A GENERAL HISTORY OF UNIONS IN BRITAIN.

IN order to come to a clear Underſtanding in the whole Frame of this wonderful Tranſaction, THE UNION, 'tis ne⯑ceſſary to let the Reader into the very Original of it, and Enquire where the firſt Springs are to be found, from whence this mighty Tranſaction has been Form'd.

And tho' this will of courſe lead us back a great way into Hiſtory, yet it will carry this Advantage along with it, that we ſhall ſee all the ſeveral Steps which have been taken, how Providence has led the Nations, as it were, by the Hand, and brought them by the Hints of their mutual Diſaſters, to ſeek this Treaty, as the only Harbour the Ship of the State could ſafely come to an Anchor in.

Nor is it unworthy Obſervation, eſpecially to thoſe who love to remark the Connection of Providences in the Affairs of this World, and the various Turns the Iſland of Britain has had in the Compaſs of a few paſt Years; All which have had their direct Tendency to this great Event, tho' perfectly Unforeſeen, either by the Actors or the Lookers on in thoſe Ages.

The Animoſities between theſe two Nations, would require a great deal of Time and Art to Deſcribe, they are not ſo remarkable for their Antiquity and Original, as for their Nature and Circum⯑ſtances.

Never two Nations that had ſo much Affinity in Circumſtances, have had ſuch Inveteracy and Averſion to one another in their Blood.

They have been both the Inhabitants of the Richeſt, the Beauti⯑fulleſt, & moſt populous Iſland in the World. And by frequent mutual [2] Invaſions made upon them, by the ſame Foreign Nations, who have left their Race behind them, it is not at all an Excurſion to ſay, They are the ſame in Blood, of the ſame Off-ſpring, and became Inhabitants the ſame way.

If it be Objected, That the North and North-Weſt Parts of Scot⯑land, are Iriſh, and retain both the Sirnames, Manners, and Language of the Iriſh, or the Ancient Scoti, from whence the whole Kingdom had its Name; It is alſo Anſwered, ſo has England in Wales, Cornwal, & Weſtmorland the Ancient Britains, who retain their Sirnames, Manners and Languages, as diſtinctly as the Highlanders in the North, or the Iriſh in the Iſlands of Scotland.

But take the South Part of Scotland, on this fide the Tay, the In⯑habitants, tho' very Ancient, muſt be allowed to be the Remains of the Roman Colonies, afterwards of the Danes, ſome Saxons; and among all theſe, the Picts, who we ſuppoſe, to have been the An⯑cient Inhabitants.

'Tis true, England is much more mixt in Blood, and the Reaſon of this is plain, in that, being a Nation powerful in Wealth, Fruit⯑ful in Soil, and above all, increaſing in Commerce, more Nations have ſought to ſettle among them, numbers of People have flowed in upon them, from all Parts of the World, and blending their Blood with the moſt ancient Families, have deſtroyed all that can be called National, as to Antiquity among them, and they do not pretend to it.

Whereas in Scotland, under all the Mixtures they have ſuffered, their ancient Families ſeem to have been preſerved, and Foreign Nations have only ſeemed to increaſe their Number.

However this be, there is Nearneſs of Blood enough, I mean as to Originals, to have occaſioned ſome Propenſity to Coalition, and mutual Neighbourhood between the Nations; & one would have thought, ſome happy Accident might have fallen out, ſome Lucid Interval, ſome convenient Criſis of Circumſtances, or Juncture of Inclination, to have brought them together, made them faſt Friends, and ſo have joyn'd their victorious Arms, to the Terrour of their Neighbours.

But the Rancor has run in the Blood, the Hatred between the Nations, has lookt like a meer Original, a ſort of Antipathy, Here⯑detary from Generation, Born with the very Nations, and has long Threatned us with being too faſt rooted there, ever to be remov'd, but like a malignant rank Leproſie, by pulling up Foundations.

Nor will all the Hiſtory which I ſhall Trace in the purſuit of this Affair, Illuſtrate it more than the very Story of the Ʋnion it ſelf; The ſtrange Oppoſition made to the Treaty, and to the Parliament in Scotland, againſt all manner of Reaſoning, againſt Nature, againſt Intereſt, the Averſion to it among thoſe very People that are now made Happy by it, with what Convulſions this evil Spirit was caſt out, what Struggles it made at parting, how the poor Enſlaved People fought againſt their approaching Freedom, Inſulted the Pa⯑triots of their Liberty, and with inexpreſſible Uneaſineſs, received [3] the Bleſſing of Univerſal Peace. Theſe things, I ſay, will be laſting Teſtimonies to that Original Averſion that was planted in the Minds of the People, notwithſtanding the Nearneſs of their Cir⯑cumſtances in other Caſes.

I ſhall not go back to the Wars here, between the Scots and Picts, and the Britains, in the Time of the Romans, and how afterwards in the declining of their Empire, the Britains fatally to them, called in the Saxons to ſupport them againſt the Fury of the Scots; The Famous Picts Wall built in the Time of the Romans, the Remains whereof are viſible to this day, are ſad Tokens of the Ancient Quarrels, Wars, and Devaſtations that were carried on between the two Kingdoms, even beyond our Accounts of Time.

Nor does it appear to me, That there was in all thoſe Times, any Propenſity between the Nations to ſuch a thing as Peace, no not for many Ages after thoſe Times, but if either Side found it convenient to Treat, even thoſe Treaties were carried on with a kind of a profeſſed Reſolution of renew'd War on the firſt occaſion; and I think Hiſtory gives us no Account of any firm reſolv'd Peace ever made among them, but only ſhort Truces of Peace for a Term of Years, very often for One year, Two or Three, at the end of which, the War was ſuppoſed to break out again of courſe.

Nor were theſe Wars carried on like the Wars between other Nations, with Policy, Temper, and Points of Honour, but all that could be expected, when two Terrible and War-like Nations, pro⯑voked to all poſſible Extreams, ſhall meet, have been to be found here—; Theſe unhappy Wars have therefore been all Devaſta⯑tion and Blood, the Invaſions on either Side have always been Fire and Death, the Land laid waſte with Burnings and Plunder, and then the Armies Fighting with Fury and Deſperation, no Nations that ever Fought, ſince what we are told of in the old Eaſtern and Roman Empires, have killed ſo many in Fight; And if I ſhould enter into proportions of Land & People, I need not make Exceptions for them either, Sixty Thouſand, Thirty Thouſand, Twenty and Fifteen Thouſand ſlain of a Side, have been the frequent Numbers, of which Hiſtory gives Account in the Wars between theſe two miſerable Nations, and that not ſeldom, but very often, and ſome very lately.

I forbear to enter into a further Deſcription of the ancient Feuds of theſe Nations, as what is but a Melancholly Retroſpect, to any that have but common Compaſſion for their Countrey; this may ſerve to Illuſtrate the preſent Subject, and make the Peace we now enjoy, the more valuable to Poſterity.

The firſt Entrance I ſhall make on the Matter of Coalition ſeems to begin with Edward the firſt King of England, and this as it was on a wrong Foot, ſo its Continuance was accordingly—; That Victorious Monarch poſſeſt the whole Iſland of Britain, for he pierced Scotland to the Orcades, and Traverſed all the Mountains of Wales, ſubdued all the petty Princes of the Britains, and had projected to call himſelf King of Britain.

[4] But Providence had better Things in Store for this Iſland, his projected Empire, Founded on Conqueſt, Ended ere it began, all his Victories were Unravelled in his Effeminate Luxuriant Son, and he that had Torn the Crown from his Neighbours, had in his Poſterity his own Crown laid at the Foot of Juſtice, and taken from the Heads of a Thoughtleſs young Tyrant his Son, whoſe Life was made to pay for the Oppreſſions of his own Subjects.

It was in this Kings Reign, the firſt Project of Uniting the two Kingdoms was laid, and tho' it proved Abortive in its moſt Early Execution, yet it is very uſeful to the preſent purpoſe, and to the Readers Information, to give the World a Scheme of this deſigned Union, and to let thoſe Gentlemen who have Oppoſed it now as a Novelty, know, that it was the Opinion of both the Nations in all Ages, for this was in 1386, that a Union would be for the ge⯑neral Good of the whole—; See Engliſh Buchan. Fol. 245.

'Tis true, we find one of the Kings of Scotland, viz. Robert Bruce, who was really one of the Greateſt Kings Scotland ever had, among the Inſtructions left for the Conduct of his Succeſſor, leaving this ſtated Rule, viz. Never to make a perpetual Amity with the Engliſh, Buchan. Lib. 8. Fol. 86.

But the Reaſons given for it, will not at all be brought in pre⯑judice of a Union, or Incorporation of the two Nations, for as to long Receſſes which that Prince argued, to prove, that the Scots by Diſuſe would be rendred unfit for Arms, and ſo be the more eaſily worſted by the Engliſh, who by Foreign Wars were always kept Active and Vigorous, and by that means were likely to have Ad⯑vantages of them; that can be no Argument, the Nations now ha⯑ving no more occaſion for that Emulation.

Nor does it ſeem to me but the ſame principle of Care for his Na⯑tive Countrey, which led King Robert to be ſo Thoughtful for Time to come, Could he have ſeen what theſe Ages have been brought to know, would by the ſame Reaſoning, have led him vigorouſly to have purſued a Conjunction of the two Kingdoms, into one Incor⯑porated Body; If he had ſeen the leaſt Proſpect of ſuch an Attempt, being Feaſible: and I believe this not from the Nature of the Thing only, and its Correſpondence with his General Intereſt—; But from this Note, That in his Succeſſors Times—, when the firſt proper Seaſon ſeemed to offer, it was not Thought of on⯑ly, but purſued with all poſſible Diligence, as ſhall appear in its proper place.

But to go back to the State of the Wars in his Reign, and a little before.

Who ever will give himſelf leave to Read the Hiſtory of the Wars at that Time, will wonder how Scotland was able to Struggle with ſuch Terrible Loſſes, and may reckon up above 200000 Scotſ⯑men ſlain in Fight, only againſt King Edward the firſt, beſides all the other Havock, five ſeveral Invaſions of a Conquering Enemy, muſt be attended with.

[5] And yet with what Vigour they ſhook off the Yoke, how they were to his Death, I mean King Edward the firſt, preparing new Armies, and in the ſpace of but two years after it, ventured a Battle with his Son Edward the ſecond, at the Head of 100000 Engliſhmen at Bannockburn, and beat him out of the Field with the greateſt Slaughter that was ever made in Britain, ſince the Fight between William the Conqueror and King Harold, there being, as ſome Hiſtories ſay, 60000 Men ſlain on the Engliſh Side.

Thus ended the Union of Conqueſt between the Nations, Scot⯑land recovered her Liberty, and England paid very dear for the Experiment.

But this is not the Reaſon why I begin at this Period, but as the firſt Senſe of the Bleſſings of Union began to touch the People of this Age, it can not but be acknowledged the great, and in⯑deed the only Point of Time, to take the Riſe of this Voluminous Story from.

Alexander the Third King of Scotland, was one of the greateſt Inſtances of the Viciſſitudes and precarious Condition of a Royal State in the World, in the ſpace of about three Years, he had two Wives, and a flouriſhing Off-ſpring, was left firſt a Widower, then Childleſs, and at laſt Lifeleſs, and the Crown of Scotland in a man⯑ner Hopeleſs.

Henry the Second King of England Dying, King Alexander and his Queen takes a Journey to England, in Complement to King Edward the Firſt, and to be preſent at his Coronation; I ſhall avoid Diſ⯑puting here any thing of the ſo much controverted Article of Homage, let it be how it will, 'tis not to the preſent purpoſe, to me it ſeems not at all the Buſineſs of that Journey, if it had, there had been no need of the Queens going too, nor do I Read of any Thing but a Viſit of Complement, or a Journey of Curioſity, to ſee the Pomp and Grandeur of the Engliſh Court, which was then very great.

In this Journey, Fatal to the Family as well as to Scotland, the Queen Sickned, and ſoon after Dyed; She was followed in a few Months by both her Sons, David and Alexander, the latter being but juſt Married to the Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Flanders.

Nor was this all, Diſaſters ſeldom come alone, Margaret the Kings only Daughter Married to the King of Norway, Dyed the ſame year, leaving one Daughter only, Named alſo Margaret; Of whom preſently.

The King ſurprized with this general Shock of Mortality upon his Family, finding himſelf Childleſs, and Unmarried, but being in his Prime of Age and Strength, Reſolves upon Marriage to Reſtore his Family, and accordingly he Marries Joletta Daughter of the Earl of Dreux in Normandy.

But Heaven had yet further Judgments for Scotland, for before any Children were born of this Marriage, the King himſelf fell from his Horſe, and his Kingdom, both at once, for he Broke his [6] Neck in the Fall at or near Kinghorn, a little Town in Fife, on the North-ſide of the Firth over againſt Edinburgh.

The only Heir to the Crown, was now Margaret Daughter of Hangonanus King of Norway, by Margaret aforeſaid, the only Daugh⯑ter of Alexander the Third King of Scotland.

And here is the firſt Demonſtration of what I ſhall all along in⯑ſiſt on in this Hiſtory, viz. That never any rational Proſpect of Uniting theſe Kingdoms appeared in the World, but both the Na⯑tions unanimouſly agreed, that Union was for the mutual Advan⯑tage of both, and that it never was Oppoſed by either Nation, as a Nation, but only as Private Intereſt, Strength of Parties, Court Intrigues, and the Enemies of both the Nations have prevailed, to prevent their Happineſs.

Alexander Dyed in the year 1285, without Iſſue, Vid. Buchan. De Rerum Scoticarum Lib. 7. Fol. 71. Edward the Firſt King of England, a Powerful and Politick Prince, ſaw himſelf in a Con⯑dition to Manage Scotland by Force, as afterwards too ſadly ap⯑peared, but a better Proſpect at that Time being in View, he falls immediately upon a Scheme, which, if Providence had permitted it to have taken Effect, would have ſecured the Peace of theſe Kingdoms from that Time, and prevented the terrible Effuſion of Blood, which happened that very ſame Age, as well as for many Ages ſince between both Kingdoms.

And this Project was UNION, the King had one Son Edward, Heir to the Crown of England, who afterwards proved the moſt Unfortunate Prince that ever Reigned in England.

The Crown of Scotland had but one Heir, viz. Margaret of Nor⯑way, Grandchild to Alexander the Third, by Margaret his Daugh⯑ter Married to the King of Norway. It preſently Occurs to the King and his Council, That a Marriage between Edward his Son and this young Lady Margaret, then commonly called, The Maid of Nor⯑way, would neceſſarily Devolve both the Crowns upon his Poſteri⯑ty, and immediately Eſtabliſh the Peace of both Kingdoms.

Nor was the Relation very Remote, for Margaret was, as above ſaid, the Daughter of Margaret, only Daughter of King Alexander, by King Edwards own Siſter; and therefore the Diſpenſations from the Pope, were then thought neceſſary to be obtained, as will ap⯑pear preſently.

Upon the Death of King Alexander, ſays Buchanan in the 8th. Book of his Hiſtory, a Convention of the Eſtates was held at Scoon, to Treat about Creating a new King. Theſe are Buchanans Words; Alexandro cum tota ſtirpe (praeter unam ex filia Neptem) Extincto, Conventus Ordinum Sconam indicitur, in quo de novo Rege Creando & ſtatu Regni interim Componendo ageretur. Buch. Lib. 8. Fol. 72.

I confeſs, conſidering the Character and Authority of Buchanan, I much wonder how he could ſay, They Met about Creating a new King, when in the ſame Paragraph, he ſays, The whole Linage of Alexander, except one Grandchild by his Daughter, being Extinct—; Now if one Grandchild was in Being, the Convention of Eſtates could not be Met to Create a new King.

[7] Nor does it appear that their Buſineſs was to Create a new King, but to Settle the Government of the Kingdom in ſuch Hands, as might ſecure the publick Peace, during the Abſence of their young Queen, and till ſhe could Arrive from Norway—; And that this was their Buſineſs, is alſo evident from Buchanans own Relation, in the ſame Chapter Quoted above, where he ſays, That when moſt of the Nobility were come to the ſaid Convention, in the Firſt place, they appointed Vicegerents to Govern Matters, Eo cum Fre⯑quens Nobilitas Veniſſet, primum Omnium Sex Creant, qui ſummae Re⯑ram praeeſſent, Buch. Lib. 8. Fol. 72. for the preſent, That is, till their Queen ſhould Arrive.

To this Aſſembly Edward the Firſt King of England, ſends his Ambaſſadors to Treat with them, to deſire their Queen, ſays Bu⯑chanan, as a Wife to his Son.

The Hiſtorical part of this Affair, is not ſo ſignificant to the pre⯑ſent purpoſe, as the Subſtance and Inſention, the Opinion and No⯑tion the Nobility, Princes and People of both Nations had of the Thing they were then doing, in which it will appear,

• 1. That an intire Incorporation of Countries, a Coalition of Intereſts and Affection, as well as Commerce and Conſtitution, was Deſigned, even at that diſtance of Time, as the only Means to Settle the Peace and Happineſs of both Nations.
• 2. That it was the beſt Juncture that ever had happened, or could happen for ſuch a Coalition, and nothing but the imme⯑diate Hand of Providence, who reſerv'd it for a more happy Time, and for more happy Inſtruments to Finiſh, could have prevented.

And therefore Buchanan ſays of it, Hi, cum in Conventu publico Multa de Ʋtilitate publica, quae hoc Matrimonium eſſet ſecatura, Diſ⯑ſeruiſſent, Scotorum animos ab ea Affinitate non alienos Invenerunt. Erat enim Edwardus Vir Magni animi, Magnaeque Potentiae: Majoris etiam Cupidus: Ejuſque virtus, Patre Vivo, in Bello Sacro, & Mortuo, in ſubigenda Vallia, Enituerat. Neque Scotorum nomen unquam Anglo Conjunctius fuiſſe, Meminerant; quam ſub poſtremis Regibus, nec Odia vetusta, unquam Commodius aboleri poſſe videbantur, quam ſi uterque populus honeſtis & aequis Conditionibus, in unum Coiret. Buch. de Rer. Scot. Lib. 8. Fol. 72. Which his homely Tranſlator has Engliſhed thus;‘The Ambaſſadors in this Seſſion, Diſcourſed much of the publick Utility like to accrue to both Kingdoms by this Mar⯑riage, neither did they find the Scots Averſe therefrom, for Ed⯑ward was a Man of great Courage and Power, yet he deſired to increaſe it; and his Valour highly appeared in the Holy War, in his Fathers Lifetime, and after his Death in his ſubduing of Wales, neither were there ever more Endearments paſt between the Scots and the Engliſh than under the laſt Kings; yea the [8] ancient Hatred ſeemed no way more likely to be Aboliſhed, than if both Nations on juſt and equal Terms might be United into one.’

Here is the very ſubſtance of the Queens late Letter to the Par⯑liament of Scotland, about the Union now made; only here, the People unhappily ſeem'd Blind to their own Happineſs, and ſo long ago they were able to ſee it their mutual Intereſt.

The Ambaſſadors Diſcourſed with the Nobility in the Conven⯑tion, about the publick Utility like to accrue to both Kingdoms.

What is this but mutual Stipulations, Regulations, and in ſhort, a Treaty between them how to make a Union between the Nations, ſuch as might be for the publick Advantage of both King⯑doms.

And this was done with General Endearments between the Kingdoms, mutual Civilities paſſed between the Gentlemen con⯑cerned on both Sides, for the Good of both; we read of no Jea⯑louſies, no Prejudices, no radicated Antipathies, but the publick Good convinced both Sides, that nothing could Contribute more to the Rooting out and Aboliſhing the ancient Hatred, than to have both Nations on juſt and equal Terms be UNITED INTO ONE.

Nor is it remote to this purpoſe, to enter a little into the Ar⯑ticles of this Union, for tho' Hiſtory is very ſilent in this Matter, yet, as I have promiſed to ſearch every Thing in this Hiſtory to the Bottom, I find among the Records in the Tower of London, an Ancient Inſtrument or Form of this Union or Confederacy, which in the Appendix to this Work, you will have Printed at large, and is Numbred 1.

And Firſt, to let the World be ſatisfied, that even in ſo remote a Time, things of this nature were Tranſacted with the ſame due Caution and Regard to the Liberties and Good of the People, as they are now, and that it was a National not a private Act, not an Act of a few, Over-awed by the Power of King Edward, tho' ſeve⯑ral Steps taken in it, will be very neceſſary to be Noted, for I take this to be the moſt exact Pattern of the preſent Treaty, of any that has ever gone before it, as it was a Treaty ſeriouſly ſet about by both Nations, with a real Deſign for the general Utility, and with a Deſign on both Sides to bring it to paſs, which is more than can be ſaid of all the Treaties which have been ſet on Foot ſince.

The firſt Step the King took after his ſending Ambaſſadors to Treat with the Convention, ſeems to me to be the obtaining a Diſpenſation from the Pope; the Queen and the young Prince being nearly Allyed; and ſuch was the ſubjection of the Princes of the World to the Roman Tyranny, that nothing could go on of this Nature, without the Sanction of the Church, where, by the way may be obſerved;

That the Pope, as in all Ages Popes have done, made his Ad⯑vantage of the Occaſion, and takes this Opportunity, to Demand of the King an old Arrear of an annual Penſion of 1000 Merks, [9] Granted by King John to the Holy See, and which King Edward had leſt five years unpaid.

The King, who knew well enough the Influence ready Money had in ſuch Caſes, readily anſwers the Popes Demands, and Iſſued his Writ for payment of the Money.

The true Copy of the Original Warrant to the Treaſurer, is added in the Appendix to this Work, which being very ſhort, I thought not Improper to inſert there, as a Thing the Curious may be very well pleaſed to Read, and is marked N^o. (8.)

It is to be Noted the End of King Edward in payment of this Money, was plainly to get the Diſpenſation Expedited, for he never paid any more that I read of, nor his Succeſſors either, I mean, on account of that old Penſion or Grant of King John's.

His Holineſs was ſo exceedingly obliged by this payment of 5000 Merks, that he immediately diſpatched the Diſpenſation for the Marriage of Prince Edward, with the Heireſs of the Crown of Scot⯑land, tho' within the prohibited Degrees of Conſanguinity; which Diſpenſation is Enrolled in the patent Roll of 17. Ed. 1ſt. and may be found in the Appendix to this Work, N^o 2.

The next Step the King takes is, to ſend Ambaſſadors and Letters to the King of Norway, giving his Proxie to the Biſhop of Durham, one of the ſaid Ambaſſadors, to Eſpouſe the Lady in the Name of his Son Edward, wherein the Diſpenſation obtained from the Pope, is Repeated; This Letter and Proxie is added in the Appendix, N^o. 3.

At the ſame Time he ſends Letters to the Keepers or Guardians of the Realm of Scotland, and to the King of Norway in Anſwer to Letters received from them, containing all the Articles and Agree⯑ments on which it was that he propoſed this Marriage, which were Publiſhed by the King, for the Satisfaction of the Subjects of both Nations, in which you will find all poſſible Care taken of the Ge⯑neral Good, and ſincere Proteſtations, that the End of this Mar⯑riage, was, as is expreſſed in one of the Letters, Ad Honorem Dei & Tranquilitatem Totius Communitatis ejuſdem Regni.

Theſe Teſtimonials are too ſignificant not to deſerve a Place in this Hiſtory, and therefore are placed in their Order in the Col⯑lection, and Numbred 4, 5, 6, 7.

Nor was this all, but I find a large Charter or Grant made by the Agreement of ſpecial Commiſſioners on both Sides, and Rati⯑fied by the King himſelf, to the Kingdom of Scotland.

In ſhort, it is a meer Treaty of Union between the Kingdoms, tho' not much Collateral, but rather particularly to Scotland, this has the Great Seal affixed to it, and the King took an Oath to ob⯑ſerve it, under the Penalty of One Hundred Thouſand Pounds Sterling, an immenſe Sum in thoſe days, to be paid to the Church of Rome, towards carrying on the Wars in the Holy Land, and on the farther Penalty of Excommunication, and ſubjecting his whole Kingdom to an Interdict; Things very Terrible in thoſe Days.

[10] This Inſtrument alſo is at large found among the Records in the Tower of London, and is Re-printed in Prynnes Collection Fol. 395. 396, 397. and added in the Appendix or Collection to this Work, N^o 9.

Another Inſtrument is alſo Recorded in old French, wherein the Security to Scotland, for Surrendring her Forts and Strengths to the Engliſh on this Marriage, is Settled, and which you will find in the Collection alſo, N^o. 10.

Thus the Affair of an Union was finiſhed above Four Hundred and Twenty Years ago, and theſe Nations had Flouriſhed under its Conſequences no doubt—; But Heaven Frown'd on ſo great a Work, and the Sins of both Nations permitted not that Bleſſing to come in their Day; for the Lady Dyed in her Voyage from Norway to Scotland, having a Rough Paſſage, and being not able to bear the Fatigues of the Sea; And thus all this fair Fabrick came to nothing, was Daſh'd in a Moment, to the inexpreſſible Loſs and Regret of both the Nations.

Buchanan ſays, She Dyed in Norway before the Commiſſioners Arrived, but our Engliſh Hiſtorians, & Mr. Tyrrel in particular, whom in this I follow, Lib. 9. Vol. 3. Fol. 6. ſays poſitively, ſhe Dyed in Her Voyage between Norway and Scotland.

I cannot omit to Re-mind the Reader of theſe Sheets, what were the Diſmal Conſequences of this Diſappointment to both theſe Kingdoms, and as it was nothing but the immediate Hand of Pro⯑vidence that brought it to paſs, ſo it may, without any Charge of Enthuſiaſm, or Over-ſtraining the Caſe, be allowed, to be one of the ſevereſt Judgments that ever Heaven Inflicted on this Iſland.

And I inſiſt on this, not ſo much as it relates to the preſent Hiſtory, but as it may be needful for ſuch People to Reflect upon, who have, at the ſame Time that they pretended to be Lovers of their Coun⯑trey, yet vigorouſly Oppoſed the Uniting theſe Nations in this laſt Treaty.

The breaking of the happy Proſpect of Union between the two Kingdoms, was attended with ſtrange Confuſions, all which ſerve to Enhance the Value of their preſent United State, the hopes of a proſperous Peace were not greater on one Hand, than the proſpect of Diſmal Confuſions was Horrid on the other; And tho' it be a Digreſſion, I ſhall venture the Treſpaſs to give a ſhort Abridgement of the Hiſtory of thoſe Times, as in the Courſe of theſe Sheets it ſhall be needful to Form a due Connexion, and I promiſe my ſelf, the Diverſion will be as pleaſant as profitable, and that no body will think it loſt Labour to Read over, what in thoſe Ages was Tranſacted on the Stage of their Native Countrey.

With the Death of this Princeſs, all the Thoughts of Union be⯑tween the Kingdoms Dyed alſo, each Party began to Examine their ſeparate Intereſts, not Conſulting what was fit to be done for the carrying on their National and General Advantages.

The Buſineſs of Scotland was, how to Settle the Crown, and who to Declare King, the Conſervators or Keepers of the Kingdom, ap⯑pointed [11] by the Convention of the Eſtates Aſſembled at Scoon, were according to Buchanan, Duncan Macduff Earl of Fife, John Cumin Earl of Buchan, William Frazer Arch-biſhop of St. Andrews, Robert Biſhop of Glaſgow, another John Cumin, and one John Steuart.

The principal Pretenders to the Crown, were, John Baliol and Robert Bruce, their Deſcent, and the Foundation of their Claim, is at large to be found in Buchanans Hiſtory Lib. 8. their Titles were remote, and not only pretty equally founded, but their Intereſt among the Nobility was ſo equal, and either way ſo powerful, that nothing but an immediate and Bloody War was apprehended, as the Conſequence of their Pretenſions.

The King of England diſappointed in his Hopes of bringing the Kingdoms to a laſting Peace, by Uniting them into one, as before, applyed himſelf no more to Conſult their General Good.

But conſidering them in their ſeparate Capacity, as two Nations that could not long Agree, made it his whole Study, either firſt to ſubject Scotland to England, ſo as that making her Dependent on England, ſhe ſhould not be able to Break with him; or ſo to di⯑vide the Scots among themſelves, as that they ſhould be in no Con⯑dition to Hurt him.

Both his Ends ſeemed eaſie to Anſwer in the Occaſion that now offered it ſelf; for the Scots Nobility being, as I have Noted, ſo equally divided in the Intereſts of Baliol and Bruce, that they knew not what Courſe to take, they reſolved, in order to avoid the Confuſions of a War, and conſequently the Ruin of their Countrey, to refer it to the Arbitriment of the King of England.

This was a full Teſtimony of the Harmony and good Under⯑ſtanding which was then between the Nations, and what a happy Juncture it had been for a Union, if Heaven had thought fit to bleſs the Deſign with Succeſs, any body may obſerve; for the King of England was looked upon as ſuch a Diſintereſted Friend to Scot⯑land, and one that would willingly concern himſelf for their Good, that they leave the Determination of the weightieſt Thing in the World, to their Nation, wholly to his Sentence.

But I can not ſay the King Acted with equal Candor to the Scots, if what the Hiſtories of thoſe Times ſay, may be depended upon; For being a politick Prince, and having a long View of the Effects of Things before him, he reſolved to keep his Eye upon the two Particulars Noted above, in his Determining this Affair, and rather to regard his own Intereſt than the Good of Scotland, or than the Juſtice of the Claim; he reſolved to Sound the Inclinations of the two Canditates for the Crown, and ſo to give the Kingdom to him, that would conform himſelf moſt to his Meaſures.

Upon this he Treats firſt with the Nobility, and appoints a Meet⯑ing at Berwick, then he Exacts an Oath of the Competitors, to ſtand intirely to and be Determined by his Award; Then he orders a Select Number out of the Nobility of each Nation, as a Council in this Caſe, Twelve of a Side, Mr. Tyrrel ſays, Fourty of a Side, and [12] Exacts an Oath of them, to Adviſe, Judge, and Determine Rightly and Truly according to their Conſciences.

Theſe were the Politick Appearances of his Management, the better to cover his true Deſign; for all this while he cauſes the two Competitors to be Sounded Under-hand, to find out which was moſt likely to Comply with his Demands.

At laſt, the publick Debates beginning to draw near a Period, it was eaſie to ſee, That Baliols Title was like to be Approved by the Twenty Four, as the beſt Claim, and that Bruce would loſe it, this the King thought, was the Juncture to put it home in, and there⯑fore cauſes it to be propoſed to Bruce, That tho' it was plain he would loſe the Crown, yet if he would ſubject himſelf and the Crown, to the Authority of the King of England, he ſhould be im⯑mediately Declared.

All Men muſt Allow it was Politickly Managed, but all the Craft of Hell is loſt upon an honeſt Man, Bruce like a Man of Honour, Re⯑jects the Propoſal with Contempt, and told them that propoſed it, That he ſcorned to enjoy the Crown at the Price of his Countries Bondage.

Baliol, whoſe Principle was worſe, tho' his Title was better, Ac⯑cepts the baſe Conditions, and obtains the Crown, Swears Fealty to the King of Kngland, and makes all the Nobility that were in his Intereſt, do the ſame.

All our Hiſtorians do not agree in this Account, and Mr. Tyrrel, who is very particular in relating the Proceedings, Vol. 3. Lib. 9. Fol. 70, 71, 72. takes no Notice of this, but others, and parti⯑cularly Buchanan being very poſitive, Lib. 8. Fol. 24. I put it down as Fact, giving my Authors Authority for it, and leave the Reader to believe as much as he thinks fit of the Fact, the Subject I am upon, not depending upon it at all.

But he that baſely yields to a Diſhoneſt Yoke, in order to Gratifie his Ambition, is much more likely to break the Conditions he makes, than he that adheres to Honourable Articles, and inſiſts on what Juſtice gives him a Claim to, and thus it was here, for on the firſt Affront offered to Baliol by the Engliſh, in conſequence of his Subjection, he threw off the Yoke, and Renounced that Subjection; The Caſe in ſhort was as follows.

Macduff Earl of Fife being Injured, as he conceives, in a Suit Depending between him and the Abernethians, for the Murder of his elder Brother, The King having Determined in Favour of the Murde⯑rers, Appeals to the King of England againſt Baliol—; When the Cauſe came to be heard, John Baliol was then at the Engliſh Court, and being preſent when he was Called to Anſwer, offers to Plead by a Proxy, or as we ſay, to be heard by his Council, but was refuſed, and obliged to come down, and ſtand at the Bar like a Criminal, and plead for himſelf.

This broke off all his Subjection, fills him with Indignation; and from this Time, he Studies nothing but Revenge; an Opportunity ſoon offered to his Mind, for a War breaking out between the Engliſh [13] and the French, and both Soliciting Scotland for Aid, the Eſtates of Scotland Determine, Tho' in an ill Hour for Scotland, to Aſſiſt the French.

Thus all the good Temper of both Nations one towards another Vaniſhed at once, and the moſt Bloody Wars that ever this Iſland felt, happened between them.

Baliol by a ſolemn Embaſſy, Renounces his Submiſſion to Eng⯑land, as Extorted by unjuſt Methods, and his Friendſhip alſo—; And Edward in Return, furiouſly Invades Scotland both by Sea and Land.

'Tis not at all my Deſign, nor to my Purpoſe, to enter here in⯑to the Hiſtory of theſe Wars, or the Battels, Ravages, Fire and Blood, which the two Nations felt during the whole Reign of the three Edwards of England, with but ſmall Intermiſſions; the par⯑ticulars whereof would of themſelves make a large Volume—; The true Reaſon of my mentioning theſe Things, will appear in my further proſecuting this Story: The ſhort Uſe of it is this, That theſe two unhappy Nations were always in Extremes with one another; Nothing but the cloſest Ʋnion, or the moſt deſtructive War, can be the State they muſt live in together; And this I ſhall but too often make evident in theſe Sheets.

From this Breach, the War between the Nations came to a ſtrange height, Edward proved Victorious over the Scots, and the Conſe⯑quences of that are eaſie to Gueſs, Baliol was Cruſht, his Armies Overthrown, the Countrey Pierc't, even to the Extremeſt part by the Engliſh.

Edward calls Bruce to his Side, Baliol is taken Priſoner and Sur⯑renders the Kingdom, then the Famous Wallace gets up, and carries on the War on the Subject of meer National Liberty, Overthrows the Engliſh in ſeveral Encounters, and is made Regent: But is again Overthrown by Edward and Bruce at the great Battel of Falkirk, and Scotland then intirely ſubmits to Edward, whoſe Tyrannical Government makes the very Scots who had taken part with him againſt Baliol, Conſpire together to Recover their Liberty, and one Cuming Leaguing with Robert Bruce, Son to that Bruce who was to have been King; Theſe, tho' Enemies before, joyn together to free their Countrey. But Cuming deſigning to Betray Bruce, is Killed by him with his own Hands in the very Church at Drum⯑fries.

How Bruce after this Recovered the Kingdom from that Subjecti⯑on to the Engliſh; How he was often Overthrown by Edward, and ſeveral times reduced to hide himſelf in the Mountains, and moſt ſecret Places of the Kingdom, and ſometimes ſo long, that he was ſuppoſed to be Dead;—How yet at laſt by innumerable Attempts, Unwearied Pains, and Invincible Courage he retrived his Fortune, Drove the Engliſh out of his Countrey, Overthrew them with a terrible Slaughter at Bannockburn near Stirling, and after a Reign of Twenty Four Years full of continual War, againſt the moſt power⯑ful Princes England had in theſe Ages of the World; he Died in [14] Peace, his Countrey being Recovered out of their Hands; Theſe Things would be too long a Story here to relate.

In this War, by the beſt Calculations I can make, of Armies Raiſed, and Battels Fought, no leſs than Six Hundered Thouſand People of both Nations periſhed, and all for want of that happy UNION, ſo near perfected, and ſo diſaſtruouſly loſt. A good Looking-glaſs for thoſe Gentlemen (who have openly wiſhed theſe Nations might make a Breach either on one Side or another) to look into, and for them to ſee, if their Deſigns had ſucceeded, what their Poſterity might have had cauſe to Thank them for.

If it be Objected, that it does not follow, That on a Breach of this laſt Treaty of Ʋnion, a War muſt neceſſarily have happened, I ſhall take the Liberty to enter upon that Head by it ſelf, and believe theſe Sheets will prove, That a War muſt have been the inevitable Conſequence of breaking up this laſt Treaty, eſpecially if broken up according to the Project of thoſe People that appeared to Op⯑poſe it, who, we all know, acted on Principles, both as to Trade, Civil Government, and Succeſſion, Incompatible with the Intereſt of both the preſent Eſtabliſhments, and as much as can be ſaid perfectly impracticable, as the Kingdoms were thus Conſtituted; But of this more hereafter.

From this Time, we meet with no Overtures of ſettled Tran⯑quillity between the Kingdoms, till the Days of Henry VII. of England, whoſe Daughter Margaret was Married to James IV. King of Scotland—; And tho' this Marriage was the Mother of Uni⯑on (as I may Term it) and laid the Foundation of almoſt all the Projects that have happened ſince, and from whence at laſt the Crown of England Devolved upon the Royal Line of Scotland, yet in his Time there were no immediate Steps taken towards it. The outmoſt Effect of this Marriage, was an immediate Peace between the Nations, which, however, did not laſt long, but King James falling in with the French Intereſt, fell out with his Father-in-law King Henry VII. and after with his Brother King Henry VIII. and loſt his Life in that War.

The firſt Attempt ſubſequent to this, was a Propoſal of Henry VIII. who, after this great Quarrel was ended, tho' he was Victor, offered to Match his Daughter Mary (Prince Edward, afterwards King Edward VI. being then not Born) to James the 5th. King of Scotland, and to ſecure the poſſeſſion of the Crown after himſelf to them Joyntly; And the deſign of this Match, it was evident, could be nothing elſe, but a firm, laſting, and eſtabliſhed Peace between the two Nations; For having himſelf no Sons, and expecting none, (For the buſineſs of the Divorce of his Wife Queen Katharine was not then come into his Head) He foreſaw this was the only Step to Unite the Nations, and put an End to theſe Bloody Contentions, that for ſo many Ages had been between them, for that the Heirs of that Match would by conſequence be poſſeſt of both, and ſo the whole Iſland would become one Happy and moſt powerful People, United in Intereſt, in Government, and in every Thing that would make them Great.

[15] This Propoſal was ſo Rational, and ſo viſibly tending to the general Advantage of both Kingdoms, That it could not be ſup⯑poſed to meet with any Oppoſition from ſuch, as were in the leaſt concerned for the Good of their Native Country on either Hand.

On the Engliſh Side it met with an immediate good Reception, for King Henry VIII, contrary to the general Conduct of that Prince, whoſe Temper was (generally ſpeaking) Bloody, Fierce, Haugh⯑ty, and too apt to Inſult ſuch as fell into his Hands; Yet here, changing his Temper, he cauſed the Scots Priſoners, taken at the late Battel, to be very well Treated, and Committed to the ſeveral Keepings of the Engliſh Nobility, who uſed them Honourably, and according to their Quality.

I know it is ſaid, That the King, who had this Project firſt in his Head, diſtributed the Scots Noblemen in the Houſes of the Eng⯑liſh Lords, That theſe might, according to his private Inſtructions, deal with them apart, and ſtrive, by Promiſes, and ſuch like Ar⯑guments, to bring them to hearken to ſuch a Propoſal, and to be⯑gin the Treaty—; And that the ſaid Scots Noblemen were, by this Artifice, prompted, and brought to make the firſt Offer of this Marriage, as from Scotland.

But let this be as it will, let the Honour of the Propoſal ly where it will, it is manifeſt, both Parties were well pleaſed with it, and look'd upon it as the beſt Method, to bring both Nations to a State of Proſperous and Durable Peace. But Satan hindered.

It was evident, That both Kingdoms had a fixed Inclination, at this time, for the Union: Henry ſhewed his Good Will, in that he offered to heap up unuſual Honours upon the King of Scotland, upon the firſt Project of the Match, as upon his undoubted Succeſſor to the Crown, ſuch as making him a Peer of Britain, by the Royal Title of Duke of York, a Title Veſted in the Crown, and ſince the Father of Edward the Fourth, reckoned the next Step to the Throne; But this was not all, he offered to declare him Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy Governour of England, immediately upon the Match; This was to put the Government, as it were, in his actual Poſſeſſion, and make him King by the Conſequence of the Thing—; There is no doubt, but, had this Match ſucceeded, there would have been mutual Stipulations of a compleat Coalition entred into by the reſpective Parliaments of both Kingdoms.

But French and Popiſh Counſels prevented this Happy Conjuncti⯑on, as they have ſeveral others ſince, and would have done the laſt; For the Clergy of Scotland finding Henry VIII. of England had cruſht the Power of the Clergy in England, and was ſuppreſſing the Abbeys and Monaſteries, curbing the extended Authority of the Pope, and as they apprehended deſtroying their Church, they ſet themſelves by all poſſible Artifice, to prevent this Propoſals taking Effect; And getting the French King to joyn his Intereſt with theirs, they wrought the King of Scotland to ſuch a Diſlike of the Match, That he rejected King Henry's Propoſal with ſome Indecencies, re⯑fuſed him an Interview at York, tho' he had given his Word to [16] meet him there—; This King Henry ſo reſented, That a War immediately followed, (as upon a Defeat of an Union has gene⯑rally happened) in which War, the Scots Nobility were ſo ſenſible of the wrong Meaſures of their Prince, and the Advantages to their Country, which he had raſhly rejected, That they followed him very unwillingly, and at laſt wholly abandoned him at Solan-Moſs, Declaring, They thought it was not their Duty to ruine their Country, to gratifie the Paſſion of their Deluded Monarch, and the Blinded Fury of the Clergy: This coſt King James his Life, who died of Grief, as Buchanan relates, Rerum Scoticarum, Lib. 7. Fol. 76.

Its true, had this Match gone forward, it had not had the de⯑ſigned Effect, at leaſt not immediately, becauſe King Henry the VIII. afterwards had a Son born, who ſucceeded to the Crown (viz.) Edward the VI—; But this is not to the preſent Caſe, the Deſign was the ſame, nor did it die with the reſpective Kings—; Nay, after the Birth of the Young Prince, King Henry the VIII. made a ſecond Propoſal of an Union, viz. Of a Match between his Son Edward, and the Daughter of the late King of Scots; And this went ſo far, as to be Approved in the Parliament of Scotland, as may be ſeen in the Regiſters of that Time; But this was again interrupted, as the former had been, by the Death of King Henry the VIII. who left the Crown to his Son Edward the VI.

In this Reign, the Project of Uniting the Kingdoms revived im⯑mediately, for the Engliſh Council ſaw clearly the Advantages ac⯑cruing to both Nations by an Union, and could not ſlip that Happy Juncture: Their King was a Child not above Nine Years of Age, the Queen of Scotland was the like, left by her Father at Five Days old, and Crowned in her Cradle: The Regency of Scotland, and the Council of Governours of the Young King, revive the Treaty, and propoſe a Match between the King of England and the Queen of Scotland—, and built it upon the late Agreement made be⯑tween King Henry and the Parliament of Scotland.

But the French and Popiſh Party, who, as I have noted already, oppoſed Uniting the Kingdoms before, on the pretence of the Dan⯑ger of the Roman Church, had now much more Reaſon to do ſo; Since King Edward had declared himſelf, as they eſteemed it, an Heretick, had diſowned the Pope, and had erected a Proteſtant Church on the Ruine of the Romiſh; And on theſe Arguments they rejected the Propoſal, and broke their former Agreement.

And here happened, what I have all along obſerved to be the Conſe⯑quence of breaking up a Treaty between the Two Nations, viz. A Bloody War, like as certainly muſt have happened again, had not this laſt Happy Treaty interveened, of which I am to Diſcourſe, in theſe Sheets.

It is not my Buſineſs to enter upon the Particulars of the War on this Occaſion, but two Things it will be neceſſary to obſerve, 1ſt, That this War iſſued in the Defeat of the Scots Popiſh Army at the Battel at Pinkie, after which it was expected the Young Queen ſhould have been delivered to the Engliſh, and Marryed to their King: [17] And truly, if the Frank and Generous Offer of the Conquerors had been in the leaſt regarded, it had been ſo, who, after the Victory made no Spoil or Havock in Scotland, but, as Friends, made a Fair De⯑mand of their (the Scots) Queen to be Married to their (the Engliſh) King, That ſo the Nations being United, might for ever remain One—; And this is to be ſeen in that Famous Declaration of the Duke of Somerſet the Engliſh General, which, as it is in a Stile peculiar, and not uſual in the World among Conquerors, I could not omit, and is in the Appendix, N^o. 11.

But, 1. It was in Vain to Talk Reaſon to a People reſolved; The Popiſh Party, who ſaw evidently the Ruine of their Church, and the French, who ſaw the Deſtruction of their Ancient League wrapt up in the projected Union of the Kingdoms, fruſtrated all the Deſign, by Conveying the Young Princeſs into France; And ſo this Scheme came alſo to nothing.

This had ſeveral bad Effects, which Scotland afterwards Regret⯑ed, Firſt, That it delayed the Reformation in Scotland for near Thirty Years after that in England, and made it both Difficult, Bloody, Tedious, and for a long Time Imperfect, of which I have Treated elſewhere. Secondly, It brought her under a French Yoke, and for a long Time ſhe Groaned under the Tyranny of French In⯑fluence, till the Nation threw off Tyranny and Popery together, and Reformation came on Hand in Hand with Liberty.

And now the Notion of Union between the Two Kingdoms be⯑gan to wear out, as a Thing, That, tho' both Nations had Inclinati⯑on enough to engage in, yet there was no Juncture to make it Feaſible, till the Death of Queen Elizabeth, who dying without Iſſue, the Engliſh Crown devolved upon the Scots Line; And this produced a kind of Ʋnion, I mean an Union of the Crowns, but not an Uni⯑on of the Kingdoms; Of the Imperfection, Deficiency and Incon⯑veniency of which to both Kingdoms, I ſhall make ſome brief Obſervations, as they have been the Motives to the frequent At⯑tempts for a more near Conjunction in the ſucceeding Times.

The Inconveniencies to Scotland in this partial Union were, Firſt, Their removing their Court to England, their King, accord⯑ing to the Prophetick Saying of Henry the VII, removing his Seat of Government from the leſs to the greater—; This was natu⯑rally attended with the Decay of Trade in Scotland, by removing the Concourſe of Strangers from Scotland, whoſe Conſumption of Proviſions and Manufactures, which are the Foundation of Com⯑merce, was a great Loſs to Trade—; With the Exporting their ready Money out of the Kingdom, by the conſtant Attendance of their Gentry and Nobility at the Engliſh Court, where they ſpent their Eſtates, and ſuck'd out the Blood of their Country, to ſupport their Luxury and Magnificence—; With the continued empty⯑ing their Nation of their People, who all flocked to England, ei⯑ther for publick or private Employment, and Depopulated, as well as Impoveriſhed, their Native Country; But above all, the bringing Scotland under Engliſh Influence, both as to Civil and Religious [18] Government, was a manifeſt Token of the Deficiency of this partial Union; For Scotland was after this, in a Political Senſe, tho' not in a Legal Senſe, always under the Management of the Engliſh Court: It had the Subjection without the Advantages—; Her Sea⯑men were preſs'd into the Engliſh Service as Subjects, yet, at the ſame time, excluded the Merchants Service as Foreigners, an Engliſh Ship Sailed with above one Third Scots Men would be ſeized, as not being Sailed by Engliſh Men, and the Colonies of England were at laſt all barred from them, as much as from the French or Dutch; It would be too long a Digreſſion, to recite here the various Incon⯑veniencies Scotland laboured under, from the Deficiency of this partial, or meerly Regal Union, and which made all the Well-Wiſhers to Scotland deſire, either that there were a more intire Union, or that there were no Union at all—

Nor was this unforeſeen by either Nation, and therefore, no ſooner was King James the VI. of Scotland come to the Crown of England, but he began (before he had learn'd quite to forget his own Country) to project a more near Union of the Nations, as the only way to make them both compleatly Happy; This was in the Year 1604—, when, after ſeveral Projects of Ʋniting by his own Abſolute Authority, a Thing then newly taken up in the World, finding all other Methods fail, he propoſed it to the Parliament of England, That, to uſe his own Words, as they were made One in the Head, they might be inſeparably Conjoined, and all Memory of paſt Di⯑viſions be Extinguiſhed; At the ſame time he propoſed it in Scot⯑land, and both Nations were ſo ſenſible of the mutual Advantages of Union, That they readily agreed to it, and Commiſſioners were appointed on both Sides to Treat. The Names of the Commiſſio⯑ners were as follows,

• For Scotland.

  John Earl of Montroſe, Lord Chancellar of Scotland, Frances Earl of Errol, Heigh Conſtable of Scotland, George Earl Mairſhel, Great Mairſhall of Scotland, James Earl of Glencarne, Alexander Earl of Linlithgow, John Arch-biſhop of Glaſgow, David Bp of Roſſe, George Bp of Caithneſs, Walter Pryor of Blantyre, Patrick Ld Glames, Alex⯑ander Ld Elphinstoun, Alexander Ld Fyvie, Preſident of the Council of Scotland, Robert Ld Roxburgh, James Ld Abercorne, James Ld Balmirinoch, principal Secretar of Scotland, David Ld Scoone, Sir James Scrymgeour of Dudop Kt. Sir John Cockburne of Ormeſtoun Kt. Sir John Home of Coldonknows Kt. Sir David Carnagie of Kinard Kt. Sir Robert Melvill elder of Murdocarnie Kt. Sir Thomas Hamilton of Binnie Kt. Sir John Leirmonth of Balcomie Kt. Sir Alexander Straton of Lawreſtoun Kt. Sir John Skene of Currihill Kt. Maiſter John Sharpe of Houſton Lawer, Maiſter Thomas Craig Lawer, Henry Neisbit, George Bruce, Alexander Rutherford, Maiſter Allexander Wedderburn Merchants.

• For England.

  Thomas Ld. Elleſmere, Ld. Chancellor of England, Tho. E. of Dor⯑ſet, Ld. Treaſurer of England, Charles E. of Nottingham, Ld. High Admiral of England, Henry E. of Southampton, William E. of Pem⯑broke, [19] Henry E. of Northampton, Richard Biſhop of London, Toby Biſhop of Dureſme, Anthony Biſhop of S. Davids, Robert Ld. Cecil principal Secretary to His Majeſty, Edward Ld. Zouch, Lord Preſi⯑dent of Wales, William Ld. Monteagle, Ralph Ld. Eure, Edmund Ld. Sheffield Lord Preſident of the Council in the North, Lords of the Higher Houſe of this preſent Parliament; and Tho. Ld. Clinton, Robert Ld. Buckhurſt, Sir Francis Haſtings Kt. Sir John Stanhope Kt. Vice-Chamberlain to the King's Majeſty, Sir John Herbert Kt 2d. Secretary to His Majeſty, Sir George Carew Kt. Vice-Chamerlain to the Queen's Majeſty, Sir Tho. Strickland Kt. Sir Edward Stafford Kt. Sir Henry Nevil of Berkſhire Kt. Sir Richard Bulkley Kt. Sir Hen⯑ry Billingſley Kt. Sir Daniel Dun Kt. Dean of the Arches, Sir Ed⯑ward Hobby Kt. Sir John Savile Kt. Sir Robert Wroth Kt. Sir Thomas Chaloner Kt. Sir Robert Maunſel Kt. Sir Thomas Ridgeway Kt. Sir Thomas Holcroft Kt. Sir Thomas Hesketh Kt. His Majeſties Attorny of the Court of Wards and Liveries, Sir Francis Bacon Kt. Sir Law⯑rence Tanfield Kt. Serjeant at Law, Sir Henry Hubberd Kt. Serjeant at Law, Sir John Bennet Kt. Doctor of the Laws, Sir Henry Withring⯑ton, Sir Ralf Gray and Sir Thomas Lake Kts, Robert Askewith, Thomas James and Henry Chapman, Merchants.

We do not find among our Authors any particular of the Debates of theſe Commiſſioners: Spotſwood in his Hiſtory Fol. 481. gives in a Draught of the Articles they agreed on, which for want of Room I only refer the Reader to, but having obtained from good hands, a Manuſcript of Sir George Mackenzies, being a little like a Journal of their Proceedings, I could not but think it very much to the purpoſe, to inſert it in the Appendix to this Work, where may be ſeen the true Ground Plat of the preſent Union, and the Intereſt of both Kingdoms, clearly ſtated—as it ſtood then, and ſaving in matters of Religion remains ſtill, ſee Appendix N 12.

Theſe Articles thus mutually agreed, were Engroſſed and Signed by the Commiſſioners on both Sides, and preſented to the King the 6th. of December 1604—; But it was obſerved. That the Earl of Saliſburry at the preſenting the Draught to the King, expreſſed it to be the meaning of the Commiſſioners, That theſe Articles were but an imperfect Agreement, and that they were willing to finiſh and go through the ſame when ever he pleaſed.

However, the King offered it to the Parliament of England, and as Spotſwood ſays, Recommended it Earneſtly to them; But the more ſecret Hiſtory of that Affair, was, That the King himſelf fal⯑ling in at that Time with the Engliſh Clergy, and Oppoſing the Proſ⯑perity of his own Countrey, upon the Score of Religion and abſo⯑lute Will, found Ways and Means to puzzle this Cauſe in Parliament; and Firſt, The difficulty of the Poſt-Nati, a Thing, which had the Eng⯑liſh at that Time purpoſed a Hearty Ʋnion, would never have ſtuck with them, occaſioned long Struggle, and at laſt the Parliament referr'd it to the Common Law; While this was doing, the National Averſion, particularly in England, ſeemed to revive, and the pub⯑lick [20] Appearances in England of a Spirit of Diviſion, were ſuch, as one obſerves, That very well diſcover'd the King was become on Engliſh Man, otherwiſe he would never have born with thoſe In⯑vectives and Railings at Scotland, which Sir Thomas Craig in his Book De Ʋnione Regnorum, ſays, were then publickly uſed in the Pulpits and in Printed Books, while their King was a Scotſman.

Nor was this all, but the King in ſtead of forwarding the Union of the two Kingdoms, or promoting the particular Advantage of Scotland, fell in with the arbitrary Projects of that Time, to make himſelf Abſolute in Scotland—, as he was alſo doing in England. This would lead me into a vaſt Ocean of National Confuſions, which received their Riſe and Conception in the Tyrannical Tem⯑per of this Prince, in which he laid the Foundation of the Ruine of his Poſterity, which as remote to my preſent Buſineſs, purpoſely I Omit.

Asto Union, nothing further was done till the year 1660—, and till that Time, which was about 56 years, the Subjects of Scot⯑land enjoyed a Freedom of Commerce in Common with the Eng⯑liſh, to all the Engliſh Colonies; But then ſome Acts in England paſſing in prejudice of that Freedom of Commerce, the Scots re⯑newed their Complaints, and a Commiſſion ſays, Sir George Mac⯑kenzie was granted in the 3d. Seſſion of the firſt Parliament of Charles 2d. in Scotland, and by an Act at the ſame time in England, Nominating Commiſſioners to Adjuſt theſe Differences; This was in 1666.

Theſe Commiſſioners met the 21ſt. January 1667, and the Scots Commiſſioners gave in a Propoſal to the Engliſh, for ſettling the Differences about Trade, which Paper I have alſo given you from an Original Manuſcript of the ſaid Sir George Mackenzie, and which you will find in the Appendix N^o. 13.

The Debates which followed this Paper, ſays Sir George, ſerved only to ſhew the King the Neceſſity of Commencing a further Treaty, viz. Of a Union, and how Ineffectual all other Treaties would be to bring about the publick Peace of the two Nations.

To this End, a Parliament being called in Scotland the 19th. of October 1667, and the Engliſh Parliament meeting the ſame Day, he cauſed the great Affair of an Union to be propoſed to both at the ſame time; The Parliament of Scotland, by their Letter to the King, expreſſed their Readineſs to concur with the Popoſal; And that they would grant Commiſſion to ſuch, as His Majeſty ſhould Nominate for that Purpoſe, to Treat as their Repreſentatives; And left it to the King to Name the Time, Place, and Quorum of their Meetings—; This being the Subſtance of the Letter, I have omitted the Letter it ſelf, which is to be ſeen in the Regiſters in Edinburgh.

The Parliament of England, by what Affairs obſtructed I ſhall not determine, did nothing in it that Seſſion, but reaſſumed it in 1670, and Impowered the King by an Act 22. Carol. 2. almoſt in the Terms the Scots had done before.

[21] The Parliament of Scotland purſuant to this, granted a Com⯑miſſion for a Treaty, which was almoſt Verbatim the ſame with that granted in England; that no Debates might ariſe between the Commiſſioners of both Kingdoms, about the Difference of their Commiſſions, as had fallen out in the year 1604.

And becauſe I ſhall endeavour to relate Matter of Fact, Abſtracted from my own Obſervations in this Hiſtory, I have with ſome Diffi⯑culty, obtained an Original Manuſcript of the Minutes of this ſhort Treaty—; Which are as follows.

Any one that peruſes this ſhort Treaty, or rather Conference, may ſee, That theſe Times were not Tempered for an Effectual Union; And thoſe that know any Thing of the Secret Hiſtory of that Day, will alſo know, there were private Deſigns then on Foot, which made a nearer Union, inconſiſtent with the Views of the Court.

The Scots inſiſted on a Conjunction of Parliaments, not an In⯑corporation of Foundations, as has now been propoſed; England durſt never hear of ſuch a Conjunction of Parliaments, on Account of Church Matters; Knowing, That, tho' Epiſcopacy was then Eſtabliſhed in Scotland, yet, that the Secret Bent of that Nation was Presbyterian; and they durſt not think of a Conjunction of Houſes on that Score.

And here I would ask leave of the Gentlemen in Scotland, who have Oppoſed the preſent Union, in regard of its Hazard to the Presbyterian Church, to Re-mind them, what reaſon they have to look back to the Days of this Treaty, and be Thankful, That the Union was not Compaſſed at this Time; and to conſider why they ſhould have ventured putting it off to a further Time, ſince, had it happned in that Time, when Epiſcopacy had the Face of a legal Eſtabliſhment in Scotland, the Presbyterian Church had for ever ſunk under its Weight, and been Exploded by the Laws of both Kingdoms; both Kingdoms had been obliged to keep it down, and it could never, Miracles excepted, have recovered it ſelf in that Nation.

And thus I have Traced the ſeveral Endeavours to Unite theſe Kingdoms in former Times, in which I have been as Brief as I can: I ſhall conclude this with only one Remark, which I believe will appear to be juſt; Thro' the whole Courſe of the ſeveral Treaties hitherto named, the firſt excepted, which was diſappointed by a meer Judgment from Heaven, I mean the Death of the Maid of Norway; All the reſt of the Propoſals for Union between theſe Kingdoms, met with their particular Obſtructions from Popery, French-Intereſt, Home-Tyranny or Court-Intrigues; Theſe were [31] the only Enemies of Union, and I believe it may, without Partia⯑lity be added, AND SO IT IS NOW:

We are now come to the preſent Times, King James the II: in England, or VII. in Scotland, had no other Union in View, but that of Uniting all his Kingdoms, to the Church of Rome, and this put him upon Meaſures perfectly diſtinct from all that had gone before him, from whence we have had Two Famous Revolutions in Britain, one in the Regal State of both Kingdoms, the other in the Eccleſiaſtick State of Scotland, from Epiſcopal to Presbyterian:—This was no ſooner brought to paſs, but Scotland put the King in mind of their Deſires to Unite, in their Letter to King Wil⯑liam; Of which preſently—. But all that Prince's Reign, this good Deſign met with Obſtructions, of which I ſhall be ſome⯑thing particular in its place. And thus we are brought down to Queen Anne, in whoſe Reign this great Work was once Attempted, but proved Abortive, and at the ſecond Eſſay was brought to Perfection, as will be ſeen in the Sequel of this Story.

OF AFFAIRS IN BOTH KINGDOMS, INTRODUCTORY OF A TREATY of UNION.

BEFORE I enter upon the Proceedings in the Reign of Queen ANNE, towards a General Union of theſe Kingdoms, it is abſolutely neceſſary to the right Underſtanding of Things, to take a ſhort View of the Poſture of Publick Affairs in the reſpective Kingdoms, and what it was that rendred the Union ſo abſolutely Neceſſary at this Time, that to all Conſidering People, who made any tolerable Judgment of Things, it was plain, there was no other way left, to prevent the moſt Bloody War that ever had been between the two Nations.

At the Revolution, as has been already Noted, and ſeveral times during the Reign of the late King William, Motions had been made frequently both on the King's Side and on the Peoples alſo, to come to a Treaty; But that Prince had always one Thing or other caſt in his Way, to prevent his good Deſign.

The King was often heard to ſay, That this Iſland could never be Eaſie without a Union, and if either of them underſtood their own Happineſs, they would never reſt till it was brought to paſs. And, as I had the Honour to mention it once among other Things, in a Scheme of General Peace among the Proteſtant In⯑tereſts in Europe, I can not forget, That His Majeſty Expreſſing ſome Concern at it, Returned, I have done all I can in that Affair, but I do not ſee a Temper in either Nation that looks like it—; And added, after ſome other Diſcourſe, It may be done, but not yet.

[33] During the whole Reign of this Prince, the Breaches between the two Kingdoms rather Widened and Increaſed, than tended to a Cloſe, and ſeveral National Unkindneſſes paſt between them, which prepared both Sides as it were to Reflect upon, and Re⯑proach the other; There wanted not alſo a Set of wicked Inſtru⯑ments always to blow the Coals of Diſcord between the Kingdoms into a Flame, and if poſſible, to bring the Nations to a Rupture.

Some of theſe Paſſages which, I ſay, tended to Eſtrange the Na⯑tions, and as it were prepare them for a Breach, rather than for an Union, were theſe,

• The ſettling an African or Indian Company in Scotland, and the ſeveral Claſhings of Intereſt between the two Nations on that Head.
• The Affairs of Glenco.
• The Difficulties about the Succeſſion and Limitations.
• The Act of Security there.
• The Act in England Intituled, An Act for preventing Dangers ariſing from the Act of Security in Scotland.
• The Seizing the Ship the Worceſter, and Execution of Cap⯑tain Green, and ſeveral others—.

All theſe Things concurred, to convince thoſe that had the leaſt Knowledge of Affairs in both Kingdoms, that nothing but an Uni⯑on could prevent the Nations falling all to pieces, as ſoon as ever the Queen ſhould Die, if not ſooner; and that therefore it was immediately and heartily to be ſet about, as the only way to pre⯑ſerve the publick Tranquillity, and prevent the certain Miſchiefs that threatned the whole Body.

I ſhall not enter into a particular Hiſtory of theſe ſeveral Caſes, as being too tedious for this Tract, but as 'tis neceſſary to ſay ſome⯑thing of them, to convey the right Underſtanding of theſe Matters to Poſterity, and that more regularly to introduce the General Thing I am upon, viz. The Union, I cannot wholly Omit them.

And Firſt, For the African Company, the large Commiſſion that Company obtained, by which they ſeem'd to Rival the Engliſh, both in their Guinea, Eaſt-India, and Weſt-India Trade, was ill reliſh'd by the Engliſh, who at that Time were in an Odd and Unſettled Poſture, as to thoſe Trades at Home. And as this is not rightly un⯑derſtood by a great many, that run round about for Reaſons of the Engliſh Parliament's falling upon that Affair, it may not be a miſs to ſet it in a clearer Light.

The Engliſh East India Trade, being for a long time Preſcrib'd in the narrow Limits of an excluſive Company, who Tyrannized not a little in their abſolute Management of that Trade, and be⯑came Grievous to the reſt of the Merchants, many Attempts were made to lay open their Stock, and Increaſe ſo great, and ſo Bene⯑ficial a Trade; But the Company withſtood all the Attempts that way, and kept all Invaders off; till at laſt by the mighty Advance of Two Millions to the Government, the New Eaſt-Indian Company got a Charter, and ſet up againſt them—; How they Rival'd [34] one another, and with mighty Struggles, too much Embarraſſed the whole Nation; till the King himſelf was obliged to concern himſelf in Uniting them, and how he brought that great Work to paſs, are Things not ſo much to my preſent purpoſe; But at this time, viz. 26 June 1695, the Scots Company obtained their Settle⯑ment.

What ever Proſpects the Projectors of that Company had in their View, ſome of which will, I doubt, hardly bear a Hiſtory, I never heard one of them pretend, That either the Stock to carry it on, or the Market for their Trade, could be found in Scotland, and from hence, with other particular Objections, which I believe they never Debated, I pretend to ſay, They could never really pro⯑poſe any rational probability of Succeſs.

If they imagined to obtain Help from Abroad, they indeed were in the right, for they could not but know, That the Merchants in England would leap at a Propoſal to get into the Eaſt-India Trade, free from the Bondage of the Company mentioned before—; But if they imagined alſo, That this could do leſs than Embark the Engliſh Government againſt them, and bring the Publick to concern themſelves about it, they were exceeding Short-ſighted, or muſt at the ſame Time believe, the other very Ignorant in the Affairs before them.

The firſt Step the Company took, was to open Books for Sub⯑ſcriptions at London, and afterwards at Hamburgh, and this was no ſooner done, but the Engliſh Company took the Alarm at both; and obtained by their Intereſt with the Government, Inſtructions to the Engliſh Reſident at Hamburgh, to Oppoſe it there, which was done moſt effectually. The Engliſh Reſident, as it was ſaid, ta⯑citely Threatning the Hamburghers, That the Engliſh ſhould remove their Staple of Cloth to the City of Bremen, and ruine the Trade of Hamburgh, whether he did actually Threaten them ſo or no, I do not Affirm, but 'tis certain, he ſo managed Affairs, that the Subſcriptions begun there, were ſtopt, and the Deſign on that Side effectually ruined; Then they, I mean the Engliſh Eaſt-India Com⯑pany, Applyed themſelves to the Engliſh Parliament, and by offer⯑ing plauſible Reaſons there, ſoon obtained their Votes againſt it alſo, and againſt any of the Subjects of England Subſcribing to it, and the Scots Merchants who had ſubſcribed in England, were or⯑dered to be Impeacht of a Miſdemeanour, tho' the Parliament being near a Cloſe, thoſe Impeachments dropt of courſe.

Theſe things had the deſired Effect, for they cruſhed the Attempt of raiſing a New Eaſt-India Company in theſe Parts of the World, and the Projectors then played their other Game of Darien, in which they had the ſame Unhappineſs, viz. To put the Engliſh Na⯑tion under a Neceſſity of Oppoſing them.

I do readily allow, the firſt Scheme of a Trade to the Eaſt-Indies had a Probability of Succeſs in it, a Thing I can not grant to the Affair of Darien; which, I think, had not one Branch belonging to its Contrivance, but what was Big with neceſſary Abortions, [35] ſuch as remote Mines of Gold to be gained and maintained by Force againſt the Spaniards, in which England could not without Breach of Faith aſſiſt, ſuch as a Trade for European Goods with the Spaniſh Colonies, which muſt always have been by Force or by Stealth, and neither of theſe had any Rational Probability.

As to their Trade over Land to the South Seas, and thence to the Indies, tho' much boaſted of, it anſwers for it ſelf, and ſeems a too Impracticable Whimſy to merit any Reply, much like that other Dream of making a Navigation, or Communication between the South Seas and the Gulph of Mexico, by the River of Darien—; Which, if all were done, and the Diſtance meaſured to that Part of India, to which we chiefly Trade, viz. The Coaſt of Coromondel, Surrat, Bay of Bengal, &c. I think any Body will de⯑termine the Voyage by the Cape de Bon Eſperance, the better Paſſage by much, and very little if any thing longer.

But to come to the Caſe, the Company, or rather the Projectors, who had now embark'd the Gentlemen in a Subſcription of 400000 Pounds Sterling, carried on their Deſign, and with Two Ships.

Men and a Cargo perfectly unqualified for any kind of Trade, ei⯑ther with Engliſh, or Spaniards, ſet Sail, and landing at Darien, made a Settlement there, fortified themſelves, and prepared to maintain it.

The Spaniards, who claim a Right there, and whether that Right be diſputeable or no, is not the Queſtion here, immediately pro⯑ceed by a double Method, firſt, To prepare to diſlodge them by Force, and ſecondly, Apply themſelves to the King of England, claiming, by virtue of the Treaty made with England, Ratified and Exchanged, That no Succour ſhould be given to the Scots from any of the Engliſh Colonies in America.

This, as an expreſs Stipulation, could not be denyed by the Eng⯑liſh Court, and accordingly a Proclamation was exhibited by the King of England, and ſent to all the Engliſh Plantations, forbidding Trade or Correſpondence with them.

I cannot help ſaying, had the Managers of the Companies Af⯑fairs had the leaſt Forecaſt of Things, they could not but have expected all that happened here; And alſo might have known, That, had they Acted right, thoſe Proclamations could have done them no manner of Damage.

Whover has the leaſt Knowledge of the Affairs of that Country, and of the Trade of the Engliſh Colonies, muſt needs know, That, had the Scots Company, who had plac'd themſelves at Darien, been furniſh'd either with Money, or Letters of Credit, they had never wanted Proviſions, or come to any other Diſaſter, notwithſtand⯑ing the Proclamations of the Engliſh againſt Correſpon⯑dence.

Nor will any Man be ſo vain to ſay, That they ought to have ventured on ſuch a Settlement, depending on Supplies from the Engliſh, eſpecially when, in their Affairs of Hamburgh and London, which were before all this, they had ſeen the Engliſh concerning [35] themſelves againſt their Company; Much leſs ſhould they have gone to Plant themſelves in a Climate unfit for Product it ſelf, with neither Caſh, nor Credit, to Buy in other Places.

At laſt 'tis apparent, That, notwithſtanding the Proclamations, and after all the Officious Care of the Governours of the Engliſh Colonies, yet ſeveral Sloops of Proviſions came to them, but found them on the other Hand unfurniſh'd to purchaſe, except with ſuch Goods as were fit for no Market, nor could they give Bills any where to make Good the Value.

The Trade to the Spaniſh Weſt-Indies is forbidden in thoſe Parts, under the ſevereſt Penalties of Loſs of Goods, Confiſcation of the Ship, and Death of the People; And yet we ſee, That, at Ja⯑maica for the Engliſh, and Curaſoe for the Dutch, they carry on a prodigious Trade encouraged by the Gain of it.

Had the Scots at Darien had any thing ſufficient to encoutage the Traders thither, they had never wanted Proviſions; And as they were unprovided that way, they muſt have ſtarved, had there been no Prohibitions at all, for they would have found few of the Planters, or Merchants of the Colonies, inclined to have furniſh'd them without Money.

This I think clears up the Caſe ſufficiently, and therefore I ſhall ſay no more to it here; 'Tis thus far to the preſent Purpoſe, That, This Diſaſter of the Scots, be the Fault where it will, was one of the great Occaſions of Ill Blood between the Nations, while thoſe that took all Opportunities to widen our Breaches on both Sides, con⯑tinually cryed out in England, That the Scots were encroaching upon our Trade, and ſetting up a New Eaſt-India Trade—; And, on the other Hand, in Scotland, they complained of the Un⯑natural and Barbarous Treatment of the Engliſh—; Both which took with the Common People of either Nations, to the Un⯑ſpeakable Diſquieting of their Minds, and raiſing continual Re⯑proaches againſt one another, without giving themſelves leave to enquire into the Grounds and Reaſons of Things.

I have been the larger on this Head, becauſe I think this to be the firſt Handle that our Quarrelſome People took Hold of to Ob⯑ject againſt one another, and on which the future Jealouſies between the Nations were pretended to be built.

The Affair of Glenco was another Step to National Breaches; And tho' every Body tells me, I muſt handle this very gently, perhaps they may ſee, there is not ſo much Cauſe for it, as they imagine.

And having the Honour to have had ſomething of this from Perſons very near the King, and perhaps from His Majeſties own Mouth; I ſhall only ſtate the General ſo far as it has been report⯑ed to the Injury of that Glorious Prince, and to the exciting Natio⯑nal Animoſities between us.

In doing this, I ſhall only avoid Naming of Perſons, let the Guilt dye in their Graves, we are not now calling up the Perſons to Judgment, but ſetting the Matter in a clear Light.

[37] That the Glenco-men among ſeveral other Clans of the High⯑landers, were Enemies to the Government at that time, had been in Arms under Dundee, and had on all occaſions ſhown their impla⯑cable Averſion to King William, and all the Intereſt of the Revolu⯑tion, needs no Proof, and is own'd even by the greateſt Friends to the Cauſe.

That theſe People were not only very troubleſome, bu tdange⯑rous, and had committed ſeveral Hoſtilities, Murders, Robberies and Depredations, on both the Innocent Country People their Neigh⯑bours, as well as on the Garriſons of Souldiers plac'd on that ſide to ſuppreſs them, is alſo out of diſpute.

The Defence made for this is ſhort, That they were fair Enemies and had profeſſ't open War.

It is Anſwered thus, That

• 1. They cannot be own'd as open Enemies, becauſe they really had no Commiſſions from King James. And 2ly, The War was as it were ſuppreſt; the Generality had laid down their Arms, and ſubmitted; and theſe as a few Deſperado's kept up the Quarrel rather as an advantage of Rapine and Plunder, than a Service to their pretended Maſter, or his Cauſe.
• 2. Suppoſe them at open War, It has been the known Prac⯑tice in War, when a Governour of a Garriſon holds out with⯑out Expectation of Relief, without any proſpect but meer Deſ⯑peration and Miſchief, to give ſuch no Quarter; no Conditions at all, but even after taking the Place to hang them up in cold Blood, as wild Beaſts, that make no fair War, and deſerve no fair Treatment.

As His Majeſty had this Account given him of theſe People, and I do not find but it was a true Account too, it was the Advice of the General and Officers imployed at that time, that it was a Miſ⯑chief which as Times then went might be very dangerous to the Pub⯑lick; & that therefore it behoved them to take ſome immediate Courſe with them; And ſince deſperate Miſchiefs require Remedies of the ſame kind, they thought the firſt Force the beſt, and propoſed to march immediately with a Body of Troops into the Place, and in⯑tirely root them out as a Den of Thieves and Deſtroyers, without which the peaceable Subjects could never be ſafe, nor the Govern⯑ment be eaſie; That the Charge of maintaining Troops there, was an in⯑tolerable Burden to the Countrey, and as there was no other way could prevail to preſerve the Peace, it was abſolutely neceſſary to come to Extremity.

His Majeſty, who by his Experience in Military Affairs, was ſoon convinc'd both of the Juſtice in Point of War, & Neceſſity in Point of Government of this Advice; yet out of His meer Goodneſs of Diſpoſition & general Clemency, anſwered, He agreed to their Reaſons, but requi⯑red that before any ſuch Extremities ſhould be uſed with them, a Proclamation ſhould be publiſhed, offering Pardon, or Remiſſion for all Violences, and Villanies paſt, to all theſe People without Excep⯑tion, who within a certain time ſhould come in, lay down their [38] Arms, and ſubmit to the Government, and take the Oaths as peace⯑able Subjects.

'Tis here viſible that His Majeſties Intentions were not only Juſt and Honourable to theſe People, tho his implacable Enemies, but that he reſolved like a merciful Prince, to try all reaſonable Me⯑thods of Tenderneſs, and Goodneſs, if poſſible, to keep the Peace, and ſave the Offenders too.

With this Proclamation, Commiſſion was given to the Military Power, if this merciful Method could not prevail, they ſhould proceed to Extremities; and by Force of Arms deſtroy all thoſe that ſhould ſtand out, and not comply with the Proclamation. And His Majeſties Orders were, as far as relates to this part, as follows.

The Inſtructions were to Sir Thomas Livingstoun, dated Jan. 11. 1692. the firſt Clauſe is thus,

You are hereby Ordered and Authorized to march our Troops which are now posted at Innerlochie and Innerneſs to act againſt thoſe Highland Rebels who have not taken the benefite of Our Indem⯑nity, by Fire and Sword, and all manner of Hostilities, to burn their Houſes, ſeize or deſtroy their Goods, Cattel, Pleniſhing or Clothes, and to cut off the Men.

The Fourth Article runs thus,

That the Rebels may not think themſelves abſolutely deſperate, we allow you to give Terms and Quarters, but we are ſo convinc'd of the Neceſſity of Severity, and that they cannot be reclaim'd, that we will not allow you to give any other Terms to Chiftains, Heretors, or Leaders, but to be Priſoners of War, whereby their Lives are ſaved; but for all other things they muſt ſurrender on Mercy, and take the Oath of Alledgeance.

In Additional Inſtructions, one Clauſe is thus dated 16 Jan. 1692.

If that Mackean of Glenco and his Tribe can be well ſeparated from the rest, it will be a proper Vindication of the publick justice to ex⯑tirpate that Sect of Thieves.

Thus far I think I may undertake to ſay His Majeſty proceeded, by the known Cuſtom of all the moſt juſt Governments in the World, and it would be needleſs to Examine Hiſtories to bring Precedents here to juſtifie the Method.

It is certain, and all Men allow that the Glenco-men had not com⯑plyed with the Proclamation; Nay they had rejected two Indemni⯑ties.

I know 'tis objected, that Glenco came and took the Oath ſix days after the time, made a legal and juſt Excuſe, and ſent word of his willingneſs to comply with it, and that it was only a Treſpaſs of Time, which they ſuppoſed he had repaired, that the end of the Proclamation was anſwered, and that the King who was mercifully inclin'd, would never have taken the Lives of People reſolved to ſubmit for a Treſpaſs of days.

To this I anſwer, as His Majeſty himſelf did in that Caſe, that indeed had he been in the Field, and on the Spot, and that Excuſe had been ſent to him, he might have accepted it—, But that as [39] Commiſſions in Caſes of War, are to be punctually Executed, he could not require it of the Officers to accept it, as an Excuſe againſt a poſitive Proclamation, and an expreſs Order; Beſides, I do not find any, but the Chief had gone thus far, the reſt not having come in at all.

It is alledged, That the Execution was from private Malice—; but none could ever yet have the Face to charge His Majeſty with that, and I could never hear of any Reaſon given why the Com⯑manders of the Forces ſhould have any, much leſs thoſe at whom the Scandal of it was pointed, upon pretence of giving Unwar⯑rantable Orders.

But the Caſe chiefly lyes here, the Men fell under the Misfortune of a Criſis in War, they brought themſelves into it by an Omiſſion of Time, to ſay, They could not avoid it, does not reach the Caſe, if the Officers can be charged with any private Revenge in this Caſe, I have only this to ſay.

• 1. I never yet ſaw any Reaſon to think ſo, no Perſonal Grudge or Quarrel ever appeared, that I ever met with, or was ſo much as—, alledged in it, or Gain pretended to be made by it, if the E. of B.—had any private Game, it nei⯑ther affected the King, nor the other Perſons Charged with the Thing.
• 2. If it were ſo, it no way affects the King, againſt whom the Reproach of this Affair is ſince pointed, who acted no⯑thing but what was agreeable to the Laws of War, and mixt it with that General Bleſſing of his Temper, an unuſual Cle⯑mency.

If the Commiſſion given was Executed with Barbarity, and Blood, Killing People in what we call cold Blood, ſurprizing them in Peace, and Dependence on Safety, all this will turn upon the Merits of the firſt Cauſe; For if they were by the Laws of War to be Deſtroyed, all manner of Surprizes become Juſtified by the ſame Law: As to the Cruelties and Exceſſes of the Furious Soldiers, no Man can have the Face to Reproach His Majeſty with that.

The Grand Queſtion remains yet behind, Why did not the King cauſe the Offenders to be made Examples, and ſeverely puniſh the Murderers.

I ſhall Anſwer,

• 1. If His Majeſties Peculiar was too much Clemency, I think ſome of thoſe that make loudeſt Exclamations on this Article ought to be ſilent, ſince, had Exemplar Juſtice been His Ma⯑jeſties Employment from his firſt Landing, we ſhould have no Reaſon to have ſaid, It was a Bloodleſs Revolution, nor they perhaps have been alive to Complain.
• 2. For the Reaſons aforeſaid, His Majeſty often ſaid, it was a Moot-point in War, whether they had broke Orders or no, and tho' I have the Honour to know, that His Majeſty ex⯑ceedingly reſented the Manner, yet it did not appear at all, that they had laid themſelves open to Military Juſtice in it, [40] or ſo much as given ground to call them to account before a Council of War.

As to National or Civil Juſtice, the Memory of the King can never be Reflected upon in that, unleſs ſome Perſons had purſued them at Law, obtained Sentence againſt them, and His Majeſty had Protected them from the Proſecution or Execution of ſuch Sen⯑tences.

Thus far, I think, the King himſelf is intirely clear of this Mat⯑ter, who elſe may have been Guilty, and how, either of breaking Orders, going beyond them on Niceties, and Executing them with Barbarities, I have no Occaſion to enter upon here; I ſhall be far from Defending ſuch Things, and I am ſure His Majeſty was far from Approving it.

But this is more compleatly Anſwered, by putting the World in mind, That His Majeſty did refer the Proſecution of that Affair wholly to the Parliament, as more particularly appears by the Par⯑liaments Addreſs of Thanks to His Majeſty for ſo doing.

And that in their Proſecution, they found no room for legal Pro⯑ceſs, except againſt the Officer who Executed the Orders in a man⯑ner ſo Barbarous, which Officer fled from Juſtice, and was Pro⯑ſcribed for not Compearing.

So that here was no legal Proceſs interrupted, but all was Frank⯑ly remitted by His Majeſty to the ſevereſt Methods of Juſtice, which if it would not reach the Perſons concerned, 'tis very hard the Slander ſhould reach the King.

It might be ſaid here, You have no Occaſion to Defend the King's Memory in this Caſe, ſince the Parliament of Scotland clear'd His Majeſty, by their Unanimous Vote of 14th. of June, viz. That His Majeſties Inſtructions contained no Warrant for the Execution of the Glenco Men.

I ſhall only Note, That it is true the Parliament paſt ſuch a Vote, and 'tis as true, the King reſented very ill their Uſage of him, as he had great Reaſon to do, frequently repeating, That he Thank⯑ed the Parliament of Scotland, they had uſed him better than Eng⯑land had done his Grandfather, for they had Tryed him for his Life, and brought him in NOT GƲILTY. I muſt confeſs, it was very Unaccountable the Houſe ſhould paſs ſuch a Vote upon their Sovereign, whom no Man had had the Impudence to owne a Re⯑flection upon in the Caſe, tho' they did it Clandeſtinely; and it had much better have become them, to have Searched after, and Puniſhed thoſe that Slandered the King on that Account.

But the Reproaching the King, and thoſe imployed by him, and who under him gave Orders in it, had its Party Uſes; what End it anſwered at that Time, is very well known, and would make a very good Hiſtory, to the Reproach of ſome Pretenders to Revolu⯑tion Principles; But I chooſe to bury theſe Things in Silence, nei⯑ther are they any part of this Deſign.

I have Aſſign'd this as a ſecond Ground of National Animoſity, not that it was Acted by any of the Engliſh Nation, but as the [41] Gentlemen who improved it, turned it all againſt the King, it was ſtill furniſhing matter of Railry againſt the Revolution, and Suc⯑ceſſion, which both turned upon one Point, and was now ſup⯑ported and puſht on in Scotland, by the Intereſt and Influence of the Engliſh Court.

I have Digreſt upon the Subject on no other Ground, than to clear up the Reproaches which Envy would fain fix on the King and his Memory, which, I think, not at all accountable for it.

3. The next General Head, on which our National Diſcontents have been Revived, and indeed which has been ſtrangely Iſſued, has been the Succeſſion of the Crown.

This has a long Chain of Derivations to fetch it from, but I'll Contract them into as ſmall a Compaſs as I can.

The Original of the whole Debate is to be placed, if we will do Juſtice, in His late Majeſties ſincere and conſtant Care for the Peace and Security of theſe Kingdoms.

The King had ſeen the Proſpects of an Ʋnion fly like a remote Shadow, as it were out of Ken, and finding reaſon to lay aſide the Thoughts of that bleſſed Conjunction, he found the next Step needful was, to preſerve the Publick Peace, and hand down our Liberties to Poſterity, under the ſame Security he had ſo happily Fixt them in; in order to this, His Majeſty began to ſet himſelf ſeriouſly to Work, to ſettle the Succeſſion of the Crown in the Proteſtant Line.

Before I enter into this large Field, I muſt take one Opportunity more to Exalt the Memory of the King, and put theſe Nations in mind of the Care that Prince took, abſtracted from his own In⯑tereſt, to ſettle both the Liberties and Religion of this Iſland, in ſpight of all the ill Treatment he met with here.

Upon the Revolution, a great deal of Clamour and Reproach had been Level'd at the King, as if he purſued his own Intereſt in the taking the Crown of England, tho' I muſt acknowledge I am at a Loſs, to find out what he Gain'd by it, tho' I have had Opportunities to know ſomething of His Majeſties Affairs; But ſure, no Body could Charge His Majeſty with having an Eye to his Intereſt, in what ſhould happen after his Death; He could have nothing to propoſe to himſelf beyond the Grave; It could be of no Moment to him, who ſhould Enjoy the Crown after him, ſince he had no Children of his own, nor could he expect the Succeſſion ſhould come to any Branch of his Family.

Covetouſneſs and Ambition may guide Princes in their Purſuit of Honours and Poſſeſſions, to themſelves and their Families, but when a Prince has no Family, no Relations that can Enjoy after him, it can not be Rational to talk of Ambition or Intereſt in that Caſe.

His Majeſties Memory is therefore Untainted, and even the Ene⯑mies of his Fame are Defeated here; for the very pretence fails them, his Anxiety for the Settlement of the Succeſſion, could ſavour of nothing but a meer Concern and Reſpect for the Intereſt, Safety, [42] and Liberty of the Countrey, and let any Man give any other ra⯑tional Account of it, if he can; But this is by the way.

In purſuit of this Original Deſign, His Majeſty laid the Ground-Plot of the Succeſſion to the Houſe of Hannover, went himſelf to Hannover, and thence to Zell, to Concert the Meaſures of it on that Side, Maſter'd ſome Difficulties there too, and then propoſed it to the Engliſh Parliament.

How it paſſed in the Engliſh Nation, what Oppoſition was made to it there, and by whom, what ſubſequent Laws were made to ſtrengthen and ſupport it, is not much to the preſent Purpoſe to Examine, Hiſtories are full of the particular Circumſtances, and no Body that knows any thing of what paſt in thoſe Times, can be ignorant of it.

It remained only to make the ſame Proviſion for Scotland; and the King began to turn his Eyes thither, when he was taken off by Death; And Queen ANNE Succeeded not to his Crown only, but to the ſame Care and Concern for the Publick Peace, and for the Settlement of the Nations, by ſecuring the Succeſſion of the Crown.

But to look into Scotland a little, the Scots receiv'd the Propoſal of the Succeſſion, with more Coldneſs & Diffidence than was expected; and the Heats occaſioned by the Debates on both Sides, were Ex⯑traordinary; The Oppoſition made to the Continuation of their United State in a Succeſſor, had a ſpecious and moſt unanſwerable Pretence to be made for it, tho' it was made Uſe of by two ſorts of People, with a quite different Proſpect.

The Scots had been very ſenſible of the viſible Decay of Trade, Wealth, and Inhabitants in their Country, even from the firſt giving away their Kings to the Engliſh Succeſſion, and as the Sinking Condition of their Nation, was plainly owing to the Loſs of their Court, Concourſe of People, the Diſadvantages of Trade, and the Influence the Engliſh had over their Kings; So it was as plain, there was no way to Recover themſelves, but either better Terms of Union and Alliance, or a Returning back to their ſeparate Self-Exiſting State.

The moſt Confidering and Diſintereſted People, Reflected back upon their Eaſie Complying with the Engliſh, and Joyning with the Revolution, without any Conditions made for themſelves with England as a Nation; And plainy ſaid, If they had demanded bet⯑ter Terms, they might have had them, ſince their Joyning at that Time was a Thing of ſuch Conſequence, and upon which ſo much did Depend, that England could not have denied them, and what they had to ask was ſo reaſonable, that nothing in reaſon could have been objected.

The People who were of this Opinion, being ſome of them at the ſame Time, as far from Embarking in the wrong Intereſt, Mov'd Strenuouſly for a Treaty with England, to aſcertain the Con⯑ditions, Chiefly reſpecting Commerce, on which they were willing to [43] ſettle the Crown; but were Unanimouſly for refuſing to ſettle it at all, but with ſuch a Treaty.

As theſe Gentlemen inſiſted upon a Treaty with England, in caſe they ſettled the Succeſſion with them, ſo they conſidered in the next place of Limitations, both in caſe of failing of ſuch Treaty, or in caſe of its being Concluded, in order to preſerve the Liberties of the People, and to Aſſert the Right and Power of Parliaments; And one of theſe Limitations was, That in caſe the Treaty did not ſucceed then in the ſettling the Crown, it was Provided, the Suc⯑ceſſor ſhould not be King or Queen of England.

And yet I confeſs it ſeems plain to me, the Deſign of theſe Peo⯑ple was not againſt having the Succeſſion ſettled even in Conjuncti⯑on with England, as it now is, and their General Behaviour ſince, Confirms this Opinion, beſides the General Character of the Men themſelves, but their Deſign appeared plainly to bring England over to ſuch Terms in Matters of Commerce, as really it appeared Scot⯑land wanted, and as England ought to Grant.

'Tis true, a Party Joyn'd in this, that were againſt any Conjuncti⯑on at all, that were againſt any Succeſſion but that of King James, and whoſe real Deſign was againſt the General Correſpondence of the Nations, and both Sides had People among them who made uſe of theſe Things, further and further to Divide the Nation.

Nor did they fail of Succeſs, for this was taken very Hainouſly in England, eſpecially by the ignorant kind of People, and they began in England to Treat the Scots very Courſely; The Writers of the Age began to Diſcuſs the ſeparate Sovereignties, and Exalt the Titles of either Side.

In England, one Doctor Drake Writes a Preface to an Abridge⯑ment of the Scots Hiſtory, wherein ſpeaking ſomething Reflecting upon the Freedom and Independency of Scotland, the Scots Parlia⯑ment cauſed it to be Burnt by the Hangman at Edinburgh. Another Engliſh Author Writes of the Abſolute Dominion of the Engliſh Crown over the Crown of Scotland, but he received the juſt Pu⯑niſhment of being little regarded; Another Writes of the Eaſineſs of Reducing Scotland by Arms—. Againſt theſe Mr. Anderſon, Hodges, and others, Write of the Antiquity, Freedom, and Inde⯑pendency of Scotland, Aſſerting it in the Face of the World, for which Books the Parliament Rewarded them publickly.

Thus, on both Sides, the Caſe ſtood between the Nations, a Pen and Ink War made a daily Noiſe in either Kingdom, and this ſer⯑ved to Exaſperate the People in ſuch a manner, one againſt ano⯑ther, that never have two Nations Run upon one another in ſuch a manner, and come off without Blows.

The Heats on both Sides being thus ſtrangely blown up, and the People of either Kingdom beginning to run into Exceſſes—, juſt in this Juncture, as if the Nature and Neceſſity of the Thing had driven both Nations to it, the Queen propoſes to the reſpective Parliaments, a Treaty of Union to be begun between the two King⯑doms; This was in the year 1702, the Well-Wiſhers to the Na⯑tions [44] Peace earneſtly longed for this Union on both Sides; But I cannot ſay that they had equal Expectations of it, as Times then went.

It was the firſt year of Her Majeſty's Reign, and the Adminiſtrati⯑on of things being then in hands in both Kingdoms, which Her Majeſty afterward thought fit to change, there is not ſo much won⯑der why this Treaty came to nothing.

There had been Obſtructions to the Deſign in Scotland, where Things were yet carried with more Jealouſie of the Engliſh Court than afterwards they ſaw Reaſon to do; This occaſioned a Proteſt from one ſort of Gentlemen againſt the Queens Naming the Com⯑miſſioners to Treat—; But even the very Gentlemen who proteſt⯑ed, thought fit afterwards to come in to the Union as it was pro⯑poſed, and had no ſmall Influence in the Succeſs of it.

The Succeſs of the Union no doubt depended upon the Choice of the Perſons appointed to Treat, and this depended very much on the Repreſentation of the Miniſtry in either Nation to the Queen. As to the Miniſtry in Scotland I ſhall ſay nothing, the Gentlemen nominated there might perhaps have come into Meaſures for a Trea⯑ty well enough, moſt of the former Treaters being the ſame as af⯑terwards finiſhed it—; But the Deſign of the Miniſtry in England ſeemed to act upon Meaſures not ſo conſiſtent with the true Intent and Meaning of the Treaty as could have been wiſht.

Again the Jealouſneſs on both ſides about Church Affairs, in re⯑ſpect to the Union, were the ground of ſuch Difficulties as no Body could ſurmount, and lay as a Secret Mine, with which that Party who deſigned to keep the Nation divided, were ſure to blow it up at laſt, and therefore knew that all they did till that Point was diſ⯑cuſt ſignified nothing, and that when ever they pleaſed to put an end to it, they had an immediate Opportunity.

Without therefore entring upon ſuch juſt Reflections as I might very well be allowed to make upon the ſeveral Perſons, and Parts acting and acted in that, I had almost ſaid ſham Treaty, I may place the whole Miſcarriages of it very juſtly upon this one Parti⯑cular, viz, That the Affairs of Religion were left to the abſolute Determination and Appointment of the Treaters, and this might have inſtructed any Body that this Treaty would come to nothing, ſince it was morally impracticable that the Nice Article of Religion, as it particularly then ſtood between the two Churches, could have been ſettled to the mutual Satisfaction of both Kingdoms by a Com⯑miſſion, in which there was not one Perſon deputed or named by the Church, or inſtructed by them to enter upon the ſeveral Articles of a Treaty on either Hand.

I know it has been ſaid, and perhaps there may have been ſome Truth in it, That the Article of Religion was to have lien paſſive and dormant, and neither Side was to have concerned themſelves a⯑bout it, by which ſome would have had it underſtood, that either Side was to remain in the Condition they were then in—, and that this was the Meaning of the words of a certain Perſon, who when [45] he was ask't, what Care was taken of the Church in that Treaty, Replyed, For GOD's Sake, let Us have no more of that Jargon.

I confeſs, It's a charitable Conſtruction of the Words, to ſay, The Author only meant that Things ſhould be left to ſtand as they were, and the Treaters ſhould have no other Concern about it,—but I preſume thoſe People hardly conſidered that then the Eſtabliſhment of either Church had been left intirely to the future Diſpoſition of a Britiſh Parliament, who, whenever they were governed by a Majority on this or that Side might have Over-whelmed intirely the Scots Set⯑tlement, and erected Epiſcopacy upon them, or Vice verſa with the Church of England: And I preſume neither Church would have thought themſelves ſafe upon ſuch a Foundation, I am ſure, they would not have had Reaſon to have thought ſo.

Such a Precarious Union muſt needs have begot future Convulſi⯑ons in both Kingdoms; And if We may judge by what has happned ſince, the Treaters would have met with but very Ordinary Recep⯑tion in Scotland when they came Home, and the abandoning the Church to the Mercy of the Parliament, which was in Effect, giving Her up to the Church of England, would certainly have Inflamed the whole Countrey.

It is therefore the much kinder Reflection to ſay theſe Gentlemen never deſigned any Union at all, ſince to ſuppoſe the other, would be to ſuggeſt that they deſigned to give up their Native Countrey to a Bondage in Matters Religious, which they knew was Intolerable to their Countrey, and to lead them by the Hand to an Inevitable Breach between the Nations.

For this Reaſon I ſay, that Treaty was never ſincerely deſign'd; if it was, it muſt reflect either upon the Underſtandings, or upon the Integrity of the Perſons concern'd.

However, as I am here upon Matters of Hiſtory, and collecting together all that has been done with relation to uniting the King⯑doms, as well what was Abortive as what came to Perfection; I think this Work cannot be compleat without giving you the Minutes of this Treaty alſo, as far as it proceeded—; But becauſe I would not interrupt the Threed of Hiſtory, I have adjourned it to the Appendix, where you have it at large, as I received it from the hand of a Perſon of Honour and undoubted Integrity, who was one of the Commiſſioners to that Treaty, and wrote it down with his own Hand. The Minutes are marked in the Appendix (N 14.)

Upon the breaking up of this Treaty, three things happned to the further widening the unhappy Breaches between the Nations, which however they diſcovered the furious Temper of a Party of Men in both Kingdoms, ready and forward to inflame us and in⯑volve both Nations in Blood, yet their evil Deſign had this happy Iſſue, that it brought the Nations to the Griſis which inevitably brought on the great Treaty; it put us all into ſuch a Condition, that nothing but a Treaty for a nearer Union, or a Bloody and Ir⯑reconcilable Rupture could be the Conſequence—. And this I [46] take to be a moving Argument, which in the Judgment of the Mi⯑niſtry made the Treaty of Union abſolutely neceſſary, and thus the greateſt Good came out of the greateſt deſigned Evil.

The firſt of theſe was the Affair of Captain Green and the Ship Worceſter. About the (left blank) an Engliſh Ship called the Worcester of London, Captain Thomas Green Commander, Home⯑ward-bound from the East-Indies, put into Scotland, whether by contrary Winds, or for Convoy, or on what other occaſion is not to the purpoſe.

The African Company there having a Ship formerly ſeized by the East-India Company in London, as ſhe was fitting out in the River of Thames; And for which they had in vain ſolicited Reſti⯑tution, they obtain of the Government a Power to Seize and Stop this Ship by way of Repriſal.

Accordingly the Ship was ſeized on, and brought into Brunt-iſland, and ſome time paſſed while the Ship lay under ſuch Circumſtances.

During this Time, ſome of the Ships Crew, whether in their Drink, or otherwiſe, let fall ſome Words, implying that they had been Pirating, and particularly ſome very ſuſpicious Diſcourſes, in⯑timating that there had been Blood in the Caſe.

This prompted further Enquiries, and at laſt a plain and particu⯑lar Information was procured, that this Captain Green with this Ship Worcester had met with a Scots Ship commanded by one (left blank) Drummond in the East-Indies, had made Prize of the Ship, and Murthered Drummond and all his Crew.

Theſe ſuſpicious and dark Speeches were ſo taken hold of, and trac't, that at laſt it came upon the Stage, and brought Green and his Ships Crew into the Courſe of publick Juſtice, and after a very long Tryal, they were found guilty of Piracy, Robbe⯑ry and Murder; And particularly the Captain and five more were condemned to Dye for it, and the Captain with two more were ac⯑cordingly executed.

It is not the work of this Book to relate that Story at its full length, but I can not paſs it here without a ſhort Abridgement of the Proceedings; Becauſe as Scotland lyes under much Scandal on this Account, which, as to the Methods of publick Juſtice, I think ſhe does not deſerve, ſo the clearing up that Point, and the Relation it has to the preſent Subject I am upon, I think will come out Hand in Hand; and for that Reaſon I ingage in it.

Some of Green's Men, either in their Anger, or their Cups, or both, having let fall Words that rendred him very much ſuſpected of having been guilty of great Villanies, they were further watch⯑ed in their Diſcourſe by ſome that had taken hold of their Words, particularly two Negroes, one Haines, and another, who, it ſeems, being diſguſted at the Captain, frequently let fall ſuch Expreſſions as gave the Hearers Reaſon to ſuſpect there had been great Villanies among them. Theſe Speeches are all to be ſeen in the Depoſitions of the Witneſſes, too long to repeat here, and particularly in the Printed Tryal, to which I refer.

[47] I ſhall not take upon me here, either to Condemn or Acquit either Side, I know the World is divided on the Subject, ſome will have Green and his Crew, to be Guilty of all that is Charged on them; others ſay, The Company carried all againſt them, that they might have a good Pretence for Confiſcating the Ship. But be that as it will, it is moſt certain, the Folly and Imprudence of the Men Hang⯑ed them, to ſay no more.

From a little to more, from dark Expreſſions, they fell to down⯑right Quarrelling, and calling one another Names, which there ſeems to be good reaſon to believe, might in part be true on both Sides, For ſome of them, however innocent of this Matter, had been, it ſeems, Guilty of Wickedneſſes of other ſorts, black enough.

This Folly of theirs, came at laſt to ſuch a Hight, that it could be no longer Concealed, for it became the publick Diſcourſe, That they had been Guilty not of Murder and Piracy only, but of Un⯑common Barbarities, and not that only, but that it was particular⯑ly on a Scots Ship, and Scots Men, viz. Captain Drummond, as aforeſaid.

At length it was brought to the Ears of the Government, and as the publick Juſtice of all Nations is obliged to take Cogniſance of ſuch Horrid Things as were here ſuggeſted, the Fellows were Exa⯑mined, and they frankly Confeſſing, Green and five of his Men were taken up; The poſitive Evidence were only two Negroes, but others ſo Corroborated what they ſaid, and Circumſtances con⯑curring, to make almoſt every Body believe the Fact, at leaſt in that Hurry, they were upon a long Hearing ſeverally found Guilty of Piracy and Murder.

There are ſometimes ſuch Criſis, ſuch Junctures in Matters, when all Things ſhall concur to poſſeſs, not a Man, but even a Nation with a Belief, of what at another Time they would not believe, even upon the ſame Evidence; And, in this, Man ſeems acted by a kind of ſupernatural Influence, as if inviſibly directed, to bring to paſs ſome particular Thing pointed out by Providence to be done, for Reaſons of his own, and known only to his Inſcrutable Wiſdom.

Juſt ſuch a Caſe this ſeemed to be; the Circumſtances of Green and his Crew, were very Unhappy for them; Their being put into Scotland, where they had no manner of Buſineſs, no Diſtreſs to Force them in; Their being Seized by the Company, the Mens fal⯑ling out among themſelves, and being the open Inſtruments of De⯑tecting, what no one ever could ha' Charged them with, their ſtay⯑ing there when they might have gone, and had no more Buſineſs there, from whence ſome alledge, they had no power to depart; Theſe, and more concurring Circumſtances which were obſerved by the moſt curious, and ſome of which were Noted upon the Trial, ſeem'd to Jump together ſo viſibly, that all People ſeem'd to acknowledge a wonderful and inviſible Hand in it, directing and pointing out the Detecting ſome Horrible Crime, which Ven⯑geance ſuffered not to go Unpuniſhed.

[48] Nor was this the ſenſe of a few, but Generally ſpeaking of the whole Nation, I mean of conſidering People, and ſuch as uſually notice ſuch Things, and particularly of many of thoſe who cried out loudeſt of the matter, when it was too late to apply any Re⯑medy, in which, I cannot but think, they act Unkindly to their Country, and indeed very Unjuſtly, ſince, when the Conviction of ſuch Circumſtances was on the minds of the People, It is no wonder the Men were found Guilty by the Jury; and I perſwade my ſelf, they themſelves would have done the ſame.

On their being found Guilty, they were not immediately Executed, but ſeveral Applications were made to England for their Reprive; the Council of Scotland Reprived them for ſome Days; And as ſome People began then to object, That the Evidence was but too ſlight, and that there was but one Witneſs to matter of Fact, and that the one Witneſs was but a Negroe, That he was not capable of the Impreſſions of the Solemnity of an Oath, That there was Malice in it, and the like; On theſe, and other Conſiderations, the Govern⯑ment was ſo Tender of the Blood of the Men, that ſome have thought they had not Died, but for the Rage of the Common People, who hearing that they were further to be Reprived, got together in an unuſual Multitude, on the Day appointed for their Execution, crying out for Juſtice.

And this part of the Story, is the Occaſion of my relating ſo much of it, ſince the Tendency it had to Inflame the Nations one againſt another, began here.

On the Day appointed for Execution, the Privy Council was Set, and the Magiſtrates of Edinburgh were called to Aſſiſt—, where the Point was Debated, Whether the Condemned Perſons ſhould be Executed, or no; I will not ſay the Rabble Influenc'd the Council in their Determinations that way—; But this is certain, That the Diſcontent of the Common People was very well known, and that they were Furiouſly bent upon ſome Violent Methods, was very much feared—; That a vaſt Concourſe of People was ga⯑thered at that Inſtant in the Parliament Cloſs, at the Croſs, at the Priſon, and throughout the whole City, that they publickly Threat⯑ned the Magiſtrates, and even the Council it ſelf, in caſe they were not brought out that Day, and ſome talked of pulling down the Tolbooth, which if they had Attempted, they would have Sa⯑crificed them in a way more like that of De Wit, than an Executi⯑on of Juſtice.

However, it was the Council Determined the matter, that Three of them, viz. The Captain Thomas Green, John Mather, and James Simpſon, who were thought to be Principals in the Murder, ſhould be put to Death that Day.

When the Magiſtrates of Edinburgh came out, they aſſured the People, That they were Ordered to be Executed, and that if they would have a little patience, they would ſee them brought out; and this pacified them for the preſent.

[49] Soon after the Council breaking up, My Lord Chancellor came out, and driving down the Street in his Coach, as he paſt by the Croſs, ſome Body ſaid aloud, The Magistrates had but cheated them, and that the Council had repriv'd the Criminals—; This run⯑ning like Wild-fire was ſpread in a Moment among the People; immediately they ran in a Fury down the Street after the Chancellor, ſtopt his Coach juſt at the Trone-Church, broke the Glaſſes, abuſed his Servants, and forc't him out of the Coach; ſome Friends that were concerned for the Hazard he was in, got him into a Houſe, ſo that he had no perſonal Hurt: 'twas in Vain for his Lordſhip to proteſt to them that the Men were ordered to be executed, they were then paſt Hearing of any Thing, the whole Town was in an Up⯑roar, and not the Mob of the City, but even from all the Adjacent Countrey was come together, Nothing, but the Blood of the Priſon⯑ers could appeaſe them: and had not the Execution followed imme⯑diately, it cannot be expreſs'd, what Miſchief might have hap⯑pened.

At laſt the Priſoners were brought out, and led through the Streets down to Leith, the Place of Execution, being by the Laws appointed there for Crimes committed upon the Sea—; The Fury and Rage of the People was ſuch, that it is not to be expreſt, and hardly did they ſuffer them to paſs, or keep their Hands off from them as they went, but throw a thouſand Inſults, Taunts and Revilings; they were at laſt brought to the Gibbet erected at the Sea-Mark, and there hang'd.

Nor can I forget to Note, that no ſooner was the Sacrifice made, and the Men dead, but even the ſame Rabble, ſo fickle is the Multi⯑tude, exclaim'd at their own Madneſs, and openly regrated what they had done, and were ready to tear one another to pieces for the Exceſs.

This was not acted there with more Fury, than it was with the outmoſt Indignation reſented in England—, ſtill I am to be un⯑derſtood of the common People; For the Government of neither Side had any Reſentment or Diſpute, all things having been carried on by legal Methods, Proceſs and Tryal, according to the Form of Law and Uſage of the Country.

But here was new Matter for the Enemies of both Nations to work upon, and too much Fewel was thrown into the Fire of National Contention on both Sides.

In Scotland it was ſaid the Court of England would protect them, and they would be pardon'd, only becauſe they were Scots-Men that were murdered; And the like.

In England it was ſaid, the Rabble had cry'd out to hang them, be⯑cauſe they were Engliſh-men, that they had ſaid they wiſht they could hang the whole Nation ſo, and that they inſulted them as they went to Execution with the Name of Engliſh Dogs, &c.

Never was ſuch an unfortunate Circumſtance to exaſperate the common People on both Sides, and to fill them with irreconcile⯑able [48] [...] [49] [...] [50] Averſions that might prepare them for Blood, and if in England it had gone a little higher, it would not have been ſafe for a Scots Man to have walk't the Street.

Certain it is, that tho the Men had been innocent, for that was now alledged, yet as they were condemned by a due Courſe of Law, Tryed and Executed by the common Form of Juſtice in that Coun⯑try, and in the ſame manner by which their own Subjects were tryed and executed, the Fault muſt ly in the Witneſſes and the Jury that believ'd them; But there could be no pretence to make it a National Quarrel at all.

That in England it had been but too frequent to Try and Con⯑demn innocent Men, and that if Evidences ſwore the Fact, it might be the Misfortune of any innocent Man to fall under ſuch a Diſaſt⯑er, the Crime lay in the Villany and Perjury of Witneſſes, but the Nation could not be quarrelled on that Account.

But ſtill theſe Things left a Corroded Maſs of ill Blood in the Minds of the People on either Side, & as Improved by the Malitious Fomenters of our Diviſions, they were very Unhappy at that Time.

To Exaſperate the People yet more, it was reported, That Cap⯑tain Drummond was yet Living, that neither he, nor any of his Men was ever Touch't by Green or his Crew, and ſome Seamen who Landed in England, made Affidavit directly contrary to the Evidence that Hang'd them.

I ſhall no further enter into the Merits of the Caſe, than ſerves to the matter of National Heats—; The Thing was Generally, thought to be a haſty Execution, but the Argument, That it ought to be no Ground of a National Quarrel, prevailed in England, and the reſt of the Priſoners in Scotland were Reprived from Time to Time, and at laſt let go.

In both theſe Caſes, the Miſchiefs of Tumult and Rabbles is to be obſerved, and how eaſie it is to ſet Nations on a flame, by the Violent Fomenting the Paſſions and Humours of the People, and how much thoſe ſort of Men are to be Deteſted, who blow the Coals of Strife and Diſſention in a Nation, prompt the Fury of an Enraged Multitude to Fly in one anothers Faces, and Inſult the Laws and Governments of both Countrys at once.

The End of this Account, is to make out what I at firſt Noted, concerning the Cauſes which wrought theſe two Nations up to ſuch a Neceſſity of a Union, that either it muſt have been a Union or a War, the Animoſities on both Sides being raiſed to ſuch a pitch, that they could no longer have remained in the uſual Me⯑dium of Peace—; Nor was this Unhappy Story, the leaſt cauſe of the growing Averſion between us, which was now come to a very great Hight.

The ſecond Head, to which I aſcribe the growing Alienation be⯑tween theſe two Kingdoms, was the Act of Security in Scotland.

This Act made a great Noiſe in the World, and was magnified in England, to ſuch a Hight, that it was look'd upon as in effect a Declaration of War, to Commence at the Queen's Demiſe, and [51] however deſigned, was effectually made ſo, by what after hap⯑pened.

The Marquiſs of Tweeddale was High Commiſſioner to this Par⯑liament, a Perſon of Extraordinary Temper, Candor and Mo⯑deſty—; The matter of the Succeſſion had in the preceeding Parliament been rejected, on this Suppoſition, That it was not Pru⯑dent for Scotland to Joyn with England, except ſuch Conditions of Commerce and Navigation were firſt obtained by Treaty with England, as were Juſt and Honourable for Scotland, and abundance of Honeſt Gentlemen, who were far enough from ſo much as being ſuſpected of Favouring the Jacobite Intereſt, joyned together in this Demand; They were willing to come into the Succeſſion, pro⯑vided they had ſuch and ſuch Conditions, as they thought were reaſonable to be inſiſted on in behalf of Scotland, among which the Liberty and Freedom of Trade to the Engliſh Plantations was one—.

There were many very Learned Debates in the preceeding Par⯑liament upon this Head; Great and Popular Speeches made on the Subject—, and the Act of Security was offered, and Voted, but could not then be paſt, for Things began to run high in the Parliament, which occaſioned a Receſs.

This was taken in England in a moſt Hainous manner, and no⯑thing was now talked of there, but the Scots Buying Arms and Am⯑munition, Training and Exerciſing their Men, and Mighty Things were ſuggeſted in England, which the Scots might do, and ſome⯑times which they would do; The Printed News Papers gave a moſt Formidable Journal of the Duke of Athole drawing out his High⯑landers, Encamping three Days with Seven Thouſand Men, how Armed, how well Officer'd, and the like; Another Paper told the World of Sixty Thouſand Men in Scotland, Arm'd and Train'd, and ready to take the Field.

However abſurd theſe Things were, and that Wiſer Men who knew the State of Scotland, ſaw there was nothing in it, but what every Nation in the World would have done in the like caſe, that it was neither more nor leſs than Arming their Militia, and put⯑ting them into ſome Order, which, for ſeveral years paſt had been intirely neglected, yet I ſay, However abſurd the Suggeſtions were, they were Improved in England to all manner of Extremes, and ſome moſt ridiculous Exceſſes were run into, both publick and private.

It is, no doubt, but as Scotland was acknowledged to be Inde⯑pendent, whatever the forward Pens of our Politicians would have pretended, yet I ſay, being acknowledged Independent even by the Engliſh Parliament, it was a very material Thing to have Her Concur in Eſtabliſhing the Succeſſion of the Crown, on the ſame Perſon, as England had done.

Two Things mov'd in this Affair on the Engliſh Side.

• 1. Some would not have it done at all, and therefore were for Irritating the Engliſh againſt the Scots, that it might come to a Rupture in ſtead of a Settlement, and this by putting it [52] upon Scotland to Declare, without a previous Treaty, which they knew would never be accepted.
• 2. Others would gladly have had the Scots come into the Suc⯑ceſſion, but were willing to have them do it without any Con⯑ditions, thinking that Scotland ought ſtill be kept Low, for fear of their Principles, which lead them to be no Friends to the Engliſh Church Eſtabliſhment.

Both theſe cried out, and Exclaim'd at this Act of Security, and repreſented it to the World, as if the Scots were going actually to ſeparate from England.

There was one Clauſe in the Act of Security, which intirely Ex⯑cluded the Succeſſor to the Crown from Governing both Kingdoms together.

This the Enemies of Scotland preſently Repreſented in England, as a Deſign to Reſtore King James, and a great many Honeſt People were brought in to believe, that the Scots even the Presbyterians themſelves, were ſo alienated from England, and ſo obſtinately bent againſt joyning with her on any account, that they would ne⯑ver again be under the ſame Head, nay that they would rather League themſelves with France, and reſtore King James, than come to any Terms with her. And this was as it were confirmed when the Scots ſubſequent to theſe things paſſed an Act for Trading with France, tho' as their Circumſtances then ſtood, it was very neceſſary to them.

Nor was this run to any thing leſs in England, and they began to talk loudly there of forcing the Scots to the Succeſſion; But this was by ſuch as either coveted a Breach between the two Nations u⯑pon any Terms, or really did not underſtand what they ſaid. The latter appeared by their printing ſome Pieces to prove the Right of the Houſe of Hannover to the Crown by Succeſſion, a Thing all People that kno' any thing of the Affairs of Europe, kno' it was the Foun⯑dation upon which the preſent Eſtabliſhment pretends to be built—, But on that much ſafer, and much more Divine Right of the Engliſh Conſtitution, and Scots alſo, I mean Parliamentary Limita⯑tion.

Things ran very high now in both Nations, the Meaſures ta⯑ken in Scotland ſeem'd to be very well grounded, and their Aim well taken, for either England muſt comply with Scotland, as to ſuch Treaties as were reaſonable, or elſe ſhe might have the Satiſ⯑faction to ſee clearly Scotland by this Act was plac't in an intire ſeparate State from her, who ſhe wou'd joyn with, what Prince ſhe wou'd bring in, where ſhe would beſtow her Crown, was not to the purpoſe; Two Things ſhe had made plain.

• 1. That ſhe was reſolved to have it wholly in her own Hands, to beſtow as ſhe thought fit.
• 2. That wherever the Engliſh Crown was beſtowed, the Scots Crown ſhould not without Conditions be obtain'd.

This effectually Settled and Declar'd the Independency of Scot⯑land, [53] and put her into a Poſture fit to be treated with, either by England, or by any other Nation.

Nor did the Apprehenſions which this gave the World of the Scots deſigning to reſtore King James do her any Diſſervice, for tho' nothing is more certain than that the Jacobites as they are called, conceived great Hopes from theſe Things, and flattered themſelves exceedingly, that the Return of their King, as they called him, would be the Effect of all theſe Breaches; And therefore fell in heartily with all theſe Things, and as far as poſſible carried on the A⯑verſion to a Settlement with England; Yet it is as certain, that the Gentlemen who mainly carried on this Project, had no more Eye that way than to the Great Turk, but were ſincerely bent to the Proſperity of their Country, and the Eſtabliſhment both Religious and Civil, as fully appeared afterwards by their heartily purſuing the Treaty that followed.

The Drift of the whole Matter was, the bringing England to Terms, bringing the Engliſh Nation to a Treaty, and tho' it is con⯑feſt that the Proſpect was Remote and Melancholly, England at the time being averſe to any ſuch thing; yet as theſe Gentlemen ſaw there was no other way to redeem Scotland from the Diſcourage⯑ment ſhe then lay under, with reſpect to the Abſence of her Court, the Dependance of her Gentry and Nobility, the Limitations and Reſtrictions of Trade, which by the Act of Navigation ſhe was fet⯑tered with, and ſeveral Diſadvantages her preſent Conjunction, which was made without any Treaty laid her under—, and therefore they ſtood ſtrictly and reſolutely to their Meaſures, and the more the Court in England puſht at her joyning in the Settlement, and uſed all poſſible means to bring it to paſs, the more averſe they appeared, and the farther they went off from it.

Thus I ſay this Act of Security being only attempted in the firſt Seſſion of Parliament, was perfected in the next, and every day fur⯑ther and further Advances were made ſeemingly to an entire and laſting Separation of the Kingdoms from one another.

There were other Steps made to this on both Sides as to Matters of Trade, as ſhall appear immediately.

England who was all this while under a very unhappy Conduct, and acted upon quite different Foundations, from what we have ſeen her happily brought over to ſince, took the worſt Meaſures upon the Scots Proceedings then, that ever a wiſe People could have taken; For the Engliſh Parliament ſitting ſoon after, viz. 1704. the Scots Act of Security came to be conſidered, and however influenc't by a pre⯑cipitant Party, God only knows, they paſt an Act in my Opinion the moſt Impolitick, I had almoſt ſaid unjuſt, that ever paſt that great Aſſembly.

This was that Act of Parliament, Intituled, An Act to prevent the Miſchiefs ariſing to England from the Act of Security in Scotland. In which they in a manner declar'd open War with Scotland, unleſs by the 24th of Decemb. the next year they ſhould ſettle the Crown in the [54] ſame Perſon as now ſettled in England—; For they appointed 24 Men of War to be fitted out, to prevent the Scots Trading with France, declared the Scots in England Aliens, and ſeveral other Ar⯑ticles, as in the Act it ſelf may more at large appear.

This was done in that famous Parliament, called, The Tacking Parliament, and it was the leſs to be wondred at, Becauſe, which is the Subject I am at preſent upon, the Heats between the Nations, which were at this time improv'd by the Parties on both Sides, were riſen to a very great Hight, all things tended to Exaſperations and Provocations, no Man of Temper ſeemed to ſhow himſelf on either Hand, and thoſe who bore the leaſt Regard to the general Good of both Kingdoms, foreſaw nothing but an unavoidable War between us; And indeed had Matters ſtood thus but a very little longer, it had been impoſſible to have avoided it, and that in a moſt unſeaſon⯑able time for Europe, which was then engaged in the moſt furious and moſt critical Juncture of the War with France, being the year before the Battle at Blenheim.

Thus the Party in Scotland who had laid their Scheme, in hopes that England would have come into Meaſures for the general Good, ſaw themſelves diſappointed; and tho' its true, that had England then ſeen with the Eyes of her National Underſtanding, and had ſhe not been ridden by a Party who openly purſued the Ruine of her ve⯑ry Conſtitution, I mean as eſtabliſh't on the Revolution Principle, I ſay, had ſhe not been under that unhappy Influence, ſhe had taken other Meaſures, yet as it was, nothing was to be expected.

However, the Gentlemen in Scotland happily reſolved to wait for the Iſſue of Things, and firmly adhered to their new Scheme; Scotland began to be talk'd up in the World a little, and theſe very Enemies who, as they thought, wounded her by talking up the mighty formidable Things this Act of Security might produce, really raiſ⯑ed her Reputation; nothing was more abſurd, than their allarming England at the Chimeras of their own Heads, ſuch as Scotlands buying 30000 ſtand of Arms in Holland, laying in 10000 Barrels of Pow⯑der, arming 60000 Men, and the like, all which in Reality was no⯑thing at all but muſtering their Train'd-bands, as they call them in England, and buying about 500 Barrels of Powder for the Caſtle of Edinburgh. In their allarming England I ſay, at theſe mighty things, they really raiſed the Reputation of Scotland in the World, and made her begin to make a different Figure in the Eyes of other Nati⯑ons, and there is no doubt had things gone on to a Rupture, as wic⯑ked Men on both Sides wiſhed, and good Men began to fear, Scot⯑land might have found ſome powerful Princes willing to have accep⯑ted her Crown, and to have in the mean time Supported, Supplyed and Encourag'd her to ſtand upon her own Feet.

But I'll do the Gentlemen who Managed this Affair, this Juſtice, that I believe they had it not at all in their Deſign, to fly to the Protection of any Foreign Power, no not to any Proteſtant Power [55] in Europe, unleſs Forc'd to it by the precipitant Meaſures England was then in all probability going into; and if they had done it then, I can not ſee how they could have been blam'd—. But as to the preſent State of Things, the Gentlemen who Managed this Part, ſeem'd to me, always to aim at obliging England to give them good Terms, and to put themſelves in ſuch a Poſture in the World, as ſhould make England ſee, it was worth their while to do ſo, as well as that they ought to do ſo; And this was ſo juſt a Step, and the Aim ſo well taken, as by the Conſequence appeared, that I think, 'tis the greateſt Panegyrick that can be made on thoſe Gentlemen, to ſay, They brought to paſs by it, all the great Things which GOD in his Providence has thought fit to do towards our Peace and Happineſs in this Iſland.

If they did not deſign this, or had not this Honeſt Aim in View, they leſs deſerve the Praiſe; but it is evident, Providence made their Meaſures Inſtrumental to bring it to paſs.

Thus ſtood the Affairs of this Iſland, at the End of the Year 1705, when the Averſions between the two Kingdoms, by the ſeveral Steps I have noticed, was come to a great Hight, the People ſeem'd Ex⯑aſperated againſt one another to the higheſt Degree, the Governments ſeem'd bent to act Counter to one another in all their Councils; Trade Claſh't between them in all its Circumſtances, and every Par⯑liament run further and further into the moſt diſobliging Things that could be: England laid a new Impoſt upon Scots Cloth; Scotland Prohibited all the Engliſh Woollen Manufacture in General, and Erected Manufacturies among themſelves, which, had they been prudently Managed too, might have been very Advantageous to them; But, of that by the way. Scotland freely and openly Ex⯑ported their Wool to France, Germany and Sweden, to the irre⯑parable Loſs of the Engliſh Manufactures, having great Quantities of Engliſh Wool brought into Scotland over the Borders, which, it was impoſſible for England to prevent; So that the Famous Trade for Wool to France by Rumney Marſh, commonly called Owling, was intirely Dropt, and France not Supplyed only, but Glutted with Wool.

On the other hand, England was proceeding to Prohibite the Importation of Scots Cattel, and to interrupt by Force their Trade with France, and had this laſt proceeded to Practice, all the World could not have prevented a War between both Nations.

But more prudent Counſels prevailed, and GOD's Providence Unravelled all theſe Schemes of Deſtruction, which mad Men had drawn for the Ruine of their Native Country; And as many times Things evil in their Deſign, are Over-ruled by an Inviſible Hand, and bring to paſs that very Good, which they were prepar'd to De⯑ſtroy; Even ſo it was here, for theſe Confuſions were the very Things that brought both the Nations to their Senſes, I mean, brought them both to better Temper—; The conſequences of a Bloody War juſt breaking out in the Bowels of their Native Coun⯑trey, in the Ruine and certain Deſolation of which they muſt ne⯑ceſſarily [56] have a great Share, opened the Eyes of the moſt thinking People on both Sides, even of thoſe who in themſelves had no real inclination to the Conjunction of the Kingdoms, and thus the Ne⯑ceſſity of taking new Meaſures began to appear both ways.

In England, the Weight of the preſent War which every Day rather Increaſed than Decreaſed; In Scotland, their declining Con⯑dition and Diſunited Circumſtances; in England, the matter of Se⯑curity in Scotland, the proſpect of Advantage, all concurred to ſway the Inclinations of Wiſe-men to heal theſe Breaches.

I have now ſhown by what Steps theſe two Nations were brought to the very Brink of mutual Deſtruction, and the Sequel of the Story will tell any body, who were the Parties that prompted both Nations to theſe Unhappy Extremes: I ſhall in the next place a little Examine how all this Tide of Miſchief and Folly turned, and how they began to come to themſelves in both Kingdoms, and this will ſo naturally lead us to the Hiſtory of the Union, that I can not think of a more proper Introduction.

The Party in England who had the Reins of the Adminiſtration in their Hands, had given other Teſtimonies than this of their precipitant Meaſures, and as they had made not this Nation only Uneaſie, but their own too, ſo as Things Generally take new Turns, when they come to Extremes, the Engliſh Nation began to be Allarm'd at the Proceedings, as tending to the Subverſion of all the Fabrick of Government erected by the Revolution.

The occaſion of all this, is too long to relate here, and the Hiſtory of the Tacking the Occaſional-Bill to the Money-Bill in that Par⯑liament in England, is too well known, to need any Recital. It is enough to ſay here, That puſhing at ſuch Hot Meaſures in England, as is uſual in all Precipitations, like an Ax ſtruck upon a hard Stone, the Blow rebounded, and the Weapon flew out of the Hand of the Unskilful Workman—; the Project fail'd, the Party Overthrew themſelves, and never Recover'd.

The Queen, far from approving the Extravagancies they were running Things to, and awakned by the Danger of her Peoples Li⯑berties, which were as dear to her ſelf as to them, finding to what Miſchiefs theſe Warm Gentlemen were leading her, and being by the goodneſs of her Diſpoſition, as well as Experience in the Engliſh Affairs, particularly Averſe to Things Hard or Severe upon her People, much more ſo to all manner of illegal Severities—, put a full ſtop to this Career of Miſchief—. And tho' indeed they had brought Things to the very Edge of Deſtruction both in Eng⯑land, on their own Buſineſs, as well as in the Affairs of the two Kingdoms, yet the Queen immediately ſhifting Hands, and Ap⯑plying with her uſual Wiſdom, to the Eſtabliſhing the Minds of her People, Retriv'd this whole Affair, reſtor'd England to the Tranquillity ſo much deſired, filled up her Miniſtry, and all Offices of Truſt, with Men of the ſame Candor and Moderation with her ſelf, openly Abandoned and Diſcouraged the Meaſures of thoſe People, who had run Things to ſuch Exceſſes, and Re-ſettled the [57] Minds of her People, Diſtracted with Apprehenſions of Ruine and Party-Confuſion.

Thus the Miniſtry in England was intirely Changed, the Lord Keeper, Sir Nathan Wright Depoſed, Sir Edward Seymour Compt⯑roller of the Houſhold put out of Her Family, the Earl of Not⯑tinghame Secretary of State, and ſeveral others laid aſide; the Props of the High-flying Party, as they were called, were left out of the Council, and removed from their Places in the Government.

In the ſeveral Countries, the Peoples Approbation of Her Majeſties Proceedings, and their Joy at this Change of Inſtruments, was teſti⯑fied by the Univerſal Contempt put upon the Affair of the Tacking; and of the Occaſional-Bill, as well as of all Hot Men and Hot-Meaſures; and this teſtified by the Change in their Elections of Parliament-men, a new Parliament being then to be Choſen, in which ſo General an Averſion to the Occaſional-Bill, or any thing Invading the Toleration, and particularly to the Affair of the Tack appeared, that in ſpight of all Oppoſitions a great number of the Tacking Members were thrown out, and ſuch a Change of Men appeared in the next Parliament, that whereas in the other Parlia⯑ment, the High-Party had a Majority of Sixty Two or there about, for every Thing they joyn'd in; On the firſt Tryal of the Strength of the Houſe, which was perhaps the Greateſt that has been known of late Years, it appear'd the Whig-Party had the Majority by above Seventy Voices, and theſe by the turning out ſeverals on the Trials of Elections, and other Circumſtances, roſe up to be above a Hundred, tho' after they ſeem'd to loſe ſome Ground again, but it did not laſt.

Things being thus happily turned in England, and the firſt Step for the Eſtabliſhing and Settling this new Party in their Seats of Management taken, it was wonderful to ſee the Change it made in all the Affairs of the Nation, how every Thing ſucceeded, unheard of Victories Abroad, unuſual Chearfulneſs at Home, and a new Face of Proſperity ſeem'd to Guild the Affairs of the Nation, the Feuds of Parties died in every place; Peace, Union, and Temper began to be the Companion of every Society, and the Ancient Animoſities between Neighbour and Neighbour, between Friend and Friend, which formerly crept, not into Society only, but even into our Families, and our very Beds, declined a pace; The Queen Encouraged Peace and Love, and Unity among her People, and preſſed the Nation to it upon all Occaſions, and all Good Men began to Encourage it by their Examples.

In this General Felicity of Affairs in England, Scotland came into Remembrance; Her Majeſty as having an equal Regard to the Good of all Her Subjects, and as being juſtly Concerned, not for the Change of the Temper and Condition of Her People only, but for the Continuance of it to them in Ages to come, could not but be Solicitous for the removing the Obſtructions which lay in the way on either Side.

[58] When the Wiſeſt Heads in both Nations had been Conſulted with on this Article, tho' Opinions differ'd, yet no Medium could ever be found ſo Effectual to ſecure this Peace, and remove all poſſibility of a Fracture, like renewing the Treaty of Union.

And thus I am brought down to the General Article of the Trea⯑ty, by the meer Threed of the Story, the Feuds of Parties, the Folly of Stateſmen, the Fury of Rabbles, and the General Revi⯑ving of the old Animoſities between the People, had been Screwed up to a dangerous Hight, as is Noted already, by that very Party, who had on all Occaſions, ſhown themſelves Enemies to the preſent Eſtabliſhment, and future Peace even of both Nations, and by this Method, they thought they had rendred the Succeſſion to both Crowns Impracticable for the Houſe of Hannover, and ſecured an inevitable Rupture between the Nations, when ever it ſhould pleaſe GOD to Remove Her Majeſty out of this World.

But great are the Wonders of Inſcrutable Providence, theſe very Schemes contrived in the Deeps of Infernal Malice, Brooded on by that Party who ever Envied the Liberty of Proteſtants, and the Tranquility as well as Privileges Enjoy'd by the People of this whole Iſland, and Hatch'd by the warm Influence of a reigning Party, by which they Flattered themſelves, They had effectually Overthrown the Project of a Union of the Kingdoms, made their Coalition Impoſſible, and all Schemes projected for it Impracti⯑cable; I ſay, theſe very Things made way for that ſame Union, they were Calculated to Deſtroy.

The Hight thoſe Meaſures I have been ſpeaking of, was brought to, made, as it were, a Force upon both Nations to come to this Treaty.

It was now but a few Months to come, when the Nations muſt di⯑rectly fall out, Engliſh Men of War muſt be fitted out to cruiſe upon the Scots, and we that conſented, or at leaſt did not ſcruple to have the Dutch carry on a free Trade with France, muſt go & fight with our own Brethren for it—; Whereas, had we been in our Trading Sen⯑ſes, we would have done it our ſelves.

The Criſis things were come to now, was ſuch, that they could no longer ſtand at a Stay, but we muſt fall out with the Scots, or unite with them, all Methods to bring them to ſettle the Succeſſion without a Treaty had been in vain uſed by the Party before, who would gladly have Tricked them into it, but the Scots were too wiſe to fall into that Snare.

The preſent Miniſtry were for fairer Dealings with them at the ſame time, wiſely concluding, that to gain of the Scots what they ought to grant, it was reaſonable to grant to the Scots what they ought to have—, and that a Treaty with them might be made ef⯑fectual, the only way was to ſet about it, upon an honeſt Foot, and then purſue it ſincerely, and not upon Sharping and Tricking on either Side as before.

[59] But there yet ſeemed to ly one invincible Obſtruction in the way of this Treaty, and that was the Act of Parliament paſſed in England the laſt Seſſion, which, as before noted, had declared a kind of War againſt the Scots, in caſe they did not come into the Succeſſion by ſuch a Day; And upon the firſt Motion to a Treaty, the Scots de⯑clared they could not enter into any Treaty with England, till that Act was Repealed.

This had indeed a great deal of Reaſon in it, and ſuch as could not be withſtood, for the Honour of the Scots ſeemed very much impaired in that Act, and that they could not come to a Treaty u⯑pon equal Terms while ſuch a Law ſtood in force upon them, which ſeem'd as if it had been a Sword over their Heads drawn to awe them into a Treaty.

The Queen, who was reſolved if poſſible to bring this great Event to paſs, and who ſtrove to do it ſo, as might give all Her Subjects Satisfaction, undertook to clear up this Difficulty, and at the next Parliament which met in England, Octob. 23. 1706, in Her Speech to both Houſes, Recommended the taking away of this Obſtruction, by Repealing that Act, in order to introduce a Treaty of Union, which Her Majeſty ſaw now more clearly in view than ever be⯑fore.

I know there were ſtrong Struggles in England againſt Repealing this Act, and that chiefly without Doors, the Party foreſeeing, that if this Step was taken in Parliament, the Union which they really dreaded would of courſe come upon the Stage, to this end it was re⯑preſented as Diſhonourable to make ſuch an Advance to the Scots: That it was an Inſulting of England to have the Scots ſay, they would not Treat with her till ſuch and ſuch Conditions were per⯑formed—; That this was letting the Scots preſcribe Prelimi⯑naries upon England, and if England complyed, it would make them more Encroaching.

But the Temper in the Parliament was quite different from this, it was plain there that the Scots were in the Right to aſk this as a Preliminary, that the Treaty would for ever be ſubject to this Ob⯑jection, that it was not free, but done under the Terror or Force of that Act of Parliament, that as it was not Honourable for the Scots to have a Treaty forced upon them under ſuch Circumſtances; So neither was it Honourable for England to force a Treaty upon them, that the Act was unreaſonable in its own Nature, that En⯑gland could have no pretence but meer Violence to intermeddle with the Scots Commerce, who were a free Nation, and ought to be at Liberty to Trade with any Nation that they thought fit to Trade with, that their Trade with France was done by their own Act of Parliament paſſed by the Queen, and was not inconſiſtent with, or contraveening any Treaty or Contract with England, that Scotland was under no Treaty of Commerce, or under no Ob⯑ligation to Trade, or not to Trade as England did; That as to the Confederacy, and the War in which they were embark't with Eng⯑gland, [60] that laid them under no Obligation, ſince the Dutch were in the ſame Confederacy, and yet openly proclaimed a free Trade with France; Nor did the Engliſh pretend to obſtruct them in it; That Scotland was as Independent of the Engliſh Government as the Dutch, and ought to be at liberty to Trade unmoleſted as well as they.

Theſe Arguments back't with an Adminiſtration of Government now quite recovered from the Tyrannical Principles of thoſe former⯑ly in Power, ſoon influenc't the Parliament to Repeal the Act, and take this Step by way of advance to the Scots, by which they let the Scots ſee they were in the hands of their Friends, that now they might expect fair Dealings, and had Room to Treat with Freedom and Honour.

This was a great Mortification to thoſe Gentlemen who had pro⯑moted that Act, who now together with their whole Party, ſet them⯑ſelves with all their Artifice to oppoſe the Treaty in all its Parts in both Kingdoms; to raiſe Scruples, imprint Jealouſies, Miſrepreſent Perſons and Things, embroil Councils, raiſe Scandals, and in ſhort to do every manner of thing they could to embarraſs and obſtruct the Treaty: And in the firſt place to prejudice the Minds of the com⯑mon People againſt the Union as ſuch. What fatal Succeſs they had, how they carryed it on, even beyond the Concluſion of the Treaty, with what Difficulties it was encountred, how begun, how carried on, how finiſhed, and how ſince aſſaulted, and with difficulty enough preſerved, will be the Subject of the enſuing Sheets.

Of the Laſt TREATY, PROPERLY CALLED THE UNION;
And, firſt, Of the Treaty in London.

I Am now come to the Great and Capital Treaty, which has at laſt, by the Bleſſing of GOD, been brought to a Happy Con⯑cluſion.—

I am not Inſenſible, That, in the ſtrange Variety of Circumſtan⯑ces, Changes of Proſpects, the Turns of Management, the Acci⯑dents and Niceties, with which it has been carryed on, the Infinite Difficulties the Zealous Promoters of it met with, the Reſtleſs At⯑tacks of a Strong Party to Diſappoint it, who never gave over their Struggle, no not even after it was done: In this Labyrinth of Untrode Paths, I may eaſily miſplace ſome things, and omit others; and I cannot but Introduce my Account of it with this Cau⯑tion, that tho' I believe no Man can have Collected with more Care, nor has had the Opportunity to Remark things with more Advantage, having been Eye Witneſs to much of the General Tranſaction, and furniſh'd by the beſt Hands with every moſt ſe⯑cret Affair in the Carrying it on; yet many Minute Things may have paſt my Pen, which it is impoſſible for me to Attone for, but by making this Proviſo, That the Reader may be aſſured, nothing Material can have ſlipp'd me; and I have uſed all neceſſary Cauti⯑on to furniſh my ſelf with the whole Truth of Fact, whatever Omiſ⯑ſion of Circumſtances I may make an Apology for:

I have already related the Iſſue of the Treaty begun the firſt Year of the Queen, and made my Obſervations of the Reaſon of its Miſ⯑carriage: It may be obſerved, That Her Majeſty underſtanding the true Reaſons of the Diſappointment, which 'twas thought lay in the Perſons Treating, particularly on the Engliſh Side, whoſe Diſpoſition to finiſh it for the Publick Good, it was ſuppoſed, did not appear at all to Her Satisfaction, in which I have further already Explain'd my ſelf, Obtain'd a New Act of Parliament in England, and the like in Scotland, Impowering the Queen to Appoint Commiſſioners on ei⯑ther Hand, to Treat of an Union between the Two Nations.—

And here 'tis neceſſary to obſerve, how well the Ground Plot of this Work was laid, that all Obſtacles might be removed, which might threaten it with another Abortion; It had been noted, that the moſt Dangerous Rock of Difference, on which this Union could Split, and which could now render it Ineffectual, was that of Religion: Here it was certain they could never Unite, and [2] the Breach therefore being Irreconcileable, the beſt Courſe that could be taken with it, was to let it quite alone as a thing neither ſide ſhould meddle with at all, and conſequently the Jealouſies and Suſ⯑picious on both ſides muſt vaniſh, and the great Obſtructions which the Enemies of the Treaty relyed on for its Miſcarriage were at once removed.

This was a Maſter-Piece of Policy, and ſhewed, that Her Maje⯑ſty had other Perſons to Conſult with, and had taken other Mea⯑ſures than before, and gave People very early Impreſſions of the Succeſs which has ſince appear'd.

But there was yet ſome Political Difficulty to paſs, and here be⯑ing to Tread Truth almoſt on the Heels, thoſe Readers that are willing to have it told plaineſt, muſt excuſe me for naming Peoples Names: I have avoided, on all Occaſions, the Mixing Satyr and Reflection in this Relation, as much as poſſible.

The Political Difficulties I ſpeak of here, and which I think gave the greateſt Shock to this Affair, conſiſt of two Parts,

• 1. Succeſſion.
• 2. Nobility.

The Vehemence with which the ſeveral Parties, who managed theſe Topicks, acted their reſpective and exceedingly remote Proſ⯑pects; and by what ſtrange Myſtery, concurring Providence, like the Wheel within all their Wheels, center'd them all, in Unit⯑ing the Nations; as it is a ſecret Hiſtory few underſtood, and may be as Neceſſary as Diverting, ſo the Heads of it may be view'd in the following Scheme.

• 1. The Succeſſion being the main thing that lay at the Bot⯑tom of every ones Project, I ſhall firſt ſpeak to the Particulars of that.

  There was a Party in both Kingdoms, but moſt Powerful in Scotland, whoſe Deſign was principally and directly againſt the Proteſtant Succeſſion as ſuch; Theſe we muſt allow to be ſetting every Wheel at Work, and Acting with all their Power and Policy againſt every thing which look'd that way.

When they ſaw it convenient, they acted againſt an Union in its general Term, and frequently ſome of the leſs Politick of that Par⯑ty let fall the Excreſcence of their Principles in direct Terms, and Pamphlets were wrote upon that Scheme, ſuch as one ſhewing the Neceſſities of a War with England, &c, another ſhowing the Ad⯑vantages of an Union with other Nations, and France in particu⯑lar; others argued continually the mighty Terms, and the Advan⯑tages of Commerce Scotland might obtain from France, and not only propoſed them as Equivalent to the Trade with England, but run on to ſuch weak Extremes, as to ſay, that Scotland made no Advantage of her Commerce with England.

But theſe may well be ſaid to be the leſs Politick Part of theſe Gentlemen who were in the Deſign above, for they loſt Ground even againſt the Union it ſelf by it; and when the Committee of Parliament, Appointed to Examine the Exports and Imports, Re⯑ported, That Scotland Exported to England above 200000 Pounds [3] Sterling per Annum in Linen, Cattel, &c. the Imports from thence appear'd ſo ſmall, that the Objectors dropp'd their Arguments upon that Head, and learn'd to talk with more Caution.

But the more Subtile Managers of this Deſign againſt the Succeſſi⯑on, went on by different Meaſures, and with great Policy they acted every Party, as far as they thought they could be brought in to be ſubſervient to their Deſign.

Thus firſt ſeeming to quit their direct Oppoſition to the Succeſſi⯑on, as a Thing too open, and too much Claſhing with the Temper of the Time, they fall in with that Party, who were for the Succeſ⯑ſion with Limitations; Not that they wou'd have concurr'd with the Event, had theſe Limitations been never ſo great, but that, in their Debating the Limitations, they might find Room to Clog the Succeſſion it ſelf, in ſuch manner as the other Party could by no Means accept of it.

From the ſame Principle proceeded that Famous Reſolve in their Act of Security, by which the Succeſſion met with two Invincible Obſtacles, from whence they knew, ſome time or other, new Diſ⯑putes muſt ariſe, 1. That no Succeſſor at all ſhould be Named, till after the Queen. 2. That when it was Named, it ſhould be with this Limitation, that it ſhould not be the ſame that ſhould Succeed to the Kingdom of England.

This was a Maſter-Piece of Policy, and had the moſt Specious Pretence in the World, viz. The Hardſhips which Scotland had ſuffered under the Influence of England in Matters of Commerce and Sovereignty; and therefore it was added immediately upon the ſaid Clauſe, Ʋnleſs that in this Preſent Seſſion of Parliament, or any other Seſſion of this, or any enſuing Parliament, there be ſuch Conditions of Government Settled and Enacted, as may Secure the Honour and So⯑vereignty of this Crown and Kingdom, the Freedom, Frequency and Power of Parliament, the Religion, Liberty and Trade of the Nation from Engliſh, or any Forreign Influence. See the Act of Security Print⯑ed in the Appendix to this Work, N^o. (1)

The running things to this Height in Scotland, put every Parties Meaſures to a full Stop; The Gentlemen who were againſt the Suc⯑ceſſion in general, and of whom I am now Treating, had moſt ef⯑fectually carryed their Point; for as they preſumed England could never come in to ſuch a Treaty as they demanded, ſo they had effec⯑tually forecloſed the Succeſſion of Hannover, by Determining, that the Succeſſor of England and Scotland ſhould not be the ſame.

And 'tis remarkable to note here, how univerſally all thoſe Gentle⯑men, whoſe Aim was, Againſt the Succeſſion, fell in with thoſe whoſe Deſign was only to have Advantageous Terms from England for it.

But this very Point gain'd, brought about the main Work, and the Contraries that concurr'd in this Act, tho' from Claſhing In⯑tereſts, by the ſtrange Circulation of Cauſes, work'd all together into another Extreme, which none of them deſign'd, and that was the Union.

[4] Upon the paſſing the Act of Security, England grew very uneaſy, and not to mention the common Apprehenſions of the People, nor how, and by whom they were encreaſed and fomented, the Act of Parliament paſt, Intituled, An Act to prevent the Dangers ariſing from the Act of Security in Scotland, &c. is a Demonſtration of what the Tendency of theſe Things would be; For this Act, which I have alſo, for the better underſtanding of the Story, Abridg'd and Printed in the Appendix, N^o. (2.) brought both Nations under the Neceſſity of a War by the Chriſtmaſs following; the Engliſh being then obliged to fit out a Fleet, to interrupt the Scots Commerce, if their Act of Security was not Repealed.

Things being brought to this Extremity, the only Remedy that thoſe who wiſhed well to both Nations could contrive, was to re⯑vive a Treaty of Union, and ſet heartily about it,—and the firſt Step the Queen took towards it, was to propoſe it to the Scots Parliament, who Voted,—That they could enter into no Treaty of Ʋnion, till that Act of Parliament mentioned above was Repealed in England.

Tho' this was a very bold Reſolve, yet the Queen, who ſaw ſome Reaſonableneſs in it, managed Things with ſo much Wiſdom and Moderation; and the Parliament, who ſaw with differing Eyes from the other, and was of a quite differing Temper, found ſome⯑thing ſo ſevere and ſo hard upon Scotland in that Act of Parlia⯑ment, that they made no Difficulty to make that Step in Advance to Scotland.

Upon this Foot turn'd the firſt Appearance of the Union; Now let us ſee how the Parties managed themſelves on all ſides.

The Inclination on both ſides to an Union, however afterwards manag'd, ſeem'd ſo univerſal, That the Party I am ſpeaking of, thought it was not proper to appear againſt it directly; but acting ſtill under Diſguiſe, they puzzle the Cauſe, firſt, With the wild Debate of a Federal Union, or an Union Partial and Imperfect;—and thus they fell in with the Party who were for the Union, not that they had the Union in their Deſign; but becauſe they thought the Thing Impracticable in it ſelf; That it would make the People Sceptick in Government; and that ſo it would certainly miſcarry, and the Succeſſion would be loſt that way.

Accordingly the Limitations were by ſecret Influence oppoſed, and the Scheme of Succeſſion laid aſide to go upon the Chimera of an Union, as they thought it to be; and I could be very Merry with ſome Gentlemen here, upon the Banters and Jeſts they always Treated the Scheme of an Union with, as a Thing they little thought would ever be licked into any Shape, or ever obtain up⯑on the Nations to paſs into a Law.

Thus I have brought the remoteſt Party, who were downright Enemies of the Union, to fall into it;—From whence, let their Deſign be what it will, I muſt tell them, they did it this Service, that it made the Union very Popular, however it came to be otherways afterward.

[5] I come next to the Difficulty about Nobility, and this work'd in to an Union, by, as it were a Natural Conſequence; For the Antient Nobility finding their Sway with the People leſſen'd, and their Power, as well as their Honour, eclips'd, by the Crown day⯑ly Creating Numbers of what they called Upſtart Lords, were ea⯑ſily engaged in Limitations, to prevent their Future Monarch's en⯑creaſing the Numbers of their Rank, to the Diminution, as they took it, of the Antient Families.

But when they came to conſider the Scheme of Diſtinction made for the Repreſenting the Nobility in a Britiſh Parliament, they were the more eaſily brought into the Union, as an effectual Step to prevent the Reducing their Honour, by Multiplying their Num⯑bers, and as a thing which would ſeem to diſtinguiſh them from ſuch of the Modern Nobility, which they reckon'd already a Burthen to them.

Next, among the Whig Intereſt, and who were really Honeſt in their Deſigns for the General Good, were yet two Parties.

One Party, without Reflection on any, had taken a juſt Umbrage at the Growing Power of a certain Great Man; and as they had Reaſon to Ward off Perſonal Reſentments, in caſe their Figure was diminiſhed; and having their true Intereſt in View, together with the Publick Good, eſteem'd it their Good Fortune, to have them both ſtand upon one Bottom;—And theſe Gentlemen came hear⯑tily and honeſtly into the Meaſures of the Union.

Another Party were for the Succeſſion Limited, &c. but not for the Union; Theſe brought the former firſt to them, thinking they would rather be for the Succeſſion, and lay by the Thoughts of the Union; but finding them intirely for the Union, they fell in together.

The View of the Court in England was plain, viz. For the Suc⯑ceſſion at any Rate; and therefore, till this Juncture, they had Eſpouſed that Party in Scotland, who were for the Succeſſion, tho' with Limitations; and this the more eaſily brought thoſe Gentle⯑men into the Union, ſince there they ſecured the Succeſſion, and had the Engliſh Limitations Confirm'd, which they knew and ac⯑knowledg'd were better than their own.

Thus the two Whig Parties joyn'd, and the Duke of Queensberry, who had, in Concert with Her Majeſty and the Engliſh Court, re⯑moved all the ſeeming Difficulties on the part of Scotland, appearing publickly for it, the Union, as I have already noted, grew very Popular, the Court and the Whig Lords concurr'd in the General Good, the Jacobite Intereſt were abandon'd, and the Union grew up between all the Extremes as a Conſequence; and it was meer⯑ly Formed by the Nature of Things, rather than by the Deſigns of the Parties.

Things being brought to this Paſs, the Acts of Parliament paſſed, and the Queen Impowered to Name Commiſſioners; I ſhall pur⯑ſue the Proceedings in Order as they ly before me, and make the needful Obſervations as I go.

[6] The reſpective Acts of Parliament for this Nomination, as abſo⯑lutely neceſſary to the better underſtanding of the Caſe, and laying a Regular Scheme of the whole Matter before the Eye of the Read⯑er, I have annexed in the Collection herewith marked.

They that had ſo wiſely contrived the Beginning of this Work, could not be at a Loſs to find out proper Perſons for the Managing the Treaty in both Kingdoms; And therefore it was not long be⯑fore Her Majeſty Named the Commiſſioners for both Kingdoms, whoſe Names we ſhall preſently come to.

I ſhall not deſcend to Encomiums on the Perſons of the Treaters; For I am not about to write Panegyricks here, but an Impartial and Unbyaſt Hiſtory of Fact. But ſince the Gentlemen have been ill treated, eſpecially in Scotland, upon this very Head, Charg'd with ſtrange Things, and Expoſed in Print by ſome, who had no⯑thing but their Averſion to the Treaty to move them to Maletreat them: I muſt be allowed, on all Occaſions, to do them Juſtice in the Proceſs of this Story.—And as I muſt owne, That, generally ſpeaking, they were Perſons of the greateſt Probity, the beſt Cha⯑racters, and the ſteadieſt Adherence to the true Intereſt of their Countrey; ſo, their Abilities will appear in every Step taken in ſo great a Work, the bringing it to ſo ſhort a Con⯑cluſion, and that, in ſo little Time, the Reducing it to ſo Conciſe a Form, and ſo Fixing it, That, when all the Obſtruction imagi⯑nable was made to it afterward in the Parliament of Scotland, the Mountains of Objection, which at firſt Amuſed the World proved ſuch Mole-hills, were ſo eaſily Removed, Raiſed ſo much Noiſe, and Amounted to ſo little in Subſtance, That, after all was granted, that in Reaſon could be Demanded, the Amendments were ſo few, and of ſo little Weight, that there was not one Thing Material e⯑nough, to obtain a Negative in the Engliſh Parliament.

I cannot but note here, That even thoſe Amendments were not made, by Reaſon of any Omiſſion in the Treaters; But the Parliament found the Oppoſing Party to the Succeſſion had two Handles to lay hold on in Scotland, and therefore in Prudence gave way to ſuch Amendments, as they had the leaſt Reaſon to Juſtify; Theſe two Heads, which I call Handles againſt the Succeſſion, were,

• 1. Strength of Party, by which they hop'd to Carry it at once, and Throw out the Treaty Brevi Manu; and this they endeavour'd to Form upon a General Diſlike, they having Blacken'd it with the Mark of a Thing Diſhonourable to the Sovereignty and the Inde⯑pendence of the Nation.
• 2. If they found that would not do, then to load it with ſuch Ridiculous Amendments, as they knew would cauſe it to miſcarry in the Engliſh Parliament; which they alſo thought would give Scotland great Advantage, and Encreaſe the Animoſities in Scotland againſt the Engliſh, when the Rupture ſhould appear to be from England, and the moſt Reaſonable Conceſſions of Scotland be Re⯑jected by them.

[7] But both theſe Projects failed them; The firſt was effectually Anſwer'd by the Nature of the Thing; and their Strength fail⯑ing them, they found they had caſt up their Account falſe, their Motion being thrown out by a great Majority in Voting the firſt Article, as will appear preſently.

The ſecond, when they came to Examine Particulars, had not ſufficient Strength of Reaſon to ſupport it; all the Amend⯑ments they could pretend to, were ſo ſmall, That, as above, the Parliament of England never thought it worth their while to Diſ⯑pute them; and the Treaters themſelves, for the moſt part, went into thoſe Amendments, as they were offered.

Indeed this was a Diſappointment to ſome People, who made no Queſtion, at leaſt, to puzzle the Cauſe, and raiſe ſuch Difficul⯑ties, as ſhould Require a Remitting the Treaty back to Scotland; and ſo ſpin it out in Length, that the Nations might have Leiſure to Form the ſeparate Parties into ſome Order; and raiſing their Friends on both Sides, if poſſible, bring it to a Breach—; And that I do not paſs an unjuſt Cenſure, I refer the Reader, among Infinite Pamphlets publiſh'd againſt this Affair, to one very plain and bare-fac'd Author mentioned before, Entituled, The Neceſſity of a War with England, in Order to Cure the preſent Diſtempers of the Times.

I ſhould do the Fomenters of the Nations Diviſions too much Credit, to Trouble the Reader of this with any of their Print⯑ed Oratory againſt this Union, much leſs enter into any Diſquiſiti⯑ons upon the Subject of their Clamours;—But I may, perhaps, touch upon the principal Heads of their Objections, and let the World know alſo, who were ſome of the Objectors.

When the Acts were thus paſs'd, and Her Majeſty had Nam'd Commiſſioners on both Sides, and the Work ſeemed to be going about in Earneſt; The Learned Scriblers of the Age began to Harraſs the World with their Schemes, and all the Mountebank Stateſmen of the Times ſet to Work, to propoſe their Wondrous Methods for Curing this Antient Diſtemper of the Nations, and ſtriving to have it ſaid of themſelves, who was Forwardeſt in the Great Work.

The Induſtry they diſcover'd had, in nothing, a greater Concur⯑rence, than in this, That the whole Croud of Writers, with an Univerſal Agreement, had the Honour to be intirely miſtaken; and not one of them had Eyes to ſee to the true Intereſt of the Nations; every Man, as, in ſuch Caſes is uſual, Eyed the reſpective Intereſts or Advantages, as he thought, of the Nation to which he belong'd, and ſet himſelf to Work to Anſwer the Objections of the other, Defending, Arguing, and Fatiguing their own Heads, and their Readers, with the Confuſed Labyrinths of their own Projects; but not once touching the true String, which, with a National Uniſon, would have immediately Sounded out the Harmony of General Peace.

[8] Nor am I at all Arrogant, in ſaying, they were all ſo generally miſtaken in their Notions of what this Union ſhould be; Since, as I have ſaid, every one fell to Arguing the ſingle and ſeparate Ad⯑vantages of the Nation they belong'd to; Inſiſting on their Politick Notions, and Wiſe Schemes for their reſpective Advantages: But, not one, that I met with, ever Entered into the True and Only Notion Eſſential to the Union; I mean the Principle of Self-Denial, how far either Nation was to Condeſcend and Advance to one ano⯑ther, How the preſent Union Conſiſted not, in Gaining Advantages on either Hand of one and other; but in Abatements, in giving each other Advantages, in yielding up Privileges, opening the Treaſures and Strength of either Nation, to the Good and Benefit of the whole.

They never dream'd, That, to Unite, was, in it ſelf, a full and a general Retribution for every Step taken from one Side to the other; That a New National Intereſt was to be Erected; and that giving or Conceding Rights, Advantages and Intereſts, whe⯑ther in Commerce or in Privileges, was loſing nothing at all; but was like a Man giving Preſents to a Lady, whom he deſigns to make his Wife; which is but taking his Money out of one Pocket, and putting it into another; or like a Man ſettling his Eſtate in Joynture on his Wife, which is ſtill his own, and is effectually ſe⯑cured for his Poſterity.

The Gentlemen muſt pardon me, if I tell them, That, for want of this True and Original Notion of Union, they took but too much Pains to Inform us all, they had neither the Spirit of Union in their Minds, nor the Knowledge of it in their Heads—; And this run them upon Wild Dilemmas and Dark Schemes of Federati⯑ons and Confederations; This ſent them to Belgia, Helvetia, Po⯑lonia, and I know not whither, for Examples for Schemes, Prece⯑dents, and I know not what ſtrange Syſtems of National Unions; all which, I muſt take the Liberty to ſay, were as Wide from the only Step, that could make theſe Nations happy, as the Eaſt is from the Weſt, tended to nothing, but Confuſion of Intereſts, National Jealouſies, and in the end War and Deſtruction.

Theſe Gentlemen were for making Bargains between the Nations, not for bringing two Great and Mighty Kingdoms into one Vaſt United Body, the ſame in Intereſt, the ſame in Proſpect, the ſame in every Subſtantial Conſtituting Part; The Advocates of either People talk'd like Counſellors Pleading for their Clients, not like two Friends, that were Striving, who ſhould part with moſt, for the Intereſt and Engagement of the Love of each other.

In ſhort, the Union has been brought to paſs, not by gaining from, but by yielding to one another; Not by making Conditions and Advantages of one another, but by Conceding to one another; One part opens the Treaſures of their Trade, the other ſtruggles to bear their Share of the Weight and Burden of Expenſive and Bloody Wars; This part yields up one thing, that abates another, and Mutual Condeſcenſions, not Mutual Encroachments, have brought this Work to paſs.

[9] And here lyes the great Myſtery of the Union; They that think ſtrange of the Circumlocutions the Wiſeſt Heads have taken, may find them here; They that Enquire into the Reaſons of former Miſcarriages, may find them all here; If there was any want of Temper, any mutual Diſtruſts, any ſecret Murmurs of Parties, any Jealouſies of Conſequences, it was all to be found here; That the People, who Debated theſe Points, never Look'd beyond the pre⯑ſent State, never Conſidered the Conjunct Capacity of the Nations, never drew the Ballance of Intereſts, or ſtated the Affairs of both Nations into one Account Current.

Had they ever done this, they would have ſeen that Monſter, as they call'd the Union, a moſt Beautiful Creature, Admirable in its Contexture, Agreeable in its Figure, Squar'd like a moſt Exquiſite Piece of Architect, both for Ornament, Strength, and Uſefulneſs; They would have ſeen it a Compleat Circle, all the Lines of which were drawn from, and depended upon one General Centre, the Pub⯑lick Good, a Mighty Arch, every Stone of which mutually contribut⯑ed, not to its Private Support only, but to the Strength of the whole: Here is the True Original of the Union, and the Wiſdom of the Treaters on both ſides, was in nothing more Conſpicuous, than that they came to this Treaty furniſhed with the true Notions of what they were to do, and conſequently the propereſt and only Method for the doing it could not be Concealed from them; and we cannot but obſerve, That, thro' all the Courſe of the Treaty, the Gentlemen kept themſelves cloſs to this Principle, to yield to one another in every thing, which the Nature of the Union they aim'd at requir'd, and the Nature of the Thing before them would poſſibly permit.

I muſt confeſs, to me, all the Notions of Federal Unions, Gua⯑rantees, and Everlaſting Peace, which our ſeveral Writers fill'd our Heads with, while the Treaty was appointed, but not yet begun; appear'd to me as imperfect Embrios, falſe Conceptions, and Births that muſt end in Abortions and Diſappointments; I will not ſay, I had Foreſight of Events enough to preſcribe what Methods ſhould be taken, or what Iſſue would be produced from the Treaty then in View; but this I took the Freedom always to tell the World, That it muſt be a general, compleat, intire and indiſſolvable Union of In⯑tereſts and Parties, depending upon Equalities of Privileges, and Equalities of Burdens, Equalities of Proſpects, and Equalities, if poſſible, in Deſires, or that it would be Imperfect in its Parts, and Confuſed in its Whole.

I know one Reaſon why this ſort of Union was leſs thought on, than perhaps it would have been, was, becauſe the Gentlemen, when they come to Examine what had ever been Attempted this way, found nothing of a full and intire Union, but that under the Conqueſt of the Parliament Times—; And, Alas! SAYS ONE, This muſt be rendered ſo Odious, becauſe 'twas the Work of a Tyrant, an Uſurper, and what not, that no Body could bear to Recommend it; and if at any time a Man was driven by the Neceſſity of his [10] Judgment, the Convictions of his Reaſon, and the Conſequences of Argument, to come to the Borders of that Scheme, he would Start at the Hint, as if he had ſeen a Spectrum, and fly even from his own Reaſon, becauſe it concurr'd with what was hit upon by the Man and the People he did not Approve.

And why will you go by Whitehall Gentlemen, where ſo many wicked Rebels Triumph'd over their Monarch? Why will you uſe the Navy, nay ſome of the very Ships, with which the ſame Oliver Cromwel Beat your Neighbours?

If Oliver had not been a Maſter of Politicks, he had never been Oliver Cromwel in the Terms we are now Talking of him; and becauſe he hit upon the only Step that could be taken to Fix the Union of the two Nations, muſt we Reject it, and rather Deſtroy the Kingdoms, than cloſe with his Unhallowed Method?

Reaſon and the Nature of Things guides all Men, whoſe Eyes are open, to the ſame Methods, when they are purſuing the ſame Deſigns, let Oliver Cromwel be what he will, and who he will, 'tis no part of my Buſineſs here, take him in all the Blackeſt Figures he can be Repreſented—; What was the End he purſued in his Uniting Scotland to England—? It was ſo to joyn them, that both Parties being made intirely eaſy, might, without Heſitation, ſub⯑mit themſelves to his otherwiſe precarious Authority; and was he right in this, That, to give the two Nations a free and full Communication, both of Trade, Privileges and Advantages, was the true and only way to make all People eaſie—? So far his Project may be good for us, without ſo much as touching upon the Parallel.

The Buſineſs of the Union was, to make the Nations eaſie, to put them in a State of Mutual Advantage; If fourty Tyrants have purſued the Method for it, tho' with Wicked Deſigns, it was for us to take the Method, and mend the Deſign, as much as we could.

Oliver Cromwel made a Conqueſt of Scotland—, well, and what then—? Let thoſe People, who have Talk'd ſo much of an Union of Subjection, and Conquering Scotland, go back hither for a Precedent; Oliver Cromwel knew as well what belong'd to Conqueſt, as any Body in this Age will pretend to; Nor was he leſs Politick in Keeping, than Terrible in Obtaining; and what did he reſolve all his Northern Conqueſt into—? Nothing but Union, the beſt Concerted, the beſt Executed, the beſt Approved, that ever this Iſland ſaw till now; Nor could all the Heads in Chriſtendom have Formed the preſent Happy Union, but from the Schemes of thoſe Times.

If ever Nation gain'd by being Conquer'd, it was here; They were Subdued firſt, and then made Happy; and Scotland Flouriſhed, Juſtice had its Uninterrupted Courſe, Trade Increas'd, Money plentifully Flowed in, and all under what they call'd Tyranny and Uſurpation, all under a Standing Army, Government, and with all the Diſadvantages that can be imagined from ſuch a Conſtitution, as tended to Subjection, not Liberty, Poverty and Miſery, not Peace and Plenty.

[11] And what was the Foundation of all this? Nothing but the Na⯑tural Product of Common Reaſoning, he found, that the only way to preſerve the Conqueſt he had made on the Powers of the Nations, was to make a Conqueſt of their Affections; That the only way to do this, was to let them ſee their Intereſt and Happineſs in his Government; and that this could only be brought to paſs, by Uniting and intirely Incorporating the Nations into one; Commu⯑nicating Peace, Privileges, and all poſſible Advantages to them—; And thereby letting them ſee the true way to their proſperity.

No Man will ſay, this was not the moſt Politick Step he could take; and muſt we Contemn the Method, becauſe we cannot be Reconcil'd to the Man—? Certainly if Union and Incorporati⯑on of Intereſts was able to make the Nation Happy under a ſtand⯑ing Army, and an Abſolute Government, as that was; Things in their Nature, Inconſiſtent with Liberty and National Proſperity; it muſt be much more Capable under a Juſt and Limited Government, where Law Governs the very Actions of the Sovereign, and all the Branches of Power are ſquar'd by, and ſincerely Imploy'd for the Publick Good: And it can be no Leſſening the Value of any True Scheme of National Management, that a Perſon Uſed or Contriv'd it, that we call a Tyrant or an Uſurper; Let him be never ſo much a Tyrant, he ſhow'd he had the True Spirit of Government in him by this, that he knew the only way to make his Government ſafe, was to make it eaſy; and to have the People quiet, was to make them Happy—; And this he did by Ʋnion, an intire In⯑corporated Union—; And the Event proved, his Meaſures were rightly taken.

Our End is now the ſame, tho' our Views are differing, to make the People Happy is the End—; If Ʋnion be the way, why is it to be liked the worſe, becauſe Oliver Cromwel drew the Scheme?

I have made this Digreſſion, not purely to ſhow, how our Writ⯑ers came to be miſtaken in their Schemes, and why they never hit upon this Draught in all their Propoſals, tho' that introduc'd it; but alſo to prove, that this Intire Incoporating Union has in it ſelf the Seed of National Felicity, in that it wrought then that Wonder which the World can rarely produce, viz. Liberty in Tyranny, Proſperity in Conqueſt, and a Nation Saved even in being Sub⯑dued.

Could it produce this Wonderful Effect, much more muſt it be ſuppoſed Capable now? And I am perſwaded, no Man in his Senſes will like the Effect of the preſent Union the worſe, for its receiving any of its parts from the Politicks of theſe Times, if the Happineſs of the preſent Time may be ſeen in it.

And here I muſt own, That the preſent Union has ſome Ad⯑vantage, tho' the Nations have paid dear for the Experiment, in that it has been Formed upon the Foot of all the moſt Politick Schemes of former Times; and all the Miſcarriages of former Treaties have been as Warnings to Furniſh the Experience of theſe Times [12] to make them wary, and inſtruct them how to avoid the Rocks that others Split on.

I have now brought the Treaters to London; Their Names, and the Commiſſion for them reſpectively to Treat, I have Inſerted in the Minutes of the Treaty, as it was laid before the Parliament of Scotland, and immediately following this Part.

When they firſt met, they hardly knew what Meaſures they ſhould take; They knew what Buſineſs they came to do, but I dare ſay, the Gentlemen will bear with me, in ſaying, they could not fore⯑ſee the Manner and Management that follow'd; and it was a pleaſ⯑ing Surprize, to find all Sides and Parties to agree, in leaving all Politick Methods formerly ſtudied, rather to Delay and Defeat the Deſign of an Union, than to Compleat it; and to fall in heartily to Conſider, as the General Theſis, what could Conduce moſt to the Main Deſign of their Meeting, THE ƲNION; And in Or⯑der to this, they Reſolved not to Study Advantages againſt one another; nor to Demand on either Side any Thing, but what was agreeable to both Kingdoms, in their United Capacity; This was a Happy Indication, That both Sides came together with a True Spi⯑rit of the Union among them; That they ſincerely intended to apply themſelves to it with the utmoſt Diligence, and to purſue it by all the moſt proper Methods to bring it to paſs—; The very contrary Extreme of which, is what, as I have already noted, has been the principal Occaſion of the Miſcarriage of all the former Treaties, and which Good Men were very much afraid of now—.

Before they met in Publick, ſome of the Commiſſioners on both Sides had a Meeting among themſelves, privately to Conſider of the Method of Proceeding.

And here it was firſt Debated, in what Manner Propoſals ſhould be Delivered and Receiv'd; Some were for having Conferences of every Thing that ſhould be propoſed, for the Convenience of Free Reaſoning; Others Objected againſt that as Tedious, and Offered as the moſt Expeditious Method, That every Thing ſhould be De⯑livered in Writing, and then the Commiſſioners reſpectively Meeting apart, might Reaſon among themſelves, and give in their Reſolutions the more perfect—; And this was agreed on by both parties.

This is the Cauſe, That, in the Minutes of this Treaty, we have little of their private Reaſonings Recorded; ſince, their having been thus by themſelves, they have not been noticed ſo, as to come to Light in any Regular Manner.

There was but one Publick Conference, which was Deſir'd by the Commiſſioners for Scotland; and this was about the Number of the Scots Repreſentatives in Parliament; and in this 'tis impoſ⯑ſible to get the particular Arguments uſed on both Sides. The par⯑ticular Perſons on either Side were as follows,

Firſt the Lord Treaſurer of England, who Opened the Thing, and Deſir'd the Commiſſioners for Scotland to propoſe their Reaſons, why the Engliſh ſhould give a greater Number than was mentioned.

Lord Chancellor of Scotland ſpoke next, and gave Reaſons why they Inſiſted upon a greater Number.

[13] Mr. Secretary Harley Replyed to Lord Chancellor of Scotland.

The Lord Chancellor Spoke a Second Time, in Anſwer to Mr. Secretary Harley.

The Earl of Pembroke Spoke after, to what the Lord Chancellor had offered.

The Earl of Stair Replyed to the Earl of Pembroke's Speech.

The Lord Keeper ſpoke next.

Sir David Dalrymple Follow'd the Lord Keeper.

Duke of Devonſhire to Sir David.

And Mr. Seton of Pitmedden Concluded.

The great Deſign of the Arguments on the part of the Scots Com⯑miſſioners, were ſumm'd up in this;

That they could have no Precedent, as to Number of Repreſen⯑tatives, Argued from Oliver Cromwel's Diviſion; becauſe he was Ar⯑bitrary, and neither gave a juſt Repreſentation to England, or to Ireland;

That the preſent Scheme of Taxes could not be the Rule; but, if the Repreſentative was to be Meaſur'd by the Proportion of Taxes, it was on their Side; ſince, immediately upon the Union, thoſe Taxes would be greater;

That, if any Rule could be laid down, it ought to be an Arith⯑metical Proportion, between the Number of People and the Taxes paid, Conſidered on both Sides reſpectively; In which Caſe, the Hollanders were brought as an Example, where, if you take the People, without their Circumſtances of Wealth, they Bear no Pro⯑portion, becauſe their Riches are vaſtly greater than their Num⯑bers; If their Riches are taken without their People, the Diſpro⯑portion would be as great the other way.

Upon the whole it was Concluded, there could be no certain Rule, to Direct their Lordſhips the Commiſſioners, but the preſent Circumſtances of the Nations ſhould be Judg'd of by both Sides, and ſuch a Repreſentative to be Allow'd, as ſhould be Agree⯑able to Juſtice in both.

Upon this Debate, their Lordſhips Retired on either Hand; and the next Day, the Commiſſioners for England brought in a Propoſal for a Repreſentative for Scotland, Augmented to Fourty Five Com⯑moners, and Sixteen Lords, which the Scots Commiſſioners acqui⯑eſc'd in, as will more particularly appear by the Minutes of the Treaty, which are inſerted at large, as they were Extracted out of the Books of the Commiſſioners, and beginning with the Com⯑miſſions reſpectively given to the Perſons Appointed to Treat, as follows.