell by retail.
The incorporated fraternities in the kingdoms of Caſtille and Arragon, are 25,581, and their ex⯑pences amount to near 12,000,000 of reals. This [250] revenue is not conſumed, as with us, in feaſting, but in procuring maſſes either for departed ſpirits, or for the benefit of the fraternity, in which each indivi⯑dual has an equal intereſt. For this reaſon theſe communities enjoy the protection of the eccleſiaſti⯑cal courts, to which, in caſes of neceſſity, they fre⯑quently appeal.
The chartered corporations claim their privileges by royal grant, and on this plea reſiſt a reformation, not conſidering, as Campomanes remarks, the eſſen⯑tial condition of theſe grants, that nothing therein contained, ſhall be to the prejudice of others, or in⯑jurious to the citizens at large.
Similar to the former cauſes, as checking ma⯑nufactures, and thereby diminiſhing the population of a country, may be reckoned ſumptuary laws. Baron Monteſquieu himſelf applies this remark to Spain, and facts certainly vindicate the juſtice of his obſervations; for, had their dreſs been left to the whim and caprice of the inhabitants, the more delicate manufactures, which are now loſt, would, by the certainty of a ready market, have been re⯑tained among them.
With ſo many ſubſiſting cauſes of depopulation, in vain did Philip IV. in 1623, offer a premium [251] for marriage. In vain did he grant all the privi⯑leges of nobility to all new married men for four years. In vain did he deprive the nobles of their privileges, if unmarried at the age of 25; and offer all the exemptions belonging to nobility for life to the father of ſix children.
Should, however, the people take advantage of the preſent criſis to aſſert their freedom; ſhould they, happy in poſſeſſing one of the richeſt coun⯑tries upon earth, contract the bounds of their un⯑wieldy empire, and confine their views within the limits of their own peninſula, cheriſh induſ⯑try, aboliſh their monaſtic orders, leſſen the num⯑ber of their feſtivals, eſtabliſh an agrarian law, and ſtrike off the fetters by which their com⯑merce has been bound; we may venture to affirm that no country, of the ſame extent, would be more populous, more wealthy, or more power⯑ful, than Spain.
CHAP. XXII. Army, Military Orders, and Navy.
[252]THE Spaniſh infantry conſiſts of 44 regiments, of two battalions each, without including thoſe of the Spaniſh and Walloon guards, each containing 4,200 men, in ſix battalions. Of theſe 44 re⯑giments, 35 are Spaniſh, two Italian, three Fle⯑miſh, and four Swiſs. White or blue is the colour of their regimentals, except one Spaniſh and three Iriſh, dreſſed in red.
Theſe 88 battalions, each of which ought to contain 684 men, would make the Spaniſh infantry amount to about 60,000 men complete, which is very far from being the caſe; and it has been aſ⯑ſerted, though perhaps without foundation, that Spain would find it difficult to bring into the field 30,000 effective men. It is however certain, that her infantry is not adequate to the great extent of her poſſeſſions; ſince garriſons muſt be left in Afri⯑ca, as well as ſeveral parts of her colonies. In 1776, it appears, that Spain had no leſs than 32 [253] battalions out of Europe, and, in 1782, 36 in Ame⯑rica alone.
The means of recruiting in Spain are very con⯑fined. The Spaniſh people in general have a pecu⯑liar diſlike to enliſt in the infantry. Every regi⯑ment finds it difficult to procure men, and they are obliged to beat up in thoſe places where moſt dupes and libertines are aſſembled; thus thoſe who diſturb its repoſe are appointed to its defence. The ſoldiers of the French regiments, impelled by their inconſtancy, take advantage of the neck of the Pyrenees, to go and engage themſelves to Spaniſh recruiters. Foreign regiments in the ſervice of Spain, are particularly recruited at the expence of the French regiments. Thus all the inconvenience of the proximity of the reſpective garriſons is on the ſide of France, and the court of Madrid is by no means deſirous of a cartel for exchanging de⯑ſerters. It was thought ſufficient, in 1761, that each ſhould agree to return the arms, horſes, and baggage, of the ſoldiers paſſing from one ſervice to the other.
Another mode of recruiting the Spaniſh army, is that of the quintas, a kind of drawing of militia, different from that of France, though it is there in uſe, both for recruiting the army and the provincial regiments. The ordinance of 1705, enacts, "that [254] for recruiting the regulars, lots ſhall be drawn in each village, to chuſe one perſon our of five; but then the drawing of the militia is to be ſuſpended." This is, no doubt, the etymology of the word quintas. As it frequently happens, the word remains, when the thing is changed. The quintas at preſent do not require ſo great a number; and as the people have on ſome occaſions murmured at this mode of recruiting, government reſorts to this expedient only in the laſt extremity. She had not recourſe to it in the laſt war, and the regiments employed at Mi⯑norca and Gibraltar, were compleated at the ex⯑pence of thoſe not in actual ſervice.
Beſides the 44 regiments of regular infantry, Spain has 42 of militia, diſtributed in the provinces of the crown of Caſtille. Theſe regiments are aſ⯑ſembled only for one month in the year, in the prin⯑cipal place of which they bear the name; and then the officers and ſoldiers are paid; at all other times, they are diſperſed in the villages, and follow their reſpective occupations. Theſe regiments, which all conſiſt of one ſingle battalion of 720 men, except that of Majorca, which has two, muſt always be complete. As ſoon as a ſoldier of the militia dies, deſerts, or is diſcharged, lots are drawn in the vil⯑lage whence he was taken, to replace him.
The regiments of militia have a particular in⯑ſpector. [255] Their colonels are choſen, as in England, from among the moſt diſtinguiſhed gentry of the diſtrict; and their authority is very extenſive over the men. They have the power of inflicting pu⯑niſhments, and there is no appeal from their ſen⯑tences, but to the King, through the medium of a council of war. Few ſtates in Europe have ſo well regulated a militia. The grenadiers of theſe regi⯑ments, are in time of war, united to the regular troops, and enjoy among their fellow ctizens, a re⯑putation, which their whole conduct, during the laſt war, juſtly merited.
The Spaniſh ſoldiers have long been juſtly re⯑nowned for their firm and perſevering courage, and the reſolution with which they ſupport labour, fa⯑tigue, and hunger. Of the officers, it has been ſaid, but with what foundation we do not pretend to de⯑termine, that their troops were not ſo well com⯑manded as they ought to be. Spaniſh officers, how⯑ever, have not the ſame means of forming them⯑ſelves with the French. Moſt of their garriſons are ſolitary and ill-provided, without reſource either for inſtruction or innocent pleaſures; the officers have not the privilege of the ſemeſtres, or leave of abſence for ſix months every year, or every ſecond year, as in France; neither can they but ſeldom obtain leave of abſence to regulate their private affairs. This unvaried and inſipid life, in the end abſorbs the fa⯑culties, [256] and deſtroys activity, or diverts the mind to improper objects. It has, beſides, the inconvenience of rendering the ſervice leſs deſirable, and keeping from it thoſe to whom a ſmaller fortune, or liberal education offer other reſources.
The cavalry conſiſts of 14 regiments, not includ⯑ing the brigade of carbiniers, raiſed in 1730.
Of theſe regiments, ſix are in blue, four in red, three in white, and one in green.
The dragoons form eight regiments, of which one is in blue, one in red, and ſix in yellow. Each re⯑giment of cavalry is compoſed of four ſquadrons, which ſhould contain 150 men. Were the regi⯑ments compleat, Spain would have an army of 13,000 horſe. In time of peace, the 600 men, of which each regiment ought to be compoſed, is re⯑duced to 480, and of this number, there are 80 men diſmounted.
This arrangement was made in 1768. The reſult is, that the cavalry is leſs agreeable than it would otherwiſe be to the Spaniards, becauſe the new re⯑cruits remain three or four years on foot, waiting their turn to have ſpare horſes. Notwithſtanding theſe defects, the Spaniſh cavalry may be reckoned among the fineſt in Europe.
[257]The cavalry in Spain is not ſo eaſily mounted as it might be ſuppoſed, from the great celebrity of the Spaniſh horſes. The breed is ſaid to be degenerated; this is attributed to the little care that has been taken to croſs it, and particularly to the great num⯑ber of mules bred from ſome of the fineſt Spaniſh mares.
Nature, which has ſo liberally beſtowed on Spain all the neceſſaries and luxuries of life, has been equally laviſh in beſtowing all the materials of which war compoſes the means of deſtruction; ſhe has given iron in abundance, copper, lead, and ſalt-petre; this country, therefore, need not be indebted to any other for the ſupply of its artillery with theſe deſtructive treaſures.
The Spaniſh artillery is collected into one regi⯑ment, compoſed of five battalions, without includ⯑ing the cadets. The corps of engineers are ſepa⯑rated from the artillery. It conſiſts of ten direc⯑tors, ten colonels, 20 lieutenant-colonels, 30 cap⯑tains, 40 lieutenants, and as many ſub-lieutenants; in all 150 officers.
According to ſome late regulations, no perſon can become an officer, without having been a cadet. The military ſchool firſt eſtabliſhed at Avila, and ſince removed to Port S. Mary, is not ſo much in⯑tended [258] to inſtruct ſtudents in the firſt elements of tactics, as to cultivate the diſpoſitions of officers, who have the noble emulation of diſtinguiſhing themſelves in the military profeſſion. Nothing is omitted in this academy, which may conduce to that end; and it is perhaps the firſt inſtitution of the kind in Europe.
The kings of Spain have no more forgotten the declining years of military men, than their youth. There is a corps of invalids in Spain, as well for of⯑ficers as for ſoldiers; but the 46 companies of which it is compoſed, are diſtributed at Madrid, and in the provinces where they perform an eaſy duty. Thoſe incapable of all ſervice, form another corps of 26 companies.
The uniforms in the Spaniſh ſervice, ſays (Swin⯑burne,) are ugly and ill made; the ſoldiers abomina⯑bly naſty in their cloaths, and their black greaſy hair ſeldom dreſt. Till very lately, they were commonly in rags, and often mounted guard with half a coat, and almoſt bare breeched; but now they are ra⯑ther better clad, and kept in a ſomewhat more de⯑cent trim.
The pay of a ſoldier is five quartos and an half, and 21 ounces of bread a day. After 15 years ſer⯑vice, he has an increaſe of five reals a month; after [259] 20, 9 reals; and after 25, he may retire and receive a pezzetta per diem, and be cloathed, as if he was ſtill in actual ſervice. The pezzetta is four reals, a real is about three-pence Engliſh, and a quarto not quite a halfpenny. If the ſoldier remains 30 years in the army, he is allowed the rank and pay of a ſu⯑baltern officer. Every 40 months he receives new regimentals, two ſhirts, two ſtocks, one pair of ſhoes, two pair of ſtockings, a cap, and a hat.
The rank of any officer may be known at firſt ſight, by a particular badge of diſtinction. A cap⯑tain-general's dreſs-uniform is blue, embroidered with gold down the ſeams, and three rows of em⯑broidery on the ſleeves: a lieutenant-general's has nothing on the ſeams, and but two rows on the cuffs; a mariſcal de campo, but one: a brigadier has red cuffs, with one row of ſilver embroidery on his coat: a colonel has three narrow bindings on his ſleeve, of the colour of his regimental button; a lieutenant-colonel, two; and a major, one; the mark of a captain is two epauletts; of a lieutenant, one on his right ſhoulder; and of an enſign, one on the left.
The pay of a lieutenant is two pezzettas and a half per diem; that of an enſign, two. As every thing is trebled in price ſince their pay was eſta⯑bliſhed, it is become inſufficient for the maintenance [260] of the officers. In the guards, all ſubalterns muſt live upon their own fortune, till they get a company, which they may perhaps wait 30 years for.
In Spain there is no order of knighthood deſtined for the reward of military officers. The late ſove⯑reign impoſed on himſelf a law, to confer on none but theſe, the four military orders. There are be⯑ſides theſe, other means of rewarding the old ſer⯑vants of the crown, by penſions or employments ana⯑logous to their profeſſion. His beneficence alſo ex⯑tends to their widows.
The place of commandant-general of a province, is an opening to general officers, but obliges them to an almoſt perpetual reſidence; for in Spain, biſhops, intendants, governors and commanders re⯑ſide where they are employed, although the reſidence of the Sovereign and the capital have the ſame temptations for ambition and diſſipation, as in other countries.
All the commandants of provinces, have the title of Captain-general, which, however, muſt not be confounded with that of the firſt military rank. They commonly receive, but from an abuſe, the title of Viceroy alſo, which properly belongs to none [261] but the commandant, and thoſe of the principal provinces of Spaniſh America.
We ſhall in this place take occaſion to give ſome account of the military orders in Spain, moſt of which were created by the kings of Spain, during their continual wars againſt the Moors. Many of them are become extinct, which it may not be amiſs juſt to notice, before we ſpeak of thoſe which at preſent exiſt. Of theſe former are:
The order of the Green Oak, founded by Ximenes; that of the Fleur de lys, by Sancho IV. King of Na⯑varre; and the order of the Holy Saviour, by Al⯑phonſo VII. King of Arragon; theſe ſhort lived or⯑ders are ſcarce worth remembering. But the order of the Flambeau is more deſerving notice, having been inſtituted in 1150, by Berenzer, laſt Count of Barcelona, in favour of the women of Tortoſa, as a recompenſe of the valour they had ſhewed the year before, in defence of their city againſt the Moors. The order no longer exiſts, but the women of Tor⯑toſa ſtill enjoy ſeveral privileges granted at that time to their anceſtors.
The other non-exiſting orders, are thoſe of Trux⯑illo; of S. Mary of Spain, of the Scarf; this order, perhaps, gave riſe to all our blue, red, and green ribbons. It was founded by Alphonſo XII. in 1332, [262] who gave it as a diſtinguiſhing badge, a ribbon of the breadth of three fingers, which the knights wore over the right ſhoulder. Ten years military ſervice were a qualification to be admitted.
There was likewiſe inſtituted in 1383, the order of Reaſon, and, what is ſingular, proofs of nobility were required as a qualification to be admitted. The diſtinguiſhing mark of the order, was a folded little enſign, hung to the mantle by means of a chain.
The order of Burgundy is alſo reckoned among thoſe which have exiſted in Spain, having been in⯑ſtituted by Charles V. after his expedition to Tunis, in memory of that conqueſt. The inſignia of the order was a croſs of Burgundy, compoſed of two knotty ſtaffs, above which was the word Barbaria. Spain ſtill bears the croſs in her flag.
Among the exiſting orders of Spain, are thoſe of Alcantara, Calatrava, Santiago, Monteſa, the Golden Fleece, and that of Charles III. The order of Alcan⯑tara was called the Noble; that of Calatrava, the Gallant, and that of Santiago, the Rich.
The firſt four of theſe orders were founded at the time of the cruſades; the king is grand-maſter of them all. The firſt three are diſtinguiſhed by a red ribbon, and the laſt by a green one. Theſe four [263] orders have commanderies, which are conferred by the King. They were for a long time given to every claſs of perſons who could bring the requiſite proofs. Theſe orders have each lands in their poſ⯑ſeſſion, to the amount of 200,000 ducats, and upwards, of annual rent.
The moſt diſtinguiſhing order in Spain, is that of the Golden Fleece, founded by Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, and which the court of Vienna con⯑tinues to confer, in concurrence with that of Madrid; although the former had renounced this prerogative, by the treaty, which terminated the great quarrel between Philip V. and the Archduke. The collar of the order conſiſts of an alternate range of gold flints and ſteels, with ſparks of fire on all ſides, and a Golden Fleece pendent from it with this motto, Autre n'aurai. Charles the Fifth, inſtead of the col⯑lar, permitted the knights to wear only a ſcarlet rib⯑bon. The number of knights of this order is very limited in Spain, and it is the order, which of all thoſe in Europe, has beſt preſerved its ancient ſplen⯑dor.
With reſpect to the order of Charles III. this mo⯑narch having preſcribed to himſelf an irrevocable law, to beſtow the other orders on none but military men, an honourable diſtinction was wanting for the reſt of his ſubjects. This he ſupplied in 1771, by [264] creating a fifth order. It is compoſed of two claſſes, that of the great croſſes, and the ſimple knights. The great croſſes wear the great ribbon of the order, ſky blue, edged with white. Their number ſhould be limited to 60. This order is confined to the moſt eminent perſonages of the kingdom, ſuch as the miniſters and ſome general officers, diſtinguiſhed ei⯑ther by their zeal or ſervice.
The ſimple knights were 200 in number, each en⯑joying a penſion of about £40. This leſſer order has ſince been beſtowed on ſome perſons in France, not reckoned in the original number.
Proofs of nobility are neceſſary to this latter order, as well as to the four military orders. It is true, nobility in moſt of the provinces in Spain, is not difficult to eſtabliſh. It is ſufficient, that he who aſ⯑pires to this diſtinction, proves himſelf and his an⯑ceſtors to have lived nobly, without having exerciſed any of the profeſſions, few in number, which law and prejudice reckon vile; he is then reputed a gen⯑tleman by deſcent, hidalgo; for in Spain, nobility by creation, is unknown. Some humouriſts have obſerved, that there are whole provinces of which the inhabitants are gentlemen; nor is this any great ex⯑aggeration.
Philip V. as we have already remarked, ennobled [265] all the Biſcayans, and all the Aſturians believe they are deſcended from the ancient Goths, who took re⯑fuge in the mountains of Aſturia, and are reputed noble, on account of this honourable origin. But there cannot be a more ridiculous abſurdity than to ſuppoſe, that two or 300,000 men, ſettled ſome years ago in a ſmall province, were all noble. If all men meaſured five feet eight inches high, the words giant and dwarf would be obliterated from the dic⯑tionary. Nobility neceſſarily ſuppoſes a more nu⯑merous claſs who are ignoble. Thus there are in Biſcay and Aſturia, diſtinguiſhed families in the opi⯑nion of the public, who have made a great figure in the diſtrict wherein they reſide, either by their opu⯑lence or the places they have held, and whatever may be the pretentions of obſcure neighbouring fa⯑milies, the former affect a pre-eminence, which theſe acknowledge by their homages; ſo that if by chance they arrive at ſome employment of conſequence, they are leſs inſolent and vain, than moſt upſtarts in other countries. This may be particularly remarked in the lower ranks of the Aſturians and Biſcayans. They have in their appearance ſomething more haughty, and are leſs humble in their homages. They are not awed either by titles or riches. A man in place, is in their eyes a fortunate man, who has won in the royal lottery, in which they all have a ticket, and may win in their turn; and this pre⯑judice, (ſays Bourgoanne) ridiculous as it may [266] ſeem, keeps them againſt meanneſs and degrading crimes.
We ſhall now proceed to conſider the navy of Spain, which is divided into three departments, thoſe of Ferrol, Carthagena, and Cadiz.
The firſt has real inconveniences, from the un⯑healthineſs of the climate, the frequent rains which retard the operations in the port, and its being ſo ſi⯑tuated, that no veſſel can ſail from it, but with a par⯑ticular wind.
The department of Carthagena has many advan⯑tages over that of Ferrol. The ſafety of its harbour is known by an old proverb among ſeamen, who ſay, 'there are but three good ports for veſſels, the months of June and July, and the harbour of Car⯑thagena.' This ſafety extends to the arſenals and dock-yards, which, being in a narrow place, may, ac⯑cording to the expreſſion of the Spaniſh ſailors, be locked by a ſingle key. Carthagena, therefore, is the port where the greateſt number of ſhips are built, caulked, and careened.
The department of Cadiz is, however, the moſt important of the three, on account of its favourable ſituation for the departure of the fleets.
[267]The Spaniſh navy is governed much in the ſame manner as that of France. Inſtead of vice-admirals, there are captains-general. Immediately after the captains-general, rank the lieutenants-general, who are at preſent 17 in number, and the commodores 15. In the Spaniſh navy, there is likewiſe an intermedi⯑ate rank between theſe and captains of veſſels; that of brigadier. Theſe are 40 in number. Of cap⯑tains of ſhips there are 150; and of thoſe of fri⯑gates 152.
To acquire rank in the Spaniſh navy, it is neceſ⯑ſary to have paſſed through the garde marine. This corps was eſtabliſhed in 1717; it conſiſts of three companies, each containing 92 cadets, for whoſe inſtruction there is an academy, compoſed of a di⯑rector and eight profeſſors.
The officers of the navy are, with reſpect to mi⯑litary rewards, upon a footing with thoſe of the army. The vice-royalties, governments of pro⯑vinces, or places in America, are indiſcriminately given to general officers of the army and thoſe of the navy. But the officers of the Spaniſh navy have many other means of enriching themſelves, which render the king's favours leſs neceſſary.
The ſailors are claſſed as in France, and divided into three departments. The regiſter of the claſſes [268] make the whole amount to 50,000. Spain has alſo, for the ſervice of her ſhips of war, a marine infan⯑try, compoſed of 12 battalions, conſiſting of 168 men each, which form a corps of about 12,000 men.
Beſides theſe, there is a particular corps of artil⯑lery, of 2,595 men, for whom there are theoretical and practical ſchools in each of the three depart⯑ments.
Spain has alſo a ſociety of pilots, with ſchools of pilotage.
In 1764, the Spaniſh navy conſiſted of only 37 ſhips of the line, and about 30 frigates. In 1770 there were 51 ſhips, of from 58 to 112 guns. Their number has ſince increaſed. Since the year 1776, according to Townſend, their navy has been more than doubled. In the ſummer of 1790, their fleet of obſervation conſiſted of 28 ſhips of the line, among which were four ſhips of 112 guns; beſides theſe, they had ſix ſhips of the line ſtationed in the Mediterra⯑nean, and a ſtrong fleet in America.
"It is a queſtion worthy of diſcuſſion (ſays the above writer) whether Spain ought to aim at being diſtinguiſhed as a naval power. Should ſhe adhere to the coloniſing ſyſtem, a powerful navy will be [269] needful to protect her commeroe, and ſecure her monopolies; but then it ſhould be enquired, if the proportion of trade obtained, beyond what ſhe would enjoy if theſe diſtant provinces were free, pays the expence of arming in times of peace, or indemnifies her for all the commercial wars ſhe may be engaged in, to ſupport her trade.
The three diviſions, in Europe, of the navy of Spain, are not the only places where ſhips of war are built. There are dock-yards in the Havannah, and a fund of 700,000 piaſtres was ſome time ſince eſtabliſhed to carry on the works.
Spain and her colonies might furniſh her navy with all the ſhip-timber neceſſary for that purpoſe. There are great quantities in the mountains of Aſtu⯑ria and Navarre; and particularly in the Pyrenees on the ſide of Arragon and Catalonia, there is a ſpecies of pine more ſolid and durable than oak. The plain of Cuba contains many cedars, although it has been thought exhauſted by the quantities drawn from the country adjacent to the coaſt. In thoſe of Cumana there is timber, likewiſe, fit for ſhip-building. But Spain has not derived all the advantages ſhe might have done from theſe reſources, and conſtantly depends on the northern ſtates, at leaſt for a ſupply of maſts. From the account given to the public by the bank of S. Charles, for [270] the year 1785, it appears, that upwards of 8,500,000 reals were paid, that year, for maſts alone, im⯑ported from the North. They are ſtill nearer the time of being independent of other powers for the hemp neceſſary for their navy. This they received for many years from the North; but at preſent, moſt of the cordage, cables, and ſail-cloth, uſed in Spain, are made from hemp grown in the country.
The Spaniards have alſo adopted, from the Eng⯑liſh, the method of ſheathing the bottom of their men of war with copper; but, for want of know⯑ing how to prepare the copper from Mexico, they have hitherto imported all their ſheets of that metal from Trieſte and Sweden.
All theſe circumſtances prove, that Spain poſ⯑ſeſſes within herſelf every thing neceſſary to her navy; and that, after having long neglected theſe benefactions of nature, ſhe now makes ſucceſsful efforts to render it independent of other nations.
CHAP. XXIII. The Bull-fights.
[271]THE bull-fights principally ſeem to be ſome remains of barbariſm in the Spaniards, but at the ſame time they are more ſuſceptible of apology. Theſe combats, to which the Spaniſh nation has the ſtrongeſt attachment, though highly repugnant to the delicacy of the reſt of Europe, are conſidered by the Spaniards as means of preſerving in the na⯑tion the energy by which it is characteriſed. "For my part (ſays Bourgoanne) though I wiſh to reſpect a taſte by no means in uniſon with my own, I have never been able to comprehend what relation there is to ſtrength and courage in a ſpectacle where thoſe preſent are expoſed to no danger, and in which the actors prove, by the rarity of accidents, that the ha⯑zards they run, are not of a nature to excite much concern." "Whatever may be ſaid to the contrary, (ſays the above writer) accidents, are very rare. The cavaliers, who are thrown, ſometimes receive contuſions, but, during almoſt four years that I was [272] preſent at their bull-fights, I knew but one that died of his wounds. A prieſt, however, provided with the viaticum, and holy oils, is always preſent, in a kind of latticed box, a precaution, notwith⯑ſtanding its inutility, that has been kept up merely by the force of cuſtom.
The price of admiſſion varies very much, accord⯑ing as the places are covered or expoſed, in the ſun or in the ſhade. A box for the day, which will con⯑veniently accommodate eight or ten people in the ſhade, will coſt £3. 12s. but in the ſun only half that ſum; and, between both, £2. 8s. Faſhionable people take a box. A ſeat, if covered, in the ſhade, and in the front bench, coſts 7s. 3d. for the day; but a back ſeat in theſe covered benches, on the ſunny ſide of the theatre, is not quite half that ſum. The cheapeſt ſeat for the day, expoſed to all the inclemency of the weather, to rain, if it ſhould rain, and to the overwhelming heat of the ſummer's ſun, is ſomething more than 1s. 2d.
The ſtated expences are enormous. At Madrid they are calculated at from three to £400; the per⯑ſons who fight the bulls receiving from three to £15 each. The average receipts are ſtated at near £700. The balance forms the principal funds for the ſupport of the General Hoſpital.
[273]Bull-fights are moſtly given in ſummer, becauſe ſpectators may then remain in the open air; and in that ſeaſon of the year the bulls are more vigorous. There are 20 benches round the circle, and that only which is moſt elevated is covered. The boxes are in the upper part of the edifice. In ſome cities, as in Valladolid, where there are no particular places ſet apart for the combat, the great ſquare is con⯑verted into a theatre for the purpoſe. The balco⯑nies of the different ſtories are continued acroſs the ends of the ſtreets which there terminate. The ſight of the people, of every claſs, aſſembled round the ſquare, impatiently expecting the ſignal of battle, and exhibiting in their countenance every ſign of joy, has in it ſomething intereſting, if not pleaſing.
The exhibition begins by a kind of proceſſion round the ſquare, in which the champions make their appearance, as well thoſe on horſeback as thoſe on foot; after them come two alguazils, gravely advancing, in wigs and black robes, who go to the governor for an order to begin. The ſignal is immediately given. The animal, until then ſhut up in a kind of cabin, the door of which opens into the circle, is let out.
The bull, on his appearance, is received and ſtunned with the cries and ſhouts of the people. [274] He has firſt to combat with the horſemen (Picador⯑res) who, cloathed after the ancient manner of the Spaniards, wait for him, with long lances. This exerciſe, which requires addreſs, ſtrength and courage, has nothing in it degrading. Formerly the firſt nobility did not diſdain to take a part in it; at preſent even ſome hidalgos ſolicit the honor of fighting on horſeback, and are ſometimes previouſly preſented to the people, under the auſpices of a pa⯑tron, who is generally one of the principal perſons of the court. The bull, without being provoked, frequently attacks them, which, when it happens, gives the ſpectators a high opinion of his courage. But if the animal is pacific, diſconcerted, and cow⯑ardly, runs round the circle, avoiding his perſecu⯑tors; murmurs and hiſſings reſound throughout the theatre: all thoſe within whoſe reach he paſſes, load him with blows and execrations. It ſeems as if he were a common enemy, who had a great crime to expiate, or a victim whoſe ſacrifice is of conſe⯑quence to all the people. If nothing can rouze his courage, he is judged unworthy of being tormented by men, and the repeated cries of petros, petros, bring on him new enemies.
Great dogs are then let looſe upon him, who ſeize him by the neck and ears. The animal now finds the uſe of his natural weapons. The dogs, thrown up in the air, fall ſtunned, and ſometimes [275] lacerated, upon the ground; but they riſe, renew the combat, and commonly overpower their adver⯑ſary, who thus periſhes ignobly. If he preſents himſelf with a good grace, the firſt act of the tra⯑gedy belongs to the combatants on horſeback; this is the moſt animated, but the moſt diſguſting part of the whole. The animal then falls furiouſly upon the innocent horſe, and generally gores his ſides, and throws him and his rider on the ground.
The latter then is in imminent danger, until the combatants on foot, called chulos, come to his aſ⯑ſiſtance, and provoke the bull, by ſhaking before him ſtuffs of different colours. But it is not with⯑out danger to themſelves that they ſave the diſ⯑mounted horſeman. The bull ſometimes purſues them, and they then have need of their utmoſt agi⯑lity. They frequently eſcape him by letting fall the ſtuff, which is their only weapon, and upon which the fury of the deceived animal exhauſts him⯑ſelf. But it ſometimes happens he is not thus to be impoſed upon; and the champion has no other reſource than leaping over the barrier, ſix feet high, which forms the interior of the circle. In ſome places there are two barriers, but where there is but one, the bull makes efforts to leap it, which he ſometimes accompliſhes. The alarm of the neareſt ſpectators may eaſily be imagined, and their preci⯑pitation in retiring, and crowding upon the upper [276] benches, becomes more fatal to them than the fury of the animal; who, finding himſelf hampered in the narrow and uneven ſpace, rather thinks of ſa⯑ving himſelf than ſatisfying his vengeance. Except in theſe caſes, which are rare, the bull returns to the charge.
When it has been judged he is ſufficiently tor⯑mented by the combatants on horſeback, theſe withdraw, and leave him to the champions on foot, called banderillos, who meet him, and, the moment he attacks them, ſtick into him, two by two, a banderilla, ornamented with little ſtreamers of ſtain⯑ed paper. The fury of the bull is redoubled; he roars, and his vain efforts render more acute the darts which have been lodged in him. This laſt torment gives a fine opportunity for the diſplay of the agility of his new adverſaries.
When the vigour of the bull appears almoſt ex⯑hauſted, and the blood guſhes from every wound, the Preſident then gives the ſignal for his death, which is announced by the ſound of drums and trumpets. The matador advances, and is ſeen alone in the circle. In one hand he holds a long knife, in the other a kind of flag, which he waves before his adverſary. Thus together they ſtop, and ob⯑ſerve each other. The impetuoſity of the bull is ſeveral times avoided by the agility of the matador, [277] and the pleaſure of the ſpectators rendered more lively by their ſuſpenſe. Sometimes the animal re⯑mains immoveable, he ſcrapes the ground with his feet, and ſeems to meditate vengeance. The bull in this ſituation, and the matador, who diſcovers his intention, and carefully obſerves his ſlighteſt mo⯑tion, form a picture, which an able pencil might not diſdain to delineate. At length the matador gives the fatal blow; and, if the animal immediately falls, the triumph of the conqueror is celebrated by a thouſand exclamations; but if the blow be not deciſive, their murmurs are not leſs numerous. The matador, whoſe addreſs was about to be extol⯑led to the ſkies, is conſidered as a clumſy butcher. He inſtantly endeavours to recover from his diſgrace, and diſarm the ſeverity of his judges. At laſt he gives a better directed blow. The animal vomits ſtreams of blood, and, ſtruggling with death, ſtag⯑gers and falls, while his conqueror becomes intoxi⯑cated with the applauſe of the people. The bull is then tied by the horns, and ignominiouſly dragged from the circle he has juſt honoured, leaving no⯑thing but the traces of his blood, and the remem⯑brance of his exploit, which is ſoon effaced by the appearance of his ſucceſſor. On each of the days dedicated to theſe feaſts are ſacrificed, at leaſt at Madrid, ſix bulls in the morning, and 12 in the af⯑ternoon. The names of the combatants of each are previouſly announced in the public prints.
[278]The day on which theſe bull-fights are celebrated is a day of rejoicing for the whole diſtrict, and for ten or 12 leagues round. The artiſt who can ſcarce provide for his exiſtence, has always a ſur⯑plus to expend on this ſpectacle. "Whatever they may have been in former times (ſays Swinburne) they are certainly but a poor exhibition at preſent, though the crowds of people aſſembled in a circle, and agitated in a moſt tumultuous manner, form an intereſting and curious ſpectacle. None of the royal family ever appear at theſe favourite amuſe⯑ments of the Spaniſh nation; the nobility no longer pique themſelves in theſe rough exerciſes; and the fair condeſcend to yield up their hearts and perſons to thoſe that have given no proofs of their proweſs, but in combats of a ſofter nature.
The reigning Monarch, who endeavours to poliſh the manners of his ſubjects, has confined the num⯑ber of bull-fights to thoſe of which the produce ſerves to the ſupport of ſome charitable inſtitution. The combats, by this means rendered leſs frequent, will perhaps loſe, by degrees, a part of their attrac⯑tion, till circumſtances ſhall permit them to be en⯑tirely aboliſhed.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE KINGDOM OF PORTUGAL, From BARETTI, FIELDING, and others.
[]CHAP. I. Country, Climate, Mountains, Rivers, &c.
THIS country was formerly called Luſitania, but its boundaries then were very different from what they are at preſent. The name of Portugal is by ſome thought to ſignify Portus Gallus, or Portus Gallorum, from the great number of French who came to the city of Porto, on the river Douro, to aſſiſt the Chriſtians againſt the Moors. Others, with more probability, derive it from a town on the river Douro, by the ancients called Cale, but by the moderns changed to Gaya. Oppoſite to this place ſome of the inhabitants afterwards built a new town with a harbour, and gave it the name of Portucale, or the harbour of Cale, which by un⯑interrupted [280] proſperity, proved the origin of the preſent flouriſhing city of Porto; and from hence the whole country has received the name of Por⯑tugal.
This kingdom, which is the moſt weſtern part of Europe, is bounded on the ſouth and weſt by the Atlantic ocean; and on the north and eaſt by Spain. Its length, from Valencia, the moſt northern town, to Sagnes, the moſt ſouthern, near Cape S. Vincent, is about 300 miles; and its greateſt breadth, from Peniche, a ſea-port, in Eſtremadura, to Salva⯑terra, on the frontiers of Spain, is about 100 miles.
The ancient inhabitants of this country were the Turdetani. The Carthaginians and Romans ſuc⯑ceſſively poſſeſſed Luſitania, as it was then called; the latter being driven out by the Suevi, who did not enjoy it long, they being, in their turn, con⯑quered by the Goths, who kept poſſeſſion of this country and Spain, till they were driven out by the Moors. It was afterwards taken from them by the Chriſtians, of Gothic extraction.
The climate of Portugal is much more temperate than that of Spain, although with ſome variation in the different provinces. The northern parts expe⯑rience a kind of painful cold in winter, chiefly owing to the heavy rains which fall in that ſeaſon. [281] In the ſouthern parts of Portugal the ſummer heats are very violent. Both winter and ſummer, how⯑ever, are very ſupportable; cooling ſea-breezes re⯑freſhing the air, during the latter ſeaſon, and the ſpring is extremely delightful.
This country is in many parts mountainous. From the mountains iſſue ſeveral ſtreams, and ſmall rivers, which fertilize the vallies and fields; and either join the greater rivers in their courſe, or diſ⯑charge themſelves ſeparately into the ſea. The largeſt and principal of theſe are the following:
The Minho, having its ſource in Gallicia, and emptying itſelf into the Weſtern or Atlantic ocean, not far from the town of Caminha.
The Lima, by the ancients called alſo Lethe, or the River of Forgetfulneſs. The Turduli and Celtae, after loſing their general, ſettled on the banks of this river, as if they had totally forgot their own country. This alſo takes its ſource in Gallicia, fall⯑ing into the ſea, below Viana.
The Douro, at the mouth of which ſtands the city of Oporto, ſo famous for its red wine. The ſource of this river is in Old Caſtille. The waters of it are ſaid formerly to have contained ſo much [282] gold, that John III. had a ſceptre made from the gold found in it.
The Tagus has its ſource in the frontiers of Arra⯑gon. This is the largeſt and principal river in the whole kingdom. In Portugal it is joined by ſeveral rivers, widening greatly towards its mouth, ſo as to form ſeveral iſlands, and a conſiderable harbour at Liſbon, a little beyond which it diſcharges itſelf into the ſea. In ſome places it overflows, and in⯑creaſes the fertilty of the adjacent country. This river alſo affords gold.
The Guadiana, in Latin the Anas, riſes in New Caſtille, and, entering Bagadoz in Portugal, loſes itſelf in the ſea, near Ayrmonte and Caſtro Maxim. Its name ſignifies the river Anas, Guadi, in the Mooriſh tongue, denoting a river.
All theſe rivers abound in fiſh, and the three principal, the Douro, the Tagus, and the Guadia⯑na, divide the kingdom into three parts.
The moſt remarkable mountains are the Sierra d' Eſtrella, and the rocky mountain of Cintra. The former, called by the ancients, Mons Herminius, lies between the provinces of Beires and Tralos Montes: on the top of this mountain are two large lakes, one of which is ſaid to be unfathomable, [283] and is ſuppoſed to have a communication with the ſea, from wrecks of ſhips having been found in it, and from its water being always rough and agitated when the adjoining ocean is ſo. Cinta, called by the ancients Promontorium Lunae, or the Mountain of the Moon, is ſituated upon a point of land, five leagues to the weſtward of Liſbon, and called by the Engliſh ſailors, the Rock of Liſbon. On this promontory is a monaſtery, hewn out of the ſolid rock. "When we came in view of this mountain, (ſays Barretti) I was told by one of the ſailors, it was the cuſtom to duck every perſon in the ſea, on his firſt ſight of this rock, except he paid for⯑feit for ſome other to undergo the operation in his ſtead.
On the higheſt pinnacle of this mountain the ancients built a temple, dedicated to the Moon, under the appellation of Cynthia, from whence comes the modern appellation of Cintra: and there is certainly not a ſpot on the globe where aſtrono⯑mical obſervations might be made to more advan⯑tage; whether we conſider the great height, and ſerenity of the atmoſphere, or the extenſive horizon, joined to the moſt commanding and unbounded proſpect of the Atlantic ocean.
Upon this mountain are the remains of a palace belonging to the Mooriſh kings. There are ſtill [284] three of its halls to be ſeen. The ceilings are di⯑vided into ſmall compartments, having animals painted on them. One ceiling contains nothing but ſwans, another nothing but ſtags, and the third nothing but magpies. Neither are the attitudes varied. Each ſwan has a golden chain round his neck. Every ſtag ſupports a coat of arms on his back; and the magpies have the words per ben writ⯑ten over them. Upon the adjacent hills are a great number of villas belonging to the Portugueſe nobles, and the Engliſh merchants. Not far from the baſe of the mountain, is a ſpot of ground of about three miles in length, and one in breadth, entirely planted with oranges and lemons, whoſe flowers, when they are in bloom, perfume a vaſt tract of country. It is called the valley of Collares, and compared to the garden of Eden from its luxuriance.
The mountains of Portugal are ſome of the moſt barren on the continent, except towards the baſe, where they are in general well planted with vine-yards, which yield great quantities of excellent wine. Some mineral ſprings have been diſcovered in this country, but they are not made any uſe of, except⯑ing the baths of Caldas in Eſtremadura, which are famed for their virtues in venereal caſes. Though theſe baths are in ſo much repute, the accommoda⯑tions to be met with at them, are but very indiffer⯑ent. They lie 15 leagues north of Liſbon.
[285]Although the ſoil be very fruitful, ſo much is a⯑griculture neglected here, that above half the coun⯑try lies waſte; and the inhabitants are ſupplied with a great part of their corn by importation. Portugal, however, abounds in excellent wine and oil; the greateſt part of the oil is made in the province of Alentejo. Olive trees thrive better near the ſea, than up in the country. Here is alſo great plenty of fine honey, and conſequently of wax. The beſt honey, which is found in the fields, is almoſt of a white co⯑lour, and of a moſt agreeable flavour; and the wild honey here is more agreeable to the taſte, than that of other countries. Portugal alſo produces abun⯑dance of lemons, pomegranates, oranges, figs, rai⯑ſins, almonds, cheſnuts, and other fine fruits. It has likewiſe variety of ſea and river fiſh, and large quan⯑tities of ſalt. Their ſweet oranges are ſaid to be ſome of the beſt in Europe. As Portugal is not without excellent paſtures, the graziery in ſome places is very conſiderable, and an uncommon number of ſheep and cattle may occaſionally be ſeen; but in ge⯑neral it is at ſo low an ebb, that the greateſt part of their oxen come from Spain. Their horſes are not large, but very fleet. The Portugueſe, however, breed more aſſes than horſes, the latter being clan⯑deſtinely imported from Spain. There is ſcarce any country where more marmalade is made, both of the white and red ſort, as likewiſe great quantities of odo⯑riferous waters.
CHAP. II. Of the Cities.
[286]THE whole kingdom contains ſix provinces, 19 civdades or cities, and 527 villas or ſmaller towns. The number of inhabitants may be pretty nearly computed, and is calculated at 2,000,000 of people. Of its cities we ſhall notice Liſbon and Operto, which are the two principal ones.
Liſbon, the metropolis of the kingdom, extends from eaſt to weſt along the river Tagus, near its in⯑flux into the ſea; reſembling an amphitheatre, and containing within its circuit ſeven mountains. The length of the whole city, is indeed, little ſhort of two miles, and its breadth is inconſiderable. The val⯑lies of theſe mountains, form ſtreets of above a mile in length; but moſt of them are very narrow, ill paved, and dirty; and many of them alſo ſteep and troubleſome.
- 1 Royal Exchange
- 2 Custom House
- 3 The Ch [...]iers
- 4 [...] & Hotel of y• Mi [...]
- 5 The Castel
- 6 St. Clara
- 7 M [...] St. Francis
- 8 [...] Place
- 9 Wind Mills
- 10 The [...]
- 11 The [...]
- 12 [...] Borough
- 13 T [...]i [...]i [...]y's [...]eligi [...]
- 14 St. Isabel
- 15 N.S. of Boa Morte
- 16 College of the Nobles
- 17 N.D. of Neo [...]idades
- 18 The City's Gate
- 19 Alex [...]ra Bridge
- 20 N.D. of the Pr [...]res
- 21 Buenosaires Mill
- 22 A. Estrella
- 23 St. Jono of Ca [...]das
- 24 St. Seba [...]iao of [...]reira
- 25 St. Anthony Capuchire
- 26 St. Ann's Place
- 27 Italian's Theater
- 28 The Hospitall
- 29 St. Dominican
- 30 Portuguese Theater
- 31 St. Pierre D. Alcantara
- 32 St Roch
- 33 The Trinity
- 34 The Carmes
- 35 N.D. of Loreto
- 36 The St. Sacrement
- 37 The Politeness
- 38 The Je [...]s
- 39 St. Benoit
- 40 French Religious
- 41 English Religious
- 42 Religious of the Sacrement
- 43 St. [...]ranes of Paula
- 44 Military Hospital
- 45 St. Therese
- 46 Hope Convent
- 47 Santus
- 48 St. John Nepomucena
- 49 The St. Martirs
- 50 St. Catherine
- 51 St. Pauls
- 52 Irish Dominican
- 53 The Magdalen
- 54 St. Anthony
- 55 Enchant Cathederal
- 56 The Mercy
- 57 Limo [...]ro Prison
- 58 St. Vincente of Fora
- 59 St. Lawrence
- 60 N.D. of the Grace
- 61 N.D. of the P [...]ka of the French
- 62 Royal Foundary
- 63 St. Sangrace
- 64 Italian Capuchins
- 65 The Mother of God
- 66 Ribeira or General City Market
- 67 Corn Magazine
As the houſes, churches, convents, &c. are large, and all built with white ſtone, they look very beau⯑tiful at a diſtance; but as you approach nearer, all idea of beauty vaniſhes. While ſurveying the proſ⯑pect of this city, which bears ſo little reſemblance to any in England, a reflection occurred to me, that if a man was ſuddenly to be removed from Palmyra hither, and ſhould take a view of no other city, in how glorious a light would the ancient architecture appear to him? and what deſolation and deſtruction of arts and ſciences would he conclude had happened between the ſeveral aeras of theſe cities?
All the ſtreets (ſays Coſtigan) laid out and built ſince the earthquake, in 1755, are ſtrait, regular, and moſtly ſpacious, running at right angles to each other; but the houſes are in general too high in pro⯑portion to the width of the ſtreets; for which rea⯑ſon, the falling of the houſes upon the firſt great ſhock of any future earthquake, muſt inevitably bury under their ruins, thoſe who ſhall be able to eſcape into the ſtreets.
To form ſome connected idea of its ſituation, [288] imagine an extent of ſhore upon a ſpacious river, capable of receiving every kind of ſhipping, and pouring its waters immediately into the Atlantic, with regard to its local ſituation, far preferable to every other on the continent of Europe, for the moſt extended traffic with the whole continent of America.
Liſbon, (ſays Twiſs) is pretty nearly in the ſame ruinous ſtate it was in after the earthquake in 1755. There are many new buildings carrying on, but the ſtreets are yet, in various places, ſtopped up with the ruins occaſioned by that calamity. This city is built on ſeven ſteep hills, and the ſtreets are very badly paved with ſmall ſharp ſtones, which renders walk⯑ing almoſt impracticable; and at night, as there is no kind of light in theſe ſtreets, it would not be pru⯑dent for a ſtranger to walk out alone. The houſes are generally two ſtories high, ſometimes three, with no other chimney but that of the kitchen; they are built of a kind of half marble, with iron balconies, and wooden latices to the ground floor, but they are not remarkable for architecture.
The new ſtreets are built on the ſpot where the royal palace ſtood before it was demoliſhed by the earthquake. On each ſide of theſe new ſtreets, is a foot-path, elevated ſomewhat above the pavement, and defended from carriages by ſtone poſts. Theſe [889] houſes are four and five ſtories high. The exchange is finiſhed, and is near the river, with porticos under which the merchants aſſemble. This building forms one ſide of an intended ſquare, in the midſt of which is to be placed an equeſtrian ſtatue of the late king. The pedeſtal is of a ſingle ſtone, and required 80 yoke of oxen to drag it from the quarry, about two miles diſtant from the ſpot where it now is.
The King's palace ſtands on the river, and is both ſpacious and convenient. On the eaſt ſide of it is a large ſquare for the bull fights; and not far from it are the naval magazines. The arſenal is a very large building: near it ſtands the fiſh market, which is ſuperior to thoſe in Holland. It is plentifully ſupplied with fiſh, moſt of them unknown in Eng⯑land; but with neither ſalmon nor cod: the former of which the inhabitants procure from Oporto, by men employed for the purpoſe, who perform the journey in four days on foot, taking the ſhorteſt route, without regarding the common roads, and deliver each fiſh at Liſbon for a moidore. The John-dory is to be met with larger here, than in the weſtern coaſt of England; as likewiſe are red mul⯑lets. The conger eels are very large, and the ſcates will ſometimes meaſure ſeven feet from the head, to the extremity of the tail. Near this market are alſo ſold vegetables, fruits, tortoiſes, monkies, parrots, and Brazil birds.
[290]The churches of Liſbon are in general very fine; but that belonging to the Patriarchate is of aſtoniſh⯑ing magnificence. The very ornaments and plate in it containing the treaſure of ſeveral Braſil fleets. The pomp aſſumed by the Patriarch on feſtivals, ſur⯑paſſes even that of the Pope, if we except only the college of cardinals.
The convents and colleges are fifty in number; 32 for monks, and 18 for nuns. The garden of the convent Das Neceſſidades, immediately under the hill of Buenos Aynes, is a very fine one, and is open to the decent part of the public. In one of the ſub⯑urbs of Liſbon, is a convent, over the door of which the arms of England and Portugal are hewn in ſtone, party per pale, the lion and unicorn for ſupporters, with the royal crown on the top. One of theſe con⯑vents is called the Engliſh nunnery, becauſe no per⯑ſon is admitted into it, who is not born of Engliſh parents. Any lady left deſtitute in England, and willing to devote herſelf to chaſtity and retirement, need not fear the approaches of real want for the re⯑mainder of her life, if ſhe once gets admittance here. The number of the nuns amounts to 22 or 23, and it is the chief anxiety of this little community, to keep the number complete, leſt government ſhould in⯑troduce any Portugueſe among them, which might deſtroy the harmony of the ſociety.
[291]The King allows them ſuch a ſum as furniſhes them all the neceſſaries of life. The minute ſuper⯑fluities, called by the French douceurs, ſo indiſpenſa⯑ble to render exiſtence comfortable, are left to their own induſtry. Theſe they procure, partly by work, and partly by trifling preſents often returned with li⯑berality.
Whoever can ſpeak Engliſh, be he catholic or proteſtant, has a kind of right to viſit them at any hour of the day, and all their viſitors are treated by them with ſuch endearing kindneſs, that their parla⯑tory is ſcarce ever empty.
Nuns in all countries are ſoft and obliging ſpeak⯑ers, but theſe (ſays Baretti,) are the ſofteſt and moſt obliging that ever I met with. Not a ſyllable iſ⯑ſued from their lips, that was not dictated by mo⯑deſty and meekneſs, humility and benevolence. Their virtue is to all appearance, without the leaſt alloy; but were they in reality different from what they appear, ſtill the ſtrong appearance of their innocence and goodneſs is irreſiſtibly attracting.
Baretti relates an anecdote of the abbeſs of this nunnery, Lady Hill, which deſerves to be recorded, as ſhewing what fidelity to an onerous engagement was found in a female breaſt. This lady took the veil here, from her circumſtances, perhaps, not per⯑mitting [292] her to make a more agreeable choice. Soon after a large eſtate in Ireland devolved to her, as next of kin by the death of a relation who died in⯑teſtate.
To get poſſeſſion of this eſtate, without her going to Ireland, was thought difficult, and ſubject to much inconvenience. Her caſe, therefore, was repreſented to the Patriarch, who alone had the power to diſ⯑penſe with her vow of conſtant confinement; and the Patriarch, by no means a rigid bigot, upon a ſimple promiſe of returning, gave her leave to ſe⯑cularize her dreſs and depart. She did ſo, went to Ireland, took poſſeſſion of the eſtate, and found her⯑ſelf at once in a condition to live at eaſe and even in ſplendour in her native country.
The temptation of ſtaying where ſhe was, it muſt be allowed, was almoſt irreſiſtible, eſpecially when it is added, that ſhe was handſome and not yet 23. However, if ſhe was tempted, ſhe was tempted in vain; for ſhe ſold the eſtate as ſpeedily as ſhe could, and faithful to her vow and her promiſe, haſ⯑tened back to the nunnery with the money, which ſhe laid out in ſuch a manner, as contributed much to the eaſe and convenience of her beloved commu⯑nity. This was done by a woman! Would any friar in ſimilar circumſtances, have behaved ſo no⯑bly, and returned to his leſs heavy fetters, after ſo [293] lucky an eſcape? Her companions, ſtruck with ad⯑miration as well as gratitude, choſe her immediately for their ſuperior, and never after ceaſed to pay her the veneration ſo indiſputably due to her unſhaken virtue.
There is a theatre in this city for Italian operas; the principal female ſinger in which, (ſays Twiſs)) appeared daily on the ſtage, bedecked with jewels to the amount of 3 or 4,000 pounds. The other the⯑atre is for Portugueſe plays; there are four rows of boxes, and 27 boxes in each row. The Italian houſe is nearly of the ſame ſize. The ſeats in the pit are appropriated ſolely to the men. The admittance money to the opera is ſomething more than half-a-crown.
The Britiſh factory have two long rooms here, in which they aſſemble twice a week during the winter, to dance and play at cards. Any Britiſh ſtranger who does not intend to reſide ſix months in Liſbon, is ad⯑mitted gratis to theſe aſſemblies; but the ſubſcrip⯑tion for reſidents is ſeven moidores for each room. Theſe ſocieties have ſince been united, and a large room is built for that purpoſe. During the winter, there are four grand balls with ſuppers, to which many of the Portugueſe nobility are invited.
There a [...] no news-papers or gazettes printed in [294] the Portugueſe language; theſe having been prohi⯑bited in 1763. The Engliſh, French, and Spaniſh, are to be ſeen in the coffee houſes, of which two are extremely elegant, eſpecially that of Caſaco, which is pannelled with looking glaſſes.
It is very difficult to aſcertain the number of inha⯑bitants in Liſbon: the different foreign factories not being numbered with the natives. The Engliſh factory alone, is computed at 600 ſouls. The Dutch and German factories conſiſt alſo of a very great number of perſons.
Previous to the earthquake, the atteſtations ſent to Rome in order to procure bulls, aſſigned 600,000 inhabitants to the metropolis. The earthquake, which happened on the firſt of November 1755, is ſaid by ſome, to have deſtroyed 15,000 perſons, by others 24,000, by others 70,000; indeed it is impoſſible to calculate this loſs with exactneſs. Liſbon may certainly be claſſed at preſent among the firſt cities for ſize and populouſneſs, and poſſibly may be ranked as the fourth, the other three being London, Paris, and Naples.
The King had two palaces in Liſbon, and they were both deſtroyed. Yet none of the royal family periſhed. They were going from Liſbon to Belem, and at the time were in a part of the road where there [295] was no houſe near. Had they remained a quarter of an hour longer in Liſbon, or arrived a quarter of an hour ſooner in Belem, it is probable they would have periſhed, as the royal palace at Belem was likewiſe deſtroyed. King, Queen, Princeſſes, and all their attendants were obliged to encamp in the neighbouring fields; and the Britiſh envoy, who was there at the time, wrote over to the miniſtry, that five days after the earthquake, he went to Belem to pay his reſpects to them, but that the Queen ſent him word ſhe could not receive him, as ſhe was in a tent, and in no condition to be ſeen. Imagine what the miſery of the people muſt have been, when even the royal family ſuffered ſo much.
Nor muſt we forget to mention the univerſal con⯑flagration that followed the earthquake. This miſ⯑fortune fell out at ten o'clock in the forenoon, that is, when all the kitchen fires were lighted againſt din⯑ner time, and all the churches illuminated in honour of the day. The fires in the kitchens, and the lights in the churches, rolled againſt the combuſtible mat⯑ters that were in their way, and the ruined town was preſently in flames. Liſbon is furniſhed with water by the means of aqueducts; but the aqueducts were broken by the concuſſion, ſo that little or no water was to be had. Yet had it been ever ſo plentiful, the town would not have eſcaped the conflagration, becauſe every one ran away to the fields, and other [296] open ſpaces; and thus more loſs was occaſioned by the fire, than by the earthquake; as it conſumed every thing the people had in their houſes, which might in a great meaſure have been dug out of the ruins, if it had not been conſumed by the fire. What a ſpectacle for ſo many hundred thouſand peo⯑ple, to ſee all their houſes in flames at once!
The Engliſh factory has a burying-ground in one of the ſkirts of the city, planted with walks of cy⯑preſs-trees, under which are the graves, "where, (ſays Twiſs) I had the mortification to ſee many marble monuments with long, pompous, flattering inſcriptions, erected to the memory of ſome of the merchants, their wives, and their children; whilſt the great author of Tom Jones is interred in this burying-ground, without even a ſtone to indicate that 'Here lies Henry Fielding."
The trade and navigation of this city are ſo very conſiderable, that the cuſtom-houſe, which lies on the Tagus, is the chief ſource of the King's European revenues. This is the grand magazine of all the goods which the Portugueſe bring from their foreign colonies. The harbour is very large, deep, ſecure, and convenient. It has two entrances, that on the north, called the corredor, lies between the ſand-bank, the rock of Cachopos, and Fort St. Ju⯑lian. The ſouthern entrance, which is much broader [297] and more convenient, is between Cachopos and Fort S. Lawrence.
The Tagus is navigable but a little way above Liſbon, occaſioned by its running between inacceſ⯑ſible rocks; and its current is broken by many rapid cataracts. A company of Dutchmen, in the reign of Charles II. offered to cut roads over the rocks, and to make dykes and ſluices, which would facilitate the paſſage of boats from Liſbon quite to Madrid, provided the revenue was given them, which amount⯑ed from taxes levied on goods thus to be conveyed by water.
Several councils were in conſequence held at Madrid and Liſbon; the concluſion of their delibe⯑rations was, 'If God had been willing to have this river navigable, he did not want the aſſiſtance of man to render it ſo; becauſe he was able to pro⯑duce that great effect by a ſingle fiat. This as he had not done, it followed that he did not think proper to do it ſo; that it would be contradicting his providence to endeavour to rectify what he ap⯑peared to have left imperfect, for reaſons beſt known to himſelf.'
Thus vaniſhed this uſeful project, in conſequence of the philoſophical determination of theſe coun⯑cils.
[298]A ſimilar mode of reaſoning ſeems to be adopted by the people of Minorca, who never prune a tree, the vine excepted, thinking it irreligious, in ſome degree, to preſume to direct its growth; and if any ſtranger ſhould expreſs his wonder that they for⯑bear this uſeful practice, and inform them of the advantages attending it in other countries, their an⯑ſwer is—'God knows beſt how a tree ſhould grow.'
This city is walled round, having 77 towers on the walls, and 36 gates. In the centre of this ca⯑pital, on one of the mountains, ſtands a citadel which commands the whole place, and has caverns in it, where four regiments of foot are conſtantly quartered. Cloſe by the ſea, at the diſtance of about 12 miles from the city, both the entrances to the harbour are defended by two forts. The river here is not above two miles over, though it widens by degrees towards Liſbon, where it is at leaſt ten miles broad. Between Liſbon and theſe forts ſtands another fort, called Fort Belem, or Belleiſle, which commands the entrance into the city, and where all the ſhips coming up the Tagus, muſt give an ac⯑count of themſelves. The proſpect at the entrance of the Tagus, from the ſea, cannot be exceeded. The buildings on the ſhore, near Belem, which is the royal reſidence, appear, many of them, to be of noble conſtruction; they are all white on the outſide, with lattices and window-ſhutters painted [299] green, which have a fine effect from the river. Many of the houſes have gardens and terraces, orna⯑mented with vaſes, ſtatues, turrets, and obeliſks, and with ſo many trees round them, that the coup d'aeil is rendered one of the grandeſt and moſt pictureſque imaginable.
About 15 leagues to the north-weſt of the mouth of the harbour, are the Burlings, as they are called in the charts. They conſiſt of abundance of little rocky iſlands, a little diſtant from the ſhore, three of them only ſhewing themſelves above water.
Here the Portugueſe maintain a kind of garriſon, if we may allow it that name. It conſiſts of male⯑factors, who are baniſhed hither for a term, for di⯑vers ſmall offences. A policy which they may have copied from the Egyptians, as we may read in Diodorus Siculus. That wiſe people, to prevent the corruption of good manners by evil communication, built a town on the Red Sea, whither they tranſport⯑ed a great number of their criminals, having firſt ſet an indelible mark on them, to prevent their returning and mixing with the ſober part of the citizens.
At this place, called by Fielding, the caſtle of Belleiſle, we were ſaluted with a gun, which was a ſignal to paſs no farther till we had complied [300] with certain ceremonies, which the laws of this country require to be obſerved by all ſhips which arrive in this port. We were obliged then to caſt anchor, and expect the arrival of the officers of the cuſtoms, without whoſe paſsport no ſhip muſt proceed farther than this place.
Here likewiſe we received a viſit from one of thoſe magiſtrates of health before-mentioned. He refuſed to come on board the ſhip, till every perſon in her had been drawn up on deck and perſonally viewed by him. "This occaſioned ſome delay on my part (ſays Fielding) as it was not the work of a minute, to lift me from the cabin to the deck. The captain thought my particular caſe might have been excuſed from this ceremony, and that it would be abundantly ſufficient if the magiſtrate, who was obliged afterwards to viſit the cabin, ſurveyed me there. But this did not ſatisfy the magiſtrate's ſtrict regard to his duty. When he was told of my lameneſs, he called out with a voice of authority —'Let him be brought up;' and his orders were preſently complied with. He was indeed a perſon of great dignity, as well as of moſt exact fidelity in the diſcharge of his truſt. Both which are the more admirable, as his ſalary is leſs than £30 Engliſh per annum.
Before a ſhip has been viſited by one of theſe [301] magiſtrates, no perſon can lawfully go on board her, nor can any one depart from her. This I ſaw exemplified in a remarkable inſtance. A young lad, one of our paſſengers, was here met by his fa⯑ther, who, on the firſt news of the captain's arrival, came from Liſbon to Belleiſle in a boat, being ea⯑ger to embrace a ſon whom he had not ſeen for many years. But when he came along-ſide our ſhip, neither did the father dare aſcend, nor the ſon deſcend, as the magiſtrate of health had not yet been on board.
Some of my readers will perhaps admire the great caution of this policy, ſo nicely calculated for the preſervation of this country from all peſtilential diſtempers. Others will as probably regard it as too exact and formal to be conſtantly perſiſted in, in ſeaſons of the utmoſt ſafety, as well as in times of danger. I will not decide either way; but will content myſelf with obſerving, that I never yet ſaw or heard of a place where a traveller had ſo much trouble given him at his landing as here. The only uſe of which, as all ſuch matters begin and end in form only, is to put it into the power of low and mean fellows, to be either rudely officious or groſsly corrupt, as they ſhall ſee occaſion to pre⯑fer the gratification of their pride or their ava⯑rice.
[302]Of this kind likewiſe is that power which is lodged with other officers here, of taking away every grain of ſnuff, and every leaf of tobacco, brought from other countries, though only for the temporary uſe of the perſon during his reſidence here. This is executed with great inſolence; and, as it is in the hands of the dregs of the people, very ſcandalouſly; for, under pretence of ſearching for tobacco and ſnuff, they are ſure to ſteal whatever they can find; inſomuch that when they come on board, our ſailors addreſſed us in the Covent Gar⯑den language, "Pray Gentlemen and Ladies take care of your ſwords and watches." Indeed I never ſaw any thing equal to the contempt and hatred which our honeſt tars every moment expreſſed for theſe Portugueſe officers.
At Belleiſle lies buried Catherine of Arragon, wi⯑dow of Prince Arthur, eldeſt ſon of our Henry VII. afterwards married to, and divorced from our Henry VIII. Cloſe by the church where her re⯑mains are depoſited, is a large convent of Gerony⯑mites, one of the moſt beautiful piles of building in all Portugal.
Having undergone the inſpection of the ma⯑giſtrate of health, I ſent my man to beſpeak a good dinner, and then to bring a Liſbon chaiſe with him to the ſea-ſhore. At his return, after [303] keeping me waiting full three hours on the deck, he told me, there was a new law lately made, that no paſſenger ſhould ſet his foot on ſhore without a ſpecial order from the Providore; and that he him⯑ſelf would have been ſent to priſon for diſobeying it, had he not been protected as the ſervant of the captain. He informed me, likewiſe, that the captain had been very induſtrious to get this order, but that it was then the Providore's hour of ſleep, a time when no man, except the King himſelf, durſt diſturb him.
To avoid prolixity, though in a part of my nar⯑rative which may be more agreeable to my reader than it was to me, the Providore having at laſt finiſhed his nap, diſpatched this abſurd matter of form, and gave me leave to come, or rather be car⯑ried, on ſhore.
What it was that firſt gave the hint of this ſtrange law it is not eaſy to gueſs. Poſſibly in the infancy of their defection, and before their govern⯑ment could be formed, they were willing to guard againſt the bare poſſibility of ſurprize; of the ſuc⯑ceſs of which bare poſſibility the Trojan horſe will for ever remain on record, as a great and memo⯑rable example. Now the Portugueſe have no walls to ſecure them, and a veſſel of two or 300 tons will contain a much larger body of troops [304] than could be concealed in that famous machine, though Virgil tells us, ſomewhat hyperbolically, that it was as big as a mountain.
The Portugueſe derive the origin of this city from Eliſa, a great grandſon of Noah, who is ſaid to have been its firſt founder, and that Ulyſſes was its reſtorer. Though this is not very probable, yet it is certain the city was anciently called Ulyſſaea, or Ulyſſipolis; and hence was changed in time to Oliſipo. The Romans, as appears from ſome an⯑cient inſcriptions, gave it the name of Felicitas Julia; but the Goths called it Oliſipona, which the Moors altered to Oliſibona; whence, in proceſs of time, was formed Liſbon.
Nothing can be more diſguſting to a ſtranger than the filth of the ſtreets in this metropolis of Portugal. In fact, (ſays Coſtigan) the ſtreets are never cleaned, although there is an eſtabliſhed contract for ſcavengers. This filth would be much more noiſome than it actually is, were not every thing that can be eat up by ſtarving dogs, quickly devoured by ſwarms of theſe animals, who live abroad and belong to no one. A fine northern breeze, which ſprings up about noon, refreſhes the parched inhabitants of at leaſt all the higher parts of the city, and carries off the bane⯑ful effluvia, thrown even ſometimes, during the [305] day, from the windows of the different houſes; yet, after all, it is impoſſible to walk the city without the olfactory nerves being continually ſa⯑luted with the moſt diſagreeable ſenſations: ac⯑cordingly no perſons, who can poſſibly avoid it, ever walk the ſtreets, both on account of the vio⯑lent heat and the great diſtance, the city being ſo exceedingly ſpread in all directions; ſo that it is a common obſervation of the natives, that, except perſons of the loweſt condition, no perſon is to be met with on foot, during ſome hours of the violent heat, but dogs and Engliſhmen.
Another ſingular circumſtance, very ſtriking to a ſtranger rambling about this city, is the great number of negroes. Many of theſe unhappy wretches are natives of Africa, others born either in Portugal or in its ultramarine dominions. No ſhips arrive from that quarter of the globe without ſome, and, when in Portugal, they are allowed to marry, not only among themſelves, but alſo with thoſe of a different colour. Theſe croſs-marriages (ſays Baretti) have filled the country with different breeds of human monſters. A black and a white produce a mulatto. Then a mulatto joins with a black or a white, and two other crea⯑tures are engendered, called meſtices. Then the white meſtices join with the black meſtices, or with two real blacks, whites or mulattos; and all [306] branch out into ſo many and various kinds, that it becomes very difficult to diſtinguiſh them by pecu⯑liar names, though they are eaſily to be diſtin⯑guiſhed by their peculiar hues.
To ſuch a degree has the original race of the Portugueſe been depraved, that, to be a Blanco, that is, a perfect white, is become a title of ho⯑nour: ſo that, when a Portugueſe ſays he is a Blanco, it is not to be underſtood that he is a white, but that he is a man of honour, a perſon of family and conſequence.
To all theſe mongrel mixtures may be added the Jewiſh. Portugal abounds with Jews who perſon⯑ate Chriſtians, and often intermarry with the Por⯑tugueſe and Negroes. Theſe ſtrange combinations have filled Liſbon with ſuch a variety of uncouth faces, as to make the traveller doubt if he is really in Europe; and, in a few centuries, not a drop of Portugueſe blood will be left in the country, but the whole will be corrupted between Jews and Negroes.
To obviate one of theſe evils, both of which might eaſily be removed by a ſecular tribunal, the Inquiſition is always on the watch to find out the Jews; who, if diſcovered, are certain to meet with no mercy from the holy fathers. Let a man [307] but avow himſelf a Jew, and to be thrown in⯑to the flames will be his puniſhment. This in⯑ceſſant diligence to detect the Jews makes them redouble their arts to conceal themſelves; and it is from this circumſtance that numbers of perſons, of both ſexes, and of all ages and ſituations in life, when they walk about the city, carry with them long roſaries, and may be ſeen continually muttering Pater-noſters and Ave Marias; that, if Jews, they may be thought Chriſtians; or, if Chriſtians, that they may not be looked upon as Jews.
To judge from the capital, the induſtry of this nation is not great; almoſt all the linen, woollen, and ſilk goods, to be met with in the different ſhops, are of foreign importation, although they have in their own country, moſt of the raw mate⯑rials. Their ſteel, copper, and braſs work is likewiſe imported from abroad, as are even their ſhoes, except ſuch as are made by foreigners. French tailors and hair-dreſſers ſwarm in Liſbon, as they do in London. Statuaries, architects, and engravers, here never poſſeſſed any of the leaſt ce⯑lebrity. As for painters, they can boaſt of only one, Alonzo Sanches Coello, a diſciple of Raphael, and a favourite of Philip II. who uſed to call him Titian the Second. He is more known in Italy than Portugal.
[306]The diſagreeable ſenſation to the organs of the ear in this city, by the creaking of the cart-wheels is inexpreſſible. They are here made out of two boards, nailed together, and clumſily cut, in a circular form. Yet this painful noiſe might be obviated, if the carmen would greaſe the axletrees: to this they object, ſaying the devil would then do miſchief to their oxen, and that this noiſe frightens him away.
Among the charitable inſtitutions worthy of being noticed are the Miſericordia and All Saints hoſpitals. The former has a magnificent church, and is under the direction of the principal nobility. The ſtewards are choſen annually; the expence of ſerving that office, to thoſe who would acquire fame, amounts to 4 or 5000l. ſterling a year. The funds of this hoſpital are applied to the relief of ſuch perſons as are reduced to indigence, and aſhamed to ſolicit alms. They are likewiſe appro⯑priated to the portioning of young women, to the relief of priſoners under confinement for debt, and to aſſiſt them in compounding with their creditors, that they may obtain their freedom. Prieſts are alſo appointed by thoſe who have the direction of this charity, to attend and adminiſter conſolation to ſuch criminals as are under ſentence of death. In ſhort, they ſuccour and relieve all perſons who [309] not abandoned themſelves to vice, when labouring under ſickneſs or penury.
The hoſpital of All Saints is one of the largeſt and beſt endowed in Europe. Here they receive and adminiſter relief to perſons of all nations and religions. The ſick, the lame, the lunatic, the foundling; all find an aſylum in this hoſpital; and, when diſmiſſed, have money given them to ſubſiſt upon, till they are otherwiſe provided for.
The country about Liſbon is agreeably diverſified with groves of orange and lemon trees, intermixed with olives and vineyards. The roads are bordered with aloes, which make an uncommon appearance to a native of a colder climate, when in flower; the ſtem being then 12 or 14 feet high. Theſe aloes blow every ſixth or ſeventh year. What Brydone ſays of thoſe in Sicily is likewiſe juſt in reſpect of theſe: 'As the whole ſubſtance of the plant is carried in⯑to the ſtem and flowers, the leaves begin to decay as ſoon as they have done blowing, and numerous young plants are produced round the roots of the old ones, which wither and die.'
Moſt of the roads in the environs are paved with large ſtones. Near the city, in the valley of Alcan⯑tara, is ſituated the celebrated aqueduct, which joins two hills, and ſupplies the city with water. [310] This aqueduct runs tranſverſely over a valley a quar⯑ter of a mile in breadth. The ſpace between the two center pillars is ſo wide and lofty that a 50 gun ſhip might paſs through with all her ſails ſpread. This building is an erection of the year 1748, and fortunately received little or no damage from the earthquake in 1755. The whole of this immenſe fabric is built of white marble.
The palace at Belem, about five miles from Liſ⯑bon, where the court uſually reſide, is a very mean wooden edifice, (ſays Twiſs) and has nothing wor⯑thy of remark, either on the outſide or in the inſide. There is not ſo much as a ſingle picture from any of the Italian ſchools in the whole king⯑dom of Portugal. What few pictures there were formerly in Liſbon, were deſtroyed by the earth⯑quake. Nor are there any ſtatues in Portugal, ex⯑cept two groupes in the royal gardens of this palace, expoſed to the air very injudiciouſly.— Theſe groupes are of two figures each, as large as life, and of white marble. One is the daughter giving ſuck to her father, and the other is a wo⯑man fainting and reclining in the arms of another woman. They are indeed perfectly beautiful, and in good preſervation.
Near the palace at Belem is a pillar erected, with an inſcription, importing that to be the ſpot where [311] the late Duke of Aveiro's palace ſtood; he was exe⯑cuted for having ſhot at the King, in 1759, and the palace was eraſed.
There are ſeveral magnificent monaſteries in the environs of Liſbon, of which it may be proper to give ſome general account. The firſt that we ſhall notice is the royal convent at Mafoa. This pile of buildings contains 37 windows in front, and is near⯑ly a ſquare of 728 feet. The church and the royal apartments take up one half of it, and the convent, the other. The whole of the chief front is as noble as art can make it. The gate in the middle has on each ſide an inſulated column, of a kind of granite, little inferior to the Egyp⯑tian. Each column is cut out of a ſingle block, and is about three fathoms in circumference. But, what is moſt ſtriking, is the aſcent to the church▪ This is by a grand flight of ſemicircular ſtairs, which projects 152 feet into the ſquare, before the building. Each corner of the chief front ſupports a dome, in the form of a pavillion. Theſe domes, viewed at a proper diſtance, have a fine effect, and contraſt ſurprizingly well with the cupola and the four belfries belonging to the church. The roof of the apartments and the church, excluſive of the pa⯑villion, the cupola, and the belfries, is laid out in a kind of terrace, commanding an extenſive pro⯑ſpect. The belfries contain 160 bells, of various [312] ſizes, which, by the means of clock-work, ring a great number of curious chimes or carillons. The profuſion of gold, ſilver, jewels, and precious marbles is incredible. There are ſeveral altars in this church, each as rich as money and workmanſhip can make them. One altar alone is ſaid to have coſt from 50, to 60,000l.
There are two large court-yards in this convent, ſurrounded (ſays Baretti) by the fineſt porticos I ever ſaw, even much ſuperior to thoſe at Venice; and which ſupport ſeveral apartments deſtined for the officers of ſtate, when the court is there. Theſe apartments, as well as thoſe of their Majeſties, form a long range of rooms, communicating with that part of the building allotted to the friars. This conſiſts of three dormitories, a refectory, an in⯑firmary, a kitchen, a library, &c. One of theſe dormitories may be about 300 common paces in length, and wide enough for ten perſons to walk abreaſt. The cells on each ſide are, in number, about 600; not low and narrow as in other con⯑vents, but ſpacious and lofty, ſo that they might each be termed a chamber fit for a R [...]man prelate to inhabit. The friars are not ſo numerous as the cells; there are of them only 300 beſides 150 lay-brothers. The furniture of- each cell conſiſts of a narrow, uncovered bed, a table, a few chairs, and a ſhelf for books. The lay-friars have no ſhelves, [313] few of them being able to read. The refectory is a noble ſight. The table that runs through it admits of 150 people on each ſide; yet there is ſufficient ſpace for another, at which the King ſometimes dines with his grandees.
As I entered the refectory, (adds Baretti) a little before dinner, the cloth was laid, and I could not help remarking that, between every two friars, there was a jug, containing about two bottles of wine. Theſe jugs were all alike, of white earthen ware, with the King's arms engraved upon them. Cloſe to each mug was likewiſe placed a trencher of Brazil wood, with half a dozen figs, a couple of bunches of grapes, and two lemons. The reſt of the dinner conſiſted of three good diſhes, gras or maigre, accord⯑ing to the day. To every friar a pound of bread is alſo allotted, with liberty to call for more. When the 300 padres are at dinner, the 150 lay-brothers wait behind them with the greateſt reſpect. It is the King who furniſhes them with this food, which makes them all look ſo florid and ſo jolly. Such faces (ſays Baretti) I never ſaw in my life, not even in the pictures of Paul Veroneſe, who delighted in painting handſome friars. The maintenance of this religious eſtabliſhment is ſaid to coſt the King about 25,000l. a year. The ſmalleſt part of the eſtabliſhment is the infirmary. But it muſt be ob⯑ſerved, that thoſe friars who are become old or in⯑valids, [314] valids, are ſent to ſome other convents, and young and healthy ones are ſubſtituted in their room.
Their library occupies a very large hall, beſides another chamber of conſiderable dimenſions. The hall contains about 70,000 volumes, and the cham⯑ber about 10,000. Amongſt theſe latter are all the Portugueſe books that could poſſibly be collected. There is ſcarce a family of any note in the kingdom who cannot boaſt of an hiſtorian. Hence, it is ſaid, ariſes, that noble elevation of mind, which makes the Portugueſe look with the greateſt diſ⯑dain upon all other nations, and deſpiſe every thing that is not Portugueſe. In this chamber there are books of devotion, and lives of ſaints, out of number. S. Anthony, alone, has above 100 vo⯑lumes on theſe ſhelves, each relating his exploits in a different manner. No Alexander, no Auguſtus, no King of Pruſſia, was ever honoured with ſo much biography as S. Anthony.
According to the opinion of the friars, the leſſer library is much more valuable than the other. In one reſpect they are right, as duplicates of books in the larger library are to be purchaſed, but thoſe in the leſs, being books written in the Portugueſe language, are become very ſcarce ſince the earth⯑quake. However, the loſs will not be very ſeverely felt, there being few writers in that language of [315] any celebrity. The large library is a very good one. Beſides a very capital collection of books in the ancient languages, it contains ſome valuable manuſcripts, in Hebrew and Arabic, and ſome of the friars are men of letters.
Here is a park of very conſiderable extent, but far from being embelliſhed by that verdure ſo con⯑ſpicuous in our Engliſh ones, it having very much the appearance of a parched and rocky deſart, thinly ſcattered with trees.
The firſt ſtone of this building was laid in 1717; and though above 6000 workmen were employed for more than 20 years, and a conſiderable number are ſtill occupied upon it, the building is not yet completed.
The occaſion of its erection was owing to a vow made by the Archducheſs, who was married to John V. On approaching the coaſt of Portugal, the mountains of Mafra were the firſt land ſhe ſaw, and the firſt favour ſhe ſolicited of her royal conſort was, that he would erect a convent on them to the Virgin Mary and S. Anthony, to whoſe joint protection ſhe conſidered herſelf indebted for having landed ſafe in Portugal.
About four leagues from Liſbon, is ſituated the [316] convent of Odivelas, where it is ſaid 300 beautiful nuns formed a ſeraglio for the late monarch: each of them had one or more lovers, and were the moſt attracting miſtreſſes of the Portugueſe nobility. At preſent few of them are living, and thoſe that remain are grown old and ugly; ſo that this place is no longer that ſcene of debauchery it was formerly. A French writer, ſpeaking of this convent, ſays, that the fa⯑mous Portugueſe Letters, afterwards tranſlated into French, came from this tender, gallant, and volup⯑tuous monaſtery.
"I bought in this convent (ſays Twiſs) ſeveral work-bags, made of the fibres of aloe-leaves. They coſt about a crown; and, when ſoiled, are cleaned by being waſhed in lemon-juice and water. Laces, gloves, reins for horſes, &c. are made of the ſame materials.
Near this monaſtery is another royal convent, in which are 130 monks, who are all noble, and have each a ſervant, which with the cooks and gardeners, amount to above 300 perſons: ſo that it is not to be wondered at, that it is as difficult to procure an egg or an onion for many miles round, as it would be if one travelled by land from Peterſburg to Pekin; for this great gulph ſwallows up every thing. The revenue of this convent amounts to about 24,000l. a year. In the library are Baſkerville's Virgil, and Foulis's [317] Homer, both which were preſented to the ſociety by the preſent Lord Rivers. The kitchen is very large, and the chimney ſtands in the centre, the funnel of which is 34 feet long, 13 broad, and is ſupported by eight iron pillars. Under this funnel are a great number of cauldrons of different kinds▪ a ſmall rivulet is made to run through the kitchen, in which are ſeven cooks conſtantly employed. The vaults under the convent are filled with various kinds of wines; and in their ſtables are ſeveral hun⯑dred mules, for theſe worthy fathers to ride upon." "This convent, (adds Twiſs) is the moſt magnifi⯑cent and richeſt I have ſeen; and its inhabitants compoſe the moſt agreeable body of eccleſiaſtics that are any where to be met with."
Oporto, the other city we propoſed to treat of, and its ſuburb, Villanova, are each built on a hill, with the Douro between them: a ſituation much reſembling Newcaſtle-upon-Tyne, and its ſuburb, Gateſhead. There is no bridge over the Douro, becauſe, when the ſnow melts upon the mountains, this river overflows its banks, and lays the lower part of the city under water, ſometimes as much as 12 or 14 feet, running at the amazing rate of 16 miles an hour, and carrying all the veſſels to ſea, many of which are loſt on the ſands, or beat to pieces againſt the ſhores.
[318]This city was originally called Portucale, or Por⯑to de Cale. It is about three miles diſtant from the mouth of the river Douro, which here forms a good harbour, though difficult of acceſs, from the rocks and ſands forming a bar, which can only be paſſed at high water. There is a fine quay, which runs along the banks of the river where the ſhipping lie, ſo that the merchants may ſee the veſſels load and unload from their windows.
There is alſo an arſenal, and dock-yards for building and equipping ſhips of the line. Al⯑though the ſituation of this place is naturally ſtrong and inacceſſible by ſea, yet for its defence, on the land-ſide, it has only ſome ruinous towers, and a ſmall fort with four baſtions.
"To walk about this city, (ſays Coſtigan) is rather a violent exerciſe, not one ſtreet in it be⯑ing upon a level, except that where moſt part of the Engliſh inhabit; all the others conſiſt of aſcents and deſcents, ſome of them ſo very ſteep as to make it difficult for any ſort of wheel-carriage to get along; for which reaſon litters, carried between a couple of ſtout mules are a much ſafer conveyance. The ſtreets are all paved with broad ſtones, as are thoſe in Florence.
The boats on the river have an awning like the [319] Venetian gondolas, and are rowed by men ſtanding forward, after the ſame manner as they row at Venice, and ſometimes by one man with a ſingle oar.
The merchants aſſemble daily in the chief ſtreet to tranſact buſineſs; and are protected from the ſun by ſail cloths, hung acroſs them from the oppo⯑ſite houſes.
This city, which for opulence, populouſneſs, beauty and commerce, is the next in the kingdom to Liſbon, contains about 30,000 inhabitants. It has four ſuburbs and ſeven pariſh churches, includ⯑ing the cathedral, one caſa da Miſericordia, ſome hoſ⯑pitals, and 12 convents, beſides four others without the walls. The moſt magnificent building is a convent of the Auguſtins, in which there is a beautiful gal⯑lery of very great extent: the church belonging to it, is of a circular form, and very richly ornamented. The church of S. Franciſco is full of wooden or⯑naments, profuſely carved and entirely gilt, which has a very diſguſting effect. I obſerved (ſays Twiſs) many letters hanging by threads from the wall, di⯑rected to the moſt glorious S. Francis. As they were all open, I took the liberty of reading ſome, and found they were only complimentary cards, and letters of thanks, for cures which the writers [320] thought they had received by means of that Saint's intereſt with the Virgin Mary, &c.
The chief article of commerce in this city, is wine. Twenty-thouſand pipes are annually ex⯑ported. The coſt is about 10 or 12 pounds each pipe. Eighty-thouſand are the uſual annual pro⯑duce, ſo that three-fourths are conſumed in the country. The merchants here have very ſpacious wine-vaults, ſome of which are capable of hold⯑ing 6 or 7,000 pipes. The inhabitants of half the ſhops in the city, are coopers, who ſell their caſks at about a moidore each. Thirty Engliſh families re⯑ſide here, who are chiefly concerned in this com⯑merce. The factory maintains the clergyman, who performs ſervice on Sundays at each houſe alter⯑nately. They have alſo a burying ground in a field near the town. A Britiſh conſul likewiſe reſides here. It does not appear that the Engliſh mer⯑chants in this city, any more than thoſe at Liſbon and Cadiz, aſſociate much with the people of the country. They are repreſented by Coſtigan, to be a worthy, friendly, and hoſpitable ſet of people; as attentive to their counting-rooms and buſineſs every day before dinner, as they are to dreſſing, cards, and other amuſements in the evening: many of them have been 20 or 30 years reſident in Oporto, yet know but few words of the language; if they take a trip to any part of the adjacent country on a holiday, [321] it is in parties of pleaſure with the ladies, to ſome ſpot they have fixed upon, where they ſend a good dinner before hand; there they dance, eat and drink heartily, without any communication with the in⯑habitants, who, by their manners and appearance, (adds the above writer) are no great objects of at⯑traction to the generality of Engliſhmen.
The two cities of Liſbon and Oporto may be juſtly conſidered as the two eyes of Portugal, for here centre the whole riches of the country, and all their trade with foreign nations, and their own poſſeſſions in the Braſils; upon which laſt eſpecially depends their whole exiſtence as a people, and the chief ſupport of the throne. A ſenſible Portugueſe writer, whoſe manuſcript performances are in the hands of his friends, but which he dares not offer for publica⯑tion, compares not unaptly, their whole kingdom, to one of that ſort of ſpiders which has a large body, containing all the ſubſtance (the capital) with very long, thin, feeble legs, reaching to a great diſtance, but which are of no ſort of uſe to it, and which it is hardly able to move.
Were any of us diſpoſed to eſtimate our felicity according to the goodneſs or badneſs of our living, (ſays Coſtigan) in ſpeaking of this city, we have as much reaſon to congratulate ourſelves on our arri⯑val here, as we have hitherto had to deem ourſelves [322] unfortunate in our journey through the country. Chriſtmas pies, fat turkeys, fine ſurloins, jellies, and creams of all kinds, and every other delicacy, are to be met with in abundance. The foreign merchants, eſpecially the Engliſh, who are by far the moſt numerous, not only live in afflu⯑ence themſelves, and much better than the ſame perſons would do in London; but the na⯑tives follow their example, and live much in the ſame manner; they mix and communicate more with the foreigners here, than their countrymen do with thoſe eſtabliſhed at Liſbon, where, as being the court, it was more natural to expect a diſpoſition to urbanity and mutual intercourſe.
CHAP. III. People, Dreſs, Character, Cuſtoms, Manners, &c.
EMANUEL de Farca, a Portugueſe writer, in de⯑ſcribing the character of his countrymen, ſays, 'the nobility think themſelves gods, and require a ſort of adoration; the gentry aſpire to equal them, and the common people diſdain to be thought infe⯑rior [323] to either?' In their perſons, the Portugueſe bear great reſemblance to the Spaniards, except that the latter are more robuſt, of a larger ſize, and make better ſoldiers than thoſe of Portugal. As to the ladies, their complexions are in general of an olive caſt; their features are delicate, and their viſage thin. Their hair is black and ſhining, and their eyes of uncommon luſtre; nor are they deficient in vivacity. They have likewiſe the repute of being generous, charitable, and modeſt.
In another place, deſcribing their perſons, (Baretti ſays) they are in general much fairer than one would expect in ſo hot a latitude, from which it may be ſeen very clearly, they do not expoſe themſelves much to the ſun. Almoſt all of them have open and ingenuous countenances. A good contraſt to their men, whoſe ſkins are rather ſwarthy, and whoſe looks are rather ſullen and grave, even when they attempt to ſmile, which they do very frequently. The ſalutation of men to ladies, conſiſts in a ſhort and quick genuflexion. But this compliment the ladies ſcarcely return with a nod, eſpecially to their inferiors. The gentlemen embrace each other with great reſpect, and kiſs each other's left ſhoulder.
The Portugueſe, (remarks Baretti) are of a diſpoſi⯑tion much more amorous than the Engliſh. Love is the predominant paſſion on the Tagus, as liberty [324] is on the Thames. But this generally happens to people of warm climates. In the northern regions, much cloathing as well as firing is neceſſary to make life paſs comfortably; and where cloathing and fir⯑ing are wanting, a conſiderable portion of time muſt be employed in procuring them. This is the reaſon that in England there are multitudes of people who have never been in love, even once in their lives. In Portugal they are ſlaves to the god of love, almoſt from the hour of their birth, to that of their death: and Camoens very juſtly ſaid, ‘'Fair Venus cheriſhes the Portugueſe.'’
In their devotion, the difference between them and the Engliſh is ſtriking. We ſit or ſtand with a compoſed look, ſing our pſalms and anthems with an even tone, and ſcarce any one, not of the ſect of methodiſts, who may be called the Luſitanic part of of the Britiſh nation, betrays the leaſt enthuſiaſm whatever. The Portugueſe, on the contrary, are devout to a degree of phrenzy. They are almoſt all the time upon their knees, they raiſe their eyes wiſt⯑fully towards Heaven, ſing loud, utter moſt fervent ejaculations, and repeatedly beat their breaſts with their hands. The reſpect they pay their friars is aſtoniſhing. Men, women, and children will eagerly get up, run to them, and humbly kiſs their hands, their ſleeves, the hem of their gar⯑ments, or the beads that hang from their waiſts. [325] When they die, they muſt be buried in a habit, bought of ſome friar, wheſe ſanctity was in great repute. As a proof of this, Baretti mentions an impudent Portugueſe friar he met with at Venice, who called all the Italians heretics, becauſe they would give him nothing for his old thread-bare cloak, which in Portugal he could have ſold for 40 or 50 crowns.
But this devotion of the Portugueſe, does not in the leaſt interfere with their love of the other ſex, or their love of dancing, of which they are paſſio⯑nately fond. Their dances are not of the cold, in⯑ſipid, Frenchified kind, but ſuch as are calculated to fill the mind with deſire, and the heart with joy.
Thus live the Portugueſe in an uninterrupted round of devotion and pleaſure. They are neither gluttons nor drunkards, although their country wants neither food nor drink. Their beef and veal are not ſo good as in England, but their pork, mut⯑ton and lamb are excellent; and ſo are their chick⯑ens, fowls, ducks, turkies, and game. As for fiſh, the Liſbon market is perhaps the moſt plentifully and moſt variouſly ſupplied of any in Europe, and all their fruit and garden-ſtuff is ſuperlatively good. How abundant muſt be their fruit, may eaſily be conceived, when Twiſs aſſures us, that from a ſingle orange-tree, in a garden belonging to one of the [326] Engliſh merchants near Oporto, no leſs than 16,000 oranges had been gathered in one ſeaſon.
The poorer ſort of people ſeldom are able to pro⯑cure fleſh, but the better kind keep good tables, and have French cooks. To keep a table, however, (ſays Baretti) muſt require a conſiderable income in Liſbon, if it coſts proportionably in a family, to what it does in an inn. The table (he adds) at his auherge, which was far from being ſumptuous, coſt him up⯑wards of a guinea each day.
Of the manners of living of people of faſhion, he pretends to know but little. The inferior claſſes ſeem to like a good houſe if they can get one. As to houſehold furniture, they have no very refined ideas. A hard mattraſs in a corner, or a mat, or their own cloaths, anſwer the purpoſe of the beſt down beds; this makes them generally look dirty. Almoſt any thing will ſupply the place of victuals; and water is excellent for quenching thirſt, eſpecially ſuch good water as they have in Liſbon. In general they are healthy, full of ſpirits, and live long, if we may judge of the great number of old people we ſee in their metropolis. Coſtigan, in his remarks on the lower claſs of people among the Portugueſe, ſays that 'The benefits of foreign trade, and of the fine and extenſive countries poſſeſſed by Portugal in Africa; the Eaſt, and South America have never yet reached the [327] Portugueſe peaſant, any farther than by enabling the in⯑habitants of the two capitals, Oporto and Liſbon, to pay ſome little advance on the proviſions he brings to market. The only foreign luxury he is yet acquant⯑ed with, is tobacco; and when his feeble pulſe can reach it, he purchaſes a dried Newfoundland cod-fiſh; a regale, however, he can ſeldom aſpire to. A piece of bread, made of Indian corn, and a ſalted pilchard, or a head of garlic to give that bread a flavour, compoſe his ſtanding diſh, and if he can get a bit of the hog, the ox, or the calf he himſelf fattens, to feaſt his wretched family at Chriſtmas or Eaſter, he has reached the pinnacle of happineſs in this world; and indeed, whatever he were to poſ⯑ſeſs beyond this habitual penury, would quickly be taken from him; or rather he would willingly part with it to ſome of the numerous ghoſtly comforters, with which his country ſwarms, in order to attain happineſs in another ſtate of exiſtence, under their guidance and direction. This he is made to believe is only to be procured by faithfully paying his tithes, by charitable donations to ſuch a convent, or to the ſhrine and officiating prieſts of any altar that happens more particularly to be the object of his adoration. If any misfortune has befallen him, he fancies he has been deficient in ſomething eſſential; his zeal and donations are therefore redoubled. Should he have been ſucceſsful, the ſame effects are produced through effuſions of gratitude. If he has [328] money to procure admiſſion into a convent for his ſon or his daughter, this raiſes the credit of his family for ever; and nothing is wanting to give him a kind of apotheoſis in all the convents and country round, but to bequeath at his death what little money he can muſter, to be divided among the prieſts, that they may procure a ſpeedy paſſage for his ſoul; through the ordeal fire of purgatory, to the enjoyment of thoſe finely painted ſcenes, which, like a diſtant gau⯑dy picture, have been long held out to his fond ima⯑gination.'
Such (according to the above writer) is the ſtate of the Portugueſe peaſantry. We ſuſpect, however, the picture to be too highly coloured; at leaſt that part which regards the artifices of the prieſts, and that the real cauſe of their poverty and wretchedneſs, is the want of internal commerce and manufactures. Whether catholics or proteſtants, of whatever ſort or denomination, the lower order of prieſts in every country, find ſome ſpecious pretexts for picking the pockets of that claſs of people he is deſcribing; but the quantum they obtain from each individual, is ſeldom of much moment, when compared with their relative income.
Swords are only worn by well-dreſſed people, and all ornaments of gold or ſilver lace, or embroidery, are prohibited to be worn on the clothes of the Portugueſe of both ſexes. Their ſilk clothes are ſometimes elegantly embroidered with ſilk of a dif⯑ferent colour, and many jewels are diſplayed on gala days. Topazes here are very plentiful and ex⯑tremely well ſet, but their ſilverſmiths workmanſhip is very clumſy.
The ladies wear very large and heavy pendants in their ears: the ſleeves of their gowns are wide enough to admit their waiſt, which, however, ſeldom ex⯑ceeds a ſpan in diameter. They wear enormous hoops, and two or three gowns, one over the other, ſome of which are very richly embroidered, but the uppermoſt is of a coarſe black ſtuff, and of ſuch length, that when not taken up, it trails a very con⯑ſiderable length on the ground. Their ſhoes are of black Spaniſh leather, without heels, ſo that they ap⯑pear [330] to glide along, rather than walk. Theſe they wear only within doors, but when they go out, they put on a kind of pattens, or ſilk ſandals, faſtened with gold claſps, which raiſe their feet ſeveral inches from the ground, and make their gait appear awk⯑ward. Their ſtays, which have very little bone in them, are high before, but ſo low behind, that their olive coloured ſkins would be expoſed to view, were their ſhoulders not well bedaubed with paint. Their hands and feet are ſmall and well proportioned. People of faſhion wear very fine linen, but thoſe of the lower claſs diſdaining to wear coarſe, wear none at all. Inſtead of a girdle, the ladies tie a ſtring of relics, or the girdle of ſome religious order, round their waiſts, the ends of which reach to the ground, with ſeveral knots in them, and to each knot is faſ⯑tened a diamond, or ſome other precious ſtone. In their hair they wear a variety of precious ſtones, in the form of butterflies and other inſects; it is like⯑wiſe ſometimes adorned with feathers and ribbons of different colours, but no kind of lace or muſlin head⯑dreſs is worn in Portugal, except by women very far advanced in years, who wear a fine caul.
In this country, (obſerves Baretti) as in France and Italy, they have the abſurd cuſtom of dreſſing up their children too much. It is ridiculous to ſee a little girl decked out with a toupee and a large hoop, or a child in full dreſs with a bag-wig and ſword by [331] his ſide. In England the ſons and daughters of our nobility are not made to look like dwarfiſh men and women, and this may be the reaſon that England abounds leſs with fops and coquets, than either France or Italy.
With reſpect to the houſes of people of faſhion, they have generally a long ſuite of rooms on each floor, running one into another, the floors and ceil⯑ings of which are of white plaiſter, that looks to the eye like poliſhed marble. Their furniture and apart⯑ments are changed according to the ſeaſon of the year. On the lower rooms of their ſummer apart⯑ments, they throw ſeveral pails of water every morn⯑ing, which dries up in the courſe of half an hour, and leaves a refreſhing coolneſs for the reſt of the day. On theſe floors are ſpread fine mats, and the walls covered with the ſame, chair high; above theſe are placed pictures and looking-glaſſes, and round the ladies apartments are placed on the mats, cuſhions of ſilk or velvet, on which they ſit croſs legged. In the upper apartments, their hangings, cabinets, paintings, looking-glaſſes and plate are immenſely rich, and the floors are generally covered with Turkey carpets. In winter their beds and hangings are velvet, trimmed with gold or ſilver lace; but in ſummer they have no curtains, or only ſuch as are made of coloured gauze to keep out the gnats.
[332]The expences of the interior economy of a Portu⯑gueſe nobleman's family, are certainly as moderate as they are exceſſive in every thing which regards ex⯑terior parade and oſtentation, ſuch as numbers of livery-ſervants, carriages, mules, and led horſes; in ſhort, every thing that can give a ſtranger an exag⯑gerated opinion of the power, wealth, and authority of the maſter. The numerous ſervants are ſupported by ratios of boiled meat and rice, cut and divided into ſhares on meat days, and of dry cod-fiſh and rice on fiſh-days, and others of abſtinence, which return frequently, excluſive of Lent. Wine is ſel⯑dom wanted, but when aſked for, is brought in ſmall quantities from the adjoining tavern; but they drink abundance of fine cold water, and at night the ſmalleſt bit of cold meat, or a pilchard, with plenty of excellent lettuce or other ſallad, tempered with oil and vinegar, which make almoſt the univerſal ſauce for every thing, and good bread, ſerve for ſup⯑per. In the morning the chief perſons of the family generally make their breakfaſt of chocolate, and that after hearing maſs in the family chapel. The great regale and luxury at all hours, is the variety of ſweet⯑meats they keep in ſtore; theſe ſerve them as pro⯑vocations to drink deep draughts of water, which blows them up ſurpriſingly, inſomuch that there are many more fat people to be found in Liſbon, than in any other city.
[333]The principal luxury of a Portugueſe entertain⯑ment, conſiſts in the deſert; each of the company takes one or more ſpoonfuls of liquid ſweetmeat, and the more it is charged with ſugar, the more reliſh⯑ing it is eſteemed: a ſervant ſtands behind each chair, with a large tumbler filled with very cold water, which they drink immediately after the ſweet⯑meat. The epicurians and refiners in the pleaſure of eating, drink the water ſlowly, in order to pro⯑tract the delightful ſenſation that cold water raiſes in the palate, when mixed with the ſweetmeat it has juſt before been ſo ſtrongly impreſſed with, and which the Portugueſe aſſert, very far exceeds the re⯑liſh of the fineſt wine that can be drank. It is true the water-drinkers in Spain, as well as thoſe in Por⯑tugal, who, eſpecially among the higher ranks, are by far the majority of both nations, diſtinguiſh with wonderful nicety, every gradation of difference, be⯑tween the reſpective waters they taſte, and which would be totally imperceptible to thoſe, like the Eng⯑liſh or Germans, and other northern nations, who have their ſenſe of taſting dull and blunted, by the frequent uſe of wine and other intoxicating liquors.
The deſſert is not as in England and in France, ſet upon the ſame table with the reſt of the dinner, but upon a much ſmaller, and in another apartment; where the company withdraw to finiſh their repaſt. It conſiſts of ſweatmeats and fruits. After having [334] partaken of the former, they eat of the different fruits, and drink a glaſs of Malmſey maidera, ſet upon the table in ſmall half pint bottles, with very ſmall glaſſes, the edges of which are generally gilt. This wine, like the ſweetmeats, is ſweet and luxurious in the extreme.
Coſtigan, in his ſketches of ſociety and manners in Portugal, deſcribing an entertainment at the gover⯑nor of Elva's, one of the principal cities in the pro⯑vince of Alentego, ſays, "We arrived at the hour of dinner, (one o'clock) which was then ſerving up. The Governor's lady was the only woman at table, and had more the appearance of his grand-daughter, than his wife; ſhe was wrapped up in her long baize cloak, but her hair was done up prettily with flowers and topaz combs, and a few diamond ſprigs, without any cap. The Governor was alſo in his cloak. He took his place at the lady's right-hand, and the reſt of the company, which was numerous, ſeated themſelves according to their ranks; the Carving knight, a poſt of honour, ſtill exiſting at court, and in ſome families in Portugal, at the lower end of the table, ſerved the company round, who were ſtiff and ceremonious; neither was the aid of the chearing glaſs called in, to exhilarate the gueſts, but it ſeemed as if the water, of which they took great draughts, produced the ſame effect. One of the principal gueſts in particular, ſwilled down a [335] three-pint tumbler full of the cryſtal liquor at a draught. At laſt the Governor called for a wine-glaſs, into which was poured a thimble-full of that liquor. One of the gueſts, however, a prieſt, who ſeemed to be a wag, (ſays Coſtigan) called for wine repeatedly, on which the lady began to rally him, and told him he drank like a Mauregato, or an Engliſhman; here the Governor calling for another glaſs of wine, drank to the King of England's health, putting the glaſs to his lips, but did not taſte the liquor either time. The Maurigatos are a fraternity of carriers of goods through many of the interior provinces of Spain; they are the Har⯑rieros Yangueſes of Don Quixotte, and remarkable for their fidelity with regard to any truſt committed to their care, and for never admitting perſons of equivocal character into their ſociety. As ſoon as the dinner was over, a folding door opened that was behind the lady, and the company paſſed into the next apartment, where the deſſert, conſiſting of ſweetmeats and fruits, was ſet out on a much ſmaller table; the company took their ſeats, and were not crouded; for above half of them had diſ⯑appeared.
If it ſhould be aſked why ſo great a part of the company, who were officers, retired immediately after dinner, and did not come in to the deſſert? To anſwer that queſtion it muſt be obſerved, that [336] there are numbers of books in Portugal, containing regulations for the diſciplining, cloathing, and eco⯑nomy of the troops; but there is one, above all others, written many years ago, intitled The Per⯑fect Portugueſe Captain, which book is ſtill held in high eſteem by the nobility and principal perſons of the army, as well as by the different orders of monks and friars; it contains indeed little or no⯑thing concerning the military duty of an officer, but, on the other hand, it is quite the mirror of po⯑liteneſs and decorum. It teaches the officer how many plaits he is to have in his ſhirt, and how many curls in his wig; the exact breadth of the lace on his coat; how he is to bow and kneel, when he comes into a room, as they did to the lady of the Go⯑vernor: it explains to the officer, after the moſt diffuſe and edifying manner, all his duty as a Ca⯑tholic chriſtian; the nature of all the ſacraments, and how he is to receive them; compares his kneel⯑ing at the altar, to eat the Deity, to the honour of ſitting down at table to dine with his general; and it is particularly careful in directing the ſubaltern and captain how they are to behave in the ſolemn act; tells them, they are to keep their eyes modeſt⯑ly fixed on the plate or diſh immediately before them; that they are to tuck one end of the napkin under their chin, and to place the other under the plate they eat off; that they are to hold the ſpoon or knife in the right hand, and the fork in the left; [337] with many other directions of equal importance; as ſoon as dinner is over, and the deſſert ſerved, and before the general ſhall eat his ſweetmeat, every ſubaltern who ſhall happen to be at table, muſt riſe up and retire; and this was the true reaſon why ſo many officers did not come into the deſſert.
This humiliating diſtinction towards ſubalterns, has its riſe from their commiſſion never being ſigned by the King, till the reform under Count de Lippe, in 1763, and from their having been taken, as they ſtill continue to be, for the moſt part, from the menial ſervants of the nobility.
To give ſome further inſight into the characters and manners of people of faſhion in Portugal, we ſhall relate a ſubſequent viſit to the epiſcopal palace at Elva, (ſays Coſtigan) where we were uſhered into a large ſaloon, tolerably well furniſhed, and hung with crimſon damaſk, in which were ſome part of the com⯑pany not already aſſembled. This biſhop boaſted that he ſprung from a noble family, of Engliſh ex⯑traction; but, as to his perſonal character, he was one of the moſt intriguing, miſchievous eccleſiaſtics any where to be met with; and, though his deli⯑cacy pretended to be ſcandalized at a perſon of the fair ſex coming to viſit him from Liſbon; yet he kept a couple of miſtreſſes in the houſe with him, under the denomination of nieces, to whom we were then going to be introduced. After ſome [338] time the Biſhop made his appearance, preceded by three eccleſiaſtics and his two nieces: the company paid their reſpects, and we were preſented, and re⯑ceived with great cordiality; ſalvers of dry ſweet⯑meats, and glaſſes of water were then offered to the company, after which ſome bad tea and coffee were handed about; theſe being removed, the card-tables were placed. It fell to the lot of my friend who accompanied me, an Engliſh nobleman, to be part⯑ner with one of the nieces, againſt the governor, who had juſt then come in, and the biſhop. During the courſe of play he felt ſome gentle ſqueezes on his toe, to which at laſt he thought it time to correſpond, but would not venture to make the ſmalleſt motion till he could aſſure himſelf they proceeded from the lady, and not perhaps acci⯑dentally from one of the two gentlemen on his right or left; by caſting his eyes unperceived under the table, when the ſecond rubber was about to begin, he ſaw the lady's feet very well ſtretched out towards his own, and had no more doubt of the part he was to act; and the play then went on both under the table and over it. My opponents, (ſays Coſtigan) were an officer and a judge, dreſſed in his gown, with a large croſs at his breaſt. Much of our time was ſpent in their abuſing each other's play; and, during their altercation, I obſerved they gave each other the lie direct, repeatedly, without the leaſt appearance of offence on either [339] ſide, or any emotion of ſurprize among the ſpec⯑tators, who were numerous. Upon mentioning to an old French general in their ſervice, the dumb intrigue carried on by my friend, under the table at the biſhop's, and aſking, if all the women of quality in the country were of ſuch facility of addreſs in matters of gallantry, he laughed at the recital, but told us, that gallantry, in Portugal, required great ſkill, patience and addreſs. It was dangerous, but by no means on the part of the ladies, who, of themſelves, were the beſt and kindeſt creatures ima⯑ginable, but on account of the jealous eyes of male and female Arguſes; for the mothers well know this to be the beſt ſecurity they could have for their daugh⯑ters' virtue. On ſuch occaſions, when the merci⯑leſs ſword was once unſheathed, it ſeldom returned to the ſcabbard without doing miſchief. Intrigue here, he obſerved, was as different from the ſame thing in Paris or London, as the two greateſt oppoſites in nature, and muſt be as differently managed."
The family of a Portugueſe, like that of a Spaniſh nobleman, always contains a ſwarm of uſeleſs clients and dependants. When a perſon is once attached to a Portugueſe family, it is conſidered, as a kind of obligation, to feed and ſupport them, from father to ſon, or by his intereſt to provide them ſuitable eſtabliſhments in the world, and to marry off their [340] daughters to the beſt advantage. This number of male and female attendants, collected under one roof, in the great families, occaſions the whole to be one continued ſcene of private gallantry and intrigue. The general rendezvous is every morning in the cha⯑pel, where there are daily four or five maſſes cele⯑brated by the family chaplains; the language and intercourſe of the lovers is unintelligible to all but the parties immediately concerned; it is a toſs of the head; an eye caſt up or thrown down, to the right or left; the fixing of a bouquet, or the pin⯑ning of a flower or a ribband of ſuch a colour to ſuch a part of the head or breaſt; nay, the very throw of the long cloak over the ſhoulders; and the particular manner of doing ſo, will convey the hie⯑roglyphic of their wiſhes, their intentions, and aſ⯑ſignations. Indeed it could hardly be otherwiſe where a number of idle and healthy young men and women are aſſembled under the ſame roof, without any other moral or religious principle of reſtraint, but the fear of being diſcovered; and, ſtimu⯑lated the more by the difficulties oppoſed to the gratification of their deſires, they will quickly counterfeit the appearance of every virtue to accom⯑pliſh their ends.
The following anecdote, from Coſtigan, related by a French officer in the ſervice of Portugal, Ma⯑jor General de Valeré, may ſerve as a confirmation [341] of the underhand intrigues in the families of the Portugueſe nobility. This officer, although a fa⯑vourite with Marſhal de Saxe, had been obliged, by a variety of adventures, in the early part of his life, to offer his ſervices to inſpect the education of the ſon and heir of a Portugueſe nobleman of high rank, with a view to make his way either in the army or to ſome civil employment. "But I ſoon found, (ſaid the general) that my only channel was by marrying one of the favourite maids of her excellency, the mother of my pupil, and that then I ſhould be quickly provided for; as for teach⯑ing the ſon any thing, that was entirely out of the queſtion; his mother would never permit him to apply, and his whole time, in the morning, was ſpent in converſing or playing at cards with the lacquies in the ſtables; and, in the afternoon, he dreſſed in his uniform, rode about the city, went to the bull-feaſts, or did whatever he liked beſt. I was perfectly idle, and wiſhed, by almoſt any means, for a commiſſion in the army. I had ſcraped a par⯑ticular acquaintance with one of the graveſt of the lady's attendants, called the Dya, or ſub-governeſs, a very handſome woman, and ſtill in her prime; ſhe ſmattered a little French, and, under pretence of improving it, I was frequently admitted to her converſation. We ſoon came into the practice of the family, and commenced a piece of gallantry, which was carried as far as either ſhe or I could deſire. [342] She told me, after we were become very intimate, that ſhe had a very great regard and friendſhip for me, and that if I would agree to marry her daugh⯑ter, a very fine young girl, and alſo an attendant in the family, ſhe would undertake to get me a cap⯑tain's commiſſion. I had already ſeen her daugh⯑ter, and, except the circumſtance of her being ſo, had no objection; and this I propoſed to her, when ſhe next talked on the ſubject; ſhe anſwered me by ſaying, ſhe did not apprehend I was inclined to be ſo ſqueamiſh; that I was one who was diſ⯑poſed to drown myſelf in very little water, and that, ſurely, if ſhe had no objection, I ought to have none, to become as intimate with her daugh⯑ter, as I had been with herſelf; that there was no neceſſity for her daughter's knowing any thing of our connexion, which might be carried on in the ſame manner after marriage as before, without cauſing the ſmalleſt ſuſpicion. I temporized with this wo⯑man, and begged time to adviſe with my relations; in this ſhe acquieſced, provided I continued to be her gallant; and, during this time, the effects of another piece of gallantry, between her daughter and my friend the ſecretary, became too viſible to be any longer concealed, which got me out of the ſcrape. Such another propoſal being afterwards made me, by the mother of my young pupil, in favour of another young perſon of her attendants, I [343] married her, and got myſelf out of this baſe domeſ⯑tic ſort of life.
Another ſingular cuſtom in the great families of Portugal is the putting ſervants almoſt on a level with the heads of the family. The Portugueſe no⯑bility and gentry are ſhocked at the improper and ſevere diſtance at which the Engliſh keep their ſervants, treating them more like ſlaves than hum⯑ble friends and attendants; whereas they think, that by gentle and familiar treatment, they bid fairer for conciliating their affections, and enſuring their fidelity. A glaring inſtance of this ſort (ſays Coſtigan) I was eye-witneſs to, at a grand enter⯑tainment, given by a Portugueſe nobleman. After tea, coffee, and ſweetmeats had been ſerved in abundance to a very large company, a conſiderable part of it ſtood up to dance country-dances, while others retired to other apartments, where card-ta⯑bles were placed; and, at a large one, the eldeſt ſon of the family held a faro-bank, which ſoon drew to it people enough, willing to try their fortunes, among whom I was one. We continued playing for ſome time, when, looking round, to my ſurprize I ſaw three or four of the domeſtics, who had ſerved us the tea and coffee, ſeated familiarly among us, punting at the bank, and converſing with the banker and gentlemen upon the moſt equal footing, and treated by them with the utmoſt civility and complaiſance, [344] calling them by their chriſtian names, always pre⯑ceded by Senhor, or Mr. in Engliſh.
The Portugueſe nobility is divided into three claſſes. When the ecuyer, on horſeback, rides be⯑fore the carriage, the Liſbon etiquette denotes it to belong to the firk rank; the ecuyer riding on one ſide marks the ſecond rank; and, when he rides be⯑hind, he belongs to the third claſs of nobility. It is alſo cuſtomary for gentlemen to ſit uncovered in their carriages; but a ſervant, returning in one, is obliged to ſit covered, by which means the per⯑ſons ſitting in other carriages, which meet or paſs it, are betrayed into no improper ſalutations.
A drunkard is held in contempt and deteſtation in Portugal, and the very appellation of drunkard, ſeriouſly applied, is reckoned equal to the bittereſt term of reproach that can be beſtowed in the Engliſh language: on the contrary, nothing is more common, among friends and acquaintances, in con⯑verſation, than to give and receive the lie recipro⯑cally, in ſerious as well as jocular diſcourſe, without any offence being taken. Such are the oppoſite cuſtoms of different nations, even in our limited continent of Europe. To this we ſhall ſubjoin an anecdote, ſomewhat to the purpoſe, which happened during the war in 1762. Major Luttrell, of gene⯑ral Burgoyne's light dragoons, which were then [345] ſerving in Portugal, ſeeing ſome fine Spaniſh horſes in the troop of an officer in the Portugueſe ſervice, who was then raiſing a regiment, took a fancy to one of them, and was deſirous of purchaſing it. They accordingly made a bargain before witneſſes, and it was agreed he ſhould have the horſe the ſame evening, for 60 moidores: Before evening came the captain changed his mind, and ſent the major word he could not let him have the horſe, unleſs he advanced conſiderably beyond the price. Major Luttrell, provoked at ſuch a breach of promiſe, went with his interpreter to the captain, telling him be⯑forehand, that, though he could not ſpeak the lan⯑guage of the country, yet he underſtood it well enough to know if he interpreted faithfully what he ſhould tell him in Engliſh, and ſwearing, if he did not, that he would inſtantly run him through the body. When they came to the captain, major Luttrell aſked him if he had not agreed, in the fore⯑noon, to ſell him ſuch a horſe at ſuch a price? To which the other readily anſwered in the affirmative. He then aſked him why he now receded from his bargain? The captain anſwered, He receded from it becauſe the horſe was too cheap; and, that he would not part with him unleſs he gave him 80, inſtead of 60 moidores. Major Luttrell now order⯑ed his interpreter to tell the captain that, by his infamous behaviour, he had ſhewn himſelf to be a liar, a raſcal, and a ſcoundrel. The captain, at [346] this, ſhrugged his ſhoulders, and ſaid, he was ſorry the gentleman ſhould take offence, where none was intended; but that he would part with his horſe on no other terms. On finding this, the major de⯑ſired the interpreter to acquaint the captain, that in France or England, if one officer beſtowed on ano⯑ther ſuch epithets as he had done on him, the officer ſo groſsly inſulted, muſt, and certainly would, di⯑rectly call the other out, and fight him.
The captain, ſtill preſerving his ſang froid, replied to the interpreter very deliberately, that what the gentleman ſaid might be very true, for any thing he knew to the contrary, but that he ſaw no good rea⯑ſon for preferring the practice of foreigners, in this inſtance, to that of his own country; if he con⯑ſidered himſelf ſo affronted, he ſhould never be ſuch a fool or a madman as, by calling out his antagoniſt, to offer him an equal chance of taking his life, while he knew of a ſafer and more certain method of obtaining ſatisfaction, adequate to the affront re⯑ceived. In other words, by ſtabbing him una⯑wares, or by hiring aſſaſſins to do ſo. Such is the point of honour in this country.
Beggars in Portugal are very numerous. "It is impoſſible, (ſays Baretti) to conceive how I was teized by them. There are always ſome come about you with a ſimpering look. They hope you have had [347] a good journey; wiſh you may live 1000 years, and then aſk for ſomething to buy themſelves alfileres, that is, pins. If their firſt demand is complied with, they have a ſecond ready. Pleaſe, Voſſa Sen⯑horia, to give me ſomething for a little babe I have at home.' 'Well, here is ſomething for the little babe.' 'But pray, good Sir, give me ſomething for my dear mother; for my younger ſiſter; for my couſin; for my niece.' There is no end of their languid coquetry, eſpecially if the wenches be ſomewhat young and ſprightly. At Peagones one of them came in whilſt I was at dinner, and firſt aſked as uſual for ſome pin-money;▪ then for a loaf of bread; then for a bit of the paſtry; then for a wing of a fowl; then for a ſlice of cheeſe; and then for a bunch of grapes. Having complied with each demand, ſhe ſate down by me on the floor, and ate heartily; then returned to the attack, and ſmiled prettily again, and begged for ſome more money. I verily be⯑lieve, had I given her one of my eyes, ſhe would have aſked for the other." This we give as a ſpe⯑cimen of female baſhfulneſs.
As for the lower claſs of men, ſuch as inn-keep⯑ers, oſtlers, and mule-drivers, they generally ad⯑dreſs themſelves, uncovered, to any ſtranger, but al⯑ways with a familiar ſmile upon their faces; nor do they in the leaſt appear timid or baſhful.
[348]"In Liſbon (ſays the above writer) I once ſent for a barber. The fellow came with a ſimper on his cheeks: Sir, I give you joy of your ſafe ar⯑rival in Liſbon, ſaid he, whilſt placing the napkin under my chin; and then aſked leave to take a pinch of ſnuff out of my box. In ſhaving me, I was told many things by him, of which he ſup⯑poſed me ignorant; as, that in Portugal the wea⯑ther was very hot; that there were figs and grapes in abundance; and likewiſe plenty of fiſh, the ſea being ſo very near. His razors (he ſaid) came from Barcelona, as in Portugal they made none that were good. When he had finiſhed ſhaving one ſide of my face, he ſtopped, to aſk what opi⯑nion I had of his countrymen; and upon my an⯑ſwering, that as yet I knew very little about them, he ſeized that opportunity to inform me, that Os Portuguezes ſam mulito malerozos; the Portugueſe are very ſpiteful; and, flouriſhing his Barcelona wea⯑pon, added, with a lofty tone, that the Spaniards trembled at the name of a Portugueſe; that one Portugueſe was ſufficient to put to flight half a dozen Spaniards: nor was I fully ſhaved before he had con⯑quered both the Caſtilles. Of ſuch rhodomontades, Portugal has even a larger number than of idlers.
Neighbouring nations have, in general, a ſtrong antipathy to each other, but that of the Portugueſe to the Spaniards is carried to ſuch a pitch as bor⯑ders [349] upon madneſs. The reaſon is plain. The chance that the Portugueſe have to conquer Spain is next to impoſſible; and people will always hate thoſe whom they muſt ſometimes fight againſt, without any hopes of getting the better of them. On the contrary, were the Spaniards not prevented by the other European powers, they would ſoon over-run Portugal, if ſo inclined; it is perhaps from this notion that they have a proverb, which ſays—the Portugueſe are few and fooliſh.
The amuſements of the common people are full of low buffoonery. On entering a town which lay in my route through the kingdom, (ſays Baretti) I ſaw ſeveral hundred maſks; a group of them ſur⯑rounded my chaiſe, hallooing, ſhouting, and play⯑ing antics. They ſaid many things, quite unintel⯑ligible to me, in a ſqueaking voice, which I ſup⯑poſe were intended to be full of wit. The noiſe drew the women to their windows, and I was pleaſed to ſee them laugh no leſs than the maſks. Of the maſks, ſome were dreſſed like bears, others like monkies. One wore horns on his head, and another had a tail hanging behind him. One had tied his cloak round his waiſt petticoat-wiſe, and another had ſtockings of different colours. Some wore the Golilla after the Spaniſh manner, and others large breeches, after the Swiſs mode. Some ſhook the caſtanets, others played on the guitar. [350] Several ſtooped down in a row that others might jump over them; and ſeveral ran round the ſquare throwing their hands and legs about like madmen. Two of them came under the window of the inn, and raiſed up their long ſticks, on which they had faſtened wooden parrots, ill ſhaped and ill painted, then, laughing moſt immode⯑rately, cried out, Montu, montu. Many ſhewed their humour, by pulling off their hats to me, and bowing to the ground, with a mock re⯑ſpect.
This buffoonery, or low wit, is extended to their poetry, they are moſt unmerciful poet-taſters, and make verſes on every occaſion, the moſt trifling, as well as the moſt important; and all in the ſame bad ſtyle, all equally bombaſtic, extravagant, and gigan⯑tic. But on occaſion of a marriage, or the anni⯑verſary of a birth-day, the complimentary verſes are held indiſpenſable; above all the glozers are what may be deemed the moſt ludicrous and extraordi⯑nary. They very much reſemble the Improviſatori in Italy, and are held in the greateſt eſteem.
When the company, which are generally numer⯑ous on ſuch occaſions, are aſſembled, the wit who in⯑tends to exhibit, if in converſation with any lady, eſpecially with one he affects to admire, lays hold of any ſhort ſentence ſhe happens to let fall in diſ⯑courſe, [351] and repeating it, calls out La Vay, which is to advertiſe the company he is going to gloze that ſentence, which may be conſidered as his text, and is diſtinguiſhed by the name of Mote; that is, he muſt make four, eight, and more verſes ex tempore, having reference to that ſentence, and containing moſt frequently extravagant compliments to the lady, or ſometimes to the bride, or the company pre⯑ſent. The verſes muſt be ſo diſpoſed, as to make good ſenſe, nor only with the mote, or ſentence fixed upon, but if well executed, the whole turn of the wit and emphaſis of the verſes muſt fall upon that ſentence, which muſt infallibly make the laſt line of the verſes, and all this ſuddenly and off hand. They often aſk the ladies to give them a mote, or text, which they muſt gloze immediately; and where this is well performed, the whole company clap hands, and re-echo from all parts, Bravo! Viva! Viva! Bello! He who is dexterous at glozing in this man⯑ner, is eſteemed a firſt-rate genius, and conſidered as having reached the ſummit of Parnaſſus; even their great Camoens did not diſdain amuſing himſelf in this way, and among others, he made a gloze to every letter of the alphabet. But when a lady glozes, as ſome do very prettily, ſhe is praiſed and commended to the ſkies.
It is uſual for the Portugueſe nobility, to give en⯑tertainments of this kind at their villas in the neigh⯑bourhood [352] of the capital. A deſcription of the ſplen⯑dour with which they are accompanied, may not be unentertaining, as their magnificence exceeds any thing to be ſeen in this country. The one we are going to relate, was given by the Marquis de Pancor⯑va, on the marriage of his daughter. Such quan⯑tities of ancient plate, chairs, tables, utenſils, and ſuch numbers of ſervants, borrowed and collected from all his friends and acquaintances, at ſuch an ex⯑orbitant expence, for one moment, (ſays Coſtigan) from whom the account is taken, are only to be ex⯑emplified in the family of a Portugueſe nobleman. The card of invitation we received on the occa⯑ſion, was to dine with him at his country-houſe, on the other ſide of the Tagus, and requeſted us to be at the water-ſide at 11 o'clock next forenoon, where there would be a barge in waiting to receive us; and tho' we were punctual, we found every thing there ready, and the family embarked, and a dozen other barges full of nobility, with ſtreamers and colours flying, ſcarlet or crimſon awnings, ſurrounded with gold fringes and ſilk curtains. The rowers of each barge were dreſſed in different uniforms. One barge was rowed by 20 oars, and three men to each, riſing up and ſitting down at every ſtroke; the whole ſetting off in cadence on a ſignal given, each having a band of muſic on board. A ſcene which reminded us of Cleopatra going to meet Anthony. We had three leagues to go, and our rowers, ſtout men from the [353] province, exerted all their ſtrength; but the tide being far from favourable, it was two o'clock before we arrived at the ſcene of action. A very large villa ſtood upon the beach, ſurrounded by dwarf⯑firs, and ſand-hills. Dinner was already ſerved in the ſecond ſaloon, into which we were uſhered. The table conſiſted of 50 covers, with a couple of ſervants behind each chair. The ladies were much fewer in number than the gentlemen. The enter⯑tainment conſiſted of three regular ſervices, and the whole in old heavy maſſive plate. Many of the ſer⯑vants were in uniform, others perfectly well dreſſed, with fine lace ruffles, and the collar and croſs of the order of Chriſt hanging on their breaſts. Dur⯑ing dinner, ſeveral pieces of Perez's muſic were played, and there were ſome charming arias by the beſt voices from the patriarchal church. The ſame muſic continued at the deſſert, in the adjoining ſa⯑loon to which we removed: one half of the ſervants attending us thither, whilſt the other and graver part ſat down to dinner at the table we left.
The windows of the apartment where the deſſert was ſerved, were numerous, ſpacious, and open to the bottom, ſo that the floor was on a level with the ground without, on which there now appeared a company of maſks, dreſſed as ſhepherds and ſhep⯑herdeſſes, with flowers and garlands, and dancing in a variety of figures to the muſic, which accompanied [354] them. When they ceaſed, two men, and as many women, danced the Spaniſh Fandango, in the midſt of which, and to the time of the muſic, one of the men contrived to give a wheel into the ſaloon, and placed a crown of myrtles, beautifully interwoven with flowers, and two billing-doves ſuſpended over it on the head of the bride, while one of the women did the ſame on the bridegroom; this feat, which in reality, is a very nimble performance, drew a hundred viva's from the company; the poets be⯑came more and more vociferous with their motes and their glozas, and the whole company ſeemed diſ⯑ſolved in joy and ſatisfaction. At laſt about ſun-ſet, coffee appeared, and in an hour after, the whole company were embarked in their barges for Liſbon.
The drollery and facetiouſneſs of the watermen, who were in dire wrath with their ſaint for not giv⯑ing them a wind, was now a new ſubject for mirth. The barges had ſeparated to the right and left in croſſing the ſpacious baſon to Liſbon, the better to enjoy the effects of the muſic. Our barge had taken the right of all, and the tide coming full in, as we ap⯑proached the city, where the current is extremely rapid, we were carried a conſiderable way above it, our ſtout Algarve rowers pulling ſtrong againſt the tide to very little purpoſe.
[355]"I wiſh S. Anthony would ſend us a breeze from thoſe hills to the north, (ſaid one of the rowers) as he often does. Would to God our lady obliged him to do ſo, (replied ſeveral others) let us pray a reſponſio to him." The reſponſio is a ſort of prayer in bad Latin, which the prieſts teach the people to addreſs to S. Anthony, as the particular ſaint of Liſbon, to recover any thing they have loſt, or to obtain a happy journey, or a fair wind, &c. When they had fi⯑niſhed this prayer, they all cried out with one voice, blow! blow! S. Anthony!
"Hand my goſſip from the prow," ſaid a faceti⯑ous fellow near me, "and I will talk to him." This man, named Ivo, was the eſtabliſhed wit and oracle of the whole crew. Upon this, they handed him a board about two feet long, and five or ſix inches broad; at the lower end was fixed a ſmall box for re⯑ceiving alms, and about it was painted the figure of the ſaint, with the child Jeſus in his arms. Ivo ſat the ſaint down before them, the rowers tugged away, and we offered them wine, which they refuſed, but drank plenty of water which they had brought with them in their kegs. Ivo then addreſſed himſelf to S. Anthony, 'You know goſſip,' ſaid he, 'for S. An⯑thony was godfather to one of his children, I am well acquainted with your tricks, and have had but too much reaſon on many occaſions to call you muliſh and obſtinate, but I deſire and expect you will not [356] expoſe us now, eſpecially before theſe Engliſhmen, by your wrongheadedneſs, for only conſider what the watermen of London will think of you, if theſe gentlemen ſhould tell them, that when we aſked you only for a ſmall puff of wind to carry us to your own city, you had the ſhabbineſs and ill-nature to refuſe it to us.' After ſome ribaldry with the other rowers, Ivo took up the board, and ſhaking it, found the alms box empty. Oh, Oh! now I underſtand him, (exclaimed Ivo) now I know the reaſon we cannot get a wind, my goſſip will do nothing, not even for our lady herſelf, without an alms! Do paſs him about among the noble company of Fidal⯑go's, and let every one give him ſomething, as ſoon as he hears the money chinking in his box, we ſhall have a wind directly. When the alms were col⯑lected, Ivo ſet the ſaint down again before him. By and by, as I was become familiar to Ivo, I aſked him where was the wind he had been ſo long promiſing us! He aſſured me it would come, for that although his goſſip was ſometimes ſlow, he never failed him. Soon afterwards, ſome of the rowers ſaid S. Anthony was a blockhead and a coxcomb, and did not care a ſtraw for what Ivo ſaid to him. Do you hear goſſip, (ſaid Ivo) what my comrades are ſaying of you; though they ſpeak truth, and you richly deſerve it all? No wind appearing, Ivo began to call S. An⯑thony all the names he could think of, told him, if a ducking was all he wanted, he ſhould ſoon have his [357] belly full of ſalt water; he called him a fool, a drunkard, a thief, a cuckold, a (cabrao) pimp of his own wife, and told him he would break his horns for him, if he did not mind his buſineſs better.
Our men pulled away for an hour longer, without the leaſt ſign of any wind; at laſt, Ivo ſtarting up in a violent paſſion, drew his ſharp pointed knife, and preſenting it to the face of the painting of S. An⯑thony, ſaid to him, you ſon of a w—, if it was not for the reſpect I have for that baſtard ſon in your arms, I would fill that ugly face of your's, with ſtabs of my knife.
Soon after this, we came nearly oppoſite to a ſort of a valley, at the upper end of the city, from whence we had a breeze. Oh! you will conſent then after all, will you, you old cuckold, after we have almoſt broken the bones of our arms with rowing: now you come with your ſnivelling wind when we do not want your aſſiſtance. But remember friend, I tell you before all this noble company, if you are not more tractable in future, I will ſtrike my name out of your brotherhood and ſociety, I will never give you a farthing, nor collect any more alms, nor make any feaſts for you, nor take the leaſt notice of you, any more than I would of the meaneſt ſaint in the calendar.
[358]"At laſt (ſays Coſtigan) we reached the quay where all the reſt of the company had landed before us, and got home about eleven o'clock, ſtrangely amuſed with the odd variety of this day's en⯑tertainment, which muſt have coſt the Marquis little ſhort of 500l.
The amuſements of the Portugueſe are much the ſame with thoſe of the Spaniards; bull-feaſts, balls, concerts, promenades, and dull, miſerable perform⯑ances of comedies. Theſe are taken either from ſome ſubjects in the ſacred writings, or deſcriptive of low and obſcene wit, perſonified in the moſt vulgar characters.
"There is no public theatre here, at preſent, (ſays Coſtigan) the pious Queen not chooſing to permit ſuch a ſchool of immorality in a public manner; much leſs would ſhe ſuffer women to ex⯑hibit on the ſtage were it open; being of opinion, that, to permit women thus to act in public, would have too much the appearance of patronizing the favourite vice of her country; for the principal ob⯑ject is to obviate public ſcandal; and this agrees with a ſtanding advice the old friars in this country are ever giving to the young ones—Si non caſte, tantum modo caute—'If you cannnot be chaſte, at leaſt be cautious.'—Accordingly the wits here ſay, her Majeſty, by virtue of her abſolute authority, [359] may prevent the women from acting in public, but, they thank God, it is not in her power to prevent them from playing their parts in private. The nobility, however, have private theatres in their villas, in which are occaſionally exhibited dra⯑matic entertainments.
In one of theſe theatrical pieces (ſays Coſtigan) to which we were invited, we were preſented with a comedy, repreſenting the creation of the world; and we ſaw the Eternal Father (Pa⯑dre Eterno) with a long white beard, deſcend in a cloud, with a great number of lights and angels about him, to give orders for its creation.
The next ſcene preſented us with the ſerpent tempting Eve; and his Infernal Majeſty paſſing the moſt exaggerated encomiums on her beauty, in order to engage her to eat; which, as ſoon as ſhe had done, and made Adam do the ſame, there came a terrible ſtorm of thunder and lightning, in the midſt of which was a dance of infernal ſpirits, with the devil in the middle, all in high glee, and congratulating their monarch on the ſucceſs of his ſchemes againſt mankind; the devil was dreſſed in black, with ſcarlet ſtockings, long ruffles, and a broad lace on his hat, with a large feather to it, all of the ſame flaming colour. While diverting him⯑ſelf in this manner, a loud and ſolemn voice, from [360] behind the ſcenes, pronounced the name of Jeſus; on which the whole company of devils ſunk imme⯑diately under the ſtage, through trap-doors, that ſent forth flames and ſmoak.
As ſoon as the ſcene ſhifted, the Eternal Father was ſeen again deſcending, with great wrath. He immediately called for Noah, who was ready in waiting, and told him, he was ſo provoked by the wickedneſs of mankind, that he was determined to drown them all together, and regretted he ſhould have created ſuch a ſcurvy ſet of fellows. Here the piety of Noah interceded, and it was agreed at laſt that Noah ſhould build an ark, according to the directions the Eternal Father gave him; he therefore ordered Noah to go to the royal dock at Liſbon, and call John Gonſalves, (the name of the preſent maſter builder) whom he deſired Noah to employ, aſſuring him he preferred John Gonſalves's method of building ſhips, to thoſe of all their boaſted French and Engliſh builders; after which the Eternal Father went up to heaven, and Noah to build his ark.
The next ſcene repreſented S. Chriſtopher, like a giant, our Saviour, who was repreſented as a boy, about 10 or 12 years old, and the devil, dreſſed as before. The Prince of Darkneſs complained grie⯑vouſly of the irreparable miſchief done to him [361] and his kingdom, by the coming of Chriſt. He ſaid, that he could now ſcarce put his foot in any corner of the earth, without meeting with chriſtians and ſaints. He aſked the ſaint what kind of con⯑ſcience his maſter muſt have, who was for taking all to himſelf, and leaving kim nothing; though he muſt be ſenſible it was more the fear of him, than any love for his antagoniſt, that made ſo many chriſtians; and deſired the ſaint would introduce him to Chriſt, that ſo they might ſettle their affairs in an amicable manner. S. Chriſtopher ſaid, he re⯑ally did not know where to find Jeſus Chriſt at pre⯑ſent, but believed that he was with his father and mother, at Heliopolis, in Egypt. The devil ſaid, he had not time to go ſo far that night; but, to the beſt of his remembrance, he thought the little boy he had with him very much reſembled Jeſus Chriſt, when he ſaw him, about 700 years ſince, going into the temple at Jeruſalem. The Saint aſſured him that he was not Chriſt; and the little boy himſelf de⯑clared that, ſo far from being Chriſt, he was only the ſon of a poor Carpenter, at Nazareth, who, with the ſweat of his brow, was ſcarce able to earn enough to purchaſe a couple of pilchards, and a bit of brown bread, for himſelf and his mother.
After this S. Chriſtopher and the devil had a long converſation upon the nature of the Trinity, which concluded with the devil's telling the ſaint it was [362] ſuch an intricate, contradictory piece of buſineſs, that he owned he could not comprehend a ſyllable of it. Upon this the ſaint tells the devil, he muſt be a great blockhead, and a moſt egregious aſs, for that nothing was more plain and ſelf-evident; and that he would make it appear ſo to him in an inſtant. On this he took up with his left hand the ſkirt of his garment, and, with his right, making a fold of part of it, ſaid, here is one; then, making another fold, here are two; afterwards, making a third; he aſked him, if that was not three? and the other anſwering in the affirmative, the ſaint dropped the folds, and ſtretched out all that part of his garment between his hands in one piece, without any folds; and the devil, after ſo palpable a demonſtration, acknowledged he clearly underſtood the Trinity.
This matter being diſcuſſed, the little boy begged S. Chriſtopher to carry him on his ſhoulders over a deep and rapid river, that ran near them; to this the ſaint conſented, though the devil cautioned him how he meddled with the boy, of whom he ſtill had his doubts who he really was. However, the ſaint took him up, but, before he got to the middle of the river, was ready to ſink under his burden, and began to call out, at which the devil laughed heartily, and aſked him why he would not follow his advice? The boy ſaid to the devil, while on his ſhoulders, in the water, 'If Atlas had found the [363] weight of the poles ſuch a load that he could hardly bear it, no wonder, Chriſtopher, that, though a giant, you ſhould find me much heavier, who created not only the world, but the ſun, the moon, and all the planetary ſyſtem.' On the boy's ſaying this, the ſaint found himſelf relieved, and, ſetting him down on the other ſide, fell upon his knees to worſhip him; and then, making the ſign of the croſs over the water, on the devil, the Prince of Darkneſs im⯑mediately vaniſhed into flame and ſmoke, leaving a ſtrong ſulphureous ſmell behind him.
The piece concluded with a ſcene of ſome nuns in converſation with their gallants, at the parlour grate of a convent. After many bombaſt declara⯑tions of their paſſion, interſperſed with double en⯑tendres, the ladies deſire the gentlemen to entertain them with a dance, which they do, by dancing ſome obſcene dances, practiſed only by the blacks, and this part of the entertainment meets with great applauſe.
The after-piece to this comedy was equally lu⯑dicrous. The ſcene lay in a cobler's ſhop, who was at work, with his wife near him, rather handſome than otherwiſe; and two friars, who caſting a leer⯑ing look at his wife, but were at the ſame time engaged in a deep diſpute with the cobler. One of the friars inſiſted there could exiſt matter without [364] form, while the other was as ſtrenuous in ſupport⯑ing a contrary opinion, to which the cobler ſeemed alſo inclined; whilſt his wife very prudently em⯑braced both opinions. In the mean time a young buck enters the ſhop, and deſires the cobler to mend the ſtrap of his ſhoe-buckle. On this the cobler calls to his wife to know what money was in the houſe? ſhe replies a piece-of-eight and ſeven reals. The cobler then turns to the buck, and aſks him if he was not aſhamed to deſire him to work for him, when he heard he had ſo much money in the houſe? and bids him get his ſtrap mended where he pleaſed, for he would work for no man while he was ſo rich. The diſpute between matter and form ſtill went on, (in Portugueſe the words materia and forma ſignify matter and form; and the word forma likewiſe ſignifies a ſhoemaker's laſt) the party who inſiſted matter could exiſt without form, not producing one good reaſon in ſupport of his argument, and being very obſtinate, the cob⯑ler, on perceiving this, ſaid, he would ſoon con⯑vince him: ſo, riſing from his tripod in a rage, and taking up his laſt or forma, he threw it with ſuch force at his antagoniſt, as made a large cut on his forehead. 'Now, (ſaid the cobler, exulting) after what my forma has done, I'll anſwer for it, there will be produced matter in abundance.' This turn of wit raiſed great applauſe in the houſe, after which the cobler, the friars, the buck, and the [363] cobler's wife, being each provided with a leather, began beating one another round the ſtage, to the great diverſion of the ſpectators; and this is the manner that the after-pieces in this country gene⯑rally end.
The manner of travelling in this country is ſimi⯑lar to that in Spain, except that they have not ſo many carriages, and go more by water, their towns lying more on the ſea-coaſt, and the mouths of the great river, riſing in Spain, emptying themſelves here. Mules, or litters are moſtly uſed in travel⯑ling; their horſes, which are very fiery and active, ſerving only for ſhort viſits, or in cavalcades. Theſe latter, not being ſo ſtrong and ſure-footed, and conſequently leſs able to climb the mountains than the mules, is the reaſon that they are ſcarcely ever made uſe of in travelling.
No perſon in Liſbon is allowed to have horſes to his carriage, except the royal family, foreign miniſters, and a few others. Every one makes uſe of mules. Portugal is ſaid not to abound in horſes, and thoſe which the Portugueſe have, they are obliged to ſmuggle from Spain, the exportation of which are forbidden under very ſevere penalties. There being no regular conveyances of carriages between the two kingdoms of Spain and Portugal for travellers, thoſe who do not chooſe to ride upon [366] mules or to walk, are obliged to hire 2-wheel chaiſes. Theſe carriages are near, tolerably well hung, and drawn by mules, but travelſo very ſlow, that a perſon uſed to the rapid mode of conveyance, by our mail-coaches and poſt-coaches, has need of all his patience to ſupport the tediouſneſs of the journey.
"In all the great towns and villages on the road to Oporto, (ſays Coſtigan) although there are no car⯑riages to be met with, there are miſerable little aſſes, conſtantly to be hired, which fly like lightning to the next town, where freſh ones are to be had; but were you to beat them to death, they would not go one ſtep further. This mode of travelling how⯑ever is not dear, being at the rate of two-pence each Portugueſe league, or not quite three farthings Engliſh per mile.
CHAP. IV. Commerce, Manufactures, &c.
THE Portugueſe carry on a very extenſive trade, from which they derive but little advantage, being obliged to vend not only their own products, but [367] all the merchandize and riches brought home to them from their ſettlements in other parts of the globe, to the Europeans who trade with them, eſpe⯑cially the Engliſh; for their grain and manufactured goods of all kinds, with which they ſupply Portu⯑gal, both for its home conſumption and its ſettle⯑ments abroad. The merchandize which the Por⯑tugueſe furniſh foreigners with, are, ſea-ſalt, oil, wine, lemons, Seville and China oranges, figs, raiſins, almonds, cheſnuts, and other fruits, toge⯑ther with wool, ſilk, and other materials for manu⯑factures; but their chief commodities conſiſt of imports from their own colonies, particularly from Brazil; ſuch as ſugars, tobacco, cocoa-nuts, ivory, ebony, Brazil-wood, hides, ſpices, drugs, gold, pearls, diamonds, and other valuable gems.
The Portugueſe ſhipping frequent but little the other countries of Europe or the Levant; their voyages lying rather to the coaſts of Africa, particu⯑larly to the gold-coaſts, whence they carry Negroes to the Brazils; they meet there alſo with ſome gold and ivory. They trade likewiſe to their Eaſt India colonies of Goa, Diu, and Macao; but this traffic, once ſo very important, is now much upon the decline. Brazil, however, continues a very plenti⯑ful treaſure to them. All foreigners are excluded from any commerce with Brazil; the Portugueſe, however, carry on a very conſiderable clandeſtine [368] traffic with the Spaniards, which conſiſts principally in an exchange of gold and ſilver, by which each king is defrauded of his fifth. From Brazil, the Portugueſe bring not only ſugar and tobacco, but likewiſe gold and diamonds. Of the quantity of gold annually brought into Liſbon from thence, ſome conjecture may be made from the amount of the King's fifth, which, one year with another, is near 300,000l. conſequently the annual produce of gold in Brazil, may be eſtimated at 2,000,000 ſterling. The fleet, which ſails every year to Bra⯑zil, goes and returns in ſeven or eight months; and when homeward bound, is convoyed by ſome men of war. Ships from Africa or the Eaſt Indies come alſo in company with it.
The neglect of agriculture has been taken notice of already; and the ſame obſervation may be made of all arts and manufactures, although this country poſſeſſes the fineſt materials of all kinds, but theſe are diſpoſed of rough to foreigners. The Portu⯑gueſe, indeed, make a little linen, and different kinds of ſtraw-work, and candy different kinds of fruits, particularly oranges. They have likewiſe ſome coarſe ſilk and woollen manufactures; but theſe are trifling articles, and ſupport but a very ſmall part of the nation. It alſo very much concerns all foreigners trading to Portugal, and par⯑ticularly the Engliſh, that the Portugueſe do not [369] apply themſelves to manufactures, and they are therefore very induſtrious (ſays Buſching) to pre⯑vent it; of which the manufactury for looking-glaſs ſet up ſome few years ſince at Liſbon was a memorable inſtance.
According to Baretti, the only articles that the Portugueſe export to any very conſiderable amount, are oranges, lemons, and wine, which England takes from them in large quantities; but ſtill the balance of trade is very much in favour of the Engliſh, from the great demand for their manufac⯑tures in Portugal.
This branch of commerce the French and Dutch have long been endeavouring to get from the Engliſh. But their endeavours are not likely to prove ſucceſsful. One reaſon is, that the Engliſh are more powerful at ſea than either the French or the Dutch, and there is ſomething in ſuperior ſtrength which will carry almoſt any point, among nations as well as among individuals. The other is, that neither the French or Dutch could purchaſe from the Portugueſe thoſe large quantities of fruit and wine which the Engliſh take in part of payment for what they furniſh. If the Portugueſe ſhould be inclined to purchaſe the manufactures they re⯑ceive from England, either from the French or the Dutch; the Engliſh, without commencing hoſtili⯑ties, [370] have only to provide themſelves elſewhere with wine and fruit, and the Portugueſe are half-ru⯑ined. It is therefore probable that the commerce between Portugal and England will continue in its preſent ſtate, as long as the inhabitants of this lat⯑ter country ſhall continue fond of the bottle and the bowl; unleſs ſome ſingular revolution ſhould happen in the government of the country of the former. And, according to Coſtigan, ſome ſuch revolution ſeems faſt approaching; "for (ſays he) to my certain knowledge, the Prince of Aſturias (who is now on the throne of Spain) has ſaid, more than once, that he conſiders Portugal as a province wreſted from him, which he will make it his buſi⯑neſs to re-unite to his other poſſeſſions." No doubt the project would be as eaſily accompliſhed as the conqueſt would be important, were not England to interfere, which does not ſeem to enter at all into the calculation of the above writer.
Tobacco is not allowed to be cultivated in any part of Portugal under pain of death. All kinds of it, as well as ſnuff, excepting thoſe which come from the Brazils, are ſtrictly prohibited. The tobacco is of two ſorts, the one is dry leaves, the price of which is 4s. 6d. per pound; the other, rolled up in pieces of an inch thick, and five or ſix inches long. This ſort is very black, wet, and ſtinking, and ſells at about half the [371] price of the other. The ſnuff is of the fine duſt, known in England by the name of Brazil ſnuff.
The uſual method of reckoning in Portugal is by reis and cruſados; the firſt is their ſmalleſt braſs coin, 3000 of which are equal to a pound ſterling; the other is a ſilver coin, of about two ſhillings and eight-pence value. Their braſs coins, as well as their ſilver ones, are of differ⯑ent degrees of value; ſome are ſingle reis, others reis and a half; and ſome are for five and ten reis. They have alſo ſilver coins, from 20 to 500 reis, beſides which, they ſtamp the number 600 on the Spaniſh pieces of eight, to ſignify they may be taken for 600 reis. Their gold coins are, the moidore, valued at 4000 reis, the half moidore, quarter moidore, &c.
CHAP. V. Hiſtory, Conſtitution, Government, &c.
WE will now give the leading traits in the Portu⯑gueſe hiſtory, from the time that the Moors made a [372] conqueſt of it in the eighth century, who divided it, like Spain, into a number of ſmall principalities. In the 12th century, the Moors were driven from thence by Alphonſo, one of their counts, who was proclaimed king, by the name of Alphonſo I. It was not, however, till the 15th century, under John II. that the Portugueſe became powerful, and acquired any territories in the Indian ſeas. This monarch projected the paſſage round the Cape of Good Hope, to the Eaſt Indies, and built the caſtle of Minas on the coaſt of Guinea. His predeceſſor, Alphonſo V. had before taken ſeveral very ſtrong places on the African coaſt. John II. was ſucceeded by Emanuel, who married Iſabella, daughter of Fer⯑dinand the Catholic: it was under him that Portugal arrived at the higheſt pitch of its glory. The Por⯑tugueſe were then ſole maſters of the commerce be⯑tween India and Europe, which had before been carried on by the Venetians, and other maritime ſtates in the Mediterranean, through Egypt, and by the channel of the Red Sea. In making their fre⯑quent voyages into the Indian ſeas, the Portugueſe, by chance, diſcovered the Brazils in America, and ſeveral rich countries on the coaſt of Africa; from all which, flowed ſuch immenſe treaſures into Por⯑tugal, during this reign, as to give this period of their hiſtory the appellation of the golden age. Emanuel died in the beginning of the 16th century, and was ſucceeded by his ſon, John III. whoſe reign [373] was fortunate and proſperous. This monarch ap⯑plied his endeavours to reſtore arts and ſciences in Portugal, and to people thoſe colonies, which had been ſo lately diſcovered in Aſia, Africa, and Ame⯑rica. His ſucceſſor, not ſatisfied with the immenſe territories he poſſeſſed, undertook an expedition into Africa againſt the Moors, under pretence of rouſing the courage of his ſubjects, and reviving that military diſcipline, which was almoſt loſt ſight of, by a long continuance of peace and plenty. The opportunity ſeemed favourable, the Moors having at that time juſt depoſed their ſovereign. The iſſue, however, proved diſaſtrous. The Portugueſe advancing too far into the country, were ſurrounded by a more nu⯑merous army of the Moors, and totally defeated. The king, and moſt of the nobility who attended him, were ſlain, and all the reſt either cut to pieces, or taken priſoners. This blow the Portugueſe never recovered, but ſoon after, fell under the dominion of Spain. This happened under Philip the Second's reign, who claimed the kingdom in right of his mo⯑ther, and ſent the Duke of Alva at the head of an ar⯑my to take poſſeſſion of it.
King Philip having thus united Portugal to Spain, the Portugueſe became great ſufferers by the union. For Philip being at that time endeavouring to re⯑duce his rebellious ſubjects in the Netherlands to their allegiance, thought nothing would ſo much [374] contribute to it, as prohibiting their carrying on any commerce, either with Spain or Portugal; but this prohibition turned out very contrary to his expec⯑tations; for the Dutch being excluded from trading with Spain and Portugal, from whence they uſed to bring ſpices and other valuable merchandiſe, fitted out ſtrong fleets themſelves; which they not only ſent to the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, in ſearch of theſe commodities, but likewiſe drove the Portugueſe from ſome of their beſt ſettlements in India, and different parts of Aſia, as well as from others that they had in the Brazils, and on the coaſt of Africa.
This exaſperated the Portugueſe ſo much, that they would gladly have ſhaken off the Spaniſh yoke; but Philip II. maintained his dominion over them, as did Philip III. Philip IV. alſo ſucceeded peace⯑ably to the united kingdoms, which he enjoyed about 19 years; but the Spaniards having been weak⯑ened by a long and expenſive war with France, and the revolt of the Catalonians, the Portugueſe had a fair opportunity of delivering their country from the Spaniſh yoke, which they embraced; and as the Duke of Braganza was the next in blood to their former princes, they made him an offer of the crown, of which he did not ſeem very ambitious; but while revolving on the one hand, the danger of the enterprize; and on the other, the glory that [375] would accrue to his country, and to his family in particular, if he ſucceeded; the court of Spain hav⯑ing ſome information of the deſign, Philip ſum⯑moned the Duke, and others of the Portugueſe no⯑bility, to attend him to the Catalonian war. The Duke ſaw the ſnare, and excuſed himſelf as well as he could, pretending his finances were low; a re⯑mittance of 20,000 piſtoles were immediately ſent him, with a promiſe of accommodating him with more. Things being thus brought to a criſis, the Duke conſulted his Dutcheſs on the occaſion: ſhe was of the family of Medina Sidonia, a princeſs of great ſpirit, and is ſaid to have anſwered him thus: 'Sir, if you go to Spain, you run the riſk of your life; you do the ſame in attempting the crown of Portugal; but if you muſt die, it is better to die a king than a duke:' and this it ſeems, determined his choice. The whole kingdom of Portugal, and all their foreign ſettlements, unanimouſly acknowledged him for their ſovereign, except Ceuta, in which was a Spaniſh governor. Thus was this ſurpriſing re⯑volution effected in an inſtant, without having coſt the lives of more than three people, one of which was the Viceroy, who, having in the commotion, concealed himſelf in his library, under a parcel of books, was betrayed by an old female ſervant, drag⯑ged forth, and put to death by the people: though it afterwards coſt a great deal of blood and treaſure to maintain it. It was undertaken on the firſt of [376] December 1640, when in the ſervice of the church, for that day are the following words from St. Paul's Epiſtle to the Romans, ch. 13. v. ii. And that knowing the time, that now it is high time to awake out of ſleep; for now is our ſalvation nearer than when we believed. Theſe words the Portugueſe did then, and have ever ſince regarded as an oracle from Hea⯑ven, declaring in their favour. Thus did this prince aſcend the throne of Portugal, and was proclaimed by the name of John IV. It was thought very ſtrange, that this deſign ſhould have been commu⯑nicated to above 200 perſons, and a whole year taken up in preparation for its execution, and yet not be diſcovered by the court of Spain, till it was too late to prevent it. The new King, however, had not been long upon the throne, before a plot was formed againſt him.
We will here enumerate the ſeveral countries, ter⯑ritories, and iſlands, ſubject to the crown of Portu⯑gal, which are, firſt, the country of Brazil in Ame⯑rica: this is a vaſt tract of land, extending along the ſea-coaſts of South-America. It is the moſt conſiderable of all their foreign poſſeſſions, and yields great quantities of gold, tobacco, ſugar, cotton, gin⯑ger, indigo, hides, &c. In Africa they have the fortreſs Maſagan in the kingdom of Morocco, part of the Guinea coaſt; Angola on the coaſt of Con⯑go, with ſome iſlands on the Caffra coaſt; Zan⯑guebar, [377] Mozambic, and Quiloa, on the eaſtern coaſt of Africa. In the Atlantic ocean, they have the weſtern iſlands of the Azores, Madeira, and the iſlands of Cape Verde, and ſome others. In Aſia they ſtill poſſeſs Goa, Diu, Daman, and Chaul on the Indian coaſt, with a large extent of country, and the iſland of Macao on the ſouthern coaſt of China, which, though under the government of the Chineſe, is inhabited chiefly by the Portugueſe. And here we cannot help remarking, what a noble empire the Portugueſe poſſeſſed in Aſia and Africa, about 150 years ago. They were then maſters of Ormus and the Perſian gulph; of all the coaſt of India, Siam, and Malacca; of the ſea-coaſts on the iſlands of Su⯑matra, Java, and Ceylon; of the iſlands of Moluc⯑ca and Banda, where only the fine ſpices are to be met with. They had eſtabliſhed their religion in the iſlands of Japan, where they made ſuch a num⯑ber of proſelytes, that the ſovereigns, apprehenſive of a general revolt, totally extirpated them, as well as their religion. They had alſo planted their religion throughout the vaſt empire of China, and might have maintained it there, had not the jeſuits inter⯑fered. There are now, indeed, no remains of it in either of theſe places, and the Dutch have expelled them from all their valuable ſettlements on the continent, and in the iſlands of Aſia, except Goa, and two or three more inconſiderable places. But they were ſo long poſſeſſed of the trade of theſe [378] countries, and had ſuch numerous ſettlements, that we find their language, with ſome corruption, ſtill prevailing in thoſe parts, and a mixed breed of Por⯑tugueſe and Indian, who imitate the Portugueſe in their religion, habits and cuſtoms. On the eaſt⯑ern and weſtern coaſts of Africa, their religion and language are alſo every where to be met with; though they have now very little power in that quar⯑ter of the globe.
The government of Portugal is an unlimited mo⯑narchy, but with reſpect to the impoſition of new taxes, the ſettlement of the ſucceſſion, and other im⯑portant concerns, the conſent of the ſtates, which conſiſt of the clergy, principal nobility, and com⯑mons, is neceſſary. The clergy are repreſented, as in Spain, by the archbiſhops and biſhops; the prin⯑cipal nobility are the dukes, marquiſſes, counts, viſ⯑counts, and barons; and the repreſentatives of the commons, conſiſt of the procurators, or agents of the cities and towns. Among the commonalty, are alſo reckoned the lower nobility, and the maſter⯑ſhips of the orders of knighthood. This aſſembly never meets, but by proclamation from the King, in which they are ſtyled Cortes. The laſt was held in the year 1697. Although the crown of Portugal is hereditary, yet the conſent of the ſeveral ſtates is alſo neceſſary to the ſucceſſion of brother's children. The crown devolves to the female line, but this [379] right is forfeited, if they marry out of the kingdom. In the year 1641, it was confirmed by a manifeſto of the ſtates, that in caſes relating to ſucceſſion, the jus repreſentationis ſhould be admitted.
The nobility are very numerous, and many of them of the blood-royal, being deſcended from na⯑tural ſons of the royal family. They were formerly more conſiderable than at preſent, although ſo much of the ancient cuſtom, by which the King conferred a maintenance on the nobility, ſtill remains, that he aſſigns them a penſion from a certain fund, to enable them to maintain their dignity; and this is a memo⯑rial of the ancient moradias, as it was called, or at⯑tendance ſalary. For ſuch of the nobility as become impoveriſhed or diſabled in the king's ſervice, there is likewiſe a public foundation at Belem, not far from Liſbon, where they have every thing provided for them in a very decent manner. All thoſe who are grandees, and ſtiled Dons, like thoſe of Spain, conſiſt of three claſſes, and receive from the royal treaſury, a penſion ſufficient to ſupport their reſpec⯑tive dignities. The inferior nobility or gentry are termed Fidalgos; and are incapable of bearing the title of don, unleſs by permiſſion from the king. The Macos Fidalgos, or gentlemen born, are ac⯑counted of higher rank than citizens, who acquire the title of Cavallero Fidalgo, without being enobled by it.
[380]The King's eldeſt ſon is ſtiled Prince of Brazil; the other children and brothers being called In⯑fants. The King's title runs thus: — by the grace of God, King of Portugal and the Algarves, on this and the other Side of the Sea of Africa; Lord of Guinea, and of the Conqueſts, Trade, and Navigation, in Ethiopia, Arabia, Perſia, India, &c.
The principal order of knighthood in this king⯑dom, is the order of Chriſt, inſtituted by King Dennis, ſoon after the abolition of the Knights Templars, and confirmed in the year 1319, by Pope John XXII. The inſignia of this is a red croſs within a white one. The ſeat of the order is at the city of Thomar. It has 454 Commanders. Concerning the origin of the order of S. James, writers differ, but it is ſaid to have been raiſed about the year 1030, from the fraternity of ſome other orders; and to have received the confirma⯑tion of Pope Alexander III. The badge of this or⯑der is a red ſword, in the ſhape of a croſs, re⯑ſembling the handles of ancient ſwords. To this order belong 47 ſmall towns, and places, and 150 commanderies, beſides the ſplendid convent of Santos o Novo, to the weſt of Liſbon.
The third order in Portugal, that of Aviz, is ſaid to have been inſtituted ſo early as the year 1147, by King Alphonſo Henriques. The ſeat of [381] this order is at Aviz, in the province of Alentejo. Its commanderies are only 49 in number, and the badge belonging to it, a green croſs, in the form of a lily. Theſe three orders are all religious, with li⯑berty of marriage to the knights. The Kings of Portugal are perpetual Grand Maſters. The Knights of Malta have likewiſe 23 commanderies here.
All the principal affairs of the kingdom are tranſacted in the council of ſtate, who have the diſpoſal of all eccleſiaſtical and temporal poſts and offices, not immediately dependent on ſome other board or tribunal; but even theſe, at laſt, come before the council of ſtate; particularly the nomi⯑nation of the archbiſhops and biſhops, viceroys, captains general, governors of provinces, &c. is determined in this council. Peace and war, em⯑baſſies, alliances, &c. are likewiſe canvaſſed in it. The council is ſaid to have been firſt inſtituted by Queen Catharine, during the minority of King Sebaſ⯑tian. In the year 1732, it conſiſted of five eccleſi⯑aſtics and an equal number of lay officers. The ſecretary of ſtate is alſo a member of it, and is aſ⯑ſiſted by the official mayor and others.
The council of the palace is the higheſt tribunal to which cauſes may be brought from inferior courts by appeal. It nominates to all offices be⯑longing [382] to the law, decides diſputes of juriſdiction between the lay and ſpiritual courts, examines the briefs of the Pope's Nuncios, and, beſides a great variety of other buſineſs, draws up all laws, orders, edicts, confirmations, privileges, grants, &c. This court conſiſts of a preſident, and ſeveral coun⯑ſellors, whoſe number is not limited.
The Caſa da Supplicaca is the firſt and higheſt tribunal of juſtice, being without appeal in civil or criminal caſes. For the inferior adminiſtration of juſtice each of the ſix provinces of which the kingdom conſiſts, is divided into judicial diſtricts, conſiſting of a certain number of towns and villages. Theſe again are ſub-divided into inferior juriſdictions. There is alſo another diviſion of them. All juriſ⯑dictions are either Correicoens, or Ouvidorias. The former belong to the crown, the latter to the Donatorios, who are partly eccleſiaſtics and partly laymen. The judge, whom the crown appoints for its diſtrict, is ſtiled Corregidor, and the donatorian is ſtiled Ouvidor. The Roman law, with the gloſſaries, is recognized in Portugal; beſides which there are royal edicts, and the ca⯑non law, and Pope's mandates.
Juſtice ſeems to be very ſingularly adminiſtered in this country, according to what information we can collect. In almoſt all civil ſuits and litiga⯑tions, [383] ſentences are obtained in favour of that party which can muſter the moſt powerful Empenhos, preſerving only the exterior forms and appearance of juſtice; and theſe, for evident reaſons, are duly executed. In criminal proceſſes, when the truth is even come at, and ſentence duly paſſed, it is ſeldom or ever put in execution, unleſs indeed when a culprit is declared innocent; for then, with a ſmall Empenho, he commonly obtains his liberty; and even when capitally convicted, he can, by the ſame means, obtain an eternal pro⯑rogation of the execution of the ſentence.
"An Empenho (ſays Coſtigan) is the act whereby a perſon in habits of friendſhip or intimate ac⯑quaintance with another, inveſted with power or authority, interpoſes earneſtly with him in fa⯑vour of a third perſon, in order to procure for him ſome ſpecial favour, he does not always de⯑ſerve; or to avert from him the impoſition of thoſe pains and penalties to which he becomes liable by law."
We will here give an example on this head, which may enable our readers to form ſome idea of what the point of honour is to be held in this country. Two couſins-german, both men of ſome property, one a widower, living upon his eſtate, with a maiden ſiſter to take care of [384] his family, the other an officer in a regiment of infantry; entertained a moſt violent jealouſy of each other, on account of a lady to whom they both made pretenſions; this jealouſy aroſe to ſuch a pitch of frantic rage, on the part of the widower, that he went out one day well armed, and accom⯑panied by ſervants, and meeting his couſin the of⯑ficer, ordered him to be ſeized, and in his preſence, horſe-whipped by a negro ſlave he brought with him for the purpoſe; the officer being without arms, and unprovided for ſuch an attack, after re⯑ceiving the ſtripes, laid hold of his own beard, and told him he ſhould certainly pay him for ſuch an atrocious inſult; the widower, who perfectly un⯑derſtood the meaning of the expreſſion, left this part of the country for above three years, retiring into the kingdom of Gallicia, after which, thinking his couſin's paſſion muſt be in ſome degree cooled, he returned to his eſtate, never venturing, however, abroad, but in the ſame litter with his ſiſter, not ſuppoſing any cavalier would be rude enough to attack him in the company of a lady; in the mean while, the officer, from the time he was horſe-whip⯑ped, never appeared more in the regiment, never went to maſs, nor ſhaved his beard, having ſolemnly ſworn to do neither of the three till he had taken, what is here reckoned ſatisfaction, for ſuch an af⯑front; he continued all the whole time ſkulking about the country, diſguiſed like a hermit, and hav⯑ing [385] found his couſin was returned, he got together ſome companions, and way-laid him near his houſe, as he was returning to it one evening with his ſiſter in the litter, which he ſtopped, and telling the lady he had ſome little buſineſs with her brother, moſt politely deſired ſhe would alight; he then took a piſtol from his ſleeve, and applied to his couſins forehead, and after diſcharging the contents, drag⯑ged him out of the litter, and diſcharged another through his heart, as he lay weltering in his blood: this being done, he aſked a thouſand pardons of the lady, for having ſo far incommoded her, and begged to know where ſhe wiſhed to be con⯑ducted? She ſignified a deſire to retire to a con⯑vent about ten miles from where the cataſtrophe happened, where ſhe had an only ſiſter, a nun; and the officer, like a gallant cavalier, conducted and lodged her ſafely with her ſiſter.
This done, he returned to his regiment, re⯑ported himſelf fit for duty, and dreſſed and ap⯑peared on the parade as uſual; and the rumour of this cowardly aſſaſſination getting wind, he readily acknowledged it, and what was more aſtoniſhing, all the nobility and officers in the neighbourhood juſtified the action, ſaying, it was the leaſt a man of rank and credit could do to retrieve his reputa⯑tion.
[386]Mean time, the whole proceſs of the murder, with the examination of the witneſſes, to which the civil magiſtrate of the diſtrict is by law enjoined to proceed, within a limited time after notice of the ſame, was remitted to the commanding officer of the regiment; on whom it was incumbent, as the delinquent was of the army, to order his being tried by a court-martial, agreeable to the articles of war. This was accordingly done, and ſentence of death paſſed on him, which would have been put in immediate execution, had it not been for the ſtrong and numberleſs Empenhos his relations made for him at court, whereby the King changed his ſentence, ordering him to be broke at the head of his regiment, his uniform to be ſtripped from his back, his ſaſh cut in two, his ſword to be broken before him, and he himſelf to be baniſhed for ten years to the kingdom of Angola, in Africa. The firſt part of his ſentence was executed, and he was kept in priſon to be tranſported by the firſt oppor⯑tunity; but ſtrange to relate, the preſent Queen, on the change of adminiſtration, not only pardoned every thing, but ordered him to be reſtored to his poſt in the regiment.
The revenues of the crown amount to about 3,500,000 ſterling. There ariſe from the hereditary eſtates of the houſe of Braganza, from the royal de⯑meſnes, and from the cuſtoms and duties on goods, [387] which are exceſſive. Foreign merchandize like⯑wiſe pays 23 percent, on importation, and fiſh from Newfoundland, 25 per cent. Fiſh taken in the ad⯑joining ſeas and rivers, pays 27 per cent. and the tax upon lands and houſes, when ſold, is 10 per cent. The King likewiſe draws a conſiderable revenue from the ſeveral orders of knighthood, of which, as it is obſerved, he is grand maſter. His revenue has alſo been greatly increaſed by the ſuppreſſion of the jeſuits, and other religious orders. By the ſale of indulgencies, a large ſum is annually levied. This privilege the pope renews to the King every three years, by a ſpecial bull, including three others, namely, a bull for the living, a bull for the dead, and a bull of compoſition, by virtue of which, the payment of certain part of an iniquitous gain, ren⯑ders the reſt legal. The monopoly of Brazil ſnuff produces a conſiderable revenue. In 1755, this ar⯑ticle was farmed for 3,000,000 of cruſados. We have already obſerved that the King has likewiſe one fifth of all the gold brought from Brazil, eſtimated one year with another, at 300,000l. To this may be added, the farm of the Brazil diamonds. No wonder, therefore, his revenue is ſo very ample, con⯑ſidering the extent of the country.
The military force in Portugal, conſiſts of 38 re⯑giments of foot, each of 820 men, including officers; and 12 regiments of cavalry, of 400 horſe to each. [388] The horſes are of different ſizes and colours, and make a very uncouth appearance. In their troops are a great number of Britiſh officers, who are moſtly Proteſtants and Scotchmen. It appears from Baret⯑ti, that ſince the war in 1762, there has been a con⯑ſiderable reform in the Portugueſe army, and that their ſoldiers, which before were ſome of the worſt and moſt beggarly looking troops in Europe, are now in general picked men, and as well diſciplined as the Pruſſians themſelves.
S. Anthony of Padua was formerly (ſays Twiſs) the generaliſſimo of the Portugueſe army; his appoint⯑ments were 300,000 reis, or about 87l. a year; but lately the Count de La Lippe, ſupplied the Saint's place, who, it appears, has introduced a conſider⯑able reform into the army. This officer (ſays Twiſs) was formerly governor of Almeida, and the whole province of Beira, and is in every reſpect, worthy of the high dignity to which he is raiſed. He has been in the Portugueſe ſervice ever ſince the year 1763. The Britiſh officers here have the ſame pay as in the Engliſh ſervice, which is double that of the Portugueſe.
The mode of recruiting the army in Portugal, (ſays Coſtigan) is ſimilar to that in Spain, and totally different from that which is practiſed in England. Each of the provinces, as we have already obſerved, [389] is divided into diſtricts, and the civil magiſtrate of every diſtrict, is obliged to furniſh the number of recruits allotted him, when called upon by govern⯑ment; and ſuch recruits muſt be the ſons of merchants, tradeſmen, peaſants, labourers, &c. &c. inhabitants of that diſtrict; and the father, brother, ſome rela⯑tion, or other ſufficient perſon, is made reſponſible for each recruit, that he ſhall behave well, and not deſert his colours; and if he does, that perſon is obliged to find another to ſerve in his place, for whom he muſt alſo be reſponſible.
They have even required this pledge of reſponſi⯑bility from S. Anthony, the titular ſaint of Liſbon, whom their bigotry has appointed captain in one of their regiments, and for whoſe ſecurity, the Queen of Angels, for ſo they ſtile the Virgin Mary, is made reſponſible. Coſtigan has tranſcribed a curious me⯑morial, ſigned by the commanding officer of the re⯑giment, and bearing date ſo late in the preſent cen⯑tury, as the year 1777, which was preſented to the prime miniſter, praying that S. Anthony, who had been a captain in his regiment ever ſince the year 1688, and had conſtantly done his duty with the greateſt alacrity at the head of his company, upon all occaſions, both in peace and war, might be ap⯑pointed aggregate-major of the ſaid regiment. 'I do certify (ſays the Major) that having carefully examined all the papers and regiſters of the regi⯑ment [390] ſince its firſt formation, there is not any note of bad behaviour or irregularity committed by S. Anthony, nor of his having ever been flogged, im⯑priſoned, or any way puniſhed by his officers, while private in the regiment. That during the whole time he has been a captain, now near 100 years, he has conſtantly done his duty with the greateſt ala⯑crity, and as ſuch, has been ſeen by his ſoldiers, times without number, as they are all ready to teſtify; and in every other reſpect, has always behaved himſelf like a gentleman and an officer: on all which ac⯑counts, I hold him moſt worthy and deſerving of the rank of aggregate-major to our regiment, and of every other honour, grace, or favour her Majeſty ſhall be graciouſly pleaſed to beſtow upon him. In teſtimony whereof I have hereto ſigned my name this 25th of March, 1777.'
MAGALHAENS HOMEM.
That a man entruſted with the command of a re⯑giment, ſhould be at the cloſe of the eighteenth cen⯑tury in ſuch a lamentable ſtate of bigotry, ſeems ſcarcely credible. Coſtigan obſerves, very juſtly, that people will be apt to imagine the above is only ca⯑ricature, but aſſerts very confidently, that he has mentioned nothing but literal and ſober matters of fact.
This memorial was farther accompanied with 59 [391] certificates (ſays the above writer) with the cypher of the commanding-officer's name ſet cloſe by each number, containing a true and faithful relation of the miracles, and other eminent ſervices the ſaid S. Anthony had at different times performed in the regiment, in conſequence of his having a place in it: among others, he had reſtored a favourite lap-dog to the commanding officer's lady, which had been ſtolen from her, and which ſhe had deſpaired of ever ſeeing again, till her Father Director adviſed her to importune S. Anthony, which ſhe had no ſooner done, than the dog was brought back to her! He alſo ſaved a poor ſoldier, who called upon him when drowning, as he paſſed a deep river, by miraculouſly throwing a rope in his way! Another had recovered from the ſmall-pox, by thinking on S. Anthony, and this after the rattle was in his throat, and he had been given over by the ſurgeon-major of the regi⯑ment! In ſhort, another certificate related, that a drummer of the regiment being in bed with his wife, and their child ſleeping between them, when he waked in the morning, found a large ſnake, which had crept in under the door of the hut, in bed with them, ſucking his wife's breaſt, while ſhe was faſt aſleep, with its tail in the mouth of the child, who was ſucking at it very contentedly: at ſight of ſuch an extraordinary appearance, the drummer imme⯑diately invoked the captain of the regiment, S. An⯑thony, who inſpired him with preſence of mind and [392] courage, ſufficient to ſeize at once, the head and tail of the ſerpent; by this time, overloaded with the quantity of milk he had ſucked, and ſetting a foot upon each, ſecured him from doing them any miſchief, till, with his hanger, which lay at his bed's-head, he cut the animal's head off, and mangled it ſo, as to prevent it from hurting them. Thus the man, wife and child, had a miraculous eſcape.
The navy of the Portugueſe, according to Twiſs, conſiſts only of 11 men of war, and four frigates; ſeveral of the former are commanded by Britiſh of⯑ficers.
CHAP. VI. State of Literature.
LITERATURE ſeems to be at a very low ebb in Portugal. At Coimbra and Evora, there are two univerſities; but whilſt the papal power conti⯑nues at its preſent height in that country, ſcience is like to make but an indifferent figure. Liſbon has only ſome ſchools and a royal academy eſtabliſhed [393] for Portugueſe hiſtory, whoſe motto, reſtituet omni promiſes mighty things, and ſome good hiſtorical pieces have been already publiſhed in it. The uni⯑verſity of Coimbra, is ſaid to be much the moſt con⯑ſiderable, and to conſiſt of 5000 ſtudents; but then they admit children before they are well read, ſo that our grammar-ſchools may be put on a footing with many of their colleges. It is likewiſe ſaid, that they do not apply themſelves ſo much to philoſophy, divinity, or phyſic in theſe univerſities, as to the ſtudy of the civil and canon-law; which is very much attended to in Portugal. And beſides theſe, each ſtudent makes himſelf acquainted with the cuſ⯑toms of his particular province, by which the ma⯑giſtrates are often governed in their deciſions.
There is likewiſe an academy of hiſtory, antiqui⯑ties, and languages at Santarene; and at S. Thomas's there is an academy of ſciences on the plan of that of Paris. In 1746, an Italian capuchin, publiſhed a work at Valencia in Spain, in the Portugueſe lan⯑guage, conſiſting of four volumes in quarto, en⯑titled Verbadeiro Methodo de eſtudar, and dedicated to the kingdom of Portugal, ſetting forth the wretched ſtate of the ſciences there, and the contemptible manner in which they are taught. He even charges the Portugueſe with aiming at the perpetuity of ig⯑norance, and the triumph of barbariſm. He decries their ſchools as the places of retreat for thoſe errors, [394] which, by Deſcartes and Newton, had been driven from other parts of Europe; and at their univerſi⯑ties, the mind (he ſays) is obſcured with the abſtruce diſquiſition of ſcholaſtic learning. According to him, Gallileo, Deſcartes, Gaſſendi and Newton, are in Portugal, the names of atheiſts and heretics, not to be mentioned, but with marks of execration; and laſtly he affirms, that the profeſſor of anatomy in a Portugueſe univerſity, is allowed only two ſheep a year for demonſtrating his lectures. If this be go⯑ing too far, let us hear what a Portugueſe himſelf, D'Olivaira ſays. In the preface to the firſt volume of his memoirs, he uſes theſe remarkable words: 'In our country we live in ignorance without know⯑ing it; but in going out of Portugal, our eyes ſeem ſuddenly to open, and we immediately ſee that igno⯑rance, in which we were involved. The ignorance I ſpeak of (ſays he) is evident: foreigners allow us un⯑derſtanding, docility, morals, diſcernment, and a genius for comprehending what is commendable and good; but our conceit, our gravity, our confined manner of living, which deprives us of all freedom of thought, expoſes us to juſt cenſures, and give riſe to thoſe hateful opinions which other nations en⯑tertain of us. The main ſource of our ignorance, and a miſerable cauſe of offence to all nations, is the cuſtom in Portugal, of prohibiting ſuch numbers of books.
[395] Baretti, in mentioning the ſtate of literature in this country, obſerves, that few of their writers ever had a name, even before the earthquake committed that ravage on their literature. Oſſorio, the Latin hiſtorian, was certainly a name of ſome conſidera⯑tion in the literary world; and the fame of Camoens, the Portugueſe Epic Poet, has travelled beyond Alcenteja and Eſtramadura. Yet the works of theſe two, their moſt celebrated authors, are more com⯑mended than read. One of their ſacred writers, (adds Baretti) called Vieira, is in high eſteem with the Portugueſe; I opened one of his volumes in the library of the royal convent at Mafra, and chance directed my eyes to a ſermon, where the perfec⯑tions of the circular figure were pompouſly enume⯑rated; after which the Luſitanian Cicero, as he is ſtyled by the Portugueſe, proceeds to tell his audi⯑ence that if the Supreme Being were to ſhew himſelf under any geometrical figure, it would be the circular one, in preference to the triangular, the ſquare, the pentagonal, the duodecagonal, or any other known to the geometricians. Such is the diſplay of literature, by an author in high repute with the Portugueſe.
They have a tranſlation of the operas of Metaſta⯑ſio, to which by way of embelliſhment, the tranſla⯑tor has added ſcenes of his own, in which, when the heroes of the opera go out, their place is ſup⯑plied by the ſervants, chamber-maid, and nurſes of [396] the principal characters, who are introduced, hold⯑ing dialogues together. Achilles has his running footman, Semiramis her dry-nurſe; and Deidamia has a little prating huſſey of a cook-maid, who bids the Negro-boy carry chocolate to his miſtreſs. Such is the dramatic taſte in Portugal; of which we have already given ſome conſiderable ſpecimens, under the article of amuſements.
The Portugueſe, however, have a dictionary of their own language, which is much commended both by themſelves and by foreigners. But it does not appear to have been the work of a native. It is ſaid to be a compilation of Father Bluteau, a French Jeſuit. It is printed in eight or nine large quarto volumes.
"In a medical treatiſe, (ſays Baretti) that I met with in the royal library, I read of a remedy for ſore eyes, not a little curious. 'The perſon thus afflicted, (remarks the Portugueſe Phyſician) muſt not read, nor fix his eyes upon any thing that is white.'
The Eſcolas Neceſſidades, the principal ſeminary in Liſbon, is a Philippine convent; and, of courſe, the profeſſors are Philippine friars. The Jeſuits were formerly indulged with the excluſive privi⯑lege of inſtructing the Portugueſe youth at Liſbon; but, ſoon after their expulſion, this honour was [397] conferred on the Philippines. "It is a certain fact, (ſays Baretti) that the Jeſuits, in Italy, endeavoured to ſubvert all literature." His arguments in favour of this poſition are, that, before this order was inſtituted, there were in that country ſo many eminent writers, in various branches of ſcience, from Dante to Ga⯑lileo, as few countries could boaſt. "But, (ſays Baretti) the Jeſuits had no ſooner got poſſeſſion of the ſchools, under pretext of inſtructing our youth gratis, than there was an almoſt total ceſſation of hiſtorians, politicians, philoſophers, and poets. They began by diſcouraging an application to the Greek language, aſſerting that it was totally unneceſſary. Afterwards, by means of their voluminous Latin grammars, they rendered the ſtudy of this language, next to impoſſible; as it is next to impoſſible to learn any thing by the aſſiſtance of ſomething equal⯑ly unknown to us. They even contaminated our language, by inundating it with ſuch a deluge of equivocal wit, as to make us the ridicule of thoſe nations of whom we were before the admiration.
In Portugal, to have ſubſtituted the Philippians for the Jeſuits, has not added much to the literary fame of the country. It is however intended to put the ſeminaries in the capital on a more reſpectable footing than they are at preſent. A univerſity is to be eſtabliſhed at Liſbon, into which ſome Coim⯑bra profeſſors are to be incorporated, and the an⯑cient [398] one in that city to be totally ſuppreſſed. Per⯑haps the time is faſt approaching, when the Por⯑tugueſe will likewiſe emerge from ignorance and ſu⯑perſtition, and put themſelves on a level, at leaſt, with ſome of the Catholic nations.
CHAP. VII. Religion.
THAT Chriſtianity was propagated here by the Apoſtles James and John, ſo early as the firſt century, which the Portugueſe aſſert, cannot be proved. But it is certain, as appears from Tertullian, that it was received all over Spain, to which Portugal was then annexed, in the ſecond century; and in the third, new pariſhes were formed. In ſucceeding times the Moors and Jews, who had been much increaſing, lived intermingled with the Chriſtians; and, not⯑withſtanding the ſevere perſecutions, under John II. whereby they were forced, externally, to acknow⯑ledge the Romiſh church, and though all exerciſe of the Jewiſh religion be ſtill prohibited by the [399] fundamental laws of the kingdom, yet there are great numbers of ſecret Jews among the Portugueſe, even at preſent, and thoſe too even among the nobility, biſhops, prebends, monks, and nuns; and the very inquiſitors themſelves. Many, unable to conceal themſelves, eſcape into Holland, and there openly profeſs Judaiſm. The eſtabliſhed religion of the country, however, is the Roman Catholic: and the inquiſition, which was introduced by King John III. and has ſince been ſet up throughout all the Portugueſe dominions, Brazil excepted, is very active in detecting hereſies and heretics; and no leſs rigorous in puniſhing them. Of the inquiſitions in Portugal there are four high courts, at Liſbon, Co⯑imbra, Evora, and Goa in the Eaſt Indies, each of which is independent, though with ſome ſubordi⯑nation to the ſupreme council of inquiſition. Im⯑pious and inhuman as this tribunal is, yet its feſti⯑val, or ſolemn burnings, called auto da fé, or 'the act of faith,' afford the higheſt delight to the bigot⯑ed Portugueſe, who, whilſt their fellow-creatures, the ſuppoſed heretics, are burning in flames, ſhout Que grande clemencia! Bente abencoado ſea o ſanto officio! i. e. 'O what great goodneſs! Praiſed be the holy office!' Even the principal nobility deem it an honour to lead the condemned criminals, like mean ſervants, to the ſtake. King John IV. how⯑ever, in ſome meaſure, curtailed the power of the holy office, commanding that all its ſentences [400] ſhould be laid before the parliament; and that the accuſed ſhould be allowed counſel for their de⯑fence. He likewiſe further enacted, that only blaſ⯑phemy, ſodomy, polygamy, hereſy, ſorcery, Pagan cuſtoms, and the converſion of the Jews, are to come under their cognizance. To be a Chriſtam Velho, i. e. an ancient Chriſtian, or of an ancient Chriſtian race, is accounted, in Portugal, a very great pre⯑eminence, and far above a Chriſtam-novo, or newly converted Chriſtian; or a temparte de Chriſtam novo, a half new converted Chriſtian, by which laſt are to be underſtood, thoſe whoſe new converted anceſtors married ancient Chriſtians.
No ſovereigns have ſhewn themſelves more zealous for the Catholic religion than the Kings of Spain and Portugal, who have ſuffered the inquiſition to ravage their territories for ſuch a number of years. Nor are the people leſs devout than their ſove⯑reigns. It is not unuſual even for the fair ſex to reſort to the churches ſeven or eight times a day, though this has been ſuggeſted to ariſe from an in⯑clination to gallantry and rambling abroad, they being never ſuffered to leave their houſes but to go to their devotions. The Portugueſe are, in general, great admirers of the external pomp and ſplendour of church worſhip. In the holy week they practiſe great ſeverities upon themſelves; ſome will procure themſelves to be faſtened to a croſs, in their ſhirts, [401] with their arms extended, in imitation of our bleſ⯑ſed Saviour, uttering all the time the moſt diſmal groans and lamentations. Others will walk bare⯑footed, over rocks and mountains, to ſome diſtant ſhrine, in order to perform their devotions. Dur⯑ing Lent, in thoſe parts of Portugal which are at a diſtance from the ſea, they eat only the entrails of beaſts. At this holy ſeaſon, friars and prieſts may be ſeen in all the great ſtreets and ſquares, preach⯑ing to the people, but applying to their paſſions rather than to their underſtandings. The preacher frequently beats his breaſt, and weeps, in the midſt of his diſcourſe, and the people follow his example.
Solemn proceſſions are very frequent in Portu⯑gal, but the moſt conſiderable one is on Good Friday, when all the religious orders attend with the members of the ſeveral tribunals and councils, and ſomtimes even the king himſelf, followed by his whole court, with wax torches in their hands; and the ſervants of the nobility, and people of diſ⯑tinction, following their maſters with lighted flam⯑beaux. Upon ſuch an occaſion every thing wears a mournful appearance, the guards, who likewiſe at⯑tend, have their arms covered with black, as are the drums, which beat a dead march, in the ſame manner that they do at the funeral of a general. The trumpets, and other muſical inſtruments, ſound [402] moſt diſmally; and all the ſtandards and croſſes are covered with black crape. True penitents, in theſe proceſſions, laſh and cut themſelves unmer⯑cifully, hoping to implore the protection of Heaven by this holy violence; whilſt others are no leſs ſe⯑vere upon themſelves, to ſhew their paſſion for their miſtreſſes, who ſtand in balconies to ſee the pro⯑ceſſion.
Such are the religious ceremonies of the Portu⯑gueſe, on days of faſting and humiliation; but on their feſtivals the ſcene is very different; then all the treaſures of their churches are expoſed to pub⯑lic view. The balconies and windows are hung with tapeſtry, and the ladies, dreſſed in a moſt mag⯑nificent attire, are permitted to view the proceſſion of the images, without any lattices before them. The images, together with the relics and treaſures of the churches, are on theſe occaſions accompa⯑nied by the nobility, in their habits of gala, pre⯑ceded by muſic and dancing.
Theſe feſtivals are generally concluded by ſome comedy, wretchedly acted, containing a repre⯑ſentation of the life and actions of ſome of their ſaints, taken from their legends; and from the familiarity with which not only the ſaints, but even our Saviour is treated, ſeem calculated rather to ridicule than promote Chriſtianity.
[403]The following anecdote will ſhew the extreme bigotry that reigns among the moſt exalted ranks of people in this country, and which could not be carried to a greater height even in the capital of the Papal dominions. Some thieves, during the reign of the preſent Queen, having broken into a country church, about four leagues from Liſbon, and, rummaging in the dark for plate, and other plunder, among the altars, happened to overturn or break open a pix, containing ſeveral conſecrated wafers; which were found next morn⯑ing, ſtrewed on the ground, near the altar; and, to add to the misfortune, ſome of them were ſtill miſſing. When theſe circumſtances were reported to the Queen, they threw her into the deepeſt af⯑fliction; ſhe ſhut herſelf up, and was inviſible for three days; after which, ſhe ſaid, all the mis⯑fortunes of her late father's reign, and the judg⯑ments with which God had viſited him, ſuch as earthquakes, the expulſion of the Jeſuits, and the war which followed, were, all together, no⯑thing, when compared to the grievous inſult, of⯑fered to the body of our bleſſed Saviour himſelf; and which it became her duty to apologize for, after the moſt ſignal manner poſſible; and, after holding a conſultation with the graveſt and moſt orthodox divines, the whole court were ordered into deep mourning for nine days, at the end of which there was a general proceſſion to the dif⯑ferent [404] churches, in which the Queen herſelf, and the court walked in proceſſion, and which was called the proceſſion of the diſaggravation, and, by performing of which, they conceived, they ſhould appeaſe the wrath of the Deity, who had ſuffered ſuch a groſs affront, by a few wafers be⯑ing thrown about and loſt; as if there were any connexion between the Omnipotent Creator of the univerſe and a wafer.
What a crowd of reflexions does not ſuch flagrant and inveterate folly preſent to the conſideration of every ſenſible and ſerious perſon! Here we plainly ſee into what a train of groſs, ludicrous, and im⯑pious ſituations, this belief of the real preſence muſt continually bring them; for ever led aſtray by the inſolent and blaſphemous opinion, that the Deity reſembles a cruel and ſuſpicious tyrant, they think to appeaſe every ſuppoſed inſult offered him, by ſlaviſh and over-weening humiliations, in order to anticipate the effects of that vengeance he was juſt about to wreak upon them.
The number of convents in Portugal is ſaid to be no fewer than 900; and moſt of them are very rich. The moſt remarkable and wealthy is the convent of the Ciſtercians at Alcobaca.
With reſpect to eccleſiaſtical perſons, John V. at a [405] very great expence, procured a patriarch, obtain⯑ing, in 1716, the Pope's licence to raiſe his court-chapel at Liſbon to a patriarchate; and, in the year following, the new patriarch, who alſo retained the title of firſt court-chaplain, was inſtalled, with very great ſolemnity. In 1739, the Pope further granted, that the patriarch ſhould always be a cardi⯑nal, and of the royal family. The patriarchal church at Liſbon was erected into a palatinate, and the fourth part of all the eccleſiaſtical benefices in Portugal aſſigned for the ſupport of the new canons. Next are three archbiſhops, who rank with mar⯑quiſſes; and of them, the firſt is the Archbiſhop of Braganza, who is primate of the kingdom. The biſhops hold the rank of counts. Excluſive of thoſe in Europe, the Portugueſe have alſo archbiſhops and biſhops, in the other three parts of the world.
The King, beſides the nomination of all biſhops, receives one fourth of their revenue, but this is ge⯑nerally given away in penſions. The Pope confirms the biſhops, publiſhes his bulls in the kingdom, with⯑out any previous conſent of the King, and, by his legate, governs the clergy; who with reſpect to taxes and contributions, depend upon him. He has alſo the gift of many ſmall prebends. The ſums ariſing to the legates, from theſe prerogatives are thought to exceed the revenues of the crown, and the nuncios ſeldom fail of realizing immenſe for⯑tunes before they return to Rome.
[406]The pomp and ſplendour with which the ſove⯑reigns of Portugal attend high maſs on gala days, is extremely magnificent and ſuperb. I was preſent (ſays Baretti) at a grand gala, inſtituted to comme⯑morate the narrow eſcape of the late king, who had very near been treacherouſly murdered by the duke Aveiros, and his aſſociates. Two coaches full of prieſts, led the proceſſion. Fifty of the patriarch's ſervants, two and two, came next, dreſſed in blue liveries, trimmed with crimſon ſilk lace, all unco⯑vered, their hair well powdered, and wearing large cloaks reaching to the ground. Then followed ſeven carriages, belonging to his excellence. The two firſt were occupied by his eminence's eccleſiaſ⯑tical officers. In the third, was the Patriarch him⯑ſelf. Excepting the Pope, there is no eccleſiaſtic in the whole world, ſurrounded with ſo much pomp, as the patriarch of Portugal. Two prieſts walked by the ſide of his carriage, each carrying in their hands an umbrella, fringed with gold. The patri⯑arch's coach was lined both within and without with blue velvet, and gilt and painted with great taſte and elegance. His ſtate carriage followed after, ſo very rich and fine (ſays Baretti) that queen Semiramis would not have thought it unworthy of her. The three other coaches were likewiſe filled with his attendants. Each of the four firſt were drawn by ſix pied horſes; that is, horſes ſtreaked with black and white, which are not ſo uncommon in Portugal, [407] as they are in other countries. They all galloped, but their galloping was ſo cloſe and ſhort, that the attendants on foot could keep up with it, though they walked with great ſlowneſs and ſolemnity. The three next carriages, had each ſix very fine mules. The patriarch was dreſſed in his pontificate.
Whilſt this noble proceſſion was advancing to⯑wards the cathedral, 20 other carriages, each drawn by ſix mules, made their appearance, filled with the dignitaries of the Liſbon cathedral.
The King then came in a coach and ſix, the horſes black and white, like the patriarch's, ſurrounded with his body guards. The queen followed imme⯑diately after, with her daughters, all in one coach, with four more coaches, each drawn by ſix horſes. Her majeſty was ſurrounded by a troop of her own horſe guards. She and the princeſſes were moſt magnificently dreſſed, wearing very large hoops, their heads, necks, breaſts, arms, waiſts, and feet, glittering with jewels.
In the pew, they all knelt, except the queen, who ſat down, and began to read and kiſs the leaves of her book. As ſhe did this repeatedly every inſtant, I aſked the meaning of it (ſays Baretti) and was told, that her majeſty always kiſſed the name of God, the Virgin Mary, and all ſaints and angels in every book ſhe read: a cuſtom, ſomewhat ſimilar to that of [408] Mr. Boyle, who uſed always to bow, when the name of God was mentioned.
As ſoon as they entered the church, the pa⯑triarch quitting his throne, went to the altar, and ce⯑lebrated a high maſs, aſſiſted by his dignitaries and canons, with the ceremonies obſerved by the cardi⯑nals to the pope, when his holineſs officiates in the moſt ſolemn functions. During the maſs, the royal band played and ſung moſt gloriouſly. The ceremo⯑ny laſted a full hour, and was followed by the patri⯑archial benediction; after which, the company broke up, and went home, tired and fatigued with the ex⯑ceſſive heat, which, as the ſun ſhone very bright, was quite intolerable.
At ſome diſtance from the cathedral, was a batal⯑lion of foot guards, who were not allowed to fire upon this occaſion, as is the cuſtom in ſome other catholic countries, leſt the horſes and mules might be frightened, and trample upon the people. I was alſo much pleaſed (adds Baretti) to hear ſeveral of the officers repeatedly order the horſeguards to keep cloſe together, and ride gently that no perſon might be hurt. This is a degree of attention in the mili⯑tary of Portugal, which travellers will not find in all countries, and as connected with the government, ought to be put in counterpoiſe to the calumnies heaped upon the whole nation by Coſtigan in his letters.