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THE RIGHTS OF INFANTS; OR, THE Impreſcriptable RIGHT of MOTHERS to ſuch a Share of the Elements as is ſufficient to enable them to ſuckle and bring up their Young.

In a DIALOGUE between the ARISTOCRACY and a MOTHER of CHILDREN.

TO WHICH ARE ADDED, BY WAY OF PREFACE AND APPENDIX, STRICTURES ON PAINE'S AGRARIAN JUSTICE.

You muſt not heed your hunger'd children's cry,
Nor once upon their little ſorrows ſigh—
In tears their blubber'd faces let them ſleep,
And howl their hunger and their grief to ſleep.
'Tis impudence in Babes to cry for bread—
Lol GRANDEUR'S favourite Dogs muſt firſt be fed!
PETER PINDAR's Ode to the Shoemakers.
Moloch, horrid fiend, beſmear'd with blood
Of human ſacrifice, and parent's tears,
Though for the noiſe of drums and timbrels loud,
Their children's cries unheard, they paſs'd through fire,
To his grim idol.
MILTON's Par. Loſt.

BY T. SPENCE, Author of the Real Rights of Man, End of Oppreſſion, Reign of Felicity, Pigs' Meat, &c.

LONDON; Printed for the AUTHOR, at No. 9, OXFORD-STREET, lately removed from No. 8, Little Turnſtile. 1797.

[Price—TWO-PENCE]

PREFACE*

[]

AT laſt Mr. Paine has thought fit to own, with the Pſalmiſt, and with Mr. Locke, that God hath given the earth to the children of men, given it to mankind in common

This is a truth ſo indiſputable, and which I always thought of ſuch vaſt importance for mankind univerſally to underſtand and acknowledge, that I have indefatigably embraced every opportunity, from my youth up, to publiſh it, together with the moſt conſiſtent plan that I could form thereon.

I am glad that Mr. Paine has, even though late, made this acknowledgement, becauſe his celebrity will procure him many readers, and greatly add both to the inveſtigation of this great fundamental truth, and of ſuch philoſophical ſuperſtructures as may be built on the ſame. But as to the plan that lie has laid down in his AGRARIAN JUSTICE (where he firſt acknowledges this principle) it does not appear to me to be in any meaſure juſt or ſatisfactory. The principle is without doubt incomparably grand, and the very firſt maxim in the law of nature, and in the ſcience of right and wrong, and is fraught with all the bleſſings that can render mankind happy on earth. But, O dire diſappointment! Behold! Mr. Paine, inſtead of erecting on this rock of ages an everlaſting Temple of Juſtice, has erected an execrable fabric of compromiſſory expediency, as if in good earneſt intended for a Swiniſh Multitude.

The poor, beggarly ſlipends which he would have us to accept of in lieu of our lordly and juſt pretenſions to the ſoil of our birth, are ſo contemptible and inſulting, that I ſhall leave them to the ſcorn of every perſon conſcious of the dignity of his nature, not detaining the reader from the peruſal of the following little tract on the Rights of Infants, where men who dare contemplate their rights, may ſee them pourtrayed boldly at full length.

The more I contemplate human affairs, the more I am convinced that a landed intereſt is incompatible with the happineſs and independence of the world. For as all the rivers run into the ſea, and yet the ſea is not full, ſo let there be ever ſo many ſources of wealth, let trade, foreign and domeſtic, open all their fluices, yet will no other but the landed intereſt he ultimately the better.

In whatever line of buſineſs, or in whatever ſituation the public obſerve men thrive, thither every one preſſes, and in competition bid over each other's head for the houſes and ſhops on the lucky ſpo [...], [4]thereby raiſing the rents till the landlord gets the whole fat of their labours. It is the ſame in reſpect to the farms; for if a profitable market, foreign or domeſtic, ſpring up for the produce of the earth, then farming will be the rage, and every one will over bid another for farms, till they can hardly live by them. Nay, even aboliſh the tythes, and the rents of the farms will immediately ſo advance that the whole advantage ſhall center in the landlords.

Thus all things work togethe [...] for good to thoſe who love God, which ſeems to be fully accompliſhed in the landed intereſt, who are the viſible elect. Yes, for theirs are all things whether the ſta [...], the government or the dignities; the principalities, or the powers. All dominion is rooted and grounded in land, and thence ſpring every kind of lordſhip which overtops and choaks all the ſhrubs and flowers of the foreſt. But take away thoſe tall, thoſe overbearing ariflocratic trees, and then the lowly plants of the ſoil will have air, will thrive and grow robuſt. Nevertheleſs, take care you leave not any roots of thoſe lordly plants in the earth, for though cut down to the ſlump like Nebuchaduezzar, yet if any veſtage of the ſyſtem remain, any fibre of the accurſed roots, though ever ſo ſmall lie concealed in the ſoil, they would ſprout again and ſoon recover their priſtine vigour, to the overſhadowing and deſtruction of all the undergrowth. Thus do philoſophy and the pureſt philanthropy compel us to cradicate this baneful order from human ſociety.

Whether my plan of enjoying man's rights, which I have been publiſhing in different ways for more than twenty years, be objectionable or no, it is certain it has never been anſwered; neither have I ſeen or heard of any arguments on the ſubject, but what have only more effectually convinced me that no ſyſtem can be more univerſally juſt even to thoſe it ſeems moſt to militate againſt; more eaſily eſtabliſhed, becauſe it is the intereſt of every one not to oppoſe it; nor of courſe more likely afterwards to be more peaceful and permanent.

If I am wrong, let me be confuted; and if I am not, let mankind for their own ſakes, pay attention to what I ſay. They ought at leaſt to give me credit for my diſintereſtedneſs in this ſcheme, for according to it I can have no private landed eſtate, no tenants to work for me, nor claim any privilege above my fellow-citizens. Wherefore, before any be ſo ungenerous as to condemn me as preſumptuous, I hope they will candidly weigh my ſeveral arguments which they will find in the various little things I have publiſhed, which are neither many nor dear, and in the following Rights of Infants.

THO. SPENCE.

THE RIGHTS OF INFANTS. Written in the latter End of the Year 1796.

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‘Open thy mouth for the dumb.’Prov. xxxi. 8.

"AND pray what are the Rights of Infants?" cry the haughty Ariſtocracy, ſneering and toſſing up their noſes.

Woman.

Aſk the ſhe-bears, and every ſhe-monſter, and they will tell you what the rights of every ſpecies of young are.—They will tell you, in reſolute language and actions too, that their rights extend to a full participation of the fruits of the earth. They will tell you, and vindicate it likewiſe by deeds, that mothers have a right, at the peril of all oppoſers, to provide from the elements the proper nouriſhments of their young. And ſeeing this, ſhall we be aſked what the Rights of Infants are? As if they had no rights? As if they were excreſcences and abortions of nature? As if they had not a right to the milk of our breaſts? Nor we a right to any food to make milk of? As if they had not a right to good nurſing, to cleanlineſs, to comfortable cloathing and lodging? Villains! Why do you aſk that aggravating queſtion? Have not the ſoxes holes, and the birds of the air neſts, and ſhall the children of men have not where to lay their heads? Have brute-mothers a right to eat graſs, and the food they like beſt, to engender milk in their dugs, for the nouriſhment of their young, and ſhall the mothers of infants be denied ſuch a right? Is not this earth our common alſo, as well as it is the common of brutes? May we not eat herbs, berries, or nuts as well as other creatures? Have we not a right to hunt and prowl for prey with ſhe-wolves? And have we not a right to fiſh with ſhe-otters? Or may we not dig coals or cut wood for fuel? Nay, does nature provide a luxuriant and abundant feaſt for all her numerous tribes of animals except us? As if ſorrow were our portion alone, and as if we and our helpleſs babes came into this world only to weep over each other?

Ariſtocracy
(ſneering).

And is your ſex alſo ſet up for pleaders of rights?

Woman.
[6]

Yes, Molochs! Our ſex were defenders of rights from the beginning. And though men, like other he-brutes, ſink calmly into apathy reſpecting their offspring, you ſhall find nature, as it never was, ſo it never ſhall be extinguiſhed in us. You ſhall find that we not only know our rights, but have ſpirit to aſſert them, to the downfal of you and all tyrants. And ſince it is ſo that the men, like he-aſſes, ſuffer themſelves to be laden with as many pair of panyers of rents, tithes, &c. as your tender conſciences pleaſe to lay upon them, we, even we, the females, will vindicate the rights of the ſpecies, and throw you and all your panyers in the dirt.

Ariſtocracy.

So you wiſh to turn the cultivated world into a wilderneſs, that you may eat wild fruits and game like Indians?

Woman.

No, Sophiſts, we do not want to be as Indians. But the natural fruits of the earth being the fruits of our undoubted common, we have an indefenſible right to, and we will no longer be deprived of them, without an equivalent.

Ariſtocracy.

Do you not, in lieu of thoſe wild productions, get bread, and mutton, and beef, and garden ſtuff, and all the refined productions and luxuries of art and labour; what reaſon then have you to complain?

Woman.

Are you ſerious? Would you really perſuade us that we have no reaſon to complain? Would you make us believe that we receive theſe productions of art and culture as a fair compenſation for the natural produce of our common, which you deprive us of? Have we not to purchaſe theſe things before we enjoy them?

Ariſtocracy.

Sure, woman, you do not expect the fruits of men's labours and ingenuity for nothing! Do not the farmers, in the firſt place, pay very high rents for their farms; and, in the next place, are they not at great trouble and expence in tilling and manuring the ground, and in breeding cattle; and ſurely you cannot expect that there men will work and toil, and lay out their money for you, for nothing.

Woman.

And pray, ladies and gentlemen, who ever dreamt of hurting the farmers, or taking their proviſions for nothing, except yourſelves? It is only the privileged orders, and their humble imitators on the highway, who have the impudence to deprive men of their labours for nothing. No; if it pleaſe your nobleneſſes and gentleneſſes, it is you, and not the farmers, that we have to reckon with. And pray now, your highneſſes, who is it that receive thoſe rents which you ſpeak of from the farmers?

Ariſt.

We, to be ſure; we receive the rents.

Woman.

You, to be ſure! Who the D-v-l are you? Who gave you a right to receive the rents of our common?

Ariſt.

Woman! Our fathers either ſought for or purchaſed our eſtates.

Woman.

Well confeſſed, villains! Now out of your own mouths will I condemn you, you wicked Molocks! And ſo you have the impudence [7]to own yourſelves the curſed brood of ruſſians, who by ſlaughter and oppreſſion, uſurped the lordſhip and dominion of the earth, to the excluſion and ſtarvation of weeping infants and their poor mothers? Or, at the beſt, the purchaſers of thoſe ill-got domains? O worſe than Molochs! now let the blood of the millions of innocent babes who have periſhed through your vile uſurpations be upon your murderous heads! You have deprived the mothers of nature's gifts, and farmed them out to farmers, and pocketied the money, as you audaciouſly confeſs. Yes, villains! you have treaſured up the tears and groans of dumb, helpleſs, periſhing, dying infants. O, you bloody landed intereſt! you band of robbers! Why do you call yourſelves ladies and gentlemen? Why do you aſſume ſoft names, you beaſts of prey? Too well do your emblazoned arms and eſcutcheons witneſs the ferocity of your bloody and barbarous origin! But ſoon ſhall thoſe audacious Gothic emblems of rapine ceaſe to offend the eyes of an enlightened people, and no more make an odious diſtinction between the ſpoilers and the ſpoiled. But, ladies and gentlemen, is it neceſſary, in order that we eat bread and mutton; that the rents ſhould be received by you? Might not the farmers as well pay their rents to us, who are the natural and rightful proprietors? If, for the ſake of cultivation, we are content to give up to farmers our wild fruits, our hunting grounds, our fiſh and game; our coal-mines, and our foreſts, is it not equitable that we ſhould have the rents in lieu thereof? If not, how can the farmers have the face to ſell us again the produce of our own land?

Hear me! ye oppreſſors! ye who live ſumptuouſly every day! ye, for whom the ſun ſeems to ſhine, and the ſeaſons change, ye for whom alone all human and brute creatures toil, ſighing, but in vain, for the crumbs which fall from your overcharged tables; ye, for whom alone the heavens drop fatneſs, and the earth yields her encreaſe; hearken to me, I ſay, ye who are not ſatisfied with uſurping all that nature can yield; ye, who are inſatiable as the grave; ye who would deprive every heart of joy but your own, I ſay hearken to me! Your horrid tyranny, your infanticide is at an end! Your grinding the faces of the poor, and your drinking the blood of infants, is at an end! The groans of the priſons, the groans of the camp, and the groans of the cottage, excited by your infernal policy, are at an end! And behold the whole earth breaks forth into ſinging at the new creation, at the breaking of the iron rod of ariſtocratic ſway, and at the riſing of the everlaſting ſun of righteouſneſs!

And did you really think, my good gentlefolk, that you were the pillars that upheld the univerſe? Did you think that we would never have the wit to do without you? Did you conceive that we ſhould never be able to procure bread and beef, and fuel, without your agency? Ah! my dear creatures, the magic ſpell is broke. Your ſorceries, your witchcrafts, your prieſtcrafts, and all your juggling crafts, are at an end; and the Meridian Sun of Liberty burſts forth upon the aſtoniſhed [8]world, diſpelling the accumulated miſts of dreary ages, and leaves us the glorious blue expanſe, of ſerene unclouded reaſon.

Well then, ſince you have compelled, ſince you have driven us, through your cruel bondage, to emancipate ourſelves, we will even try to do without you, and deal with the honeſt farmers ourſelves, who will find no difference, unleſs for the better, between paying their rents to us and to you.

And whereas we have found our huſbands, to their indelible ſhame, woefully negligent and deficient about their own rights, as well as thoſe of their wives and infants, we women, mean to take up the buſineſs ourſelves, and let us ſee if any of our huſbands dare hinder us. Wherefore, you will find the buſineſs much more ſeriouſly and effectually managed in our hands than over it has been yet. You may ſmile, tyrants, but you have juſter cauſe to weep. For, as nature has implanted into the breaſts of all mothers the moſt pure and unequivocal concern for their young, which no bribes can buy, nor threats annihilate, be aſſured we will ſtand true to the intereſt of our babes, and ſhame, woe, and deſtruction be to the pitiful varlet that dare obſtruct us. For their ſakes we will no longer make brick without ſtraw, but will draw the produce of our eſtate. If we deprive ourſelves of our common, in order that it may be cultivated, we ourſelves will have the price thereof, that we may buy therewith, as far as it will go, the farmer's produce. And ſo far as our reſpective ſhares of the rent may be inadequate to the comfortable and elegant ſupport of ourſelves and infants, ſo far will we chearfully, by our honeſt endeavours, in our ſeveral callings, make up the deficiency, and tender life worth enjoying. To labour for ourſelves and infants we do not decline; but we are ſick of labouring for an inſatiable ariſtocracy.

To convince your highneſſes that our plan is well digeſted, I will lay it before you. You will find it very ſimple, but that is the ſign of the greater perfection. As I ſaid before, we women (becauſe the men are not to be depended on) will appoint, in every pariſh, a committee of our own ſex, (which we preſume our gallant lock-jawed ſpouſes and paramours will at leaſt, for their own intereſt, not oppoſe,) to receive the rents of the houſes and lands already tenanted, and alſo to let, to the beſt bidders, on ſeven years leaſes, ſuch farms and tenements as may, from time to time, become vacant. Out of thoſe rents we can remit to government ſo much per pound, according to the exigencies of the ſtate, in lieu of all taxes; ſo that we may no longer have taxes nor tax-gatherers. Out of theſe rents we ſhall rent pay all our builders and workmen that build or repair our houſes; pave, cleanſe, or light our ſtreets; pay the ſalaries of our magiſtrates an [...] other public officers. And all this we women ſhall do quarterly, without a bank or bank-noter, in ready money, when the rents are [...] in; that ſuffering neither ſtate nor pariſh to run in debt. And [...] to the overplus, after [...]ll public expences are defrayed, we ſhall [...] it farly and equally among all the living ſouls in the pariſh, whether male or female; married or ſingle; legitimate or ill [...] t [...]mate; from a day old to the extremeſt age; making no diſtinc [...]on [9]between the families of rich farmers and merchants, who pay much rent for their extenſive farms or premiſes, and the families of poor labourers and mechanics, who pay but little for their ſmall apartments, cottages and gardens, but giving to the head of every family a full and equal ſhare for every name under his roof.

And whereas births and funerals, and conſequent ſickneſſes, are attended with expence, it ſeems requiſite to allow, at quarter-day, to the head of every family, a full ſhare for every child that may have been born in his houſe ſince the former quarter-day, though the infant may be then but a day old; and alſo, for every perſon who may have died ſince the former quarter-day, though the death ſhould have happened but a day after it.

This ſurplus, which is to be dealt out again among the living ſouls in a pariſh every quarter-day, may be reaſonably ſuppoſed to amount to full two-thirds of the whole ſum of rents collected. But whatever it may amount to, ſuch ſhare of the ſurplus rents is the impreſcriptible right of every human being in civilized ſociety, as an equivalent for the natural materials of their common eſtate, which by letting to rent, for the ſake of cultivation and improvement, they are deprived of.

Wherefore, now ladies and gentlemen, you ſee the glorious work is done! and the rights of the human ſpecies built on ſo broad and ſolid a baſis, that all your malice will not be able to prevail againſt them! Moreover, when we begin with you, we will make a full end of your power at once. We will not impoliticly tamper with the lion, and pluck out a [...]ooth now and then, as ſome propoſe to melt down your ſtrength by degrees, which would only irritate you to oppoſe us with all the power you had remaining. No; we will begin where we mean to end, by depriving you inſtantaneouſly, as by an elective ſhock, of every ſpecies of revenue from lands, which will univerſally and at once, be given to the pariſhes, to be diſpoſed of by and for the uſe of the inhabitants, as ſaid before.

But yet be not caſt down, my good ladies and gentlemen, all this is done for the ſake of ſyſtem, not revenge or retaliation; for we wiſh not to reduce you to beggary, as you do us, for we will leave you all your moveable riches and wealth, all your gold and ſilver, your rich clothes and furniture; your corn and cattle, and every thing that does not appertain to the land as a fixture, for theſe, you know, muſt come to the pariſh with our eſtates. So that you ſee you will ſtill be the richeſt part of the community, and may, by your chearful acquieſcence, be much more happy then you are now under the exiſting unjuſt ſyſtem of things. But if, by fooliſh and [...]cked oppoſition, you ſhould compel us, in our own defence, to confiſcate even your moveables, and perhaps alſo to cut you off, then let your blood be upon your own heads, for we ſhall he guiltleſs. It will therefore be your intereſt and wiſdom to ſubmit peaceably, and fraternize chearfully with us as fellow [...]. For, inſtead of you then having the [10]revenues of the counrty to carry on war againſt us, as you have now, the pariſhes will then have theſe revenues to carry on the war againſt you. And as to your moveable property, we are not afraid of it, for it would ſoon melt away in ſupporting you in a ſtate of hoſtility againſt the ſtrength and ſtanding revenues of the country, unburthened with debis and penſions. So prepare yourſelves peaceably to acquieſce in the new ſyſtem of things, which is faſt approaching. And when you ſhall hear of the bleſſed decree being paſſed by the people, that the laud is from that day forth parochial property, join chorus with your glad fellow-creatures, and joyfully partake in the univerſal happineſs.

The Golden Age, ſo fam'd by men of yore,
Shall now be counted fabulous no more.
The tyrant lion like an ox ſhall feed,
And liſping Infants ſhall tam'd tygers lead:
With deadly aſps ſhall ſportive ſucklings play,
Nor ought obnoxious blight the blitheſome day.
Yes, all that prophets e'er of bliſs foretold,
And all that poets ever feign'd of old,
As yielding joy to man, ſhall now be ſeen,
And ever flouriſh like an evergreen.
Then, Mortals, join to hail great Nature's plan,
That fully gives to Babes thoſe Rights it gives to Man,
CHORUS.—To the Tune of "Sally in our Alley."
Then let as all join heart in hand,
Through country, town, and city;
Of every ſex and every age,
Young men and maidens pretty.
To baſte this Golden Age's reign,
On every hill and valley,
Then Paradiſe ſhall greet our eyes,
Through every ſtreet and alley.

Appendix A APPENDIX.

[11]
A CONTRAST Between PAINE's AGRANIAN JUSTICE, and SPENCE's END OF OPPRESSION, Both being built on the ſame indiſputable Principle, viz. That the Land is the common Property of Mankind.
Under the ſyſtem of Agraian Juſtice, THE people will, as it were, ſell their birth-right for a meſs of porridge, by accepting of a paltry conſideration in lien of their rights.Under the ſyſtem of the End of Oppreſſion, THE people will receive, without deduction, the whole produce of their common inheritance.
Under the firſt, The people will become ſupine and careleſs in reſpect of public affairs, knowing the utmoſt they can receive of the public money.Under the ſecond, The people will be vigilant and watchful over the public expenditure, knowing that the more there is ſaved their dividends will be the larger.
Under the firſt, The people will be more like penſioned emigrants and French prieſts than intereſted natives.Under the ſecond, The people will be all intent upon the improvement of their reſpective pariſhes, for the ſake of the increaſed ſhares of the revenues, which on that account they will receive.
Under the firſt, The people cannot derive right of ſuffrage in national affairs, from their compromiſory ſtipends.Under the ſecond, Univerſal ſuffrage will be inſeparably attached to the people both in parochial and national affairs, becauſe the revenues, both parochial and national, will be derived immediately from their common landed property.
Under the firſt, The government may be either abſolute monarchy, ariftocracy, democracy, or mixed.Under the ſecond, The government muſt of neceſſity be democratic.
Under the firſt, All the complexities of the preſent public eſtabliſhments, which ſupport ſuch hoſts of placemen, will not only ſtill continue, but alſo the evils of them will be greatly enhanced by the very ſyſtem of Agrarian Juſtice.Under the ſecond, There can be but two deſcriptions of public officers, parochial and national, and thoſe but few in number, and on moderate ſalaries.
Under the firſt, There will exiſt two ſpirits, incompatible in a free ſtate, the inſolent and overbearing ſpirit of ariſtocracy, and the ſneaking unmanly ſpirit of conſcious dependence.Under the ſecond, There will exiſt only the robuſt ſpirit of independence, mellowed and tempered by the preſence and checks of equally independent fellow-citizens.
Under the firſt, The deſtructive profligacy of the great, and the wretched degencracy of the poor, will ſtill continue, and will increaſe, to the pitiable unhappineſs of both parties.Under the ſecond, All the virtues being the natural offspring of a general and happy mediocrity, will at once ſtep forth into uſe, and progreſſively increaſe their bleſſed influence among men.
Under the firſt, Taxes, both directly and indirectly, will not only be demanded, but will be increaſed to the utmoſt the people can poſſibly bear, let trade and ſeaſons be ever ſo proſperous.Under the ſecond, There can be no taxes, nor expences of collecting them, becauſe the government would be ſupported by a poundage from the rents which each pariſh would ſend quarterly to the national treaſury, free of all expence; thus leaving the price of all commodities unencumbered with any addition but the price of labour.
Under the firſt, The poor would [...]ill continue, through deſ [...]r, unambitiousUnder the ſecond, The loweſt and moſt proſtigate having ſuch frequent opportunities,
to ariſe out of their hopeleſs ſtate of abject wretchedneſs and vulgarity.by the aid of their quarterly dividends, of ſtarting into induſtrious and decent modes of life, could not always reſiſt the influence of the general virtue every where diſplayed, without ſome time or other following the example.
Under the firſt, Children will ſtill be conſidered as grievous burdens in poor families.Under the ſecond, As both young and old ſhare equally alike of the pariſh revenues, children and aged relations living in a family will, eſpecially in rich pariſhes, where the dividends are large, through high rents or the productions of mines, &c. be accounted as bleſſings.
Under the firſt, If the ariſtocratic aſſiſtance afforded by charity-ſchools, in the education of poor children, be withdrawn, the labouring claſſes muſt inevitably degenerate into barbarous ignorance.Under the ſecond, If the people are not generally learned it muſt be their own fault, as their inexhauſtible means of comfortable ſubſiſtence muſt furniſh alſo the means of education.
Under the firſt, The poor muſt ſtill look up for ariſtocratic benefactions of rotten potatoes and ſpoiled rice, and other ſubſtitutes for bread in the times of ſcarcity, to preſerve their wretched exiſtence.Under the ſecond, What with the annihilation of taxes and the dividends of the parochial rents, together with the honeſt guardianſhip of their popular government, we may reaſonably ſuppoſe that the people will rarely be driven to the dire neceſſity of uſing a ſubſtitute for bread.
Under the firſt. After admitting that the earth belongs to the people, the people muſt nevertherleſs compromiſe the matter with their conquerors and oppreſſors, and ſtill ſuffer them to remain as a diſtinct and ſeparate bodyUnder the ſecond, After inſiſting that the land is public property, the people's oppreſſors muſt either ſubmit to become undiſtinguiſhable in the general maſs of citizens of fly the country.
among them, in full poſſeſſion of their country. 
Under the firſt, In foreign or domeſtic trade increaſe, the productions of the land will increaſe in price, of which the landed intereſt will reap the advantage, by raiſing the rents in due proportion until the whole benefit thereof centers in them.Under the ſecond, If foreign or domeſtic trade increaſe, the price of commodities will in proportion alſo increaſe, and the ren's of courſe will riſe, but this increaſe will revert back to the body of the people, by increaſing their quarterly dividends.
Under the firſt, All the ariſtocratic monopolies in [...]ade, in privileges, and government, will continue.Under the ſecond, There can be [...]o monopolies; but a fair, ſalutary, and democratic competition will pervade every thing.
Under the firſt, A timid and acquieſcing ſpirit muſt be promoted among the people as now, leſt they ſhould diſcover the diſumularity between their natural rights and enjoyments.Under the ſecond, The juſtneſs and conſiſtency of affairs will invite, nay, challenge, the moſt rigorous and logical enquiries, and will draw forth, uncramped, the utmoſt powers of the mind.
Under the firſt, Domeſtic trade will be far from its natural height, becauſe multitudes of the people will be poor and beggarly [...]d unable to purchaſe numberleſs articles of uſe and luxury that their wants and inclinations would prompt them to wiſh for.Under the ſecond, Domeſtic trade would be at an amazing pitch, becauſe there would be no poor; none but would be well cloathed, lodged, and ſed: and the whole maſs of rents, except a triſte to the government, being circulated at home, in every pariſh, every quarter, would cauſe ſuch univerſal proſperity as would enable every body to purchaſe not only the neceſſaries of life, but many elegancies and luxuries.
Under the firſt, The fund propoſed by Palne will require a great number of placemen of various deſcriptions to manage it, and who being choſen, as they muſtUnder the ſecond, The government can have very little influence by places, becauſe the pariſh officers will be choſen by the pariſhioners; and all the complex machinery
be, by the miniſtry and their friends, will very much increaſe the already enormous influence of governments.of financiering and ſtock-jobbing; all the privileged trading companies and corporate towns, which are the neſts of influence and corruption, would be aboliſhed.
Under the firſt, The rich would aboliſh all hoſpitals, charitable funds, and parochial proviſion for the poor, telling them, that they now have all that their great advocate, Paine, demands, as their rights, and what he exultingly deems as amply ſufficient to ameliorate their condition, and render them happy, by which the latter end of our reformation will be worſe than the beginning.Under the ſecond, The quarterly dividends, together with the aboliſhment of all taxes, would deſtroy the neceſſity of public charities; but if any ſhould be thought neceſſary, whether to promote learning, or for any other purpoſe, the parochial and national funds would be found at all times more than ſufficient.

Appendix A.1 CONCLUSION.

BUT ſtop, don't let us reckon without our hoſt; for Mr. Paine will object to ſuch and equal diſtribution of the rents. For ſays he, in his Agrarian Juſtice, the public can claim but a Tentk Part of the value of the landed property as it now exiſts, with its vaſt improvements of cultivation and building. But why are we to be put off now with but a Tenth Share? Becauſe, ſays Mr. Paine, it has ſo improved in the hands of private proprietors as to be of ten times the value it was of in its natural ſtate. But may we not aſk who improved the land? Did the proprietors alone work and toll at this improvement? And did we labourers and our forefathers ſtand, like Indians and Hottentots, idle, ſpectators of ſo much public-ſpirited induſtry? I ſuppoſe not. Nay, on the contrary, it is evident to the moſt ſuperficial enquirer that the labouring claſſes ought principally to be thanked for every improvement.

Indeed, if there had never any ſlave, any vaſſals, or any daylabourers employed in building and tillage, then the proprietors might have boaſted of having themſelves created all this gay ſcene of things. But the caſe alters amazingly, when we conſider that the earth has [16]been cultivated either by ſlaves, compelled, like beaſts, to labour, of by the indigent objects whom they firſt exclude from a ſhare in the ſoil, that want may compel them to ſell their labour for daily bread. In ſhort, the great may as well boaſt of fighting their battles as of cultivating the earth.

The toil of the labouring claſſes firſt produces proviſions, and they the demand of their families creates a market for them. Therefore it will be found that it is the markets made by the labouring and mechanical tribes that have improved the earth. And once take away theſe markets, order all the labouring people, like the Iſraelites, leave the country in a body, and you would immediately ſee from what cauſe the country had been cultivated, and ſo many goodly towns and villages built.

You may ſuppoſe that after the emigration of all theſe beggarly people, every thing would go on as well as before: that the farmer would continue to plough, and the town landlord to build as formerly. I tell you nay; for the farmer could neither proceed without labourers [...]or [...]d purchaſers for his corn and cattle. It would be juſt the ſame with the building landlord, for he could neither procure workmen to build, nor tenants to pay him rent.

Behold then your grand, voluptuous nobility and gentry, the arch cultivators of the earth, obliged, for lack of ſervants, again to turn Gothic hunters, like their lavage forefathers. Behold their palaces. temples, and towns, mouldering into duſt, and affording ſhelter only to wild beaſts; and their boaſted, cultivated fields and garden, degenerated into a howling wilderneſs.

Thus we ſee that the conſumption created by the mouths, and the backs, of the poor deſpiſed multitude, contributes to the cultivation of the earth, as well as their hands. And it is alſo the rents that they pay that builds the towns, and not the racking building landlord. Therefore, let us not in weak commiſeration be biaſſed by the pretended philanthropy of the great, to the reſignation of our deareſt rights. And if our eſtates have improved in their hands, during their [...]fficious guardianſhip, the D—v—I thank them; for it was done for their own ſakes, not for cuts, and can be no juſt bar againſt us recovering our rights.

FINIS.
Notes
*
The Rights of Infants was wrote in the latter end of the year 1796, but Paine's Agrarian Juſtice coming to hand before it was publiſhed, the following Strictures, by way of Preface and Appendix, were added.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4495 The rights of infants or the imprescriptable right of mothers to such a share of the elements as is sufficient to enable them to suckle and bring up their young in a dialogue between the aristocracy. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-61D8-3