THE LIFE OF Dr. GEORGE ABBOT, LORD ARCHBISHOP of Canterbury, Reprinted with ſome Additions and Corrections from the Biographia Britannica; WITH HIS CHARACTER, BY The Rt. Hon. ARTHUR ONSLOW, Late SPEAKER of the HOUSE OF COMMONS; A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL, WHICH HE ERECTED AND ENDOWED In his Native Town of Guildford in Surrey; CORRECT COPIES OF The CHARTER and STATUTES OF THE SAME, His WILL, &c.
To which are added The LIVES of his TWO BROTHERS, Dr. ROBERT ABBOT, Lord Biſhop of Saliſbury; AND Sir MORRIS ABBOT, Knt. Lord-Mayor of the City of London.
GUILDFORD: Printed for and Sold by J. RUSSELL, Bookſeller. MDCCLXXVII.
A Liſt of the Authors from whom the following Lives were compiled.
[]- Fuller's Worthies, Abel Redivivus, and Church Hiſtory.
- Wood's Athenae Oxon. and Faſti Oxon.
- Aubrey's Antiquities of Surrey, and Miſcellanies
- Heylin's Life of Laud, Hiſtory of Preſbyterians and Sabbath
- Le Neve's Proteſtant Archbiſhops, and Faſti Eccleſ. Anglic.
- Speed's Hiſtory of Great-Britain.
- Petrie's Hiſtory of the Catholic Church.
- Weldon's Court and Character of K. James.
- Sanderſon's Hiſtory of Mary and James, and Reign of K James
- — Continuation of Rymer's Foedera
- Godwin de Praeſulib. Angliae.
- Ward's Lives of the Profeſſors of Greſham College.
- Newcourt's Dioceſe of London.
- Camdeni Annales Jacobi I.
- Sir R. Winwood's Memorials.
- Wilſon's Hiſtory of K. James.
- Complete Hiſtory of England.
- Ruſhworth's Hiſtorical Collections.
- Cabala, third edit.
- Weaver's Funeral Monuments.
- Bp. Hacket's Life of Abp. Williams.
- Reliquiae Spelmannianae.
- Frankland's Annals of K. James.
- Hammond L'Eſtrange's reign of K. Charles.
- Lloyd's State Worthies.
- Clark's Marrow of Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory.
The Account of the Dream, p. 2 of this work, was firſt pub⯑liſhed by Mr. Aubrey in the year 1696; he enquired very particularly into the truth of it, and it was atteſted by the miniſter and ſeveral inhabitants of Guildford.
A Young Gentleman, of the age of fourteen, favored the Publiſher of this Work with the tranſlations of the inſcriptions on the monument, &c.
[]ERRATA.
[]- Page. 1. in the note, line 12. for Maurice, read Morris.
- P. 2. l. 13 for was, read were.
- P. 5. l. [...]. for to be, read to have been.
- P. 8. l. 5 of the note. for The, read This.
- P. 16. l. 14 of the note. for around, read ground.
- P. 34. l. 2 for the, read his.
- P. 43. l. 6. dele gilt Spurs,
- P. 49. l. 1 the note. for greateſt learning, read greateſt parts in learning P 51. l. 11 of note (x) after 1613, read They were received with great applauſe.
- P. [...]. [...] Re [...]ord, read in the Records of the Corporation 13 Jam. I.
- P. 80. Tranſi [...] of third inſcription. after reward, add of the bleſſing.
- P. 8o. Fourth inſ [...]iption for eldeſt, read elder.
- P. 1 [...]. l. 2. for meaſure. r [...]ad meaſures. Line 10, for hath read have.
- P. 1 [...]. l. 2 and 3. for in good report, read with good report
- [...] maintained, r relieved. Line 10. for guidement read guiding.
- Line 12. for Son and Holy G. read of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt
- [...] read direct.
- Chap. 1. l. [...] for requ [...]re of. read require and exact of. L. 11. [...]or knowledge, read privity.
- P. 1 [...]. l. 8. for Thealogical read Theological.
- P. [...]. l. 8. for Ge [...]rge, read Maurice. There could be no other Son [...] of Morris Abbot a Bachelor of Law in 1630. The Compilers of the Biograpica Britannica were led into this miſtake by A. Wood.
THE LIFE OF Archbiſhop ABBOT.
[]GEORGE ABBOT, was born October 29th, 1562, at Guildford, in Surrey, of very wor⯑thy parents, remarkably diſtinguiſhed by their ſteady zeal for the Proteſtant Religion, for their living long, and happily together, and for their ſingular felicity in their children.a
While his mother was pregnant with this ſon, ſhe is ſaid to have had a dream which proved at once an omen, and an inſtrument of his future fortunes. Her dream was this. She fancied ſhe was told in her [2] ſleep that if ſhe could eat a Jack, or Pike, the child ſhe went with would prove a ſon, and riſe to great preferment. Not long after this, in taking a pail of water out of the river Wey, which ran by their houſe, ſhe accidentally caught a Jack, and had thus, an odd opportunity of fulfilling her dream. This ſtory being much talked of, and coming to the ears of ſome perſons of diſtinction, they offered to be⯑come ſponſors for the child, which was kindly accept⯑ed, and they had the goodneſs to afford many teſti⯑monies of their affection to their godſon while at ſchool, and after he was ſent to the univerſity. Such was the good effects of his mother's dream.
When he was grown up to an age proper for re⯑ceiving the firſt tincture of learning, he was ſent with his elder brother Robert to the free ſchool, erected in their native town of Guildford, by K. Edward VI; and having paſſed thro' the rudiments of Literature, under the care of Mr. Francis Taylor, who had then the direction of that ſchool, he was in 1578 removed to the univerſity of Oxford, and entered a ſtudent in Baliol College. On November the 29th, 1583, being then bachelor of arts, he was elected probationer fellow of his college; and afterwards proceeding in the faculty of arts, he entered into holy orders, and became a celebrated preacher in the univerſity. He commenced bachelor of divinity in 1593, and pro⯑ceeded doctor in that faculty, in May, 1597: and in the month of September, of the ſame year, he was elected maſter of Univerſity College. About this time it was, that the firſt differences began between him and Dr. Laud, which ſubſiſted as long as they lived, and was the cauſe of great uneaſineſs to both. On March 6, 1599, he was inſtalled dean of Win⯑cheſter, in the room of Dr. Martin Heton, who was [3] preferred to the biſhoprick of Ely: Dr. Abbot be⯑ing then about thirty-ſeven years of age.
In 1600, he was vice-chancellor of the Univerſi⯑ty of Oxford, and diſtinguiſhed himſelf while in that high office, by the opinion he gave with reſpect to the ſetting up again the croſs in Cheapſide, about which there were great diſputes, but in the end he carried his point againſt Dr. Bancroft, then Biſhop of London, and afterwards Archbiſhop of Canter⯑bury; which gained him great reputation as appears by a tract publiſhed on that ſubject.b
[4] In 1603, he was again choſen vice-chancellor of the univerſity, and diſcharged that office a ſecond time with general approbation. In 1605, he was a third time vice-chancellor. In the ſucceeding year, he is ſaid to have had a great ſhare in the troubles of Laud, who was called to an account by the vice-chan⯑cellor, Dr. Ayry, for a Sermon of his preached before the univerſity; and that year likewiſe, he loſt his father and mother.
In 1608, died his great patron Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorſet, Lord High Treaſurer of England, and Chancellor of the Univerſity of Oxford, ſudden⯑ly at the council table, at whoſe funeral, Dr. Abbot preached a ſermon, which was afterwards printed, and generally commended. After his deceaſe, Dr. Abbot became chaplain to George Hume, Earl of Dunbar, and Treaſurer of Scotland, one of King James's early favourites, and who had all along had [5] a very high ſhare in his eſteem, and with him he went this year into Scotland, in order to aſſiſt in the exe⯑cution of a very important deſign, for eſtabliſhing an union between the Churches in that kingdom, and this, wherein he behaved with ſo much prudence and moderation, as gained him a very high character, and is thought to be the firſt ſtep to all his future preferments.c
[6] While he was at Edinburgh upon this occaſion, a [7] proſecution was commenced againſt one George Sprot, Notary of Aymouth, for having been con⯑cerned in Gowry's conſpiracy eight years before, for which he was tried before Sir William Hart, Lord Juſtice General of Scotland, condemned and execu⯑ted. A large account of this affair was drawn up by the judge, and a narrative prefixed thereto, by Dr. Abbot, who had been eye-witneſs of all that paſſed, and this was publiſhed at London, in order to ſettle the minds of the people, with regard to that conſpiracy; which had hitherto been looked upon as a very myſterious affair, and about the reality of which there had been very great doubts.d
[8] The King knew ſo well the difficulties that were [9] to be encountered in this northern nation, that it gave [10] him very high ideas of the abilities of the man, who [11] was able to overcome them; and therefore, when [12] another ſet of men filled the King's head and heart with apprehenſions, he had recourſe to Dr. Abbot, as [13] the fitteſt perſon, to put things again into the right channel. The caſe was this, his majeſty being en⯑gaged in the mediation of peace between the crown of Spain, and the United Provinces; by which the ſovereignty of the latter, was to be acknowledged by the former: he demanded the advice of the con⯑vocation then ſitting, as to the lawfulneſs of eſpou⯑ſing the cauſe of the States. Upon this opening, they launched at once into the wide ſea of politicks, and inſtead of ſatisfying the King's Scruples, excited new jealouſies and apprehenſions, as appears by a very ſingular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this ſubjecte.
[14] It does not appear what effect this letter of the [15] King's produced, but in all probability it anſwered his majeſty's end in writing it, as it is an inconteſt⯑able proof of the confidence he had in the perſon it was written to. At leaſt thus much is certain, that Dean Abbot, ſtood ſo high in the King's favour, that on the death of Dr Overton, Biſhop of Litchfield and Coventry, which happened the latter end of April, 1609, his majeſty thought of Dr. Abbot for his ſuc⯑ceſſor, and he was accordingly conſecrated Biſhop of thoſe united ſees, on December 3, in the ſame year.
But this it ſeems did not appear in the King's eyes a ſufficient recompence, for the ſervices rendered him by ſo able a man; and therefore, before he had ſet a month in this biſhoprick, he was tranſlated to Lond⯑on, that ſee becoming void by the death of Dr. Tho⯑mas Ravis, and he was accordingly removed thither on the 20th of January following. It was but a ſhort time that he poſſeſſed both theſe biſhopricks, and yet in that ſhort time, he ſo remarkably diſtin⯑guiſhed himſelf by the diligent performance of his function, by conſtant preaching, and by expreſſing the utmoſt readineſs to promote learning, and learned men, that he obtained a general good character, as appears from ſeveral memorials of thoſe timesf.
[16] While the good Biſhop was thus employed, a new opportunity offered of the King's teſtifying his eſteem of, and confidence in, this worthy perſon, by the Archiepiſcopal See of Canterbury's becoming vacant as it did, on the 2d of November, 1610, by the death of Dr. Richard Bancroft.
The court Biſhops immmediately caſt their eyes upon the celebrated Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then Biſhop of Ely, and pointed him out to the King, as one ſufficiently qualified to take upon him the go⯑vernment of the Church; and they thought this re⯑commendation [17] joined to the King's known regard for the parts and piety of this eminent man, enough to ſecure his promotion to the Primacy; but either the King himſelf thought of the Biſhop of London, or he was propoſed to him by his old friend and patron, the Earl of Dunbar; and therefore, without taking the advice of thoſe prelates, his majeſty prefer⯑red Biſhop Abbot to the throne of Canterbury, in which he was ſeated on the 9th of April, 1611; and on the 23d of June following, was ſworn of his ma⯑jeſty's moſt honourable privy council.
Thus we ſee him, before he had arrived at the age of fifty, exalted to the higheſt dignity of the Church, and celebrated by one of his con-tempora⯑ries, and a biſhop too, [Godwin] for his learning, eloquence, and indefatigable diligence in preaching and writing, notwithſtanding the great burthen that lay upon him, from the neceſſary attendance on the duties of his high office; eſpecially preſiding in the high commiſſion court, which ſat weekly at his pa⯑lace, and his regular aſſiſting at council, which, while his health permitted, he never failed.
At this time, he was in the higheſt favour both with Prince and people; and appears to have had a principal hand in all the great tranſactions in Church and State; he was never eſteemed exceſſively fond of power, or deſirous of carrying his Prerogative, as Primate of England, to an extraordinary height; yet as ſoon as he had taken poſſeſſion of the archbiſhoprick, he ſhewed a ſteady reſolution in the maintainance of the rights of the high commiſſion court, and would not ſubmit to Lord Coke's prohibitions.
He likewiſe ſhewed his concern for the intereſt of the Proteſtant Religion abroad, by procuring his majeſty's application to the States General, againſt [18] Conrade Vorſtius, whom they called to the Profeſſ⯑orſhip of Leyden; in which affair Sir Ralph Win⯑wood was employed: and when it was found diffi⯑cult to obtain from the States that ſatisfaction which the King deſired, his Grace, in conjunction with the Lord Treaſurer, Saliſbury, framed an expedient for contenting both parties.
In all probability this alarmed ſome of the warm churchmen at home, who were by no means pleaſed with the King's diſcountenancing abroad, thoſe opi⯑nions which themſelves favoured in both univerſities; but, whatever their ſentiments upon this matter might be, Archbiſhop Abbot ſeems to have had as great concern for the Church, as any of them, when he thought it really in danger, as appears by a ſhort and plain letter of his to Sir Ralph Winwood, about one Mr. Amias, who had been appointed preacher in the Engliſh congregation at the Hague, of whom the Biſhop ſays, that he was a fit perſon to breed up the captains and ſoldiers there in mutiny and faction, and, conſequently, very unfit for his office.
His great concern for the true intereſt of religion, made him a zealous promoter of the match between the Elector Palatine, and the Princeſs Elizabeth; and that Prince being here in the beginning of the year 1612, his Grace thought fit to invite the nobi⯑lity that attended him to an entertainment, at his ar⯑chiepiſcopal palace at Lambeth, where, though un⯑invited and unexpected, the Elector himſelf reſorted, to ſhew his great reſpect for the Archbiſhop, and was ſo well pleaſed with his welcome, that when he feaſt⯑ed the members of the privy council at Eſſex Houſe, he ſhewed particular reſpect to the Archbiſhop, and th [...]ſe who attended him.
On the fourteenth of February following, the [19] marriage was ſolemnized with great ſplendor, the Archbiſhop performing the ceremony on a ſtage e⯑rected in the middle of the royal chapel; and on the tenth of April, his Electoral Highneſs returned to Germany; but before his departure, he made a pre⯑ſent of plate to the Archbiſhop, of the value of a thouſand pounds, as a mark of the juſt ſenſe he had of the pains his Grace had taken in the accompliſh⯑ing his marriage; and as an additional mark of his confidence, he wrote to him from Canterbury, in relation to the cauſes of that diſcontent, with which he left Englandg
[20] The concern his majeſty had ſhewn for removing Arminius firſt, and then Vorſtius, had given their favourers in Holland ſo much uneaſineſs, that the famous Hugo Grotius, the great champion of their cauſe, was ſent over to England, to endeavour to mitigate the King's diſpleaſure, and if poſſible, to give him a better opinion of the Remonſtrants, as they began then to be called; and we have a very ſingular account of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Archbiſhoph.
[21] In the ſpring of the year 1613, the affair of the Charterhouſe was ſettled, and at the cloſe of the month of June, his Grace, and the reſt of the truſ⯑tees, took poſſeſſion of that place, purſuant to the will of Mr. Sutton; and if this gave the Archbiſhop, [22] as no doubt it did, great ſatisfaction, an affair that happened about the ſame time, diſturbed him not a little.
This was the famous caſe of divorce between the Lady Frances Howard, daughter to the Earl of Suf⯑folk, and Robert, Earl of Eſſex, her huſband; which has been always conſidered as one of the great⯑eſt blemiſhes of King James's reign, though the part acted therein by the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, added much to the reputation he had already acqui⯑red, for unſhaken and incorruptible integrity.i
[23] The circumſtances that attended this affair, might [24] poſſibly leffen the King's favour to him in ſome reſ⯑pects, but he ſtill retained a great ſhare of it, as ap⯑pears by the raiſing his brother to the ſee of Saliſbury, in the year 1615; but with Queen Anne, he ſtood always on the beſt terms poſſible, as we learn from himſelf, in a paſſage of a work of his tranſcribed in the following note.
He made uſe of his intereſt with her majeſty, when all other applications had failed, to engage her to recommend Mr. George Villiers, ſo well known af⯑terwards in the world, to his majeſty's favour, for which at that time, the young man was ſo grateful as to call him father, and to deſire his advice as to his behaviour, which the Archbiſhop very freely [25] gave him; and it had been very happy for him if he had always followed thoſe councilsk.
[26] Towards the cloſe of the next year, the famous Antonio de Dominis, Archbiſhop of Spalato, took ſhelter here, from the perſecution with which he was threatened by the Pope, for diſcovering his diſlike both of the doctrine and diſcipline of the Church of Rome, and was very kindly received by his majeſty, who was pleaſed to order the Archbiſhop to entertain him, which he did with generous hoſpitality, till he was otherways provided for by the King. His Grace [27] however thought himſelf ſufficiently recompenced for the trouble given him in this affair by this ſtran⯑ger's procuring for him the manuſcript of Father Paul's excellent hiſtory of the council of Trent.
In the ſpring of the year 1618, viz. on the ſecond of March, our good Archbiſhop loſt his brother the Biſhop of Saliſbury, and before his grief was well over for ſo near a relation, he met with freſh diſturb⯑ances from the King's declaration for permitting ſports and paſtimes on the Lord's day, which was dated at Greenwich, May 24, 1618l.
This declaration was ordered to be read in church⯑es, and the Archbiſhop being accidentally at Croy⯑don in Surrey when it came thither, had the courage to forbid it's being read, which however the King winked at, notwithſtanding there were ſome about him, who let no opportunity ſlip of irritating him againſt this prelate.
The council of Dort ſet this year, to which were ſent from hence in the beginning of the month of [28] October four commiſſioners, and amongſt them Dr Hall, Dean of Wincheſter, with whoſe health the climate of Holland diſagreeing, he returned, and Dr Goad, the Archbiſhop's chaplain, was ſent in his place.
The end of this year proved as diſagreable to the Archbiſhop as it's beginning; in Autumn, the Queen, his gracious miſtreſs, falling ill of that diſ⯑temper, which, after a tedious ſickneſs, brought her to her end on the firſt of March following.
The Archbiſhop himſelf began alſo to grow in⯑firm, and finding himſelf leſs fit for the affairs of the world than he had been, reſolved, while he had ſtill ſtrength, to enter upon a great and good deſign, which he had long meditated as a teſtimony of affection to his native town of Guildford, where on the fifth of April, 1619, he laid the firſt ſtone of his hoſpital, and afterwards nobly endowed it; a par⯑ticular account of which will be given.
It was towards the end of this year, that the Elector Palatine accepted of the crown of Bohemia, [...] occaſioned great diſputes in King James's [...] ſome deſiring that his majeſty ſhould not [...] in this matter at all, from a foreſight that [...]t would produce a war in Germany; others again believing that both natural affection to his ſon and daughter, and a juſt concern for the Proteſtant in⯑tereſt, ought to have engaged his majeſty warmly to ſupport the new election. The Archbiſhop agreed [...] [...]ntiment with the laſt mentioned party, and not being able at that time to attend the privy council, he wrote his mind with great plainneſs and freedom [29] the Secretary of Statem
[30] The next year was in a great meaſure ſpent in de⯑bates [31] and negotiations upon this ſubject, in which the King took a great deal of pains with little effect.
The Archbiſhop's declining ſtate of health, ma⯑king exerciſe a thing not only convenient but neceſſ⯑ary for him, he was wont in the ſummer to make a tour into Hampſhire for the ſake of recreation, and being invited by the Lord Zouch to hunt in his park at Bramzil upon the edge of Berkſhire, and not far from Hartford Bridge, his Grace met there with the greateſt misfortune that befel him in the whole courſe of his life; for hunting in this park on the twenty⯑fourth of July, he let fly a barbed arrow from a croſs-bow at one of the deer; which unfortunately ſtruck one Peter Hawkins, my Lord Zouch's keep⯑er, who was quite out of the Biſhop's ſight, and had been warned more than once to keep out of the way, in the left arm, by which wound a large blood-veſ⯑ſel being pierced, he bled to death in an hour's time. This unforeſeen accident threw the Archbiſhop into a deep melancholy, tho' he was not conſcious to him⯑ſelf of the leaſt inadvertency or indiſcretion, neither did this wear off in time, but throughout his whole life he obſerved a monthly faſt on a Tueſday, the day on which this fatal miſchance fell out, and ſettled an annuity of twenty pounds on the widow, which ſoon procured her another huſband.
This affair made a very great noiſe, and there wanted not ſome to repreſent it in a ſiniſter light to King James, but his majeſty gave his judgment of matter in a ſhort and clear ſentence, An angel, ſaid he, might have miſcarried in this ſort. When he was afterwards informed of the legal penalties which his grace had incurred by this accident, he wrote him a conſolatory letter with his own hand, in which a⯑mongſt [32] other things he told him, that he would not add affliction to his ſorrow, or take one farthing from his chattels or moveables which were forfeited by law.
The Archbiſhop immediately on this misfortune retired to his own hoſpital at Guildford, there to wait the deciſion of the great point as to the irregu⯑larity, which ſome imagined he had incurred, for it happened very unluckily that at this juncture, there were four Biſhops elected but not conſecrated, viz. Dr John Williams, lord keeper of the great ſeal, to the ſee of Lincoln; Dr John Davenant, to that of Saliſbury; Dr Valentine Cary, to that of Exeter; and his old antagoniſt Dr William Laud, whoſe preferment, on this occaſion, he had warmly oppo⯑ſed, to that of St David's; and all, except Dr Da⯑venant, ſcrupled the Archbiſhop's capacity to lay hands on them till he was cleared from all imputa⯑tion as to this fact. The King being informed of this, directed, in the beginning of October follow⯑ing, a commiſſion to the ten following perſons, viz. the Lord Keeper; the Biſhops of London, Winch⯑eſter, and Rocheſter; the Elects of Exeter and St Davids; Sir Henry Hobart, Lord Chief Juſtice of the common pleas; Sir John Dodderidge, one of the juſtices of the King's bench; Sir Henry Mar⯑tin, Dean of the Arches; and Dr. Steward; to conſider and reſolve the three following queſtions. 1. Whether the Archbiſhop was irregular by the fact of involuntary bomicide? The Biſhop of Wincheſter, the two Judges, and the two Civilians, were very clear that he was not irregular; the other five thought he he was. 2. Whether that act might tend to ſcandal in a churchman? The Biſhop of Wincheſter, the Lord Chief Juſtice Hobart, and Dr Steward, doubted; all the reſt agreed, that a ſcandal might be taken tho' [33] not given. 3. How his Grace ſhould be reſtored, in caſe the King ſhould follow the deciſion of thoſe commiſſion⯑ers, who had found him irregular? All agreed that it could not be otherwiſe done than by reſtitution from the King, but they varied in the manner. The Biſhop of Wincheſter, the Lord Chief Juſtice, and Dr Steward, thought it ſhould be done by the King, and by him alone, in the ſame patent with the par⯑don. The Lord Keeper, and the Biſhops of Lond⯑on, Rocheſter, Exeter, and St David's, were for a commiſſion from the King directed to ſome Biſhops. Judge Dodderidge, and Sir Henry Martin, were deſirous it ſhould be done both ways, for abundant caution. This return was made to his majeſty on the tenth of November 1621, and accordingly a pardon and a diſpenſation both bearing date at Weſt⯑minſter, the twenty-ſecond of November, paſſed the great ſeal, by which his majeſty aſſoiled the Arch⯑biſhop from all irregularity, ſcandal, or infamation, (if any was incurred) and declared him capable of all metropolitical authority, as if this accident had never happened. Such was the cloſe of this buſineſs, after a great variety of proceedings, and many ar⯑guments publiſhed on both ſidesn.
[34] Yet all this could not ſatisfy the minds of thoſe who had ſcrupled the power of laying on hands, and therefore they petitioned the King, that they might not be compelled to wound their conſciences by ſub⯑mitting to ſuch a conſecration; and, in compliance with their deſire, the Biſhop of Lincoln was conſe⯑crated in King Henry VII's chapel, on the eleventh of November, by the Biſhops of London, Wor⯑ceſter, Ely, Oxford, and Llandaff; and the Biſh⯑ops of Sarum, Exeter, and St David's, in the chapel of the Biſhop of London's palace, on the eighteenth of November, by the ſame reverend Prelates.
It does not appear, that his Grace was at all leſſened, by the ſuggeſtions of his enemies, in the King's favour, or his courage in any degree abated, by the troubles he had met witho. On the con⯑trary, [35] we find him, in the year 1622, oppoſing the Spaniſh match, which was a thing the King had ſet his heart upon, with the greateſt firmneſs and ſpirit, and even venturing, under his hand, to give his ſentiments on that ſubject in terms ſo vigorous and pathetick, that no pen can properly repreſent them but his ownp. The King however remained [36] fixed in his reſolution, and the articles agreed on for [37] the ſaid marriage, were ſworn to, in the preſence of the Archbiſhop, and other great officers of ſtate, notwithſtanding which they never took effect.
The Archbiſhop thenceforward aſſiſted but ſeldom at council, being hindered chiefly by his infirmities, but in the King's laſt ſickneſs he was called for, and attended with great conſtancy, and received the higheſt marks of the King's confidence, to the very laſt moment of his life, and was near him when he expired, on the twenty-ſeventh of March 1625.
At the coronation of King Charles I, the Arch⯑biſhop, as his office required, ſet the crown upon his majeſty's head, tho' he was extremely weak, and much troubled with the gout, but thenceforward he viſibly declined in the King's favour, and the Duke of Buckingham, who was his declared enemy, watched for an opportunity to make the Archbiſhop [38] feel the weight of his diſpleaſure.
This was at laſt taken, for his refuſing to licenſe a ſermon, preached by one Dr Sibthorpe, Vicar of Brackley in Northamptonſhire, to juſtify and pro⯑mote a loan, which the King had demanded. This ſermon was preached at Northampton, in the Lent aſſizes 1627 before the Judges at Northampton, and it was tranſmitted to the Biſhop, with the King's directi⯑on, to licenſe it, which he refuſed to do, and gave his reaſons for it; notwithſtanding which, the ſermon was licenſed by the Biſhop of London, (Dr Moun⯑taigne) after many things had been corrected therein, from the lights given by the Archbiſhop's objections, for which however it was reſolved that he ſhould ſuffer. Diſcourſes of this nature were ſo loud at court, that ſome of his Grace's friends overheard and reported them to him, upon which he thought fit to retire to his palace at Croydon; a month before his uſual time. On the fifth of July, Lord Con⯑way, who was then Secretary of State, made him a viſit, and intimated to him, that the King expected he ſhould withdraw to Canterbury, which the Arch⯑biſhop declined, becauſe he had a law-ſuit at that time with that city, and deſired he might rather have leave to go to his houſe at Ford, five miles beyond Canterbury, which was yielded to; and on the ninth of October following, the King granted a commiſſion to the Biſhops of London, Durham, Rocheſter, Oxford, and Bath and Wells, to execute archiepiſcopal authority, the cauſe aſſigned being no more than this, That the Archbiſhop could not at that time, in his own perſon, attend thoſe ſervices, which were otherwiſe proper for his cognizance and juriſdiction. Some writers have pretended, that his ſuppoſed irre⯑gularity, occaſioned by the Death of Peter Hawkins, [39] was revived; but the commiſſion which is extant on record ſhews the contrary, nor indeed was that affair ever thought of afterwards; but the Archbiſhop did not remain long in this ſituation, for the neceſſities of the times rendering a parliament neceſſary, his Grace was ſent for about Chriſtmas, and not only reſtored to his authority aad juriſdiction, but, on his coming to court from his palace at Lambeth, was received when he quitted his barge, by the Archbiſhop of York and the Earl of Dorſet, who conducted him to his majeſty, where, having kiſſed the King's hand, he was deſired not to fail the coun⯑cil chamber twice a week. His Grace ſat in that parliament which began on the ſeventeenth of March following, and continued in the full exerciſe of his office ever after, of which it may not be amiſs to take notice in this ſingle inſtance. On the twenty-fourth of Auguſt 1628, he conſecrated Richard Montagu, to the ſee of Chicheſter, a man who had been remarkably buſy in ſupporting th [...] pretence of his irregularity, and at this conſecration Dr Laud, then Biſhop of London, aſſiſted, which is the cleareſt proof that can be, that no doubts ſtuck longer as to his irregularity, even with thoſe who loved him leaſt.
In parliament, the Archbiſhop maintained his credit in as high a degree as any of his predeceſſors, and it is more than probable, that the knowledge of this procured him ſuch marks of reſpect, as were at this time afforded him by the court. When the Petition of Right, that great pillar of the Engliſh liberty, was under conſideration, the Arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury delivered the ſenſe of the houſe of Lords thereupon, at a conference with the houſe of Commons, and at the ſame time, laid [40] before them ſuch propoſitions as their Lordſhips had agreed upon, for which, thanks were returned, in ſet ſpeech, by Sir Dudley Diggs.
The intereſt of Biſhop Laud was now ſo great at court, that he drew up a ſcheme of inſtructions, which having the King's name at the head of them, were, in the month of December, 1629, tranſmitted to his Grace, under the pompous title, His Majeſty's inſtructions to the moſt reverend father in God, George, Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, containing certain orders to be obſerved and put in execution, by the ſeveral Biſhops in his province. Theſe inſtructions his Grace com⯑municated to his ſuffragan Biſhops, in which, as Heylin obſerves, he acted miniſterially; but to ſhew that he ſtill meant to exerciſe his own authority in his own dioceſe, he reſtored Mr Palmer and Mr Udnay to their lectureſhips, after the Dean and Archdeacon of Canterbury had ſuſpended them; and, in other reſpects, ſoftened the rigour of thoſe inſtructions, which were contrived to enforce the particular no⯑tions of a prevailing party in the Church, which the Archbiſhop thought a burden too hard to be borne by the tender conſciences of thoſe who made the fundamentals of religion their ſtudy, and were not ſo zealous for forms.
His conduct in this and other reſpects, is ſaid to have made his preſence unwelcome at court, and [...]o indeed it ſeems to have been, for upon the birth of Charles, Prince of Wales, (afterwards King Charles II,) which happened on the 29th of May, 1630, Laud, then Biſhop of London, had the honour to baptize him as D [...]an of the chapel, notwithſtanding that the Archbiſhop of Canterbury is the Ordinary of the court, and the King's houſhold, wherever it is, are regarded as his pariſhioners; ſo this was [41] viſibly as much a ſlight upon the Archbiſhop, as an act of favour towards his antagoniſt.
The Archbiſhop however was proof againſt all ſuch accidents as theſe, and went on doing his duty without fear or favour, and yet one of the laſt acts of his life plainly ſhews, that he was very far from being ſo indifferent towards the diſcipline and cere⯑monies of the Church of England, as ſome have repreſented him. This act of his was an order dated the third of July 1633, requiring the pariſh⯑ioners of Crayford in Kent, to receive the ſacrament of the Lord's Supper, on their knees, at the ſteps aſcending to the communion table.
We may well ſtile this one of his laſt acts, ſince a month a [...]terwards, viz. on the fourth of Auguſt in the ſame year, he deceaſed at his palace of Croydon, worn out with cares and infirmities, at the age of ſeventy-one.
He was buried according to his own expreſs direction, in the chapel of our Lady, within the church dedicated to the holy Trinity, in his native town of Guildford in Surrey. Soon after his de⯑ceaſe, a noble monument was erected over his grave with the effigies of the Archbiſhop in his Epiſcopal robes, and over that his Parliament Robes, in white marble, lying under the Arch ſupported by ſix black marble pillars of the Dorick Order, raiſed on pedeſtals of books piled up. In niches, at the Eaſt end of the Monument, are two figures, over their heads, thus, Hinc Lumen [Hence Light], Hic Gratia [Here Grace]. On the top prettily diſpoſed are nine ſmall figures, one of which has the following in⯑ſcription, Fidit & Patitur [he Truſts and Suffers.] On the Weſt end, below the cuſhion, is a repreſenta⯑tion [42] of a ſepulchre filled with ſkulls and bones, with an iron grate before it: and on ſeveral parts of the monument, are the arms of Abbot.
On the weſt end is this Inſcription in capitals
Sacrum
Memoriae
Honoratiſſimi Archi-Praeſulis, Doctoris Georgii Abbot, qui hanc natalibus Guilfordiam, ſtudiis literarum Oxoniam decoravit, ubi Socius primo Collegii Baliol, dein Collegii Univerſitatis Praefectus, et Academiae Pro⯑cax [...]eliarius laudatiſſimus, Prudentiae, Pietatis, Erudi⯑tionis aeſtimatione adeo gratiam pientiſſimi Regumque om [...]ium doctiſſimi, Jacobi, Magnae Britanniae Monar⯑c [...] promeruit ut poſt Decanatum Winton. ad Epiſco⯑patum Covent: & Lichfield. mox ad London. ſtatim ad Cant. Archiepiſcopatum, et totius Angliae Pri⯑matum, et Sacratiſſimi Concilii Regii Senatum cito ſub⯑volaret: Cum (que) inde altius in terris non poſſet, coelos pe [...]it, d [...]erum, honorum plenus. Fratri, eid [...]m (que) Patri ſumme venerando, Mauricius Abbot Eques Auratus, [...] m [...]rent [...]ſſimus hie aeviternum parentat.
IN ENGLISH THUS
Sacred to the Memory
Of the moſt Honourable Archbiſhop Doctor George Abbot, who graced this Town of Guildford with his Birth, and Oxford with his Studies, where firſt he was Fellow of Baliol College, then Maſter of Univerſity College, and worthy Vice-Chancellor of the Univerſity. By his great Prudence, Piety, and Learning, he ſo [...]erited the favour of the moſt pious and learned of all Kings, James King of Great-Britain, that from the Dean'r [...] o [...] W [...]ncheſter, [...]e was tranſlated to the Biſhop⯑rick [43] of Coventry and Litchfield, ſoon after to London, and then to the Archbiſhoprick of Canterbury, and Primacy of all England, and one of his Majeſty's Privy Council. When he could go no higher on the earth he aſcended to Heaven, full of Years and Honour. Maurice Abbot, full of ſorrow, a Knight of the gilt Spurs, eternally pays the Funeral Obſequies to his de⯑ſerving Brother, and the ſame his [ghoſtly] Father, greatly to be revered.
At the Eaſt end, at his feet, is this inſcription.
AETERNAE
Memoriae Sacrum
Magni hic (Hoſpes) Hoſpitis Monumenta vides, ſ [...]d Mortui videſis viventis etiam viventia. Quod pagum [...]unc utriuſ (que) ſexus Ptocho-Trophio ſumptuoſo, Provin⯑ciae ſuae Metropolin Aquaeductu ſpecioſo ornavit. Quod primas Annos 22 praeſederit duorum optimorum R. R. Conciliis inſervierit, Carolum pium D [...]ademate et Unct [...] ⯑one ſacravit: Quod R. Jacobi juſſu Eccleſias olim Scotiae perluſtravit, quod curà ipſius eundem R. erud [...] ⯑tiſſ. Academia Oxon. allubeſcentiâ mirâ exceperit, ſibi (que) tum Burgenſes Parliamenti, tum Auctiores Profeſſorum reditus impetravit; Quanti haec! ſed quod pie, patienter, [...]benter tanta liquerit; hoc un [...]m in ultimis recenſen⯑dum, in primis cenſendum cenſeas Hoſpes, et valeas.
IN ENGLISH THUS
Sacred to Eternal Memory.
Reader, here you ſee the Monument of a great Man, now dead, you may ſee alſo the memorable Deeds of his Life, which now remain. He adorn'd this Town [...] [44] a ſumptuous Hoſpital, for both Sexes; and the Metropo⯑lis of his Province with a ſpa [...]ious Aqueduct. He pre⯑ſided as Primate 22 Years; was in the Privy-Council of two emin [...]t Kings; and crown'd and an [...]inted Charles [...] By the ord r o [...] K. James, he ſurveyed for⯑merly the Church of Scotland; by his care, the Univer⯑ſity of Oxford receiv'd the ſame learned King with ſi [...]gu [...]r ſat [...]ction; [...]e [...] likewiſe for it Members to ſ [...]r [...]e in [...] [...] a [...]r [...]e [...] Salary for the Pro⯑feſſors. How [...] this one thing is to be accounted [...] that he left ſuch great Things, [...] and willingly, but you, Reader, may [...]e [...] as to think it of great con [...]quence. [...]a [...]ewel.
On the cuſhion under his head, thus;
[...] Ao D. 1633. Auguſti d [...] IVto. Anno Aeta [...]i [...] XXXI.
The facts related in the [...]ription, ſufficiently prove that [...]e [...] a man of great natural parts, and thoſe [...] improved, [...]or the worthy perform⯑ance [...] h s high ſtation in the Church [...].
[...]e ſhewed h mſelf in many circumſtances of his life, a man of great moderation towards all parties, [...] to the Prote [...]tant religion, an honeſt [...] not [...] humble courtier, and one [...] ſhould have attracted the [...] laity, by the ſanct⯑ity of [...] and the uprightneſs of their behaviour, rath [...] [...] have claimed them as ne⯑ce [...]ari [...]y annexed to their function. Theſe notions of his, [...] little with the humour of ſome [45] writers, has drawn upon him many reflections that he did not deſerveq.
[46] The general hiſtorians of thoſe times ran much into writing of characters, and that which Hammond l'Eſtrange beſtowed upon the Archbiſhop, has been copied into various works. Dr. Heylin, in his life of Abp. Laud, makes uſe of it to expreſs what he did not care ſhould fall from his own pen, though upon other occaſions, he has treated this writer in his hiſtory very freely. Lloyd, in his State Worthies, has copied that character without naming his author, [47] and to ſay the truth, it is from thence, that moſt of the ſtrokes of ſatire beſtowed upon the memory of this great man have been ſtolen; [ſee the notes [q] and [r] and yet how little ſuitable that character is to the perſon for whom it was drawn, the reader will eaſily perceive from the piece itſelfr. He [48] has not met with much better quarter from the noble hiſtorian, tho' there is more of decency preſerved in his animadverſions, as the reader will perceive from the picture of our Archbiſhop drawn by his penſ. A later writer juſtly eſteemed for his [49] perfect knowledge of the Engliſh hiſtory, and not [50] ſo much addicted to party, has done much more juſtice to the virtues and abilities of this great Prelate, and therefore we held it reaſonable to annex his teſtimony to theſe memoirst.
His charity and publick ſpirit ought certainly to have been ſet in a clearer light, than hitherto they have been, by the friends to the Church; the rather, becauſe a writer, remarkable for his keenneſs, [Heylin] has been pleaſed to aſſert, that marks of his⯑beneſaction we find none, in places of his breeding and preferment; which is at once an unjuſt and unchriſti⯑an aſperſion, as will be made appearu.
[51] In regard to his learning, ſucceeding ages may judge thereof, from his writings upon various ſub⯑jects, of the moſt remarkable of which, we have, for the reader's ſatisfaction, added a ſuccinct ac⯑countx
[52] It may not be amiſs to obſerve here, that there was [53] another writer of both his names, who flouriſhed ſomewhat later. This George Abbot wrote a paraphraſe on Job, a vindication of the Sabbath, and a paraphraſe on the Pſalms. This laſt was printed in 1650, and it appears from thence, that the author was lately dead, and had been, while living, a member of the parliament then ſitting. Another George Abbot, fellow of Merton college in Oxford, [54] in 1622, and who took the degree of Bachelor of Law, in 1630, was our Prelate's nephew, and the ſon of Sir Maurice Abbot, but it does not appear that he was a writer.
CHARACTER OF Archbiſhop ABBOT, BY The Right Honourable Arthur Onſlow, LATE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
[]CHARACTER OF Archbiſhop ABBOT, Upon reading Lord CLARENDON'S Account of him.
Which ſee, pages 48 and 49 of this work.
[]THAT worthy Prelate did ſurely deſerve a better repreſentation to poſterity. He was a very wiſe and prudent man, knew well the temper and diſpoſition of the kingdom with reſpect to the ceremonies and power of the church, and did there⯑fore uſe a moderation in the point of eccleſiaſtical diſcipline, which if it had been followed by his ſucceſſor, the ruin that ſoon after fell on the church might very likely have been prevented. His being without any credit at court from the latter end of King James's reign will bring no diſhonour on his memory, if it be conſider'd that his diſgrace aroſe from his diſlike of, and oppoſition to the imprudent and corrupt meaſures of the court at that time, and from an honeſt zeal for the laws and liberties of his country which ſeem'd then to be in no ſmall dan⯑ger, and it was a part truly becoming the high ſtation he then bore. His advice upon the affair [52] of the Palatinate and the Spaniſh match ſhewed his knowledge of the true intereſt of England, and how much it was at his heart; and his behaviour and ſufferings in the next reign about the loan and Sibthorp's ſermon as they were the reaſons of his diſgrace at that time, ſo ought they to render his memory valuable to all who wiſh not to ſee the fatal counſels and the oppreſſion of thoſe times revived in this nation. The Duke of Buckingham was his enemy becauſe the Archbiſhop would not be his creature, and the church perhaps might have been thought to have been better govern'd, if he had ſtooped to the Duke and given in to the wantonneſſes of his power: but he knew the dignity of his cha⯑racter, and loved his country too well to ſubmit to ſuch a meanneſs, tho' very few of his brethren had the courage or honeſty to join with him in this, and if the Archbiſhop himſelf is to be credited*, his ſucceſſor's riſe was by the practice of thoſe arts this good man could not bend to. As to his learning we need no better teſtimony of it than his promotion by King James, who had too much affectation that way to prefer any one to ſuch a ſtation who had not borne the reputation of a ſcholar; but there are other proofs of his ſufficiency in this, even for the high place he held in the church. If he had ſome narrow notions in divinity, they were rather the faults of the age he had his education in, than his, and the ſame imputation may be laid on the beſt and moſt learned of the reformers. His warmth againſt popery became the office of a Proteſtant Bi⯑ſhop; [53] tho' even towards Papiſts there is a* remark⯑able inſtance of his mildneſs and charity, which ſhewed that his zeal againſt their perſons went no farther than the ſafety of the ſtate required. His parts ſeem to have been ſtrong and maſterly, his preaching grave and eloquent, and his ſtile equal to any of that time. He was eminent for piety and a care for the poor, and his hoſpitality fully anſwer'd the injunction King James laid on him, which was to carry his houſe nobly, and to live like an Arch⯑biſhop. He had no thoughts of heaping up riches; what he did ſave was laid out by him in the erecting and endowing of an handſome Hoſpital for decay'd tradeſmen, and the widows of ſuch, in the town of Guildford in the county of Surrey, where he was born and had his firſt education; and here I cannot omit taking notice that the body of Statutes drawn by himſelf for the government of that houſe, is one of the moſt judicious works of that kind I ever ſaw, and under which for near one hundred years that Hoſpital has main⯑tain'd the beſt credit of any that I know in Eng⯑land. He was void of all pomp and oſtentation, and thought the nearer the church and church-men came to the ſimplicity of the firſt chriſtians, the better would the true ends of religion be ſerved, and that the purity of the heart was to be preferred to, and ought rather to be the care of a ſpiritual go⯑vernor, than the devotion of the hands only. If under this notion ſome niceties in diſcipline were given up to goodneſs of life, and when the peace of the church as well as of the kingdom was preſerved [54] by it, 'twas ſurely no ill piece of prudence, nor is his memory therefore deſerving of thoſe ſlanders it has undergone upon that account. It is eaſy to ſee that much of this treatment has been owing to a belief in the admirers and followers of Archbiſhop Laud, that the reputation of the latter was encreaſed by depreciating that of the former. They were in⯑deed men of very different frames and the parts they took in the affairs both of church and ſtate as difa⯑greeing. In the church, moderation and the ways of peace guided the behaviour of the firſt, rigour and ſeverity that of the laſt. In the ſtate they ſe⯑verally carried the like principles and temper. The one made the liberty of the people and the laws of the land the meaſure of his actions, when the other, to ſpeak ſoftly of it, had the power of the Prince and the exalting the prerogative only, for the found⯑ation of his. They were indeed both of 'em men of courage and reſolution; but it was ſedate and temperate in Abbot, paſſionate and unruly in Laud. It is not however to be denied that many rare and excellent virtues were poſſeſſed by the latter; but it muſt be owned too, he ſeems rather made for the hierarchy of another church and to be the miniſter of an arbitrary Prince, and the other to have had the qualifications of a Proteſtant Biſhop and the guardian of a free ſtate. Thus much I thought was due to the character of this good man, not only for the ſake of juſtice, but as an offering of gratitude to his memory for the great and laſting obligations the town of Guildford (to which I have ſome re⯑lation) lies under to him. And what I have here ſaid of him I am amply juſtified in, from ſeveral [55] accounts delivered down of him, from letters and other pieces of his own in Ruſhworth's Collections*, and from the Statutes of his hoſpital before-men⯑tioned, and other memorials of his worth which are there preſerved.
It is not perhaps unworthy of obſervation, that in England Calviniſm went along with Civil Li⯑berty, and Arminianiſm the contrary; and that in Holland it was at the ſame time the very reverſe.
Archbiſhop ABBOT's WILL.
[]THE WILL OF GEORGE ABBOT, Late Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury. 1632.
[]IN the Name of Almighty God from whom a⯑lone cometh my help, I George Abbot by the Providence of God Archbiſhop of Canterbury, conſidering with myſelf the certaintie of that decree that it is appointed for all men to die once, and weighing the uncertainty of that hour when my Lord and Great Maſter will call for me, being now in reaſonable health and perfect memory, I praiſe God for the ſame, and being willing to diſpoſe of myſelf, and of that ſmall portion of wealth which the Lord in mercy hath lent unto me, do make this my laſt Will and Teſtament as followeth.
FIRST, I do thank the God of Heaven and Earth, for bringing me from meaner eſtate to a place of ſome note in his church, which by his mercy and unſpeakable goodneſs I have laboured to diſcharge to my power in ſimplicity of conſcience, having ever in my memory that great and laſt day of ac⯑compt, when all mens bodies ſhall ſtand before that [58] tribunal of Chriſt, and in the mean while not for⯑getting that ſaying of the Prophet*, Quid retribuam Domino? becauſe in ſo many troubles as this in⯑conſtant world doth afford his Divine Majeſty did ever protect and uphold me, and ſo I truſt that high and great God will out of his incomprehenſible love do unto the end. Then I commend my ſoul unto the bleſſed Trinity, the Father who created it, the Son who redeemed it, the Holy Ghoſt who in ſome meaſure hath ſanctified it, beſeeching that God in Trinity and the ſame Trinity in Unity to receive it into the kingdom of heaven there to reign for ever for Jeſus Chriſt's ſake, by whoſe death and bitter paſſion only which that unſpotted and inno⯑cent lamb did ſuffer for the ſins of the world, I ſtedfaſtly hope to have full and free remiſſion of all my offences, according to the truth of the goſpel now by his great mercy publiſhed in this famous Church of England, which I hold to be the beſt framed pattern of all the Churches in Europe, and according to the doctrine which in my life-time for full forty years together (when I write this) I have taught in my preaching and maintained in my wri⯑ting, and in the verity whereof (becauſe it is groun⯑ded upon the ſacred ſcriptures of the old and new Teſtament) I hope to appear with chearfulneſs and confidence before the throne of God.
I commend my body to the earth in aſſured hope of a joyful reſurrection, deſiring to be buried in the Trinity Church at Guildford which is near unto my Hoſpital, that in the ſame town where my fleſh had the beginning thereof, it may reſt as the depo⯑ſitum of my love to that place; but I leave all [59] circumſtances of my interring and funeral to the judgment and diſcretion of mine Executors.
I give to the Poor of the pariſh of Lambeth thirty pounds; and to the Poor of the pariſh of Croydon twenty pounds; both theſe ſums to be diſpoſed according to the diſcretion of mine Execu⯑tors, and if it may be it is beſt that they ſhould be directed to ſome permanent uſe.
I have heretofore given to the Mayor and his Brethren at Guildford one hundred pounds*, which ſum is in their hands, or at leaſt in their diſpoſing, I declared it ſo at firſt and my deſire is that it ſhould be preſerved to a perpetual uſe, to be lent by five and twenty pounds a man to four ſeveral tradeſmen in that town, to ſet poor men on work; I would not have theſe ſums to be lent but upon good ſe⯑curity, and to hold for two or three years at the moſt, without any intereſt or conſideration (ſaving paying for making the bonds) and then to be lent from time to time to other traders there, with this proviſo upon the bonds that if any of the borrow⯑ers to die before the end of the term for which the money is lent, that the ſum be repayed or delivered back to the Mayor and his Brethren within three months after his deceaſe.
To him whoſoever ſhall ſucceed me in the Arch⯑biſhoprick I give all the pictures and maps now hanging in the gallery at Lambeth, together with my barge, praying him not to grieve my Executors for dilapidations, ſince it appeareth to the world how careful I have been in repairing all the houſes belonging to the See of Canterbury, beyond that which my predeceſſors have done in the memory of [60] man, and that I have beſtowed divers thouſands of pounds upon the ſame, as may well be ſeen by books of accounts truly kept concerning thoſe expences, beſides the care which to my great charge I have had for the preſervation of the woods of the Arch⯑biſhoprick ſtanding in Kent and Surrey, which I have ſo ſpared beyond my predeceſſors, that I have bought timber to the value of ſome hundreds of pounds to repair my houſes, becauſe I would not cut young trees, but let them grow up to the benefit of my ſuccceſſors; and being now fair I leave it hum⯑bly to his Majeſty's conſideration, whether it be not fit that my ſucceſſor and ſucceſſors to enter good bond into the exchequer not to cut any timber, ſaving for neceſſary reparations of his own houſes, which was the courſe holden in Queen Elizabeth's days eſpecially for the Biſhoprick of Wincheſter, and not unfit elſewhere to be followed. I have many books in the great ſtudy or library at Lambeth marked with theſe two letters G C, I bequeath thoſe to that library to the uſe of the Archbiſhops of Canterbury in ſucceſſion; and I appoint that a catalogue ſhould be made of them, and ſent to the Dean and Chapter of the cathedral church in Cant⯑erbury to be there kept, and a tranſc [...]ipt or copy thereof to remain in the library at Lambeth; the coſt of this I leave to my Executors, but pray Mr. Baker my ſecretary to take ſome pains therein for that which ſhall remain unperfected by me, which I hope ſhall not be much, yet in that which ſhall be I would have Mr. Baker to take the advice of my hou [...]hold chaplains being with me in houſe at the time of my death; and becauſe I am not ignorant that by falſehood, cavils in law, or ſome negligence, not only thoſe books given by me, but thoſe which [61] were left by my Lord Bancroft may be diverted from the uſe of my ſucceſſors, and ſo this great and good work be fruſtrated, as far as in me lieth I do in the name of that dreadful and Almighty God, who is the rewarder of all men's deſervings be they good or be they evil, lay it upon the ſoul and conſcience of him and them that ſhall ſucceed me in this Arch⯑biſhoprick, that to the beſt of their power by all means they keep that library and all the books ſafe as I have done, and I pray God to bleſs all them that have that good mind, and to divert and hinder all thoſe that have any intendment to the contrary, and this I pray not only for and concerning my ſuc⯑ceſſors but all other perſons whatſoever,
My next general care is of my ſervants among whom I do not know any unhoneſt or unworthy man, my will for them is that my houſhold ſhould by my Executors be kept together at my charge for the ſpace of one month after my deceaſe, that men may have ſome time to diſpoſe of themſelves. And to begin with the pooreſt; I do give two hundred pounds to be divided by my Executors unto forty yeomen or inferior of my ſervants by five pounds a year. And I give forty pounds more to ſupply any forgetfulneſs of mine towards ſuch as have ſerved me; or if the ſum beforenamed do not hold out, thoſe laſt moneys to be diſpoſed by the diſcretion of mine Executors towards gentlemen or yeomen where they ſhall ſee fit, and according to what proportion they ſhall hold moſt convenient; thoſe to whom I give particular legacies are to have none of this two hundred and the forty pounds, but my ſervan s at Croydon are to be taken in. To ſuch gentlemen [62] as at the time of my death ſhall ſerve me in houſe, and have no portions or named legacies, I give to each of them a gold ring to the value of forty ſhil⯑lings to wear in remembrance of me. And I in⯑treat my ſucceſſor whoſoever he ſhall be to enter⯑tain ſo many of my ſervants as he ſhall need, aſſu⯑ring him that he can not have more honeſt and ſerviceable perſons to attend him.
To Sir Edmond Scott I give my little ſilver clock, and a trencher ſalt of gold without a cover, which remaineth among my plate, and this he muſt re⯑ceive as a memorial of my love, becauſe otherwiſe by my means he is not ill provided for, although if if it were more he is worthy of it.
To Mr. Richard Brigham, the controller of my houſe, I give my four coach mares, and one hundred pounds in money, he knoweth that I have not been altogether forgetful of him in my life-time, but all that I have done is too little, becauſe his faithful⯑neſs, diligence, and diſcretion hath been ſuch in ſerving me that my eſtate by his means hath been the better within doors and without.
To my two chaplains attending me in mine houſe I give my pictures and maps in the gallery at Croy⯑don, to be divided between them; and to each of them a ring of gold of forty ſhillings. And ſuch another ring I give to my chaplain Maſter Edward Abbott of Loarkin.
To my ſecretary Maſter William Baker, as honeſt a man as ever ſerved any maſter, I give my gold ring with the table diamond to wear in remembrance of me, praying him to take ſome pains to perfect up the catalogue of my books given to the library at Lambeth, that it may orderly appear to poſterity what I have left there, according to the care that I [63] did take for the books left by my predeceſſour the Lord Bancroft the founder and firſt beginner of that library; I give him alſo the great inlayed cabinet of wood ſtanding in the Queen's chamber at Lambeth, the keys whereof lie in the old deſk which ſtandeth in the ſtudy, which is next to the cloſet near the chapel.
To Maſter Richard Line I bequeath my leſſer gold chain, and twenty pounds of money if he owe me ſo much at the time of my death; I have done ſomething for him in my life-time according to my ability, and it may fall out that I may do more.
To Maſter William Sherman I give a gold ring with a turtoyſe in it which I have ready lying by me, and a piece of gilt plate of thirty ounces, I have not altogether forgotten him heretofore in ſome other matters.
To honeſt John Goodwyn I give one hundred marks in money, and my big clock which uſeth commonly to ſtand in my chamber; I have much deſired to leave him ſome office or matter of con⯑tinuance, but God hitherto hath not offered me the means to do it according to my deſire.
To Ralph Watts who long hath ſerved me pain⯑fully and diligently I give alſo one hundred marks in money, and a gold ring with a turkoiſe in it; I have done ſomething for him beſides, but I wiſh it were much more.
To Walter Dobſon my receiver, and the receiver of the archbiſhoprick, I give twenty pounds, and the ring with the Weſt-Indian ſapphire which I have uſed to wear having my arms cut in it; I hope he hath not utterly loſt his time under me, and therefore he will be content with this remembrance of [64] him. I leave him alſo my little written book with the blue ſtrings, wherein are ſet down the leaſes and woods, and proviſions belonging to the archbiſhop⯑rick, I would have him keep it to himſelf for it may be of good uſe unto him.
To George Aiſme, my page and godſon, I give ten pounds, and one of the ſummer nags which I have running amongſt my horſes.
To Maſter John Harte, ſometime ſolicitor of my cauſes, I give all the arrearages of young Liveſays wardſhip, if any be behind; and I give him alſo a gold ring with a turtoiſe in it.
I bequeath to Robert Clarke, yeoman of my horſe, ten pounds. And ſo much I give alſo to George Holliſt.
I give moreover to Maſter Francis Harton, Ma⯑ſter John Goodwin, and Ralph Watts, the remainder of young Peyton's wardſhip to be equally divided amongſt them as it hath been heretofore. To Wal⯑ter Dobſon I give that which is left of Turvey's wardſhip (videlicet) fifty ſhillings yearly. And to George Hollis the remainder of Pole Wheeler's wardſhip ſo long as it doth continue, I do not know the time but it is fifty ſhillings by the year.
To Sir Dudley Diggs, my antient pupil in Ox⯑ford, I give my ring ſet with an orient ſapphire, and all my antique coins of gold, ſilver, and braſs which are in my ſtudy at Lambeth.
To Sir Henry Martin, dean of the arches, and my good friend, I bequeath all my ſerpentine cups and veſſels, which I give him that when he ſeeth ruſeth t h em he may think of me.
To Maſter Serjeant Hendon, my old Oxford acquaintance and friend, careful in my law-buſineſs, I give the fair bible which lieth in a white box, [65] ſtanding in that room wherein I have heretofore or⯑dinarily ſtudied while I remained at Lambeth.
To the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury I do give five and twenty of thoſe books which now re⯑main in my ſtudy at Croydon, and I do give five and twenty more (to be taken after the other from thence) to the Dean and Chapter of Wincheſter to be put into their ſeveral libraries, and theſe I wiſh my Executors to chooſe out with the privity and ſome advice of the Dean or Vice-Dean of thoſe churches for the time being, ſuppoſing that they wiſh to have ſuch books as be not in their libraries already.
For Baliol college I have done divers things al⯑ready, and if God ſend me life I have a purpoſe to let them taſte ſomething more of my courteſy.
There is a leaſe of two houſes which was taken in the name of my brother Sir Morris Abbot, as he very well knoweth, my will is that my executors do ſo order it that twenty pounds yearly out of the benefit ariſing by that leaſe, be paid to my bro⯑ther John Abbot of Guildford during his life, if the leaſe do ſo long continue; and other twenty pounds yearly ariſing from that leaſe I appoint to be paid to the wife of Peter Hawkins ſometime of Bramſil in Hampſhire, for ſo long as the ſaid wo⯑man doth live and no longer. What benefit may be made by the renewing the under leaſes, together with the remainder of the time after the deceaſe of my brother John and the wife of Peter Hawkins, I give to my nephew Mr. Maurice Abbot of the Inner-Temple, and I pray my executors that theſe things may be truly performed according to my honeſt meaning.
To Sir Nathaniel Brent, and his wife my kinſwo⯑man, [66] [...]he daughter of my brother Doctor Abbot ſometime Biſhop of Saliſbury, I give a piece of gilt plate of thirty ounces. And I do further declare that it is my purpoſe and intent, that one paper or inſtrument under my hand and ſeal made for her benefit and now in her cuſtody, ſhould take place according to the conditions and time therein ſpecifi⯑ed; this paper beareth date the tenth of January one thouſand, ſix hundred and twenty. And my will is that the like paper ſhould be available and take place in behalf of Maſter Edward Leonthorpe ſometimes my ſervant. I do leave power ſufficient to my executors to ſee theſe things performed.
I do give alſo to the ſaid niece of mine the Lady Martha Brent, the gilt baſon and ewer which the Lord Thomas Earl of Dorſet, ſometime Lord Trea⯑ſurer of England, and in his life-time my honour⯑able good maſter gave unto me by his will as a legacy; they may eaſily be known becauſe they have engraven upon them the arms of his lordſhip.
I bequeath to my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knight my great ſilver hour-glaſs with the caſe where⯑in it is kept, as a ſpecial remembrance of me.
To his ſon my nephew Maſter Maurice Abbot, ſtudent of the Inner-Temple, I do give my bigger chain of gold to wear when he ſeeth cauſe, and other⯑wiſe to keep in memory of me. I give to him all the profits that may be raiſed of the leaſe of the Priory of Dover, which in his name is taken of the Archbiſhop of Canterbury to make uſe of it to himſelf after my deceaſe; and there be ſome petty leaſes now fit to be demiſed the benefit whereof I give unto him. He knoweth what I have done for him beſides, and I doubt not but he will ſafely keep a paper of directions which I have heretofore given unto him.
[67] To my brother John Abbot I bequeath twenty pounds, and to his wife a piece of gilt plate of twenty ounces. To their daughter Sarah Sàye, I give twenty pounds, and a piece of gilt plate of twenty ounces. And I give to my other niece Da⯑maris Bingſtey a piece of plate of thirty ounces gilt. To John Abbot their brother I give a ring of forty ſhillings and no more, becauſe I have otherwiſe provided for him already, God ſend him to uſe it aright, and to perform thoſe things which by writing I have given him in charge.
I had a purpoſe to have left ſome yearly revenue for the maintenance of a conduit which I built in the town of Canterbury, but the mayor of that city and his brethren by the inſtigation of two or three perſons have uſed me ſo unreſpectfully and ungratefully, that I have held it fit to alter that purpoſe.
To the clerk of my kitchen — Shelton I give ten pounds. And ſo much to George Hodges, Alſo ten pounds to William Harriſon my taylor.
I do give to Maſter Simon Hayward that ſerveth me fifty pounds.
To the Princeſs the Lady Elizabeth, daughter to my old lord and maſter King James of England, I give one hundred pounds to make a pretty cup of gold, in token of my dutiful reſpect and ſervice to her princely dignity.
I do give to my niece Margaret Marſh one hun⯑dred pounds to beſtow upon ſome jewel to be worn in memory of me. And the like ſum I give, and to the ſame purpoſe, to my niece Mrs. Elizabeth Tre⯑ſham. And the like ſum I give to my niece Mrs. Mary Diggs. And ſo much to my niece Mrs. Mar⯑tha Abbot, be ſhe married or unmarried. I be⯑queath [68] to my nephew Mr. Edward Abbot, Mer⯑chant, for his wife, one hundred pounds.
I deſigned afore two hundred pounds to be diſtri⯑buted among my poorer ſervants, at the rate of five pounds a man, I do now add unto it two hundred pounds more to be divided amongſt them, ſo that there will be ten pounds a year for each of them.
To James Sowthis I do give for a legacy twenty pounds.
Touching the hoſpital erected by me in Guildford where I was born, and my parents of good me⯑mory long inhabited; I have finiſhed the main building, and if there be any thing of decency or ornament convenient to be added thereunto, if God permit me life I ſhall accompliſh thoſe alſo. I have procured from my old ſovereign King James of bleſſ⯑ed memory a gracious mortmain, and I have de⯑viſed ſtatutes for the good government thereof, which I have cauſed formerly to be ſet down, and I have ſent them to the hoſpital; I may peradventure add ſome ſmall things unto thoſe ſtatutes during my life but if after my deceaſe any thing appear not to be perfect, I leave the charge of the explaining the ſame unto my executors, to whom I leave a power to change circumſtances if neceſſity ſo require, provi⯑ded that they keep the ſubſtance of mine intendment. My purpoſe in the firſt place is to maintain there one maſter of the hoſpital, twelve poor brothers, and eight poor ſiſters all aged perſons of honeſt re⯑port. But my intent in the ſecond place is that ſome manufacture be ſet up in that town of Guildford, to find work for the younger ſort of people. And to that end I have begun the work already, and be⯑ſ [...]owed a good ſtock upon it. For the proſecution of this manufacture I crave the furtherance of the [69] mayor and his brethren in that town, wiſhing that they will jointly agree together for the beſt courſe to promote that buſineſs, the honour will be God's, the reputation will be theirs, and will be a great benefit to that town if their poor be ſet on work. I would have my executors and the maſter of the hoſpital ever willing and ready to help forward mine inten⯑tion, and if they all look at the public and not too much at the private, God will give a great bleſſing unto it. I have appointed a room for the work-houſe, and I hope it be already fitted thereto. For the en⯑dowment of the poor of the hoſpital I have bought land at Merrow, of one Maſter Harwood, and I have already paſſed it to that houſe; if there be no ſuch conveyance made, I do by this my will give that land to the maſter and brethren of that hoſpital. I have bought alſo of one Maſter Goodwin lands at Me⯑redin, or lands called Meredin, to the rent of forty pounds by the year. And of one Conſtable I have bought land at Horſham, yielding rent to the value of forty pounds by the year. Theſe two parcels I do give to my hoſpital for ever, and I would have my executors to help forward thoſe donations of mine if there be cauſe, but no way to hinder them. I have bought of Thomas Hill land at Ewhurſt for the yearly rent of twenty-ſeven pounds, ten ſhil⯑lings; if it ſhall ſeem fit to Mr. George Duncan to have this land changed, I ſhall not be againſt it, ſo that there be as much land for value, and a good title laid in lieu of it; but be it one or the other I give it to my hoſpital. For the upholding of the manufacture ſet up by me in Guildford I do give one hundred pounds a year for ever to the ſaid my hoſpital, (that is to ſay) threeſcore pounds a year bought of Maſter Biſhe, and forty pounds by [70] the year lying at Charlewood and bought of one Polſdon; and howſoever perhaps I do not hitt on the right names of the ſellers, or the places where theſe lands lie, I will that it be no hinderance to this my donation or donations, but that the poſſeſſi⯑ons be made good to the maſter and brethren of my hoſpital. I intended for the maintenance of the poor of my hoſpital two hundred pounds by the year, and now by the releaſing of certain wood ground bought of one Bromfield of Katherine-Hill near Guildford, there wanteth the rent of twelve pounds ten ſhillings yearly charged upon my hoſpital. If I provide not this in my life-time, I require my exe⯑cutors to ſupply it with ſpeed; but I am upon a bargain in Suſſex, which I hope ſhall clear it up all. And whereas my good friend Sir Nicholas Kempe did by his laſt will and teſtament, give five hundred pounds to be beſtowed on ſome good work as I ſhould think meet, I here declare that I have be⯑ſtowed that whole ſum upon ſome of the lands be⯑fore-mentioned to be bought and conveyed to my hoſpital, which I do being warranted thereunto not only by the general words of his will, but by par⯑ticular ſignification from himſelf, for he was preſent when I laid the firſt ſtone of the chapel for that hoſ⯑pital and gave me one hundred pounds towards the work, and ſince from to time, and lately before his death being with me at Croydon, he voluntarily aſſured me he would be mindful of that houſe and foundation; and whereas he doth not in his will ſpecially name the hoſpital, I conceive the reaſon of it out of true ground to be, becauſe he did not know whether I would have any man's name uſed in the founding of that houſe and corporation be⯑ſides mine own; but I declare him now a principal [71] and the only benefactor of moment to that place, and I have cauſed mention to be made of it in the ſtatutes of that houſe that he did confer to that foundation ſix hundred pounds, which to poſterity will be an honour and memorial to that good knight ſometime an officer in the archbiſhoprick and to me.
For the performance of this my laſt will and teſtament I muſt appoint ſome perſon or perſons to take care, I having a good part been mine own ex⯑ecutor, having already diſtributed with mine own hands much of that little which God hath given unto me. But yet for the further accompliſhing of that which I intend, and for the diſpoſing of my funeral, I appoint my executors my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knight, and my nephew Mr. Mau⯑rice Abbot of the Inner-Temple, Barriſter, not doubting but care will be taken that all things ſhall be performed according to my true meaning above expreſſed. Whatſoever is remaining (my funeral charges excepted) be it money, bonds, plate, debts, cattle, or other moveables will fall to mine executors, who I doubt not but will take pains for the per⯑formance of my will, and among other things will look that my note books which are written with mine own hand, be ſafely kept. Such legacies as I have given to my ſervants I wiſh to be ſatisfied with all convenient ſpeed, eſpecially to thoſe who are the poorer of them; and the like I declare for that which is by me bequeathed to the pariſhes of Lam⯑beth and Croydon. There is no great matter to be done to my hoſpital, but if any ſmall thing be re⯑quiſite I would have it done as ſoon as may be.
So beſeeching Almighty God to increaſe the [72] number of his faithful, to abate more and more daily the ſtrength of antichriſt and popery; to ſend peace and proſperity to this iſland; to bleſs our ſovereign my moſt gracious lord and maſter the king with long life and happineſs, and to ſend him a fair and plentiful iſſue; I commend my ſoul again and again to the mercy of my moſt bleſſed Saviour and Redeemer.
A WORTHY AND MEMORABLE LETTER, RECEIVED From the Lord of Canterbury, his Grace.
[]AFTER my hearty commendations, I do not live ſo far from you, but that I many times do enquire of the ſtate of your town, which, becauſe it was the place of my beginning, I cannot chuſe but have in extraordinary recom⯑mendation. And underſtanding that it hath not pleaſed God to give unto it that flouriſhing eſtate for trade and traffique which I have known it ſometime to have, I have often, both in medi⯑tation with myſelf, and in conſideration with ſome of my friends, your well willers, debated by what means I might give the beſt furtherance unto the ſame, wherein if I ſhall acquaint you with my thoughts, you will bear with me, becauſe they all proceed from a good mind toward you, and if I erre in any thing, upon information I ſhall quickly be reformed. Firſt therefore you muſt know, that [74] conſidering my perpetual expence, my means are not great, to bring about ſome ſuch thing as my heart hath deſired, as perhaps for the erecting of ſome hoſpital, as my moſt worthy predeceſſor the Lord Archbiſhop Whitgift did at Croydon, the like whereof would require a full purſe, and long continuance of time in the place which I hold, whereof no man can take to himſelf any aſſurance, ſince we are daily in the hand of God, and enjoy our breath, but at his pleaſure. But in this I do not forget, that this may be a relief for ſome few aged folks, but the generality of the town is not the better for it, whereas if the corporation did thrive and flouriſh, thoſe poor and aged people, would eaſily be maintained by the charity of ſuch as be of beſt ability.
Some other time, my mind hath run upon beſtowing of ſome ſtock upon the town, that men who do trade, might have ſome money lent them for two or three years, freely, putting in ſome good ſecurity to the Mayor and his brethren to repay the ſame again, that ſo the ſtock may go from hand to hand, and be preſerved to poſterity. But here I have thought that if trade be not good, this can little avail, for a well meaning man may be de⯑cayed, and not only loſe that which is lent unto him, but that alſo which he hath of his own, and then to force ſureties to pay his debt, is to weaken the eſtate of other who did undertake for him. Upon theſe and the like deliberations, I have thought then with myſelf what courſe there may be taken for the advancing of trade amongſt you, which will ſet the poor on work, and may be a benefit unto the common-wealth, and the thing which I moſt pitch upon is clothing, becauſe both [75] town and country hath been accuſtomed thereunto. And yet herein I confeſs that the making of your kerſies doth give me little ſatisfaction, becauſe ſometimes they are up for the price, and ſometimes they are down; and as far as I can learn by the Merchants which deal for cloth, there is not great hope in that kind of any certainty hereafter.
So that this putting me to ſeek further, I have entred into conſideration, whether it were not good to fall to the making of ſtuffes, as they call them; as Say, Serge, Dorincks, Durance, Perpetuana, and other of that kind, which might employ the wool growing thereabout, and exerciſe the people in Labour. And here I find as many difficulties, for it is a great attempt to alter the trade of a Town ſo far from the former courſe thereof; and perhaps a glutt of them may cauſe them to be as ill vented as other cloths are now.
Thus out of my love to the place of my birth, and to you all, I ſtand diſtracted what to do, if God ſhould make me able to effect any thing for you; but after all thoſe ways above-named, my meditations have fallen upon this, whether in pro⯑bability the making of broad cloth, either blues or mingled, or white, be not a likelier trade to thrive than that which is now uſed; and if there may be appearance thereof, (for certainty I know there is none in any mortal thing) the greateſt will be to alter the tools which now are, as Racks, Mills, &c. into thoſe which are convenient for the making of broad Cloth; now in this methinks I may give you ſome help, If I ſhall do as the low Countrymen lately have promiſed to do to their people, the more to invite them to the making of cloth, That is, to beſtow four or five pound upon [76] every man that will ſet up a loom at firſt; and in like proportion to the alteration of Mills, and other inſtruments fit for that whereof I ſpeak, which, if God do bleſs me, I ſhall be willing to do to ſome reaſonable quantity, if it may do good unto that corporation, the welfare whereof I ſo much deſire.
My requeſt unto you Mr. Mayor, and to your brethren, is, that you will think upon theſe things, and meeting together at your own oppor⯑tunities, deliberate what may be moſt available for the place wherein you live, which I would have you to beat, and beat again with yourſelves, and others, before you return me an anſwer, leſt if any alteration ſhould haſtily be, and it ſhould have ill ſucceſs, blame ſhould be laid upon me when I have not deſerved it. And if you can find out any other matter, than thoſe which I have thought upon, if they be not of too great Charge, I ſhall upon Conſultation, eaſily condeſcend unto your de⯑ſire, for I have a meaning to do you ſome good, as God ſhall ſend me life, and afford me ability.
In token whereof, I have now diſpatched away one hundred pounds, which I truſt my Country⯑man Mr. Robert Parkhurſt, will ſee by exchange conveyed unto you. And this money I would have to be no way employed, but to be laid up in ſafe cuſtody, until ſuch time as I ſhall give order for the uſing of the ſame, upon ſuch reſolution as I ſhall receive jointly from you. And ſo thanking you for ſundry remembrances, which at ſeveral times I have received from you, I forbear at this time to be further troubleſome to you, but leave you to the good bleſſing of the Almighty.
[]A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL. WITH A CORRECT COPY OF THE CHARTER.
[]A DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL, AT GUILDFORD.
[]THE Hoſpital which the Archbiſhop ſo nobly endowed, at Guildford, ſtands over-againſt Trinity Church; it is built of brick in a qu [...]dran⯑gular form, with a noble tower at it's entrance, and four turrets over the gate. In the ſouth eaſt corner of the quadrangle are genteel apartments for the maſter; on the weſt ſide are apartments for the brethren, and on the eaſt for the ſiſters. The chapel at the north eaſt corner, is ſpacious and high roofed, and has two large gothic windows of painted glaſs very well ſtained, repreſenting as follows. The north window has four lights, divided with ſtone work: in the firſt, Iſaac is ſending Eſau for veniſon, Rebecca behind; and from a window, at a diſtance, Eſau is diſcovered hunting. See Geneſis 27th ch. Underneath is this inſcription.
[80] By the impulſe of paternal affection, blind Indulgence preferring the elder, errs, but nature does not grant the favour.
In the ſecond, Rebecca is inſtructing Jacob to obtain the bleſſing, and underneath
The mother, being inſpir'd from Heaven, while ſhe bore the twins in her womb, adviſes the younger to obtain the bleſſing.
In the third, Iſaac bleſſing Jacob; Rebecca behind.
The reward belongs to thoſe who feed; not to thoſe, who eagerly deſire it; and is conferred according to the Decree of Heaven, not according to Birth-right.
In the fourth, are Iſaac, Eſau, Jacob, and Rebecca; Eſau with the ſavoury meat, threatening Jacob.
The eldeſt is angry with the younger, and grieves at what is taken from him, which he demands as due [81] to him from his birth. Hence aroſe the greateſt hatred between the brothers.
In the firſt light of the Eaſt Window, is Jacob's ladder, Geneſis 28. and underneath the following.
A ſtone is for his pillow, and Heaven for his teaſter: here the ladder of heaven is ſeen, and the dreams of the pious are holy.
In the ſecond, Laban embracing Jacob; Rachel behind with her ſheep, the well, &c. Chap. 29. verſe 13.
Being at firſt received kindly, he feeds ſtrange ſheep, ſerving on hard terms, but patient a long time.
In the middle light, are Jacob, Rachel, Leah, Dinah with the twelve Patriarchs.
Being happy in a fruitful wife, he is made the father of the Patriarchs, and ſees a numerous offspring the ſeed of a future Church.
[82] In the fourth light, Laban's covenant with Jacob, behind are tents, with his wives, children, &c. Chap. 31, verſe 43. &c.
Returning home he mitigates his envious father-in-law purſuing him, and enters into a mutual cove⯑nant, God admoniſhing him in a dream.
In the fifth, Jacob praying, the cattle round him, out of his mouth a ſcrowl proceeding, thus;
TATE TUA QUAM EXPLENTVI SERVO TUO.
I am not worthy of the leaſt of thy mercies and thy truth, which thou haſt ſhewed to thy ſervant.
And underneath is
He who formerly poor, paſſed over Jordan with a ſtaff and a light burthen, now returns full of wealth. He declares he is not worthy of it.
Near the top of the window, are three angels holding ſcrowls, with this inſcription;
RETRIBUAM DOMINO? HIC VOTA RESOLVAM.
[83] I give to the poor. I reſtore to God. What ſhall I return unto the Lord? here will I pay my vows.
Underneath theſe, are four human figures, with eſcutcheons on their breaſts; wherein there are the arms of York, France, Lancaſter, and Scotland. There are beſide theſe, ſeveral different coats of arms, and over the north window, this date, 1621. Near the chapel is a ſpacious dining room, at the upper end of which is a half length picture of the Archbiſhop, and near him another of Sir Nicholas Kemp, Knt. which, by the warm ſtile of the paint⯑ing, muſt be Paul Vanſomer's. Under his picture is his coat of arms: Gules three Garbs Or, a Bor⯑dure engrail'd of the ſecond. Underneath the dining room, is a hall for the uſe of the brethren and ſiſters. Over the gate, is the maſter's dining room, and in the top of the tower, with iron grates before the win⯑dows, is the treaſury. On ſcrolls in many of the windows are theſe words:‘* CLAMAMUS ABBA PATER.’ There are likewiſe two large kitchens, and other rooms, with exceeding good cellars under the whole building. The garden adjoins to the Houſe, is walled round, and well planted.
[]
THE CHARTER.
[]JACOBUS, Dei gra. Anglie, Scotie Francie et Hib⯑nie Rex fidei defenſor &c. OMNIBUS ad quos pntes Lre pvenerint ſalutem, CUM reverendiſſimus in Chriſto pater et pquifidelis Conſiliarius noſter Georgius providencia divina Cantuarienſis Archiepiſcopus totius Anglie primas et Metro⯑ [...]olitan. animo pio et liberali quoddam Hoſpitale in Villa de Guldeford, in Com. nro Surr. pro ppetua inhabitacoe pauper. [...] aegenor. viror. et mulierum, ibm ſuſtentand. et alior. ibm i artib. manual. manufactur. et al. laborib. inſtruend. et enu⯑t [...]end. ad ſua propria onera et expens. fundare et erigere in Aimo conſtituerit, Et ſup. inde quandam Domu. cum ne⯑ce [...]arijs edificijs, curtilagijs et gardinis, p. recepcoe et habi⯑ta [...]e, hujuſmodi pauper. et alior. et p. Scitu dict. Hoſpital. ſu [...]ptib. ſuis proprijs in Villa de Guldeford pdict. edificave⯑rit, et pparaverit, ac nobis humilime ſupplicaverit (quaten us nos gratiam nram regalem ad dict. Hoſpitale erigend. fund⯑and et ſtabiliend. ei dignaremur, Sciatis qd nos operi tam lau [...]bile gracioſe faventes; volenteſq. vt intenco. ipius Re⯑verediſſimi patris pietatis et charitatis pleniſſima, ac hujus⯑mod viro digniſſim. optatum ſortiat. effectum de gra. nra ſpial [...]c ex certa ſciencia et mero motu nris volumus ac p. [...]ntesp. nobis heredib. et Succeſſorib. nris. concedimus et ordin [...]us quod dict. domus cum edif. curtilag. et gardinis pdict. ic conſtruct. edificat. et confect. de cetero ſit erit et he⯑bitur [...]um Hoſpitale p. ſuſtentacone et relavamine pauper. et indige [...] viror. mulierum ibm ſuſtentand. et alior. in manufact⯑ura la [...]rantm ibm perpetuis futuris temporib. duratur, Quod quidem Hoſpitale vocabitur Hoſpitale beate Trinitatis in Guldef [...]d, Ac Hoſpitale illud p. nomen Hoſpitalis beate Trinita [...] in Guldeford nominamus, erigimus, creamus, fund⯑amus e [...]tabilimus p. pntes Et quod in Hoſpital. illo de ce⯑tero ſint erunt unus Magiſter et ſex pauperes viri vel plures ad nume [...] duodecim vel minus modo inferiu. menconat. no⯑minand. [...]nſtituend. ſen cligend. qui vocabuntur fratres dict. [86] Hoſpital, Quodq. vlterius ſint et erunt in dict. Hoſpital. octo mulier. in Hoſpital. pdict. ſuſtentand. Necnon aliqui alij in manufactur. laborantes in dict. Hoſpital. relavand. et ſuſten⯑tand. et ibm in artib. manualib. ac al. laborib. exercend. ſecdm ordinacon. in hijs Lris paten. expreſs. et juxta tenor. harum Lrar. nrar. paten. ac ordinacon. vigor. eardem fiend. nomi⯑nand, conſtituend. ſeu eligend, ET alterius de ampliori gratia nra ſpiali ac ex certa ſcientia et mero motu nris. volumus ac p. pntes p. nobis heredib. et ſucceſſorib. nris concedimus et or⯑dinamus qd pdict. Magiſter et fratres Hoſpital. pdict. p. tem⯑pore exiſten. et ſucceſſores eor. de cetero imppm. ſint et erunt vnu. Corpus corporat. et politic. de ſe in re fco. et nomine p. n [...]men Magiſtri et fratrum Hoſpital. bete Trinitatis in Gul⯑deford pdict, Ac ipos Magiſtrum et fratres et ſucceſſores ſuo [...] p. nomen Magiſtri et fratrum Hoſpital. beate Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict. in vnu. corpus corporat. et politic. p. idem nomen imppm. duratur realiter et ad plenum pro nobis heredib et ſucceſſorib. nris nominamus, faciamus, ordinamus, conſti⯑tuimus, creamus, et ſtabilimus firmit. p. pntes, Et qd p. ide [...] nomen habeant ſucceſſionem ppetuam, VOLUMUS etiam et p. pntes p. nobis heredib. et ſucceſſorib. nris concedimus, c [...] ⯑ſtituimus et ordinamus qd dict. Magiſter et fratres Hoſpi [...]l. pdict. p. tempore exiſten. et Succeſſores ſui p. nomen Mag [...]r [...] et fratrum Hoſpital. bete Trinitatis in Guldeford pdict ſin et erunt pſone h [...]biles et in lege capaces ad habend. pquirendre⯑cipiend. et poſſidend. terras Tenta revercoes et heredittamnt, ſibi et ſucceſſorib. ſuis in Feodo et perpetuitate; ac ad ternnos quoſcunq. ac etiam bona et catalli cujuscunq. genis, nture ſeu ſpecij fuerint, Necnon ad dand, comedend, dimitten. et aſſignand. terr, tenement, heredittament. bona et catalla c oia alia fca et res faciend. et exequend. p. nomen. pdict ſcum eram intencoem pntium et tenor. ordinaconu. et Statutor. p. pdi [...]nunc Archiepiſcopum Cantuarienſem dum vivit, aut ſi e vi [...]s ex⯑ceſſerit p. Succeſſores ſuos Archiepiſcopos Cantuari [...]s. in forma in ſeruis in pntib. [...]reſſ. fiend; Et qd p. idem [...]omen Magiſtri et fratrum Hoſpital. beate Trinitatis in G [...]deford pdict. plitare et implitari. reſpondere et reſponderi, d [...]endere et def [...]ndi, valeant et poſſint in quibuscunq. Cur. pceis et locis et coram quibuscunq. Judicib. et Juſticiar. et al officiar. et miniſter. nris heredum et ſucceſſorum noſtror. in om [...]. Plitis, querelis, ſect, cauſis materijs et demand. cujuſcun nature ſeu condicois fuerint eiſdem modo et forma prou [...]alij ligei noſtri pſone habiles, et in lege [...]paces, ſeu ali [...]od Cor⯑pus corporat. et politic. infra hoc Regnu. An [...]e habere [87] pquirere, recipere, poſſidere, gaudere, retinere, dare, con⯑cedere, dimittere, alienare, aſſig [...]are et diſponere plitare et implitari, reſpondere et reſponderi defendere et defendi iacere ſeu exequi poſſint et valeant, Et qd dict. Magiſter et fratres et ſucceſſores ſui de cetero imppm. habeant comune Sigillum p. cauſis et negocijs hoſpital. pdict. quoquo modo concernen. agend. deſervitur, Et quod bene liceat et licebiteis et Succeſſor. ſuis Sigillum illud de tempore in tempus fra [...]g⯑ere mutare et de novo facere prout eis melius videbitur expe⯑dire; ET pro meliori execucone voluntat. et conceſſion. nre in hac pte, necnon ad elecoem noiacoem et appurtnacoem pdci Georgij Archiepiſcopi Cantuarien. nominamus aſſignamus et conſtituimus dlcm ſubdidum nrm Ricum Abbott de Guldeford pdict. fore et eſſe primu. et modernu. Magiſtrum Hoſpital. pdict, continuand. in eodem loco Magiſtri Hoſpital. pdict. duran. vita ſua naturali niſi interim p. pdict. nunc Archiepiſ⯑copum Cantuariens. vel Succeſſores ſuos p. aliquo vel aliquib. tali vel talib. delicto vel delictis default. vel default cauſa vel cau⯑ſis p. eundem Magiſtrum ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. pro quo vel quib. p. conſtitucoes Statut. ſive ordinacoes in ea pte ſcdm intencoem pſentium fiend. et ordinand. ear. aliqu. vel aliqua [...] amoveri vel removeri debeat, amovebitur et removebitur, ET vlterius nos ex [...]leccoe nominacoe et appunctuacoe dict. Georgij Archiepiſcopi Cantuar. nominamus, aſſignamus et conſtituimus Georgiu. Burges, Georgiu. Fry, Jacobum Seaman, Ricum Butcher, Johem Rapley, et Georgiu. Kitchiner fore [...]t eſſ [...] primos et modern. fratres ejuſdem Hoſpitale ibm remansur. ſuſtentand. et relevand. duran. vitis ſuis natural. niſi ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui p. pdcm nunc Archiepiſcopum aut Succeſſores ſuos Archiepiſcopos Cantuar. pro aliquo vel aliquib. tal. vel talib. dilict. vel dilictis, defalt. vel defalt, cauſa vel cauſis p. eos ſeu eor. aliquem vel aliquos reſpective ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. & qua vel quib. p. ordinacoes Statut. vel con⯑ſtitucoes in ea pte ſecundum intencoem pntium fidnd. et ordi⯑nand. vel ear. aliquam vel aliquas reſpective amoveri vel re⯑moveri debeant vel debeat amovebuntur vel removebuntur vel eor. aliquis amovebitur vel removebitur, ET vlterius volumus ac p. pntes p. nobis hered. et Succeſſorib. nris ordinamus et conſtituimus qd idem nunc Archiepiſcopus duran. vita ſua, et poſt ejus deceſſum Succeſſores ſui Archiepiſcopi Cantuarien. [...]ligere nominare et appunctuare poſſint al. viros idoneos qui vna cum pdict. ſex fratrib. ſupius noiat. aut eor. ſupvivend. erunt [...]ratres Hoſpital. pdict. et pdict. numer. duodecim fratrum aut [88] tal. minor. numerum vltra pdict. numer. ſex fratrum et infra numerum duodecim fratrum prout eidem nun [...] Archiepiſcopo magis idoneum videbitur et declarabitur complere po [...]int; Qui quidem fratres [...]ic ut p [...]ert. noiand. ſeu eligend. poſtqm ſic no⯑minat. et elect. fuerint erunt de corpore politico ſupradict. et eiſdem poteſtate, authoritate et ceter. omnib. gaudebunt put pdict. fratres ſupius noiat. vigore pntium gaudere po [...]int et valeant ac in Hoſpital. pdict. erunt ſuſtentand. et relevand. du⯑ran. vitis ſuis nrlalib, niſi ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui p. pdict. nunc Archiepiſcopum aut Succeſſores ſuos Archiepiſcopos Cantu⯑arien. pro aliquo vel aliquib. tali vel talib. delict. vel delict. defalt. vel defalt. cauſa vel cauſis per eos [...]ive eor. aliquem vel aliquo [...] reſpective ppetrand. fiend. vel comittend. pro qua vel quib. p. ordinacoes Statut. vel conſtitucon. in ea pte ſ [...]dm intenconem pntium fiend. et ordinand. vel ear. aliquam vel aliquas reſpect⯑ive pro [...]t in eiſdem ordinacoib. Statut. et conſtitutionib. decla⯑rabitur et pscribitur amoveri [...]vel removeri debeant vel debeat, amovebuntur vel removebuntur vel eor. aliqus amovebitur vel removebitur ET vlteriu [...] volumus ac p. pntes pro nobis here⯑dib. et Succeſſorib. nris ordinamus et conſtituimus quod ſint et erunt in eodem Hoſpital. alique psone in Hoſpital. pdict. ſuſt⯑entand, ac in artib. manual. manufactur. aut alii laborib. intru⯑end. et educand. Nec non octo pauper. femme in eodem Hoſpital. ſuſtentand, que quidem femme et al. psone juxta ordinacon ſcdm ten [...]rem pntium impoſter. fiend. de tempore in tempus inppm. [...]oiabun [...]ur conſtituentur eligenter regentur et in omnib. ordi⯑nabuntur; VOLUMUS etiam ac ex vbiori gra. nra [...]piali ac ex certa ſcientia, et mero motu nris pro nobis heredib. et Suc⯑ceſſorib. nris concedimus qd quandocunq. contigerit aliquem vel aliquos aut aliquam vel aliquos pdict. Magiſtri fratrum mvlierum aut aliar. pſonar. ſupius noiat. aut qui impoſter. iuxta formam et effectum pntiu. elect. noiat. ſive aſſociat. fuer. ab hac vita decedere vel ab Hoſpital pdict. pro aliqua cauſa rona⯑bil. ſcdm ordinacones et conſtitueon. p. veram intencon. pntiu. fiend. amoveri, quod tunc et to [...]ies bene liceat et licebit pdict. Georgio Archiepiſcopo Cantuarier. quamdiu vixerit et poſt obi⯑tum ipius al. vel alijs ſecundum tenor. Statut. p, ipm Georgiu. vel p. Succeſſores ſuos fiend. et ordinand. vnu. al. magiſtr. aut vnu. [...]ratrem mulier. vel psonam, aut plures al. fratres mulier. vel p [...]on [...]s in Hoſpital. pdict. manutentand. ſuſtentand. vel edu⯑cand. in loc. ſive loc. humoi Magiſtr. fratr, mulier. vel pson. aut h [...]moi fratr, mulier. vel pſon. ſic mort. vel amot. mortuor. vel amo [...]or. eligere et p [...]icere. Et [...]ſc t [...]tius quoties caſus ſic accide⯑rit, ET vi [...]rius de vb [...]r [...]eri gra. nra ſpiaii dedimus et conce [...]i⯑mus [89] ac p. pntes p. nobis hered. et ſucceſſor. damus et concedi⯑mus pfat Magiſtro et fratrib. Hoſpital. bete Trinitatis in Gul⯑deford pdict. et Succeſſorib. ſuis licenc. ſpial. liberamq. et licit. poteſtat. facultat. et authoritat. hendi recipiendi et pquirendi eis et cor. ſucceſſor. imppm ad vſus et intencon. inferius in pntib. declarat. de nobis hered. et Succeſſor. nris vel de pdco Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. hered. executor. vel aſſign. ſuis aut aliquib. al. pſonis vel aliqua al. pſona tam pdict. Hoſpitale dom, ediſic, curtilag. gardin. et ceter. pmiſſa ſuperius vt pfertur con⯑ſtruct. edificat. ſive confect. qm maner. meſſuag. terr, tent, reddit, rector, decim, et al. heredittamt. quecunq. que non te⯑nentur de nobis hered. vel Succeſſor. nris imediate vel alit. in Capite aut p. ſervic. militar. aut de aliquo al. ſive de aliqu. al. p. ſervic. militar, dumodo non excedant in toto clarum annu. valor. Trecentar. librar. legal. monete Anglie p. annu. pter et vltra pdict. Hoſpital. dom. ediſic. curtilag. gardin. et cetr. pmiſſa ſupius vt pfertur conſtruct. edificat. ſive confect; Statut. de terr. et tenement. ad manu. mort. non ponend. aut aliquo al. Statut. Actu ordinacoe, lege ſeu proviſione ante hac hit, fact, edit, ordinat. ſeu pvis. aut aliqua al. re cauſa vel mater. quacunq. in contrar. inde in aliquo non obſtante; DEDIMUS etiam et conceſſimus ac p. pntes pro nobis heredib. et ſucceſſor. nris damus et concedimus pfat. Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. he⯑red. executor. et aſſign. ſuis, necnon cuicunq. al. Subdit. nro, et quibuſcunq. al. Subdit. nris hered. et ſucceſſor. nror. licen⯑tiam ſpial. liberamq. et licit poteſtat. facultat. et authoritat. qd ipe vel ipi aut eor. aliquis vel aliqui tam pdict. Hoſpital, dom, edific, curtilag. et gardin, qm aliqua al. Maner. meſuag. terr. tenement, reddit, Rector, decimas, ſeu al. heredittament. quecunq. que non tenentur de nobis hered. vel ſucceſſor. nris imediate vel aliter in Capite vel p. ſervic. militar. aut de aliquo al. ſive de aliquib. al. p. ſervic. militar. non exceden. in toto pdict. clarum Annum reddit. ſive valor. trecentar. librar. pfat. Magiſtro et fratrib. Hoſpital. pdict. et ſucceſſor. ſuis licite et impune dare et concedere, vendere, legare vel alienare poſſint et valeant poſſit et valeat; Statut. de terr. et Tenementis ad manu. mortuam non ponend. aut aliquo alio Statuto Actu Or⯑dinacoe lege ſeu proviſione ante hac hit, fact, edit. ordinat. ſeu provis. aut aliqua al. re cauſa vel mater. quacunq, in contrar. inde in aliquo non obſtante, ET vt intenco nra ac hoc piu. ppoſitum pdict. Georgij Archiepi Cantuar. meliorem firmio⯑remq. ſortiantur effectum, atq. ut bona, terr. tenement. red⯑dit. revencon. et al. heredittament. ad ſuſtentacon. Hoſpital. pdict. ac Magiſtri et fratrum pauper. mulier. et alior. in Hoſpi⯑tal. [90] pdict. manutenend. poſthac concedend. et aſſignand. me⯑ [...]ius Gubernentur, tractentur, regentur et expendantur volu⯑mus concedimus et ordinamus p. nobis hered. et ſucceſſorib. [...]ris p. petes quod pdict. Georgius Archiepus Cantuar. duran vita ſua natural. et poſt ipius mortem Succ [...]ſſores Archiepiſcopi Cantuar. pro tempore exiſten. faceant et facere valeant et poſ⯑ſint idonea et ſalubria Statut, conſtitucon et ordinacon, in [...]ript. tam concernen. veram religionem et divin. ſervic. infra Hoſpital. pdict. de tempore in tempus in honorem Dei omni⯑potends celebrand. quam gubernacon, elieccon, expulſion, a⯑ [...]oc [...]n, punicon, et direccon. Magiſtri frm mulier. et al. pſon. Hoſpital. pdict. pro tempore exiſten, Necnon allocacon. ſtipend. [...] [...]allar. [...]rdem Magiſtri fratrum mulier. et alior. et al. que⯑ [...]un [...]. idem Hoſpitale ſeu magiſtrum, et pauper. pdict. ac omn. officiar. et Miniſter. in eodem locand. et vtend, necnon ordina⯑c [...]n, p. ſervacon, dimiſſion. et diſpoſicon. terr, tenement, poſ⯑ſeſſion. re [...]it. revencon. et al. heredittament. bona et catalli ejuſdem Hoſpital. quoviſmodo tangen. ſive concernen, Que quidem Statut. ordinacon. et conſtitucon. ſit vt pfertur fiend. ſub virtute Sacramenti ſeu aliter inviolabiliter obſervari de tem⯑pore in tempus imppm. p. nobis hered et Succeſſorib. nris fir⯑mit. pcipimus p. putes, Ita tamen quod Statut. conſtitucon. et ordinacon. pdict. nec eor. aliquod. vel aliqua ſint vel ſitcontrar. ſive repugn. legib. ſive Statut. huius Regni nri Anglie, VO⯑LUMUS etiam et p. putes pro nobis hered. et ſucceſſorib. nris concedimus ſtatuimus et ordinamus qd hujuſmodi pſone ſive p [...]ona que ad id. p. ordinacon. ſtatut. et conſtitucon. pdict. or⯑dinabuntur et appunctuabuntur Sacrament. corporal. pro debit. dict. ordinacon. ſtatut. et conſtitucon. obſervacoe et obedienc. pfat. Magiſtr. fratr. mulier. et al. pſon. in Hoſpital. pdict. rele⯑van [...]. et ſuſtentand. et cor. quilet miniſtrare poſſint et valeat poſſit et veleat put. in ca pte ordinabitur abſq. aliqua al. Co⯑miſſione bri vel warranto a nobis hered. vel Succeſſor. nris in ca pte procurand. ſeu obtinend, VOLUMUS eciam ac p. putes pro nobis hered. et ſucceſſorib. nris pcipimus et ordinamus qd oia profic, exit. et rev [...]ncon. omniu. humoi torr. tenement. heredittament. et poſſeſſion. impoſter. ſi [...] vt pſ [...]rtur dand. ſeu con [...]d [...]nd. hend. pquirend. ſeu aſſignand. de tempore in tem⯑pus impp [...]. comittentur diſpon [...]ntur et expendantur ad ſuſten⯑ta [...]oem manutencon. et [...]ducacon. Magiſtri ſratrum mulierum et cete [...] [...]om remanen. et al. officiar et miniſtr. eiuſdem Hoſ⯑pital. pr [...] tempore [...] ac ad ſuſtentacon. manutencon. et re [...]a [...]on. d [...]mor. torr. tenement. reddit. et poſſeſſion. humoi [...]eden [...] conſtitucon. e. ſtatut. p. pdict. Georgium Arch⯑iepiſcopum [91] Cantuar. prout pſertur faciend nec. ad aliq [...]od al. vſus aut intencoes. Eo quod expreſſa menco de vero valo [...] anno aut de certitudine pmiſſor. vel eor. alicujus aut de al. do [...]is ſive conceſſionibus p. nos ſeu p. aliquem progenitor. vel pdeceſſ⯑or. nror. pfat. Georgio Archiepo Cantuar. et Magiſtro et fra⯑trib. Hoſpital. pdict. vel eor. alicui ante hac tempora fact. in pntib. minime fact. exiſtit, Aut aliquo Statuto Actu ordinacoe proviſione proclamacoe ſive reſtrictione ante hac hit. fact, edit, ordinat ſeu. provis, Aut aliqua al. re cauſa vel mater. quacunq. in contrar. inde in aliquo non obſtan. IN cujus rei Teſtimoniu. has Lras nras ſieri fecimus Patentes TESTE me ipo apud Weſt⯑monaſterium viceſſimo die Junij Anno regni nri Anglie, Fran⯑cie, et Hibnie viceſſimo et Scotie quinquageſimo quinto.
TRANSLATION.
JAMES, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c. To all whom theſe preſent letters ſhall come, greeting. Seeing that the moſt reverend father in Chriſt, and our moſt faithful counſellour George, by divine Providence, Archbiſhop of Cant⯑erbury, Primate of all England, and Metrapolitan, out of a pious and liberal diſpoſition, hath determined in his mind to found and erect at his own expence, a certain Hoſpital, in the Town of Guldeford, in the county of Surrey, for the perpe⯑tual habitation of poor and needy men and women, there to be maintain'd, and for the employment of others in manufact⯑ure in handicraft trades, and in labour, to be inſtructed and bred up to their own proper employments, and ſor the ſite of the ſaid Hoſpital, at his own proper coſts, has prepared and built in the town of Guldeford, a certain houſe with neceſſary buildings, courts, and gardens, for the reception and habita⯑tion of ſuch poor and others, and has humbly beſought us to grant unto him (as far as in us lies) our royal favour to the erecting, founding, and eſtabliſhing the ſaid Hoſpital. Know ye, that we graciouſly favouring and wiſhing well to ſuch a laudable work, that the full intention of the charity and piet [...] of this moſt reverend father may have its deſired effect, moſt worthy of ſuch a man of our ſpecial grace and certain know⯑ledge, [92] we will of our own free motive, and by theſe preſents we grant and ordain for ourſelves, our heirs and ſucceſſors, that the ſaid houſe with edifices, curtilages and gardens aforeſaid, ſo built, erected, and made for the reſt, may, ſhall be, and be accounted one hoſpital for the ſupport and relief of poor and indigent men and women there to be ſuſtain'd, and for the la⯑bour of others in manufacture there to continue for ever, which certain hoſpital ſhall be called the hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guildford, and we nominate, erect, create, found, and e⯑ſtabliſh by theſe preſents the ſaid hoſpital, by the name of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guldeford, and that in the ſaid Hoſpital, for the reſt, there may and ſhall be one maſter, ſix poormen, or more, within the number twelve, or under only to be hereafter mentioned, nominated, conſtituted, or choſen, who ſhall be called Brethren of the ſaid Hoſpital, and whatſo⯑ever there may or ſhall be further in the ſaid Hoſpital, and eight women in the Hoſpital aforeſaid to be nominated and maintain'd, as well as ſome others labouring in the manufacture in the ſaid Hoſpital to be reliev'd and kept, and there to be employ'd and labour in handicraft trade according to the ap⯑pointment expreſs'd in theſe our Letters Pattents, and accord⯑ing to the Tenure of theſe our Letters Pattents, and the ap⯑pointment by vertue of them to be made, nominated, conſti⯑tuted, or choſen. And further for our more ample and ſpecial favour, and from our certain knowledge and free inclination, we will, and by theſe preſents for ourſelves, our heirs and ſuc⯑ceſſors, we grant and ordain that the ſaid maſter and brethren of the aforeſaid Hoſpital, for the time being, and the ſucceſſors of them for the future. for ever, may be and ſhall be one body corporate and politique of themſelves, in matter, fact, and name, by the name of the maſter and brethren of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guldeford, and they the ſaid maſter, brethren, and their ſucceſſors, by the name of the maſter and brethren of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guldeford aforeſaid, in one body corporate and politique, by the ſame name truly to continue for ever, and this in full for our⯑ſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, we nominate, make, or⯑dain, appoint, create, and eſtabliſh firmly by theſe preſents, and will that by the ſame name they have perpetual ſucceſſion. And alſo for ourſelves, our heirs and ſucceſſors, we grant, ap⯑point, and ordain that the ſaid maſter and brethren of the a⯑foreſaid Hoſpital, for the time being, and their ſucceſſors by the name of the maſter and brethren of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guldeford aforeſaid, may and ſhall be fit perſons [93] and capable in law to have, acquire, receive, and poſſeſs lands, tenements, revenues, and hereditaments, for themſelves and their ſucceſſors in fee and for ever, and upon what terms ſoever, and alſo goods and chattels of whatſoever ſort, nature, or kind they ſhall be, as well to give, grant, demiſe, and aſſign lands, tenements, and hereditaments, and all other acts and deeds to be done and executed by the aforeſaid name, according to the true intent of the preſents and tenure of the ordinations and ſtatutes by the aforeſaid Archbiſhop of Canterbury during his life, and after his deceaſe by his ſucceſſors Archbiſhops of Canter⯑bury, in form following to be made or expreſſed in theſe preſents. And that by the ſame name of the maſter and brethren of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guildford aforeſaid, may and can be able to implead or be impleaded, to anſwer or to be anſwered unto, to defend and to be defended, in whatſoever court, pleas, and places, and before whatſoever our judges and juſtices, and other officiorys and miniſters of our heirs and ſucceſſors, in all pleas, complaints, ſuits, cauſes, matters, de⯑mands of whatſoever nature or condition, they ſhall be to them the ſame in manner and form as other our leidge ſubjects, fit and capable in law as in any other body corporate and politique within this our realm of England may and can be able to have, obtain, receive, poſſeſs, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demiſe, alienate, and diſpoſe, to plead and be impleaded, to anſwer and be anſwered unto, to defend and be defended. And that the ſaid Maſter and Brethren and the ſucceſſors of them for the reſt for ever, may have one common Seal for cauſes and tran⯑ſactions of the ſaid Hoſpital, in what manner ſoever to be kept, done, and tranſacted, and that it well may, and ſhall be law⯑ful for them and ſucceſſors from time to time to break, change, and make new the ſaid Seal as it ſhall ſeem to them more ex⯑pedient. And for the better execution of our will and grant in this matter to the election, avoidance, and appointment of the aforeſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, we nomi⯑nate, aſſign, and appoint, that our beloved ſubject Richard Abbot of Guildford aforeſaid, is, and ſhall be the firſt Go⯑vernour and Maſter of the aforeſaid Hoſpital, to be continued in the ſame place of Maſter of the ſaid Hoſpital during his natural life, unleſs in the mean time by the ſaid now Arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury or his ſucceſſors, for ſome ſuch ofſence, offences, fault or faults, default or defaults, cauſe or cauſes, by the ſaid Maſter to be perpetrated, done, or committed, for what or which by theſe conſtitutions, appointments, or ordi⯑nations [94] on that part, according to the preſent intention to be made and ordain'd, or for ſome one or more of them, he ought to be or ſhall be diſplac'd or remov'd. And further we by the election, nomination, and appointment of the ſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, do aſſign this our conſtitution, that George Burges, Gregory Fry, James Seaman, Richard Butch⯑er, John Rapley, and George Kitchiner, now or hereafter to be the firſt and preſent Brethren of the ſame Hoſpital, there to remain, to be ſuſtain'd and relieved during their natural lives, unleſs they, or ſome one or more of them, by the ſaid now Archbiſhop, or his ſucceſſors Archbiſhops of Canterbury, for ſome one or more ſuch fault or faults, default or defaults, cauſe or cauſes, by them or ſome one or more of them reſpectively by to be perpetrated, done, or committed, for which one or more by the ordinations, ſtatutes, or conſtitutions in that part, ac⯑cording to the intent of the preſents to be made and ordained, either ſome one or more of them reſpectively ſhould, or ought to be diſplaced or removed, and the ſaid ſome one or more of them ſhall be diſplaced or removed accordingly. And we further will, and by theſe preſents for ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, do ordain and appoint that the ſame now Arch⯑biſhop during his life, and after his deceaſe his ſucceſſors Arch⯑biſhops of Canterbury may thus nominate and appoint fit men, who together with the aforeſaid ſix brethren abovenamed, or the ſurvivors of them ſhall be brethren of the Hoſpital aforeſaid. And the aforeſaid number of twelve brethren, or ſuch number or numbers above the number of ſix brethren, and within the num⯑ber of twelve brethren, as it ſhall ſeem more expedient to him the ſame now Archbiſhop, and ſhall be declared to be compleat, which kind of brethren ſo as before ſet forth to be named, or to be choſen, after being ſo named or choſen, may and ſhall be of the body politique aforeſaid, and for themſelves ſhall enjoy the power and authority, and all other things as the afore⯑ſaid brethren abovenamed may and can enjoy by virtue of theſe preſents, and ſhall abide in the ſaid Hoſpital, to be ſuſtain'd and reliev'd during their natural lives, unleſs to him or ſome one or more of them by the aforeſaid now Archbiſhop, or his ſucceſſors Archbiſhops of Canterbury, for ſome one or more fault or faults, default or defaults, cauſe or cauſes, by them or ſome one or more of them to be perpetrated, done, or com⯑mitted, for what or which, by the ordinations, ſtatutes, or conſtitutions in this part, according to the intention of the preſents to be mad [...] and ordain'd, either ſome one or more of [95] them reſpectively as in theſe ſame ordinations, ſtatute [...], and conſtitutions it ſhall be declared and preſcribed, muſt or ought to be diſplaced or removed, and ſome one or more of them ſhall be ſo diſplaced or removed accordingly. And we further will and by theſe preſents for ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, do ordain and appoint that there may and ſhall be in the ſame Hoſpital, ſome perſons in the aforeſaid Hoſpital to be maintained in ſome handicraſt trades, manufacture, or to be inſtructed or brought up in ſome other labours. And alſo eight poor women in the ſame Hoſpital to be maintain'd, which ſort of women and other perſons by the ordination according to the tenour of the preſents to be made from time to time for ever, ſhall be named, appointed, choſen, govern'd, and in all things ordered. We will alſo, and of our greater grace, ſpecial and certain knowledge, and of our free inclination, for ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, we grant that whenever it ſhall happen that ſome one or more of the ſaid maſter, brethren, women, or other perſons above named, or thoſe who for the future accord⯑ing to the form and effect of the preſents elected, nominated, or aſſociated ſhall depart this life, or for ſome fault ſhall be re⯑moved out of the ſaid Hoſpital, according to the ordination and conſtitution by the true intention of the preſents to be made for ſuch removal, that then and as often as it ſhall and may be lawful for the aforeſaid George Archbiſhop of Canterbury, who in his life time, and after his deceaſe, and firſt of all, and even by others, according to the tenour of the ſtatutes by him the ſaid George, or by his ſucceſſors to be made or ordained, one other maſter, or one other brother, woman, or perſon, or more other brethren, women, or perſons into the ſaid Hoſpital to be main⯑tain'd, kept, or educated, in the place or places of ſuch maſters, brethren, women, and perſons, or of ſuch maſters, brethren, women, or perſons reſpectively ſo dead or removed to elect and promote, and ſo as often as the caſe ſhall ſo happen. And further of our own more ſree and ſpecial grace, we give and grant, and by theſe preſents for ourſelves, our heirs and ſucceſſors, do give and grant to the aforeſaid maſter and brethren of the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guildford aforeſaid, and their ſucceſſors, ſpecial, ſree, and lawful power, faculty, and authority, of having, receiving, and obtaining for themſelves, and their ſucceſſors for ever, to the uſe and intention here⯑after declared by theſe preſents, from ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, and for the aforeſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, his heirs, executors, or aſſigns, or both as well for [96] ſome perſon or perſons, as for the aforeſaid hoſpital, houſe, edifice, curtilages, gardens, and other premiſes as above ſet forth, as built or erected, or to be built, with which mannor, meſſuages, lands, tenements, rents, rectory, tithes, and all other hereditaments whatſoever which are not held of us, our heirs, and ſucceſſors immediately exlalie in capite, or by knights ſervice, or of ſome other perſon, or by ſome other te⯑nure, and by knights ſervice if ſo be they do not exceed in the whole clear yearly value of three hundred pounds of lawful money of England by the year, except and over and above the aforeſaid hoſpital, houſe, edifices, curtilages, gardens, and other premiſes above ſet forth, as erected and built, or to be built, the ſtatutes of lands and tenements in mortmain not to be pleaded or to be alledged by other ſtatutes, act, ordinance, law, or proviſion heretofore made, ſet forth, ordain'd, or pro⯑vided, or by any other thing, cauſe, or matter whatſoever to the contrary hereof in any wi [...]e, notwithſtanding. We have alſo given and granted, and by theſe preſents, for ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, do give and grant to the aforeſaid George Archbiſhop of Canterbury, his heirs, executors, and aſſigns, and alſo to every other of our ſubjects, and to all other our ſubjects of our heirs and ſucceſſors, ſpecial licence and lawful power, faculty, and authority, that he or they, or one or ſome of them alſo to the aforeſaid hoſpital, houſe, edifices, curte⯑iages, and gardens, which with ſome other mannors, meſſua⯑ges, lands, tenements, rents, rectories, tithes, or all other hereditaments whatſoever, not held of us, our heirs, and ſucceſſors immediately, or otherwiſe in capite, or by knights ſervice, or of ſome other or others, or by knights ſervice, not exceeding in the whole the clear yearly value of three hundred pounds) to the aforeſaid maſter and brethren of the aforeſaid Hoſpital and their ſucceſſors, lawfully, and without damage, or they may and can give and give, ſell, demiſe and alienate any ſtatute of lands, tenements in mortmain not to be alledged, or any other ſtatute, act, ordination, law, or proviſion hereto⯑fore had, made, ſet forth, or provided, or for any thing, cauſe, or matter whatſoever to the contrary hereof in any wiſe not⯑withſtanding. And that our intention, and this pious purpoſe of the aforeſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury may have the better and more firm effect, and that the goods, lands, tenements, rents, revenues, and other hereditaments, and ſupports of the aſoreſaid Hoſpital, and of the maſter and bre⯑thren, and poor women and others in the aforeſaid Hoſpital, to be hereafter maintain'd, to be granted and aſſigned, that they [97] may be better governed, treated, and ruled, and accommoda⯑ted, we will, we grant, and ordain for ourſelves, our heirs, and ſucceſſors, by the preſents, the aforeſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury during his natural life, and after his deceaſe his ſucceſſors Archbiſhops of Canterbury for the time being, may make, and may and can make fit, wholeſome ſtatutes, conſtitu⯑tions, and ordinances in writing, agreable to true religion and divine ſervice, within the aforeſaid hoſpital, from time to time for celebrating the worſhip of omnipotent God, which govern⯑ment, election, expulſion, avoidance, puniſhment, and direct⯑ion of the maſter; brethren, women, and other perſons of the aforeſaid Hoſpital for the time being, and alſo the alotment of the ſtipend and ſalaries of them the ſaid maſter and brethren, women, and other things whatſoever of the ſaid Hoſpital, as the maſter, and the poor men aforeſaid, and every officiary and miniſter to be placed and uſed in the ſame, and alſo the ordi⯑nance, preſervation, diſmiſſion, and diſpoſition of lands, te⯑nements, poſſeſſions, rents, revenues, and all other heredita⯑ments, goods, and chattels, to the ſaid Hoſpital belonging, or in any wiſe appertaining; which certain ſtatutes, ordinances, conſtitutions thus as before ſet forth, to be made by virtue of any oath, or otherwiſe inviolably from time to time ſor ever, by us, our heirs and ſucceſſors to be firmly preſcribed or enjoy⯑ned by theſe preſents, ſo notwithſtanding that the ſtatutes, conſtitutions, and ordinances aforeſaid, nor any nor either of them might or ſhould be contrary or repugnant to the laws or ſtatutes of this our kingdom of England. We will alſo, and by theſe preſents for ourſelves, our heirs and ſucceſſors do grant power, and ordain that the perſon or perſons of this kind which ſhall be ordered and appointed to theſe ordinances, ſtatutes, and conſtitutions aforeſaid, by their corporal oath for their duty to obſerve and obey the ſaid ordinances, ſtatutes, and conſtitutions, they the aforeſaid maſter, brethren, and women, and other perſons in the aforeſaid Hoſpital to be relieved and kept, and every of them may and can be able to do their duty, even as it ſhall on this part be ordain'd without any other commiſſion writ or warrant from us, our heirs and ſucceſſors on that part to be procured and obtain'd. We will alſo, and by theſe preſents for us, our heirs and ſucceſſors do command and ordain that all profits, products, and revenues of whatſoever kind, of the lands, tenements, hereditaments, and poſſeſſions for the future, ſo as before ſet forth to be given or granted, had, acquired, or aſſigned, from time to time for ever are committed, diſpos'd, [98] and ought to be expended to the relief, maintenance, and education of the maſter, brethren, women, and others there abiding, and other officiaries and ſervants of the ſaid Hoſpital for the time being, and for the ſupport, maintainance, and reparation of the houſes, lands, tenements, rents, and poſſeſſi⯑ons of this kind according to ordinance, conſtitution, and appointment by the aforeſaid George, Archbiſhop of Canter⯑bury as before ſet forth to be done, nor to any other uſe or inteat, becauſe that expreſs mention of the true yearly value, and of the certainty of the premiſes or of ſome one of them, or of other donations or confeſſions by us, or by ſome one of our progenitors or predeceſſors to the aforeſaid George, Arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury, and to the maſter and brethren of the aforeſaid Hoſpital or any of them before this time made in the preſents, in no wiſe to be made or done or by any other ſtatute, act, ordinance, proviſion, proclamation, or reſtriction before theſe here made, ſet forth, ordain'd or provided. or for any other thing, cauſe, or matter whatſoever to the contrary here⯑of in any wiſe notwithſtanding. In teſtimony of which, we have cauſed theſe our letters to be made patents. Witneſs our⯑ſelf at Weſtminſter, the twentieth day of June, in the year of our reign over England, France, and Ireland the twentieth, and over Scotland the fifty-fifth.
THE FOUNDER's STATUTES FOR THE GOOD GOVERNMENT OF THE Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity IN GUILDFORD, SURREY.
[]The Oath of the King's Supremacy.
[101]I A. B. do utterly teſtify and declare in my con⯑ſcience, that the King's Highneſs is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm, and of all other his Highneſs's Dominions and Countries, as well ſpiritual and eccleſiaſtical things and Cauſes, as tem⯑poral; and that no Foreign Prince, Perſon, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath or ought to have any Juriſ⯑diction, Power, Superiority, Preheminence, or Au⯑thority, eccleſiaſtical or ſprtitual within this Realm. And therefore I do utterly renounce and forſake all Foreign Juriſdiction, Power, Superiority and Author⯑ity; and do promiſe that from henceforth I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highneſs, his Heirs, and lawful Succeſſors, and to my Power will aſſiſt and defend all Juriſdictions, Privileges, Preheminence, and Authority granted or belonging to the King's Highneſs, his Heirs and Succeſſors, or united or annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England.
So help me God, and the Contents of this Book.
THE STATUTES OF THE HOSPITAL.
[103]The PREFACE.
FORASMUCH as every Chriſtian Man is bound according to the meaſure of grace and mercy which he hath receiv'd from God, to render back again to his Eternal Father ſuch tokens of grateful⯑neſs and thankfulneſs as are in his power, and I George Abbott, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, from the mere mercy of the Bleſſed God, beſides the in⯑ward graces of his Holy Spirit, having been parta⯑ker of ſome earthly and worldly benefits more than moſt of my birth and rank hath attain'd unto, I have held it agreable with my duty to leave behind me to poſterity ſome monument of my thankfulneſs to my Creator, and ſome teſtimony of my faith in Chriſt Jeſus, which if it bring not forth ſome fruits to his glory, is to be held but as a dead and unprofi⯑table faith; And therefore my affection leading me [104] to the town of Guildford, wherein I was born, and where my aged parents lived many years in good repute, I have thought upon erecting an Hoſpital there, which I have dedicated to the Bleſſed Trinity. And intending that poor people ſhould be maintained therein, think good to lay down certain Statutes and Ordinances, which ſhall be for the governing of the Maſter, Brothers, and Siſters there, as alſo of all other perſons who are therein to be placed; and of the guidement of the poſſeſſions and rents, which God hath and may enable me to beſtow upon the ſame. In the name therefore of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt, who directs my Pen aright, I thus begin.
CHAP. I. Of the Maſter and his Office.
THERE can be no body of people be govern'd but there muſt be a head, to direct and overſee all the reſt of the members. This head I appoint to be the maſter, whoſe office ſhall be to rule and govern all the reſt with mildneſs and love, if it may be; otherwiſe moderate ſeverity if there be juſt cauſe.
He ſhall require of the brethren and ſiſters the due obſervation of the ordinances and ſtatutes; he ſhall keep one key of the common cheſt, and another of the Evidence Houſe, that nothing be done there without his knowledge; he ſhall cauſe the gate of the hoſpital to be open'd and locked at due times appointed, and night by night ſhall have the key brought unto him, he ſhall be preſent when any one is admitted, and whenſoever wages or allowances are to be paid; he ſhall be careful to preſerve and defend [105] the lands and inheritances of the houſe, and to that end ſhall ſee the evidences well and ſafely laid up; he ſhall ſee that all entries be duly made in the ledger book: he ſhall look in time to all reparations and all other good huſbandry of the hoſpital, being careful that no fire or candle be dangerouſly kept; if any lodging be void, he ſhall keep the key thereof till it be deliver'd to ſome brother or ſiſter which is newly to be admitted.
CHAP. II. Of the Quality of the Maſter.
THIS Maſter of the Hoſpital I appoint to be a man fearing God, of good name and fame, of fifty years of age at the leaſt, born or having lived twenty years before in the town of Guildford; which I will have evermore to be underſtood within the compaſs which is governed by the Mayor, and no otherwiſe; he ſhall be at his election or nomination a ſingle or unmarried man, and ſo ſhall continue ſo long as he remaineth Maſter; and if he thinks fit to marry, and doth ſo indeed, I appoint that on peril of the breach of his oath, he leave the place, within three days, to a new election or nomination. If any perſon hath been Mayor of the town, and hath governed with good report, he ſhall be capable of this place; and ſo ſhall the miniſter who is parſon of Trinity church in Guildford, although he was not born in the town, ſo that either of theſe be ſingle men, and furniſhed with the reſt of the conditions named in this chapter; he ſhall as near as may be a provident man, acquainted with the affairs of the world, eſpecially for letting or ſelling of land, or turning it to the beſt benefit of the place where he is maſter.
CHAP. III. Of the manner how the Maſter ſhall be choſen or appointed.
[106]I Do reſerve unto myſelf, the nomination of the Maſter, ſo long as it pleaſes God that I ſhall live; and after my deceaſe I appoint, that if the place ſhall be void by the death, reſignation, or expulſion of the former Maſter, that then the Vice-Maſter, or in his abſence the Senior Brother, ſhall, as ſoon as may be, give notice to the electors that the place is void, that ſo they may meet to⯑gether in the chapel of the hoſpital to make a new choice. The electors I appoint to be five; the Mayor of Guildford (or in his abſence his deputy); the Parſon of Trinity pariſh (and if he be not in town, the Parſon of St. Nicholas pariſh); and three of the brethren of the hoſpital, that is to ſay, the Vice-Maſter, and the two Senior, or moſt an⯑tient Brethren; and look on whom the greater part of theſe five ſhall agree, he ſhall be admitted to the place of maſter; theſe ſhall proceed without favour or affection, or without any corruption whatſoever, direct⯑ly or indirectly, as in the preſence of God, who judg⯑eth righteouſly touching the good or evil actions of all men in the day of Chriſt. This election I appoint to be within four and twenty hours of the being void of the maſterſhip, or at leaſt within that ſpace after it ſhall known that the place is void. And if within that time it be not ſupplied by a new election, I then order, that by way of devolution it ſhall fall to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, to be nominated by him according to my ſtatutes; and if the See of Canterbury be void, or the Archbiſhop ſede plena ſhall not deſign the Maſter within twelve days, then it ſhall be in the [107] omination of the Biſhop of Winton, for the time being, and if that See be alſo void, or the biſhop ſede plena ſhall not appoint the Maſter within ſeven days, then Sir George Moor, of Loſeley, Knt. or after his deceaſe, the heir of his houſe, whoever he ſhall be from time to time, ſhall have the ſole appointing and deſigning of the Maſter; which, if it be not compleated within five days, the choice ſhall return to the firſt five electors. When the election, or nomination is thus paſſed, the perſon elected, or nominated, ſhall in the preſence of all the brethren of the houſe, in the Chapel of the Hoſpital, take firſt the oath of ſovereignty and obedience to the King's Majeſty, his lawful heirs and ſucceſſors, as by law preſcribed, and then this oath here enſuing.
I A. B. from henceforth, ſo long as I ſhall con⯑tinue and remain Maſter of this Hoſpital, ſhall and will by God's aſſiſtance, do my beſt endeavours to perform, fulfil, and obey the ſtatutes, ordinances, and conſtitutions of the ſame, ſo far as they concern me, and ſhall do my beſt, that the reſt of the brethren andſiſters, as alſo all others that are under me, do keep and obſerve the ſame; I ſhall not hereafter at any time procure, or willingly give aſſent unto the hurt, endangering, or endamaging of the ſaid hoſpital, in the hereditaments, or any of the moveable goods thereof, or in any thing that may concern the eſtate or welfare thereof; but to my beſt ſkill and power, ſhall defend, promote, and ſet forward the benefit and commodity thereof while I live. So help me God in Chriſt Jeſus.
CHAP. IV. Of the Vice-Maſter.
[108]THE Maſter, and the five ſenior brethren that be at home, ſhall, the morrow after Michael⯑mas day, yearly, chooſe a Vice-Maſter, one of the graveſt and beſt underſtanding, who ſhall govern in the maſter's abſence, as is preſcribed in theſe ſtatutes; and the reſt of the brethren and ſiſters ſhall for that year, yield unto him a regard and due reſpect; the election ſhall be made by the major part, where the maſter's voice ſhall be accounted two. And at the end of the year, he ſhall have a ſtipend of thirteen ſhillings and four-pence out of the common cheſt; he ſhall keep one of the keys of the evidence houſe, and another key of the common cheſt; and in the abſence of the maſter, he ſhall night by night, have the keys of the hoſpital brought unto him.
CHAP. V. Of the poor Brethren and Siſters who are capable of that Place.
THE Head being thus ſettled, the members are to be added which muſt compleat the body. On the right ſide, I put the poor men whom I call brethren, and on the left ſide, the poor women whom I term ſiſters. I ordain, that ſuch as are to be nominated into theſe places be perſons of good name and fame, no drunkards, or noted for con⯑tention, no lepers, or ſuch as have any contagious, infectious, or incurable diſeaſe; none ſuch as at any time have been known to have begged from door to [109] door; but ſuch as in their younger years have honeſtly laboured, and by age, impotency, or other hand of God, be grown poor, and fallen to decay; ſuch only as have been born in the town of Guildford, or at leaſt have lived there for twenty years before; I will that they be threeſcore years of age, before they be choſen; ſingle, and unmarried perſons, and ſo to remain; elſe if they do afterwards marry, by virtue of their oaths, they are to leave the hoſpital, and all intereſt they have therein, within two days; and among theſe, I would have preferr'd ſuch as have born office, or have been good traders in the town, whereby they have ſet others on work, if any of them be fallen into poverty; ſuch as have been ſoldiers, ſent, or choſen out of Guildford, and have ventured their lives, or loſt their blood for their prince and country; and if any be of my kindred, or have ſerved my father, or me, I would have them to be capable, although they were not born in Guildford, nor be of the age above-named, ſo that at one time, there be not above three of my kind⯑red, or more than three at once that have been my ſervants, and ſo that otherwiſe they be qualified as before.
CHAP. VI. The manner of chooſing the Brothers and Siſters.
THE Nomination of theſe during my life, I re⯑ſerve to myſelf; but after my deceaſe I appoint that the firſt place that falleth void, be it brother or ſiſter, be filled and named by the mayor of Guild⯑ford, or in his abſence by his deputy; and the ſecond place, by the maſter of the hoſpital, or in his [110] abſence by the maſter of the free ſchool, in Guild⯑ford, and ſo turn after turn; the third, by the mayor, or his deputy; the fourth, by the maſter or ſchool⯑maſter, and ſo forward for ever. I do ordain that this nomination be perfected and accompliſhed within four and twenty hours, after the known death or avoidance of any formerly poſſeſſed with the place; and if the mayor, or deputy, for their turns, do not deſign the perſon to be ſupplied within the ſpace above-named, then my will is, that the parſon of the pariſh of St. Nicholas do appoint him, or her, that is to ſucceed; and if the maſter of the hoſpital, or the ſchoolmaſter do not deſign for their turns, the perſon to be ſupplied by them within the ſpace aforeſaid, then my will is, that the parſon of Trinity pariſh do appoint him or her that is to ſucceed; and if the ſaid perſon be not at that time at home, then the maſter of the hoſpital; which, if he be not then at the nomination ſhall fall to the parſon of St. Mary's church, in Guildford; all which nominations I would have to be as in the preſence of God, without corruption, or filthy lucre; without favour, or ſi⯑niſter affection; for I give unto theſe perſons this power only upon truſt, and not to make a gain of that which I have ſpared from my back and from my belly, and from my kindred, and from ſome other good uſe in ſome other place, to beſtow for God's ſake on the poor members of Chriſt in this town; the Lord forbid that any man ſhould abuſe this my charity, for which he did never ſweat or labour.
The manner of theſe nominations I ordain to be, that the mayor, maſter of the hoſpital, or other perſon, in whom the power of appointing or deſign⯑ing [111] for that turn is, do come into the Chapel of the ſaid Hoſpital, and there before four, or more of the brethren, do name him or her, whom in his conſcience he findeth fitteſt; which being done, the maſter, or vice-maſter ſhall conduct the perſon ſo named to the chamber which is void; which he or ſhe ſhall preſently enjoy, but not have any other allowance of the houſe, till the end of one quarter of a year; the money that is to be ſaved being to be put into the common cheſt of the hoſpital, to ſupply reparations, law-ſuits, and other caſualties; but after the end of three months, the brother or ſiſter deſign'd, ſhall in the chapel of the hoſpital, before the maſter, or vice-maſter, firſt take the oath of allegiance, or obedience to the King's Majeſty, as by law it is preſcribed, and then this oath enſuing.
I A. B. from henceforth, ſo long as I ſhall remain a member of this hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity, in Guildford, ſhall and will, by God's aſſiſtance, do my beſt endeavour to fulfil and keep the ſtatutes and ordinances of the ſame, ſo far forth as they concern me; I ſhall be obedient to the maſter of the hoſpital, in all reaſonable and honeſt things; I ſhall not at any time willingly procure or give aſſent unto any indan⯑gering or endamaging of the ſaid hoſpital, either in the eſtate, hereditaments, or moveable goods thereof, but to my beſt power and ſkill, ſhall defend and ſet forward the welfare and commodity thereof whilſt I live. So help me God in Jeſus Chriſt.
Here I think fit to add this. That becauſe it may fall out that there be not men or women of three⯑ſcore years of age, and ſingle perſons in the town to ſupply ſuch places as are void, (as in my own life⯑time I found once by experience that there were not) [112] I do give licence, that in ſuch caſe, and no other, ſome aged married man or woman be choſen, which is of quality and conditions otherwiſe agreable to my ſtatutes; but in the choice of ſuch a perſon, I will have the conſent of the mayor of Guildford, the maſter of the hoſpital, and the parſon of Trinity pariſh, all concurring, becauſe I will not have this done but upon neceſſity. This man or woman ſhall have the weekly allowance os the houſe, and nothing elſe, and ſhall be called by the name of an out-bro⯑ther, or an out-ſiſter.
CHAP. VII. Of the Service of God.
AMONG or above all things that ſuch perſons as remain in the hoſpital are to do, it is firſt to take care that God be ſerved, who is the giver and continuer of all good things. The maſter therefore of the hoſpital ſhall ſo often as he conveniently can, read ſome part of divine ſervice, according to the book of common prayer, morning and evening, in the chapel of the hoſpital, to the brethren and ſiſters, and give God thanks, for their founder, and all other God's benefits and bleſſings; and this to be every day, except thoſe hereafter mentioned; and if the maſter does not perform it himſelf, then the vice-maſter, (whom I would have always choſen ſuch a one as can handſomely read) or in his abſence, ſuch a one of the brothers as the maſter ſhall appoint, ſhall without grudging perform that office, there can no man be too good to ſerve God. On the ſabbath-days, feſtival-days, Wedneſdays, and Fri⯑days, at morning and evening prayers, and at Sa⯑turdays [113] at evening prayers, all the brethren and ſiſters of the hoſpital being at home and not ſick, (except the porter, who is to tarry at home to keep the houſe in the abſence of the reſt) ſhall repair two and two in orderly faſhion to Trinity church (which is near unto them) and there devoutly pray with the reſt of the congregation, for the preſervation of the king's majeſty, his children and iſſue when God ſend⯑eth them, as alſo for the happineſs and proſperity of his kingdoms, and hear the word of God preached and read, and there be partakers of the Lord's ſupper at leaſt thrice every year; and to the end all perſons that are able may be preſent at prayers in the chapel or pariſh church, the maſter, or vice-maſter in his abſence, ſhall weekly appoint one to note ſuch as are abſent from prayers, who ſhall daily give their names to the maſter, or in his abſence to the vice-maſter; and if any without a ſufficient cauſe to be allowed by the maſter, or in his abſence by the vice-maſter, be not preſent at prayers, he or ſhe ſhall for the firſt time forfeit one halfpenny, for the ſecond a penny, and ſo for every time after for each month, to be abated and defaulted from their allowance at the pay day happening next after ſuch their default of theſe forfeitures, one third part to be employ'd to the porter for that month, and the other two to the common cheſt; but in caſe any one without ſuch cauſe as is aforeſaid, ſhall be found to have been abſent ſeven times in one month, he ſhall for the firſt time that he is found ſo offending, forfeit all his allowance of the houſe for one fortnight; and for the ſecond time he or ſhe ſhall have an admonition ſolemnly given them by the maſter and vice-maſter, which ſhall be entred into the ledger book; but if after three ſuch ad⯑monitions, [114] the ſame perſon ſhall be found again to have offended in the ſame kind, he or ſhe ſhall then for a negligent and incorrigible perſon, be expelled from the hoſpital, never to be received there again; for why ſhould any one who will not ſerve God, be thought fit to be in this body. After my departure out of this world, I appoint that a commemoration or thankſgiving ſhould be ſaid at prayer time, daily in the chapel, for me as the founder of this hoſpi⯑tal, and for Sir Nicholas Kempe, Knt. who was a benefactor to this houſe; the ſubſtance of this com⯑memoration to be, that they thank God for raiſing up unto them ſuch a founder and benefactor, and do pray God that they uſe aright ſuch benefits, as by their means have been, and are beſtowed upon them.*
CHAP. VIII. Of honeſt Converſation.
NEXT after the ſervice of God, an honeſt and quiet godly converſation is to be looked unto, [115] it being the rule of the apoſtles, that chriſtians ſhould live godly, and juſtly, and ſoberly in this preſent world; I do therefore wiſh that the brethren and ſiſters of this hoſpital ſhould live peaceably and quietly together, as having one heart and one mind, avoiding faction or bandying, or ſiding one againſt another, but ſtudying to cheriſh, help, and comfort each other, eſpecially in time of ſickneſs, ſtriving with all goodneſs and humbleneſs to bear one another's burden; I would have them by no means to be haunters of alehouſes or taverns, for that mi⯑niſtreth occaſion of drunkenneſs; which is a vice odious to God and good men, apt to bring on all kind of ſin, and hath all the days of my life been hateful unto me.
CHAP. IX. What Crimes are to be avoided, and upon what penalties.
IF any brother or ſiſter ſhall be convinced of any kind of incontinency, perjury, forgery, obſti⯑nacy in hereſy, ſorcery, or any ſort of charming or witchcraft, or of any crime puniſhable by loſs of life, or limb or ear, or ſhall be publickly ſet on the pillory, or whipt for any offence by them commit⯑ted, or ſhall obſtinately refuſe to frequent divine ſervice by law eſtabliſhed, upon confeſſion or con⯑viction hereof, before the mayor of Guildford, the maſter of the hoſpital, and the ſchool maſter of the free-ſchool, ſuch brother or ſiſter ſhall immediately by them be diſplaced and expelled out of the houſe, and ſhall never be received thither again. And if any brother or ſiſter ſhall be a blaſphemer of God's holy name, an ordinary ſwearer, a gameſter at un⯑lawful [116] games, a drunkard or hunter of taverns or alehouſes, a brawler, fighter, contentious perſon, ſcold, or ſower of diſcord, and thereof ſhall be convicted by confeſſion or honeſt proof, before the maſter of the hoſpital, the vice maſter, and parſon of Trinity church in Guildford, or any two of them, ſuch offender ſhall for the firſt time have a ſolemn admonition given him or her, to be entered into the ledger book; for the ſecond time ſhall forfeit all allowance and commodity for one month to the common cheſt, and ſhall have another ſolemn ad⯑monition as before; and if he or ſhe offend in the like a third time, that perſon ſhall be expelled the houſe for ever, by thoſe three or two of them which are laſt before-mentioned.
CHAP. X. Of reſidence within the Hoſpital.
THE Eye of the governour doth beſt direct th [...]ſe things that are under his charge, and therefore tis fit that the maſter of the hoſpital be preſent continually, if it may be, but becauſe ne⯑ceſſary buſineſs may call him ſometimes away, I allow unto him for his own affairs (if he have cauſe) two months in the year, to be taken jointly or ſe⯑verally at his diſcretion, ſo that always when he goeth to lie two nights out of town, he do enter it into the ledger book; when he is abroad in buſineſs of the hoſpital, either for law-ſuits or to viſit the poſſeſſions of the hoſpital I account him not abſent; if his private neceſſities enforce his abſence for more than two months, if he ſhall before the greater part of the brethren at home ſhew a reaſonable cauſe, which ſhall be approved by them firſt, and then by the mayor of Guildford, I give unto him one month [117] more, to be regiſtered in the ledger book; but be⯑yond this none ſhall have further power ſave the archbiſhop of Canterbury for the time being, whom I beſeech to be moderate herein, and ſo to provide that by the abſence of the maſter the hoſpital be not ſuffered in any ſort to run into dilapidations of building or eſtate. To each brother and ſiſter I allow the ſpace of two months abſence in the year, if they have cauſe to uſe it jointly or dividedly, but ſo that they aſk leave of the maſter, or in his ab⯑ſence of the vice-maſter, whom I would not have to be difficult in granting them leave, the time of their going forth ſhall be recorded in the ledger book; and to the end that the members of this houſe may not be much flirting abroad but remaining at home as is fit for aged folks, I appoint that no brother or ſiſter being abſent for any whole week from the hoſpital ſhall have any more than half their weekly allowance, and this not to be neither unleſs the maſter and vice-maſter do give approbation there⯑unto. The maſter, brethren, and ſiſters are not to lodge any where in Guildford but in the hoſpital, and if any brother or ſiſter without a ſufficient cauſe to be allowed by the maſter, or in his abſence by the vice-maſter, ſhall lodge out of the houſe, for the firſt time he or ſhe ſhall forfeit two-pence, for the ſecond time four-pence, for the third time eight-pence, for the fourth time two ſhillings and ſix-pence, and for the fifth time the whole next month's allowance, theſe forfeitures to be to the common cheſt, for the ſixth time ſuch is to have a ſolemn ad⯑monition to be entered in the ledger book, for the ſeventh offence in any one year which ſhall be count⯑ed to begin at the feaſt of St. Michael another ad⯑monition is to be given and entered; but if within [118] the ſame year he do tranſgreſs again, he or ſhe ſhall then by the maſter and vice-maſter be expelled the hoſpital, for that party who hath ſo much mind to be out of the houſe why ſhould he be troubled ſo far as to be kept in it.
CHAP. XI. That no Strangers lie within the Hoſpital.
AS on the one ſide I have been careful that thoſe oſ this ſociety ſhould lodge within the houſe, ſo my deſire is as great that ſuch as are ſtran⯑gers ſhould not lie within the hoſpital; I have pro⯑vided that no married perſons be of this body, but experienced in other places hath taught me that fa⯑thers and mothers are not unwilling to draw their children and kinsfolk unto them, which will be both a burden and diſturbance to the houſe, and ſo will the receiving of other ſtrangers be, beſides the di⯑ſorders that cannot be foreſeen; I do therefore ordain that no perſon whatſoever ſhall be lodged in the hoſ⯑pital, or continue there one whole night ſaving the maſter, and the brethren, and ſiſters, except they be neceſſary ſervants of the houſe only; I allow the maſter, or in his abſence the vice-maſter in extremity of ſickneſs and not otherwiſe, to give leave to any brother or ſiſter to have one perſon of their kindred, or otherwiſe, to watch with them beſides the help that they ſhall have from the reſt of this ſociety, but if any brother or ſiſter do openly or ſecretly ſuffer any perſon to lie or continue all the night in their chambers or any other place in the hoſpital, and be thereof convicted, he or ſhe ſhall for the firſt time forfeit the whole allowance of a month to the com⯑mon [119] cheſt; and for the ſecond time the benefit that ſhould come to him or her for a quarter of a year to be to the common cheſt as before, both theſe to be entered with an admonition into the ledger book; but the party that the third time tranſgreſſeth in this kind, and is convicted thereof before the maſter, vice-maſter, and parſon of Trinity church, ſhall be by them for ever expelled out of the ſaid hoſpital; and herein I require them to be ſtrict and ſevere. To the maſter of the hoſpital I give leave to entertain a ſervant or two for his neceſſary uſes, but ſuch as he will be anſwerable for to the ſociety; and becauſe the lodgings provided for him hath convenient rooms, and ſometimes there may be extraordinary concourſe to the town, as when the court lieth near, or at the time of the aſſize, or in ſome other caſes which can⯑not be foreſeen, I do permit unto him to lodge either his friend or ſome other perſon or perſons of quality, ſo that it may not be longer than for four or five nights; and the ſame liberty I allow to be uſed to my brother Sir Morris Abbot Knt. or to any of his children or children's children if they ſhould have occaſion to ſee Guildford, provided always that none of theſe bring any detriment or expence to the hoſ⯑pital.
CHAP. XII. Care to be taken for thoſe that be Sick.
IT cannot be conceiv'd but where aged people are, ſome are like divers times to be ſick, who are then to be attended and comforted, for in health each one can take care for himſelf, but in ſickneſs he muſt be help'd by others; for the better perform⯑ance [120] of this, I appoint firſt that all the ſiſters ſhall from time to time be careful over the ſick, as them⯑ſelves would wiſh to be help'd by others in their ex⯑tremities, where they are to remember that as natural ſiſters are loving to their brothers and ſiſters, eſ⯑pecially in time of neceſſity, ſo I would have theſe be kind each to other, whom I as a common father have incorporated into this ſociety; and ſecondly, I ordain that early the morrow after Michaelmas day, the maſter ſhall appoint eſpecially two of the ſiſters whom he thinketh to be moſt fit for that purpoſe, to take upon them this particular charge and chriſtian duty, theſe ſhall be called the Relievers of the Im⯑potent; and when they have well and carefully per⯑formed that charge, at the end of the year they ſhall have ſix ſhillings and eight-pence a piece out of the common cheſt, as an augmentation of their allow⯑ance, but if any ſo appointed by the maſter ſhall re⯑fuſe to take that charge upon them, the party ſo re⯑fuſing ſhall be debarred from receiving any allowance whatſoever for that year, and that which is ſaved from her ſhall be put into the common cheſt of the hoſpital.
CHAP. XIII. Of the Porter and his Office.
THERE will be a neceſſity of having a porter to keep the gates of the houſe when the reſt are gone to the pariſh church or otherwiſe to a ſer⯑mon, I do therefore ordain that the five junior bre⯑thren ſhall in their turns for the ſpace of one month a piece ſupply this place, the junior of all firſt be⯑ginning and ſo ending upwards, and on the firſt day [121] of every month the brother whoſe turn it is, ſhall come unto the maſter, or in his abſence to the vice-maſter, to receive his charge for that place; his office ſhall be to ring a bell twice each morning and evening unto prayers, the ſecond ringing to be one quarter after the firſt; he ſhall alſo in the ſummer between the annunciation and Michaelmas receive the keys of the gates from the maſter or vice-maſter in the morning, and open the fore gate at ſeven of the clock, and ſhall ſhut it at eight o' clock in the even⯑ing during that time, and carry the keys to the maſter or in his abſence to the vice-maſter every night; and from the feaſt of Michaelmas to the annunciation he ſhall open the gates about eight o'clock in the morn⯑ing, and ſhut them at ſeven o'clock at night, and then carry the keys to the maſter, or in his abſence to the vice-maſter; the back-gate ſhall not be open but when there is eſpecial uſe for carriage or otherwiſe, and when that is finiſh'd it ſhall be preſently ſhut again.
CHAP. XIV. Of the Reparations of the Hoſpital.
I Have caufed this houſe to be ſubſtantially built, and with God's bleſſing, together with thoſe who ſhall enjoy it at the fame time, may continue long without great need of reparations. If any thing be amiſs in the main work I would have it preſently amended, leaſt neglect at the firſt bring on further decay; to this end I ordain that yearly on the Mon⯑day next following the feaſt of St. John Baptiſt, the maſter or vice-maſter in his abſence, with [...]hree other of the brethren whom he ſhall think apt [...] for [122] that purpoſe, do diſcreetly view the houſe in all its buildings, the cellars and leads, together with the garden walls, and the houſe near the garden, and where they find cauſe that as ſoon as may be they ſee it repaired; and if they ſee any tile fall off, or any brick be notedly miſſing in the building, or if any thing happen which can abide no delay for the men⯑ding, although it be in the winter time, I would have it repaired as ſoon as conveniently may be, and all things ſo done in the public ſtructure ſhall be at the expence of the hoſpital out of the common cheſt. If in any private room of the hoſpital any glaſs win⯑dow be broken, or any other decay be by wilfulnefs or negligence, that brother or ſiſter whoſe the room is ſhall at his or her charge ſee it amended within the ſpace of a month, upon warning given by the maſter or vice-maſter, within which time if it be not done, the perſon whoſe default it was ſhall for every week forfeit four-pence, to go the common cheſt. If the glaſs of any public room be broken, it ſhall be enquired of who was the cauſe thereof, and if it be found, the party offending ſhall make it up again; and if it cannot be diſcovered who it was, it ſhall be repaired at the charge of the hoſpital. But for the better preſervation of all glaſs in the houſe, I do utterly forbid the keeping of any dog within the hoſpital or precincts thereof, upon pain to the party offending, of forfeiting five ſhillings to the common cheſt for every day; and in this I require the maſter and vice-maſter upon their oaths to be very ſevere.
CHAP. XV. Of clean keeping of the Public Rooms.
[123]IT is a religious care that the houſe of God ſhould be decently kept, and it is a ſeemly ſight that public places whereunto ſtrangers may reſort do lie no otherwiſe than cleanly; I ordain therefore that on every Saturday in the afternoon, the chapel and hall be ſwept by one of the three junior ſiſters in their turns, the lateſt coming into the houſe being firſt to begin, and ſo to the next in order; and if the garden yield herbs or flowers in the ſummer time, they cannot be better employed than to adorn theſe rooms. I do utterly forbid any ſwine or other noi⯑ſome beaſts, to be kept within the precinct of the hoſpital or backſide, becauſe my deſire is, that both comelineſs and health ſhall be every where preſerved.
CHAP. XVI. In what Worldly Buſineſs the Brothers and Siſters may exerciſe themſelves.
TO the end that idleneſs may be avoided, which is the mother of many ſins, I do not only per⯑mit that any brother or ſiſter who hath ſkill in any manual trade, do work in the ſame, either within the hoſpital or without, to get ſome part of their living; I do much commend them who ſhall employ them⯑ſelves that way, but ever with this caution, that their labouring within the houſe be not offenſive by any great noiſe, ill ſavour, or otherwiſe, to the reſt of the ſociety; I allow alſo that any brother or ſiſter being able to exerciſe themſelves in any honeſt la⯑bour [123] of the body, may perform the ſame abroad ſo that they lodge not out of the hoſpital, without ſpe⯑cial leave of the maſter or in his abſence of the vice⯑maſter, and that to be not above one night in the week. I do forbid that any brother or ſiſter ſhould keep any alehouſe or victualling houſe, within the hoſpital or without, upon pain of loſing their place ipſo facto. It ſhall not be lawful for any member of this body, by themſelves or others, to beg or crave of any perſon within this town, or elſewhere; if any be found ſo to do, after two admonitions given by the maſter, (which by virtue of his oath after notice given I charge him to perform) he or ſhe ſhall forth⯑with be expelled by the maſter; yet if any perſon ſhall without craving or aſking, voluntarily give any aims or benevolence, it ſhall be lawful for thoſe that are there preſent to receive it, and to put it into the box prepared for that purpoſe, that ſo when it cometh to any quantity it may be divided among the brothers and ſiſters equally, for I will not have the maſter to have any portion thereof; there ſhall be two ſeveral locks and keys to the box, the one to be kept by the maſter, the other by the ſenior brother at home; and once in the quarter it ſhall be opened in the preſence of the moſt part of the ſociety, to be diſtributed among all, provided always that if any thing be beſtowed upon any particular perſon in reſ⯑pect of kindred, ſickneſs, or any other impotency, that wholly ſhall go to the party on whom it is par⯑ticularly and ſpecially beſtowed.
CHAP. XVII. Of the Houſe for the Evidences and Common Seals.
[125]I Have built a ſtrong room in the top of the tow⯑er, over the gate, and although it be within the maſter's lodgings, yet would I have three keys to the door thereof, the one to be kept by the maſter, the other by the vice-maſter, and the third by the ſenior brother who is not vice-maſter. In this room I ap⯑point things of moment which are not of daily uſe, to be ſafely laid up; and there ſhall be one cheſt, with three ſeveral locks of ſundry wards and faſhions, the keys whereof ſhall be kept by the three above⯑named; in this cheſt ſhall be kept the common ſeal, copies of the ſtatutes, and ſuch ſtock of money as yearly remaineth after diſburſements, and is to be reſerved for reparations and other neceſſary uſes. I ordain alſo that there be in the ſame room one other large cheſt, wherein the foundation of the hoſpital ſhall be kept, and all evidences of lands ſorted fitly into ſeveral boxes, which ſhall be ſuperſcribed with papers of direction according to the lands or parcels of the ſame; there ſhall alſo be put all rentalls, ſur⯑veys, terrars with buttails and bounds, if any ſuch be, counterparts of leaſes, court-rolls, and yearly accounts; and to this cheſt there ſhall alſo be three ſeveral locks and keys, to be kept by the maſter, or by the moſt antient brother, the ſecond and third by one other of the brethren, who from year to year the morrow after Michaelmas day ſhall be choſen by the major part of the brethren of the hoſpital. I or⯑dain that no parcels of evidence ſhall at any time be [126] taken from thence but upon eſpecial cauſe, and then alſo not to be longer kept from thence but as ne⯑ceſſary occaſion for the uſe thereof ſhall require; there ſhall alſo remain in the ſaid cheſt a paper book, wherein ſhall be entred the parcels of all evidences from time to time taken forth, the day and year when, and to whoſe hands it was delivered, and for how long a time as is to be preſumed, and the day and year alſo ſhall be entered when and by whom ſuch parcel of evidence is delivered in again.
CHAP. XVIII. Of the Books and Regiſter of the Hoſpital.
IN ſuch a room of the maſter's lodgings as I ſhall appoint, there ſhall be a fair ledger-book kept with lock and keys, whereby the maſter and vice-maſter ſhall be entered and regiſtred, the name, age, and qualities, and times of admittance of every maſter, brothers, or ſiſters, as alſo the times of the removings and deaths; there ſhall alſo be one other fair ledger book, wherein ſhall be entered the copies of all leaſes or other grants that be preſently in uſe, or hereafter ſhall be made by the ſaid hoſpi⯑tal; and there ſhall be a third ledger book, wherein ſhall be entered ſuch things as are given to them of any moment, and by whom, and the inventory of all the moveables, and alſo all other matters that be of weight and may be fit by record to be continued to poſterity, but eſpecially ſuch admonitions as are given to offenders according to theſe ſtatutes.
CHAP. XIX. How their Lands ſhall be demiſed, and with what Cove⯑nants, &c. How their Woods are to be kept, and both Woods and Lands ſurveyed.
[127]THE Lands or Houſes which I give to the hoſ⯑pital are intended by me to be for the good there⯑of, and that in perpetuity, if God be ſo pleaſed; I do therefore in this chapter lay down ſuch conditions as are fitting to be obſerved in their demiſe; as firſt, that no leaſe or any other grant ſhall be made of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments belonging to this hoſpital, unleſs the maſter, vice-maſter, and beſides them the greater part of the brethren do yield their conſents thereunto, nor unleſs the full accuſtomed yearly rents thereof, according as I do leave it, be thereupon reſerved and payable quarterly, or at the leaſt half yearly, at or within the ſaid hoſpital; and ſuch leaſe or grant ſhall not be above twenty and one years from the making of the ſame by the hoſpital, and with reſervation of all timber trees. And in the ſame leaſe ſhall be contained the true and perfect parcels and quantities of land by common eſtimation, with the buttalls and boundalls thereof, if conveni⯑ent it may be; ſecondly, there ſhall be in every ſuch leaſe or grant a proviſo contained, that the farmer or tenant ſhall pay the rent at the hoſpital within twenty days next enſuing any one rent day limited for pay⯑ment thereof, without any demand to be made fur⯑ther. In each leaſe or grant to be made, covenants of this effect ſhall be, firſt that the leſſee at his own coſt ſhall not only repair, and if need be, re-edify all edifices thereupon, and ſo well re-edified and repaired ſhall leave them at the end of the term, but ſhall [128] alſo from time to time hedge, fence, ditch, and ſcour the ground, according to the uſual courfe of huſbandry of the country where the lands do lie; ſecondly, that the ſaid leſſees ſhall bear, pay or diſ⯑charge, or ſave harmleſs the ſaid hoſpital, of and from all charges, ordinary or extraordinary; going out or to be paid by reaſon of the lands demiſed, or of any parts thereof; laſtly, that the leſſees betwixt every eighth and ninth year of the ſaid term, ſhall make or cauſe to be made, and written fair in parch⯑ment, and delivered up to the maſter at the hoſpital, a true and perfect terrier, containing the name and quantity, by eſtimation, of every parcel of ground demiſed, the manner of the ſituation, and lying of the ſame towards other lands, and the names of the preſent owners of the lands which are of any ſide, abutting upon the ground demiſed; I do ordain and appoint that the ſaid hoſpital upon any reſervation or otherwiſe, ſhall not increaſe their rents or revenues of thoſe lands I ſhall give unto them, to any higher or greater proportion than as the rents thereof now are, and according to that rent they are now let for, unleſs it fall out that upon neceſſity, which cannot be avoided, ſome one of their farms do diminiſh in their rents, which I ordain ſhall be moderately ſup⯑plied, by raiſing ſomewhat upon ſome other farm which may well bear it, for I deſire that my hoſpi⯑tal ſhall keep up the rent wherewithal I do endow it; but I do charge the conſcience of the maſter and brethren, that they be very wary and careful before they make any ſuch alteration. I do alſo ordain, that in renewing and letting of leaſes, the preſent farmers and tenants be always preferred, doing reaſonably for the benefit of the hoſpital, as other men will do. And amongſt the reſt, I would have thoſe eſpecially [129] favoured who have their leaſes from myſelf, or by my direction; and alſo I do ordain and appoint that ſuch money as they ſhall raiſe or make up on the fine of leaſes, ſhall be divided into two parts, the one moiety to be diſtributed between the maſter, bre⯑thren, and fiſters, equally, ſaving that the maſter ſhall have a double portion of the other moiety, to be put into the common treaſury for the bearing of public burthen, as ſuits of law, reparations, or the like. For the underwoods, if they be not in my time leaſed out, I would have to be cut in due ſea⯑ſon, and yearly look what profit is made thereof, that it ſhould be accounted as part of their revenue, and go to the common charges of the houſe; but no timber trees to be ſold but upon great neceſſity, or apparent ſhew of decay, and the money ariſing there⯑of, to be put into the common treaſury, not to be expended but upon great occaſion.
CHAP. XX. By whom the Revenues of the Hoſpital are to be received and diſburſed.
THE revenues and rents of the houſe ſhall be reſerved in the hoſpital, by the maſter, vice-maſter, and the other clavigers or key-keepers, and they ſhall give their acquittance for it; if either of theſe places be void, or any of them be out of town, or ſo ſick that they cannot be preſent at this receipt, then in their ſtead ſhall be called the next two bro⯑thers in antient, that are able to ſtir abroad, they ta⯑king unto them, if neither of them can write, ſome of the brethren that can write, or ſome other honeſt perſon who is able to write, and preſently upon the [130] receipt of the rent, an entry ſhall be made thereof into the ledger book, and then immediately ſhall the money be laid up in the common cheſt, there to re⯑main until there be occaſion for payments to take it out again. When any quarter is ended, the next day if it be not Sunday, or if it be ſo, then the next day following, the clavigers, or cheſt-keepers, ſhall aſſemble in the maſter's lodgings, and taking forth of the common cheſt ſo much money only as is to be diſtributed, they ſhall pay unto each brother and ſiſter their ſeveral due allowances, a note of the re⯑ceipt thereof being preſently made in the ledger⯑book; and if any be ſick, or abſent, it ſhall be paid to ſuch a brother as he or ſhe ſhall make their attor⯑ney, and then ſhall the maſter alſo receive his allow⯑ance. If beſides the quarterly wages or allowance, there happen any occaſion for diſburſements of mo⯑ney otherwiſe, as for reparations, or ſuits of law, or ſome ſuch like thing; this ſhall be inſerted into the ledger-book, the day being named, and the occaſion, and in whoſe preſence, and to whom 'twas delivered, together with the hand or mark that received it.
CHAP. XXI. Of Accounts to be made ſor the whole Year.
THERE's nothing that maketh any corporation ſo to flouriſh, as good huſbandry, and diligent looking to the ſtate thereof; and if I your founder, in the courſe of my life had not been provident that way, how ſhould I have been able to build this houſe, and endow it with poſſeſſions? and therefore I do appoint that on the twenty-ninth day of Octo⯑ber, which was the day whereon I was born, yearly, [131] the maſter, vice-maſter, clavigers, and two others of the brothers who are moſt antient, and be in no office, or key-keepers, ſhall meet together in the maſter's lodgings, and there ſhall examine what rents or money of the common ſtock hath been received that year, as alſo what have been ſpent every way, and if they have exceeded in any expence, which God forbid, they ſhall be careful to ſet ſome courſe that in the year to come, it be more frugally and thriftily carried, and if there be any ſurpluſage of money beyond the expence of the year paſt, which ended at Michaelmas, they ſhall carry that up to be put in the common cheſt; and they ſhall always at the time of their accounts ſet down in the ledger book, what the ſtock of money is which remaineth over and above the expences of the year; theſe accounts I ordain to be ended before Allhallows day yearly; if the nine and twentieth day of October fall on the Sunday, then the accounts ſhall begin the morrow after. When the accounts are ended, the maſter or vice-maſter ſhall in the hall upon Allhallows day, declare to all the brothers and ſiſters what the whole ſum of the receipts was the year paſt, what alſo was the ſum of that which hath been expended, and what remains in ſtock of the houſe the year twelve-month before, and what is the remainder this preſent year, that all of them may praiſe the diligence and faith⯑fulneſs of thoſe that manage the money, or diſpraiſe it if there be cauſe. If there be found to be any arrearages in any of the accountants hands, the ſame ſhall either preſently be paid, or within three days at the fartheſt be delivered to the clavigers to be laid up in the common cheſt, upon pain of loſs of the next month's allowance of him that ſhall be ſo be⯑hind; but if after the ſaid three days be expired, the [132] whole arrearages ſhall not be paid within thirty days, that party in whom the default is, ſhall loſe his place, and be ſued in law for the arrearages remaining. I do ordain, that none of the money belonging to the common cheſt ſhall, upon pain of perjury in all thoſe that give conſent thereunto, be lent out to any perſon whatſoever, either within the hoſpital, or without; for no man's particular caſe is to be pre⯑ferred before the publick good of the houſe, before order and will of me the founder.
CHAP. XXII. Of the Statutes.
THAT all the members of this houſe may un⯑derſtand my mind for their good government, and each of them know their duty one to another, I do ordain and appoint, that in the chapel on the Wedneſday in the Eaſter-week, yearly, the maſter, or vice-maſter, or ſome other of their brethren who can read moſt diſtinctly, and ſhall by the maſter, or in his abſence by the vice-maſter, be appointed thereunto, ſhall read over the whole book of theſe ſtatutes to the whole ſociety; and if they be too long to be read upon one day, I allow more time, ſo that the whole be read through by the Saturday of that week. If any brother or ſiſter be abſent at theſe times without a ſufficient cauſe, allowed by the maſter or vice-ma⯑ſter, he or ſhe ſhall forfeit twelve-pence for every time; and if any refuſe to read being appointed, he ſhall forfeit for every time of refuſing, five ſhillings; thoſe ſums to go to the common cheſt.
CHAP. XXIII. How the Maſter if he tranſgreſs is to be puniſhed.
[133]I Do ordain, that if the maſter of my hoſpital ſhall be found to be negligent in performing the duty and charge which is impoſed upon him by theſe ordinances, then, upon notice thereof given to the Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, for the time being, ſuch puniſhment ſhall be inflicted upon him, as the ſaid lord archbiſhop in his diſcretion ſhall think con⯑venient.
CHAP. XXIV. Of the Chambers in the Hoſpital.
I Appoint, and my will is, that the maſter's lodg⯑ings ſhall be reſerved for myſelf, during my life, if I ſee cauſe to uſe it; and then if I do make uſe of it, the maſter, for the time being, ſhall have his lodgings in the north-weſt part of the hoſpital, yet that ſo to whom it appertaineth to go into the evi⯑dence-houſe, or to do other buſineſs deſigned in theſe ſtatutes, ſhall have acceſs at all convenient times into the lodging reſerved for myſelf; my executor ſhall alſo have the uſe of my lodging for himſelf, if he will, for one year after my deceaſe, provided that he reſign it not over to any other, nor place any therein, unleſs it be ſome member of my hoſpital. The other chambers ſhall be aſſigned to the brothers and ſiſters of the hoſpital, and as any of them ſhall fall void, the next ſucceſſor ſhall come into the ſaid room; I do only except the corner chamber on the ſouth-weſt ſide, which being a double chamber, I [134] aſſign to ſuch a perſon as hath born office in the town, if any ſuch be to beſtowed by myſelf for my life⯑time, and afterwards at the diſcretion of the maſter.
CHAP. XXV. Of the Viſitor of the Hoſpital.
I Do reſerve unto myſelf during my life, power to abrogate, add unto, change, or alter theſe or⯑dinances, and to place, or diſplace any member thereof, with cauſe, or without cauſe to be rendered thereof to any other, to let leaſes, and wholly to govern the ſame as I ſhall ſee reaſon, and this to be during my natural life, without any other perſons inter⯑medling therein; and after my deceaſe, I do ordain and appoint the Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, from time to time, to be the viſitor of the ſaid hoſ⯑pital, whom I do beſeech in the bowels of Jeſus Chriſt, to have a fatherly and compaſſionate care of the good eſtate thereof, as alſo of the poor members of the ſame; the power of the Archbiſhop ſhall be, by himſelf, or others whom he ſhall appoint, to in⯑terpret any doubt ariſing out of the ordinances and ſtatutes, and to puniſh cenſure, and remove any member thereof convicted according to theſe ordi⯑nances by me ſet down; the ſaid Archbiſhop, alſo from time to time, ſhall have authority, by himſelf, or other whom he ſhall appoint, to viſit this hoſpital, and the members thereof, to compoſe their contro⯑verſies, to direct and adviſe them, as alſo to enquire into the publick ſtate of the houſe, and of the pri⯑vate behaviour of all perſons in the ſame; and if other men towhom I have given any charge or power, in nomination of perſon into the hoſpital, or of remo⯑ving [135] them out of it, or any other matter whatſoever, do not their duties according to theſe ſtatutes, that then the Lord Archbiſhop, by himſelf, or whom he pleaſe, ſhall ſee it performed, for which fatherly care I do not doubt but God will return many bleſſ⯑ings upon him.
CHAP. XXVI. Of ſuch allowances as are to be made by the Maſter and Members of this Hoſpital.
THE Benefits that the maſter is to reap by the hoſpital, ſhall be twenty pounds in money, to be received at equal portions, at the four quarters in the year, the lodging aſſigned unto him, a livery gown, and a double portion of ſuch dividend in money, as is to ariſe by fines taken for renewing of leaſes, when it ſhall fall out. I appoint to every brother and ſiſter, two ſhillings and ſix-pence, to be weekly paid to them, their chamber, and their livery, beſides ſuch money as may ariſe by letting of leaſes hereafter, and from the poor men's box; and con⯑cerning gowns, this I do ordain, that once in two years, againſt Allhallows-tide, there be bought cloth good and ſtrong, of price about nine or ten ſhillings, the London yard, out of the which the maſter ſhall have the allowance fit for a large gown, and each brother and ſiſter ſo much as will make unto them a reaſonable gown, according to the tallneſs or ſta⯑ture of the party that is to wear it; in theſe gowns they may go to the Trinity church, or other place where the ſermon is to be; the badges are to be ac⯑counted to belong to the hoſpital, and muſt deſcend to thoſe that come in from time to time; and if any [136] die, his or her gown is to be left to the uſe of thoſe who ſhall ſucceed, that the hoſpital be not driven to buy liveries, but at the time appointed; notwith⯑ſtanding when new gowns are bought and made, it ſhall be at the will of every one to cut out their old, or diſpoſe of them at their pleaſure. The maſter is to take care of theſe things, as alſo of buying ſeacoal or charcoal every year that may ſerve for the publick uſe between Allhallows-tide, and our Lady-day in Lent; if this be got in, in the ſum⯑mer-time, it will be cheaper becauſe the ways are fairer; when the wood that I bought of Bromfield ſhall be grown fit, I appoint that ſuch fuel as may be taken of it, be uſed without ſpoil in the cutting, and this will ſave ſome money which is otherwiſe to be laid out. I do appoint, that yearly, on Chriſt⯑mas-day, there be expended ten ſhillings amongſt the company, publickly in the hall, in remembrance of the birth of our Saviour Chriſt; and the like ſums on Eaſter-day; as alſo upon Whitſunday; that the ma⯑ſter, brethren, and ſiſters, may with thanks to God lo⯑vingly rejoice together; and I appoint other ten ſhil⯑lings, to be beſtowed upon the twenty-ninth day of October, yearly, in commemoration of the birth-day of their founder.
CHAP. XXVII. Touching the Manufacture to be ſet up.
IN the procuring of my letters of mortmain, one principal matter intended by me, was to ſet up ſome manufacture in the town of Guildford, that young people might be ſet on work, and that by tra⯑ding that place might flouriſh as heretofore it hath [137] done; I have taken order, if God do bleſs it, for lands of one hundred pounds by the year, to be purchaſed for that purpoſe, and when it be done, I intreat the mayor of Guildford, and his brethren, ſolemnly to meet once or more times in the year, and to call unto them ſuch wiſe and diſcreet perſons, as they ſhall think fit to adviſe, whereupon this employ⯑ment may beſt be faſtned, as or hemp-knitting of ſtockings or waiſtcoats, or any other laudable trade that may be for the common-wealth of that corpo⯑ration in particular; and I do pray theſe perſons which ſhall ſo meet, to think upon orders to be ſet in writing for the digeſting of the work, and how once at leaſt in the year there may be an account taken how this manufacture doth proſper, and what is from time to time to be altered, added, or amend⯑ed in the project; if God ſave my life, I ſhall think upon the advancing and eſtabliſhing of this my in⯑tendment, which I do earneſtly deſire that a be⯑ginning may be given to the work. For the erecting and continuing of this manufacture, I do appoint the land at Charlwood, bought of one Poleſdon, which is let for forty pounds yearly, which rent I order to be applied only to that purpoſe; and in like manner, I appoint the lands at Burſtow, bought of Mr. Biſhe, and being rented at ſixty pounds a year, to be employed ſolely for this manufacture, ſo that I do ordain, this 100l by the year ſhall not be mingled with any other money of my hoſpital, but the rent thereof to be put into a cheſt by itſelf, and all ac⯑counts appertaining thereunto, to be kept and re⯑ſerved by themſelves; I appoint, that upon this cheſt be written and faſtened in paper, The Cheſt for the Manufacture, and three locks and keys ſhall be [138] thereunto, which keys ſhall be kept by the maſter, vice-maſter, or ſenior key-keeper; and in this cheſt ſhall always be a great ledger-book, wherein ſhall be ſet down what money for the manufacture is receiv'd in, and what is laid out, and the account at the end of the year ſhall be there kept, that it may be ſeen how the benefit by the trade increaſeth or decreaſeth. I do not tye them that have the charge of this work to any one certain trade, but give them power at the end of the year, which I wiſh to be on the tenth or eleventh of November, to alter it if they find reaſon for the ſame, but appoint, that ſuch alteration ſhall not be, but upon great deliberation and good grounds, leaſt by too much ſhifting all comes to nothing. I do ordain, that ſome diſcreet man who dwelleth in the town of Guildford, and writeth a fair hand, be choſen for a clerk to write down things neceſſary for the ſtabliſhing this work, and for this I appoint him to have twenty ſhillings yearly at or upon the tenth of November; and if the work do proſper, it ſhall be in the power of the overſeers for this work to better his pay, ſo that it do not exceed twenty ſhillings more in any year.
CHAP. XXVIII. The Proportion of the Rent of the Hoſpital, and the Allowances of them.
THE mentioning of the clerk's fee for the ma⯑nufacture, doth put me in mind to ſet down an eſtabliſhment of the revenues for my hoſpital, and the expences which muſt iſſue out of the ſame. The lands then that I have endowed it withal, the rents whereof I would never have increaſed or decreaſed [139] if it may be, are theſe; the lands at Merrow which was bought of Mr. Goodwin, by the year forty pounds; the land at Ewhurſt, bought of Thomas Hill, by the year twenty-ſeven pounds, ten ſhillings; the lands at Horſham, bought of Conſtable, by the year forty pounds; the wood land bought of Brom⯑field, by the year twelve pounds, ten ſhillings; in the whole ſum, this amounteth to by the year to two hundred pounds; out of theſe receipts I do make this proportion of yearly allowances, to the maſter of the hoſpital by the year, twenty pounds; to twenty poor brothers and ſiſters, two ſhillings and ſixpence a piece, by the week, which in the year amounteth to one hundred and thirty pounds; to the vice-maſter, yearly, thirteen ſhillings and four pence; to the two relievers of the impotent, thirteen ſhil⯑lings and four-pence; for four gaudy days, forty ſhillings; for the clerk to record things, and for reading the ſtatutes yearly, twenty ſhillings; to the parſon of Trinity-church, yearly, thirty ſhillings; the total of all which expence, amounteth to one hundred and fifty-five pounds, ſixteen ſhillings, and eight-pence; there remaineth then over and above, yearly, the ſum of forty-four pounds, three ſhillings, and four-pence, which I ordain to this uſe; that once in two years, there ſhould be bought ſixty yards of cloth London meaſure, to make new gowns, for the maſter, brothers, and ſiſters, which clothing may be ſtrong, good cloth, and may ariſe in the whole to a⯑bout thirty pounds, whereof fifteen pound was ſaved the year before, and fifteen pounds to be taken out of the rent of that year when the gowns were bought; out of the reſt of the ſurpluſage of the revenue, I appoint fuel to be bought yearly, which is to be burnt in common for the relief of the poor brothers [140] and ſiſters, from All-hallowtide to Eaſter, which may amount to about; if any wood or coal be had towards this, out of the lands bought of Bromfield, it may ſave ſo much money otherwiſe; but I do order, that the ſaid lands of Bromfield be ſo diſpoſed of, that it may yield rent, or wood, or coal, to the proportion before ſet down by me, that the hoſpital may honeſtly enjoy that which I have paid for. When all theſe expences are iſſued forth, there will be a convenient ſurpluſage remaining, yearly, for the ſtock of the houſe to bear law-ſuits, reparations, or other publick charge of the hoſpital, which will be more increaſed by ſuch money as will ariſe out of the quarter's pay, which is forborne upon the coming in of every brother and ſiſter at the firſt; and this ſtock I ordain to be ſo carefully kept for the publick, that if the maſter, or any brother, ſhall take out for any employment, the value of one ſhilling, or upwards, upon any occaſion or colour, I appoint, that being convicted thereof before the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, he ſhall preſently, by the ſaid lord archbiſhop, be expelled the houſe. When this ſtock ariſeth to one hundred pounds, I would have that ſum carefully kept in gold, againſt time of extremity, and none of it to be taken out with⯑out great cauſe, and yet then upon the firſt opportunity to be made uſe of again, becauſe I hold it conveni⯑ent, that this my foundation ſhould not be without one hundred pounds lying by againſt any great need, which I hold fit to be kept as a ſecret of the houſe, and not to be revealed by the maſter, or any brother of the houſe, to any ſtranger whatſoever; the reſt which is above this hundred pound, is to be a run⯑ning ſtock ſafely kept, but upon neceſſary occaſions [141] money to be taken out for the publick uſe of the hoſpital from time to time.
CHAP. XXIX. The Explanation of a Clauſe in the ſecond Chapter of theſe Statutes.
'TWAS in the year of our Lord, 1619, that I firſt intended the building of this hoſpital, and then minding the good of the town of Guild⯑ford, in laying down the perſons that ſhould be ca⯑pable of places in my foundation, I declared, that ſuch as were born, or did dwell twenty years in Guildford; I would have Guildford to be under⯑ſtood, that alone which was under the government of the town, and not otherwiſe, wherein I did ſtrait⯑en the extent of the place, 'twas not want of charity to others, but to increaſe my favours to the inhabi⯑tants thereof in deſiring that there ſhould be proviſi⯑on for them, and ſomewhat to ſpare, if God were ſo pleaſed; now ſince that time I had quite eſtabliſhed my work, I do hear, that the mayor and his bre⯑thren have endeavoured to enlarge their juriſdiction, and have gone about to draw under their government ſome places adjoining, as if they were hereafter to be members of that corporation, and conſequently capable of ſuch benefits, as may ariſe by the govern⯑ment of that town. I will not diſpute whether this endeavour be well or no, for I have nothing to do with it, but for avoiding of controverſies in future times, I do hereby declare, that my ſettled purpoſe and meaning, is, that from henceforth, I app [...] [...]t none to be capable of my hoſpital, which was not born, or lived in Guildford, the town of [...]u ldford [142] being taken as it was in the year 1620, and not ac⯑cording to any addition that hath been made ſince, or may be hereafter. Whereafter, if I ſhould be d [...]manded a reaſon, it were a ſufficient anſwer to aſk as it is in the goſpel, 'May I not do what I will with my own?' but I have many other cauſes and reaſons to declare, as I now do, as firſt, I keep myſelf to my firſt purpoſe and intention; ſecondly, 'twas the good of Guildford, old Guildford as it was, when I was born, and my parents lived in it, that I did ſeek which I did know would be greater to the poor of that place, when it was kept reſtrained within itſelf, and not communicated to any other; thirdly, it is well known that I was born in the pariſh of St. Ni⯑cholas, in that town, unto which pariſh are belong⯑ing many houſes in, and about Katherine-hill, unto whom, notwithſtanding, I did not enlarge my bene⯑volence, becauſe they were not under the government of the mayor, and my deſire was, and is to keep my charity within bounds, that after my death, things may go on quietly, and there be no variance or controverſy. Now if I have thus reſtrained the place where I was born, it ſhall not be well if any other neighbours ſhall murmur thereat, or be diſcon⯑tented therewithal. I do therefore charge the maſter and brethren of the hoſpital, that they never give way to any importunity, that may or do croſs this my explanation and declaration.
Theſe Statutes were finiſhed, and delivered to be the ordinances, whereby the Hoſpital of the Bleſſed Trinity in Guildford is to be governed.
- Morris Abbot
- Ri: Brigham
- Maurice Abbot.
- Walt: Dobſon
A LIST OF THE MASTERS.
[]- THE moſt Reverend Father in God, George, late Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, on the 29th Day of October, 1622, being juſt 60 years of age, placed his Brother, Mr. Richard Abbot, to be Maſter of the ſaid Hoſpital, who departed this Life, the 30th Day of March, 1629. Maſter, 6 years, 5 months, 1 day.
- After whoſe death, the ſaid Lord Archbiſhop appointed Jaſper Yardley, Gent. to ſucceed him. He died May 31ſt, 1639—Maſter, 9 years, 2 months, 1 day.
- The ſame day was choſen according to theſe Statutes Henry Snelling Died Nov. 18, 1643—Maſter. 4 years, 5 months, 18 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Thomas Smith. Died Auguſt 2d, 1644—Maſter, 8 months, 14 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Henry Horner. Died Feb. 9th, 1654—Maſter, 10 years, 6 months, 7 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Rev. John Holland. Died July 6th, 1691—Maſter, 37 years, 4 months, 25 days.
- [144] The ſame day, July 6th, 1691, wa hoſen Samuel Shaw. Died Auguſt 9th, 1702—Maſter, 11 years, 1 month, 3 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Samuel Barton. Died Octob. 12th, 1709—Maſter, 7 years, 2 months, 2 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Robert Berry. Died Dec. 21ſt, 1719—Maſter, 10 years, 2 months, 9 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Thomas Sands. Died June 17th, 1729—Maſter, 9 years, 6 months, 27 days.
- Tbe ſame day was choſen Ephraim Woods. Died May 2d, 1734—Maſter, 4 years, 10 months, 15 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Henry Stoughton. Died July 27th, 1744—Maſter, 10 years, 2 months, 25 days
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen Hugh Moth. Died June 18th, 1749—Maſter, 6 years, 10 months, 22 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen William Goodyer. Died Octob. 3d, 1762—Maſter, 13 years, 3 months, 16 days.
- The next day, Oct. 4th, was choſen Rev. C [...]rnelius Jeale. Died October 29th, 1762—Maſter, 25 days.
- The The ſame s;ame day, was choſen Michael Wallis. Died March 12th, 1769—Maſter, 6 years, 4 months, 14 days
- The The ſame s;ame day was choſen George Lovedale White.
THE LIFE OF ROBERT ABBOT, Biſhop of SALISBURY.
[]THE LIFE OF Biſhop ABBOT.
[]THIS learned and humble man, was born anno 1560, and bred up under the ſame ſchool-ma⯑ſter, with his brother the Archbiſhop; till being ſufficiently qualified for the univerſity he was ſent to Baliol College in Oxford, anno 1575.
In 1582, he took his Maſter of Arts degree; be⯑came a noted preacher there, alſo a conſtant lecturer at St. Martin's Church, in the Quadrivium, and ſometimes at Abingdon in Berkſhire.
His preferment was remarkably owing to his merit, particularly in preaching; notwithſtanding the diſtinction which ſome have affected to make, be⯑tween the talents and tempers of theſe two brothers; ‘'That George was the more plauſible preacher, Robert the greater ſcholar; George the abler ſtateſ⯑man, Robert the deeper divine: gravity did frown in George, and ſmile in Robert:"’ ſuch the quali⯑ties of this Robert evidently were; that upon the firſt ſermon he preached at Worceſter, he was made lecturer in that city, and ſoon after rector of All-Saints there; and upon a ſermon he preached at Paul's Croſs, he was preſented to the rich benefice of [148] Bingham in Nottinghamſhire, by one of his auditors, John Stanhope, Eſq and it is obſerved, that ‘'As dew dropping on mowen graſs refreſheth it, and maketh it ſpring anew, ſo his labours in his paſto⯑ral charge much refreſhed the conſciences of true converts, which had felt the ſcythe of God's judg⯑ments, and made them ſpring up in hope and new⯑neſs of life; again, as dew diſtilling in ſilver drops mollifieth the parched ground, ſo his heart melting into tears in many penitential exhortations mollifi⯑ed the ſtony hearts of thoſe who had been before moſt obdurate in their ſins; and again, as dew that falls from heaven returns not thither back again, but enricheth the ſoil, and makes fruitful the earth; ſo his pains whereſoever he beſtowed them were never ſteril, but brought forth much fruit of comfort both to himſelf, and of knowledge in the myſteries of ſalvation to his hearers.'’
In 1594 he became no leſs eminent for ſome of his writings; particularly, againſt a certain Papiſt, on the Sacrament. He then took his degrees in divinity; that of Doctor being completed in 1597.
In the beginning of the reign of King James I, he he was made chaplain in ordinary to him; and this King ſo well eſteemed of his writings, that, with the ſecond edition of Dr. Abbot's book [...]e Antichriſto, in 1608, his majeſty ordered his own commentary upon part of the Apocalypſe to be printed: an honour, which that King did to no other of the great clerks in this kingdom. And, in truth, the Doctor's pen had now brought him alſo into general eſteem, for what he had hitherto publiſhed in Defence of Willi⯑am Perkins's Reformed Catholic, againſt Dr. William Biſhop, now a ſecular prieſt, but afterwards, in the Pope's ſtile, a titular Biſhop, of the Aërial Dioceſe [149] of Chalcedon. It is aſſerted by Dr. Featley, in his life of Abbot, that he has herein given that William Biſhop as great an overthrow, as Jewell to Harding, Bilſon to Allen, or Reynolds to Hart. At the end of this excellent work is added a particular treatiſe, he ſoon after writ, intitled, The true ancient Roman Catholick; which he dedicated to Prince Henry; to whom it was ſo acceptable, that he returned him many thanks in a letter written with his own hand, and promiſed his aſſiſtance, upon the next vacancy, to advance him higher in the Church. And though by that Prince's untimely death the Doctor loſt ſome hopes, yet, in courſe of time, his deſerts found other friends to do him that juſtice.
In 1609, he was unanimouſly elected maſter of Ba⯑liol College. Here it is obſerved of him, that he was careful and ſkilful, to ſet in this nurſery the beſt plants; and then took ſuch care to water and prune them, that in no plat, or knot, throughout the Univerſity of Ox⯑ford, there appeared more beautiful flowers, or grew ſweeter fruit, than in Baliol College, while he was ma⯑ſter. His diligent reading to his ſcholars, and his con⯑tinual preſence at public exerciſes, both countenanced the readers, and encouraged the hearers. Theſe regu⯑lations and improvements he further wrought, by e⯑ſtabliſhing piety, which had been much neglected; re⯑ſtoring peace, which had been long wanted; and making temperance more familiar among them, which had been too great a ſtranger in that ſociety.
In May 1610, we find him nominated by the King, among the firſt fellows of his majeſty's Royal College at Chelſea, then newly founded, and deſign⯑ed as a kind of fortreſs for controverſial divinity; being thus, as it were, engarriſoned, with the moſt able and ſelect champions for the Proteſtant cauſe, [150] againſt all aſſaults of Popery: and in November the ſame year, he was made prebendary of Normanton, in the church of Southwell.
Upon his preaching a ſermon before the King, during his month of waiting at court, in 1612, when the news of Dr. Thomas Holland's death was brought from Oxford, his majeſty named him ſuc⯑ceſſor in the Thealogical Chair, uſually called the King's Profeſſor of Divinity; but he modeſtly re⯑fuſed the ſame, till his brother procured a mandate from the King for him to hold it. Some notable circumſtances we meet with of him in this ſtationa; [151] and herein, he has had the character given him of a profound divine, moſt admirably well read in the fathers, councils, and ſchoolmen; and a more mo⯑derate Calvinian, than either of his two predeceſſors in the divinity-chair, Holland and Humphrey, were; which he expreſſed by countenancing the Sublapſa⯑rian way of predeſtination.
Laſtly, upon the King's peruſal of his Antilogia, againſt the Apology for Garnet, and the fame of his incomparable lectures in the univerſity, upon the King's ſupreme power, againſt Bellarmine and Suarez, (printed after his death) his majeſty, when the See of Saliſbury fell void, ſent his Conge d' Elire for him to the Dean and Chapter.
Thus, as he ſet forward, one foot in the temple of virtue, his other ſtill advanced in the temple of ho⯑nour, though indeed, but leiſurely; which is impu⯑ted to his own humility; the obſtruction of his foes, who traduced him for a Puritan, (though cordial to the doctrine of the Church of England) and the unwillingneſs of ſome friends to adorn the Church with the ſpoil of the Univerſity, and mar a Pro⯑feſſor to make a Biſhop.
He was conſecrated by his own brother the Arch⯑biſhop, on December 3, 1615, in his chapel at Lambeth. Herein equalizing the felicity of Seffridus, ſome time Biſhop of Chicheſter, who being a Biſhop himſelf, alſo ſaw his brother, at the ſame time Arch⯑biſhop of Canterbury.
[152] Other biſhopricks were voiced upon him; but the buſineſs of the nullity before-mentioned, in his bro⯑ther's life) made a nullity for a time in his Grace's good intentions; inſomuch, that King James, when the Doctor, newly conſecrated Biſhop of Sarum, came to do his homage, ſaid pleaſantly to him, Abbot, I have had very much to do to make thee a Biſhop; but I know no reaſon for it, unleſs it were, becauſe thou haſt written againſt one; alluding to the name of the Po⯑piſh prieſt before-mentioned.
In his way to Sarum, he made a farewel oration at the univerſity, with great applauſe. We have ſome fragments of it preſerved, in the original Latin, in Hollandi Her. Angl. and Featley's Life of Abbot; and a tranſlation thereof, or epitome in Engliſh, by Lupton, in his Hiſt. of modern Proteſtant Divines. His brethren, the heads of houſes, and other Ox⯑ford friends, parted with him on the edge of his dioceſe with tears for grief; and the gentry of Sarum received him with thoſe of joy. The next Sabbath⯑day following, he offered his firſt fruits in the temple, taking for his text, the words of the Pſalmiſt 26. 8. Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy houſe, and the place where thine honour dwelleth.
After he had verified the Words of his Text in the perſon of David, his Sermon ended, he verified it in himſelf, and made a demonſtration that he loved that houſe of God, not in tongue only and in word, but in deed and verity; for obſerving the beautiful old cathedral to be much decayed, through negligence, and the covetouſneſs of thoſe who filled their purſes, with that which ſhould have ſtopped the chinks, he uſed ſuch means with the prebendaries, as drew from them five hundred pounds, which he applied to the reparation of the church; and then laboured to re⯑pair [153] the congregation, both by doctrine and diſci⯑pline, viſiting his whole dioceſe in perſon, and prea⯑ching every Sabbath-day, whilſt his health would permit, either in the city, or in the neighbouring towns; but this was not long, for my author tells us, that preaching on John 14. v. 16. I will pray the father and he ſhall give you another comforter, that he may abide with you for ever, many of his hearers, preſaged his departure from them; ſo indeed it proved his laſt and farewel ſermon, for ſoon after he came out of the pulpit, he was ſeized with moſt dreadful fits of the ſtone in the kidneys, which were brought on by that ſedentary courſe he had accuſt⯑omed himſelf to, by his cloſe application to ſtudy, ſo that his hour-glaſs, contrary to others, the ſooner ran out, by being ſtopped. But in all the bodily tor⯑tures of his laſt fit, his ſoul was at eaſe; for the aſſurance of heavenly things, cauſed him moſt chear⯑fully to part with earthly, and the quick ſenſe he had of the powers of the life to come deaded the ſenſe of his bodily pains. There were many came to viſit him on his death-bed, and among others the Judges being then at Sarum in their circuit, to whom he ſpared not his chriſtian admonitions; and amongſt many points he diſcourſed on before them, inſiſted very much upon the benefit of a good confcience, rendering many thanks to his Creator for the great comforts he felt thereby now in his extremity, and admo⯑niſhed all that heard him, ſo to carry themſelves in their moſt private and ſecret actions as well as in their publick, that they might obtain that at the laſt which would ſtand them in more ſtead, than what all the world could afford beſides. Having, when death approached, ſummoned his domeſticks, and with broken ſpeeches in the language of a dying man, beginning to make a profeſſion of his faith, his [154] friends perſuaded him to refrain, it being manifeſt in his writings; he yielded to their advice, and ſigned all his works with theſe words; That faith which I have defended in my writings, is the truth of God; and in the avouching thereof I leave the World. Thus with exhortations, benedictions, and the pains of his di⯑ſeaſe, quite worn out, he lay as it were ſlumbering, with now and then a ſhort ejaculation; and at length, with eyes and hands uplifted for the ſpace of two or three hours, after ſome weeks continuance in that dreadful diſorder, he gave up the ghoſt, on March the 2d, 1617, in the fifty-eighth year of his age, with theſe words; Come Lord Jeſu, come quickly, finiſh in me the work that thou haſt begun; into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my ſpirit, for thou haſt re⯑deemed me: O God of truth, ſave me thy ſervant, who hopes and confides in thee alone: let thy mercy, O Lord, he ſhewn unto me: in thee have I truſted, O Lord, let me not be confounded for ever.
He had not completely filled this ſee two years and three months, being one of the five Biſhops which Saliſbury ſaw in ſix years; and was buried over againſt the Biſhop's ſeat in the cathedral. Dr. Featley who was his domeſtic chaplain, tells us, that he had ſo endeared himſelf to the inhabitants of Sa⯑liſbury by his diligence in his paſtoral charge, by his hoſpitality and bounty to the poor, and lovely and lowly carriage even towards his inferiours, that he was univerſally lamented.
He had been twice married, the laſt time with ſome diſpleaſure to the Archbiſhop, about half a year after his promotion to the ſaid ſee. He left one ſon, or more, and alſo one daughter named Martha, who was married to Sir Nathaniel Brent, Warden of Mer [...]on College in Oxford; and their daughter Mar⯑garet, [155] married Dr. Edward Corbet, Rector of Haſe⯑ley in Oxfordſhire; who gave ſome of the Biſhop's MSS to the Bodleian Library, as may appear in the article ſet apart for the enumeration of his writingsb
THE LIFE OF Sir MORRIS ABBOT, LORD-MAYOR OF LONDON.
[]THE LIFE OF Sir MORRIS ABBOT.
[]MORRIS ABBOT, the youngeſt ſon of Mr. Maurice Abbot, of Guildford, and brother to Robert and George beforementioned, was bred up to trade, and became an eminent merchant in the city of London, but was more remarkably diſtin⯑guiſhed, by his applying himſelf to the direction of the affairs of the Eaſt-India company, and his ear⯑neſt attention to whatever might promote the exten⯑ſive commerce of this nation, or ſtrengthen her fo⯑reign colonies.
In this quality, we find him one of the commiſſi⯑oners employed in the negotiation and concluſion of a treaty with the Dutch Eaſt-India company, by which the Molucca Iſlands, and the commerce to them, is declared to be two thirds belonging to the Dutch Eaſt-India company, and one to the Engliſh.
This treaty was concluded at London, on the ſeventh of July, 1019, and ratified by King James, the ſixteenth of the ſame month, and is as remarka⯑ble a tranſaction as any in that reign.
It was in conſequence of this treaty, and in order to recover the goods of ſome Engliſh merchants, that Sir Dudley Diggs, and Morris Abbot, were ſent over into Holland, in the ſucceeding year, 1620, but with what ſucceſs does not appear.
He was afterwards one of the farmers of the cuſtoms, as appears from a commiſſion granted in 1623, to him and to many other perſons, for adminiſt⯑ering [158] the oaths to ſuch perſons, as ſhould either de⯑ſire to paſs the ſeas from this kingdom, or to enter it from foreign countries.
In the ſucceeding year, 1624, he was appointed one of the council, for ſettling and eſtabliſhing the colony of Virginia, with very full powers for the government of that colony, as by that commiſſion appears.
On the acceſſion of King Charles I, to the throne, Mr. Abbot was the firſt perſon upon whom he con⯑ferred the honour of knighthood, and ſo great was his intereſt at that time in the city, that we find him choſen to the firſt parliament called in that King's reign, viz. in 1625, in conjunction with Sir Thomas Middleton, Sir Heneage Finch, and Mr. Robert Bateman.
In 1627, he was one of the Sheriffs of London, with Henry Garway; Sir Cuthbert Hacket, being then Mayor.
About the year 1635, he erected the monument to the memory of his brother the Archbiſhop, in his native town of Guildford.
In 1638 he was Lord-Mayor of the city of Lond⯑on; on which account [...]here was publiſhed by Sir T. Heywood, a deſcription of his ſolemn entry.
On the tenth of January, 1640, he departed this life. No farther particulars are to be met with, ex⯑cept that he was a great lover and encourager of trade, as well as fortunate therein.
He had a ſon whoſe name was George, fellow of Merton college in Oxford, and who took the degree of Bachelor of Law in 1630.
The croſs at Cheapſide was taken down in the year 1600, in order to be repaired, and upon this occaſion, the citizens of London deſired the advice of both univerſities on this queſtion; Whether the ſaid croſs ſhould be re-erected or not? and Dr. Abbot, as vice-chancellor of Oxford, gave it as his opinion, that the crucifix with the dove upon it ſhould not be again ſet up, but approved rather of a pyramid, or ſome other matter of mere ornament, for the reaſons aſſigned in his letter. In this determination he acted conſiſtently with his own practice, when in his ſaid office he cauſed ſeveral ſuperſtitious pictures to be burnt at the market-place of Oxford, and among the reſt, one in which was the figure of God the Father, over a crucifix, ready to receive the Soul of Chriſt; and he profeſſes in this letter, that he was moved to ſuch proceedings by his own ob⯑ſervation and experience.
I remember, ſays he, in that col⯑lege (Baliol) where I firſt lived, a young man was taken pray⯑ing, and beating his breaſt, before a crucifix in a window; which cauſed the maſter and fellows, to pull it down, and ſet up other glaſs. Which example, makes me nothing doubt, but that the croſs in Cheapſide hath many in the twilight and morning early, who do reverence before it, beſides Cam⯑pian, whoſe act is famous, or rather infamous, for it. And, I am informed, that ſo much hath been ſignified by the neighbours, or inqueſt, making preſentments concerning the circumſtances of this cauſe. By all which, I do conclude, that it is a monument of their ſuperſtition; a great induce⯑ment, and may be a ready way to idolatry; and that there can be no tolerable uſe of this matter, which may be able to countervail the dangers and obloquy ariſing upon the retain⯑ing of it; and ſo much the rather, becauſe it is perceived that many evil affected men do make their advantage from hence, to inſinuate into the minds of their credulous hearers, that it is a token of the return of their faith again into this land, ſince their monuments are not extinguiſhed in the chief ſtreet of our greateſt city.
He afterwards deſires, that the reader would obſerve, he ſays, the magiſtrates are to redreſs ſuch enormities:
For, continues he, I do not permit inferior men to run headlong about ſuch matters; and to rend, break, and tear, as well within, as without the churches; which was that which Luther reprehended, but the advice and conſent of ſuperior powers is to be had herein, that all things may be done decently and in order.
He held it therefore neceſſary, that they ſhould apply to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury (Whit⯑gift) and to the Biſhop of London (Bancroft) for inſtructions. The iſſue of the matter was, that the croſs only was erected again, without either the body, or the dove, which was agree⯑able in the main to the ſentiments of the vice-chancellor, and the heads of houſes at Oxford.
There is no point in which all the writers who mention this Prelate, more clearly agree, than in this, that his journey to Scotland, brought him into that height of favour with the King, which ſo ſuddenly raiſed him in little more than three years, from Dean of Wincheſter, to Archbiſhop of Canterbury; yet it has ſo fallen out, that hitherto, his tranſactions in Scotland have lain ſo much in the dark, that it is a very difficult thing to diſcern how he merited by them, ſo high a ſhare of the Royal favour. To explain therefore this hitherto untouched point, and ſet this matter in a clear light, ſhall be the buſineſs of this note, the rather becauſe it will ſhew how unjuſtly this great man has been charged with unfriendlineſs to the eſtabliſhment of the Church of England, and coldneſs in regard to the Hie⯑rarchy. King James had ſuffered ſo much before his acceſſion to the Crown of England, from the ſpirit and power of the Preſbyterians in Scotland, that he was greatly ſet on reſtoring the ancient form of government by Biſhops in that kingdom; the care of which was principally entruſted to the Earl of Dun⯑bar, to whom Dr. Abbot was now chaplain. That noble Lord, who is by all writers allowed to have been both the wiſeſt and beſt man of all the favourites of that nation, had proceeded ſo far in this matter two years before, as to obtain an act for the reſtitution of the eſtates of Biſhops, but the Preſbyterians made ſo ſteady a reſiſtance, that the conſequences which were hoped from the reſtoring of that order, were in the utmoſt danger of being diſappointed. But by the ſkill and prudence, the ſound ſenſe, and great moderation of Dr. Abbot, theſe difficu [...]ties were removed, and the clergy of Scotland, who had refu [...]ed to admit the Biſhops for their moderators in their church ſynods, were brought to a better temper, and things put into ſuch a train, as afterwards produced the entire eſtabliſhment of the Epiſcopal Order in Scotland; for which the King had been ſo long ſtruggling, and to ſo little purpoſe. The account given by the famous hiſtorian of the Church of Scotland, (David Calderwood) ſufficiently proves the truth of what has been aſſ⯑erted. ‘'About the end of June, (1608) ſays he, the Earl of Dunbar came from court, and with him two Engliſh Doctors, Abbot and Higgins. Dr. Maxy, one of the King's chaplains came by ſea. It was reported that no ſmall ſums of money were ſent down with him, to be diſtributed among the miniſt⯑ers and ſome others. The Engliſh doctor ſeemed to have no other direction, but to perſuade the Scots that there was no ſubſtantial difference in religion, between the two realms, but only in things indifferent, concerning government and ceremonies: and to report, that it was his majeſty's will, that England ſhould ſtand as he found it, and Scotland as he l [...]ft it. But when he came to St. Andrews, Mr. Robert Howie, a man of a ſeditious and turbulent ſpirit, declaimed againſt the diſcipline and government of our Kirk; and then they utter⯑ed their mind in plain terms: no order was taken with ſo manifeſt a breach, after the laſt conference. This was the policy of the aſpiring Biſhops, to cry peace, peace, and to crave ſilence of their oppoſites; when, in the mean time, they minded not to be ſilent themſelves, when they found occaſion.'’ This very clearly proves, that it was by a kind and moderate, not a haughty and ſevere, behaviour, that the Engliſh doctor, as he calls Dean Abbot, won ſo much upon the Scots miniſters, as to bring them into a compliance with the King's deſires; ſo that in two years afterwards, the Lord High Treaſurer, Dunbar, who was entirely governed in this matter by the advice of his able chaplain, procured an act in the Ge⯑neral Aſſembly, by which it was provided. ‘'That the King ſhould have the Indiction (or calling) of all General Aſſemblies. That the Biſhops, or their deputies ſhould be perpetual Mo⯑derators of the dioceſan ſynods. That no excommunication, or abſolution, ſhould be pronounced without their approbation. That all preſentations of benefices ſhould be made by them; and that the deprivation or ſuſpenſion of miniſters ſhould be⯑long to them. That every miniſter at his admiſſion to a be⯑nefice, ſhould take the oath of ſupremacy, and canonical o⯑bedience. That the viſitation of the dioceſe, ſhall be per⯑formed by the Biſhop or his deputy only. And finally, that the Biſhop ſhould be moderator of all conventions, for exer⯑ciſings or propheſyings, which ſhould be held within their bounds.'’ All which were afterwards ratified and confirmed by authority of the parliament of that kingdom. Such were the merits of Dr. Abbot in this reſpect, and ſo great juſtice was there done to them by his noble patron, the Treaſurer, in the report he made to his majeſty, of the Dean's behaviour in this reſpect, that, in conjunction with the ſervice rendered his majeſty, by giving his unqueſtioned teſtimony in the affair of Gowry's conſpiracy, (of which a full account ſhall be given in the ſucceeding note) he was raiſed ſo high, and ſo firmly fixed in the eſteem of his royal maſter, as that no oppoſition could prevent his arriving at the ſupreme dignity in his profeſſion. As a proof of his advancing his fortune by this means, and not otherwiſe, it may not be amiſs to tranſcribe the obſervation of a contemporary hiſtorian, (Speed) after Dr. Abbot was raiſed to the archiepiſcopal dignity, who tells us, ‘'That the firſt preacher, and the firſt in that embaſſage, which King James ſent into Scotland, to eſtabliſh thoſe neighbouring Churches, was he, whoſe eminency both for place and piety, is now worthily foremoſt in guiding our own; and whoſe bleſſed travels in that ſervice, as they were acceptable to God, his majeſty, and that nation; ſo are they a document to others, how powerful and admirably ſucceſsful true learning is, where it is guided with true prudence; and where piety and the love of God's glory, is linked with charity and zeal of man's good.'’
There had been very great doubts.] It is a difficult thing to give a clear account of this matter, within the ſhort compaſs of a note; and yet the importance, as well as curioſity of the ſubject, very obſcurely treated by moſt of our hiſtorians, as well as its cloſe connection with the hiſtory of Dean Abbot's life, render it abſolutely neceſſary. The conſpiracy was framed by John, Earl of Gowry, ſon to that Earl of Gowry, who had been executed for ſurprizing the King's perſon at Ruthen Caſt⯑le, in 1584; and carried on with great diligence and ſeerecy. The Scheme was to invite the King, upon ſome pretence or other, to the Earl's houſe at Perth, and there to make ſure of him. This deſign was executed on Tueſday Auguſt 5, 1600, when the King was brought thither by Mr. Alexander Ruthen, brother to the Earl, accompanied by ſome perſons of quality, under pretence of ſeeing ſome chymical experiment; and for this purpoſe after dinner, being brought to a chamber at the top of the houſe, Mr. Alexander Ruthen ſhut the door, and ſuddenly fell to upbraiding the King with the death of his father, for which he was now to make ſatisfaction; and, after this ſpeech, left him for ſome time to the mercy of the execu⯑tioner, who refuſed to do that office, though Alexander return⯑ing had, if this man had not hindered him; but the King with much ſtruggling got at laſt to a window, and cried out ſo loud, that the lords and gentlemen of his retinue heard him, and came to his aſſiſtance; the Earl himſelf was killed by Sir Thomas Ereſkine, the captain of the King's guard, as he was going to help his brother, and Alexander Ruthen was diſpatch⯑ed by Ramſay, one of the King's pages, who being well ac⯑quainted with the houſe, came by the back-ſtairs time enough to preſerve his maſter. When the miniſters of Edinburgh were deſired to aſſemble the people, and give God thanks for this deliverance, they excuſed themſelves, as not acquainted with the particulars; and when they were preſſed only to make known to the people, that the King had eſcaped a great danger, and to excite them to thanksgiving:—they anſwered, that they were not very well ſatisfied, as to the truth of the matter; and that nothing was to be uttered in the pulpit, but that which might be ſpoke in faith. Upon this, the council order⯑ed the Biſhop of Roſs to aſſemble the people, to declare the whole affair, and to make a prayer of thankſgiving, which was done accordingly. In November following, a parliament was held at Edinburgh, in which the eſtate of Gowry was confiſ⯑cated, the whole family attainted; and the 5th of Auguſt eſta⯑bliſhed by act of parliament, for a day of thankſgiving in all ſucceeding times. After King James's acceſſion to the throne of England, he appointed a weekly commemoration, by a Tueſday's ſermon at court: and now, on the execution of this Sprot, an account of his ſhare in the conſpiracy was publiſhed, with a preface to the reader, ſubſcribed by Dr. Abbot, and full as large as the account itſelf. As this little tract is become very ſcarce, it may not be amiſs to give ſome paſſages from it, in order to ſet this matter in a clearer light. ‘'There are few in this iſland, ſays he, of any underſtanding, but have heard of the traiterous, and bloody attempt of the Earl Gowrie and his brother, againſt the perſon and life, of our moſt bleſſed Sovereign. Wherein albeit there were ſuch evidences, and arguments, as that any man who would have taken notice thereof, might have been ſufficiently informed therein, even at the very firſt, and afterward, by the clear depoſitions (for moſt pregnant circumſtances) and ample atteſtations of many perſons of honour, and quality; the parliament of that king⯑dom took full knowledge thereof, and accordingly proceeded to the forfeiting of the whole eſtate of that Earl, and of his heirs for ever: yet ſome humorous men, whom in that reſpect, I may juſtly term unthankful unto God, and undutiful to their King, out of fond imaginations, or rather, if you will, ſe⯑ditious ſuppoſitions of their own, did both at home and abroad, by whiſperings and ſecret buzzings into the ears of the people, (who were better perſuaded of them than indeed there was cauſe) employ their wits and tongues, to obſcure the truth of that matter, and to caſt an imputation where it was leaſt deſerved. Which, when God had permitted, for the ſpace of ſome years to ranckle and feſter in the bowels of thoſe who were the authors of it; the ſame God, in his wiſ⯑dom, at laſt meaning to cure them, if they would be cured, of that malady, diſcovered that in the ſame treaſon, although carried never ſo ſecretly, there were other confederates, of whom hitherto the world had taken no kind of knowledge. And albeit two of the perſons intereſted in that buſineſs, were lately dead, and departed unto far greater torment, than all the earth could lay upon them, (unleſs they died repentant) yet it was apprehended, that a third party remained, who had foreknowledge of that conſpiracy, and was able to utter much of the ſecrets of it: one George Sprot, a notary, inhabiting at Ayemouth, a place well known in that county. Which matter, or ſome part thereof, being made known to an honour⯑able perſon, [the Earl of Dunbar] a moſt faithful ſervant to His Majeſty: firſt, by ſome words that fell from Sprot himſelf, and afterwards, by ſome papers found upon him; it was ſo wiſely carried, and ſo prudently brought about, by the great care and diligence of that nobleman (God Almighty bleſſing the buſineſs) that ſo much was revealed, as followeth in this treatiſe, upon the acts to be ſeen, which are here ſet down at large, word for word, as they agree with the proceſs origi⯑nal, and other examinations, that ſuch as have been averſe, may at laſt receive ſatisfaction. Touching all which I ſhall ſay nothing, but only report that which befel upon the day of his death, when he ſuffered for that treaſon. Having then the ſentence paſſed on him, upon Friday, Auguſt 12, 1608, in the forenoon, and publickly being warned to prepare him⯑ſelf to his end, which muſt be that day after dinner, he moſt willingly ſubmitted himſelf unto that puniſhment, which (as he then acknowledged) he had juſtly deſerved. And being left to himſelf, till dinner time was expired, then came to him into that private place where he remained, ſome of the reve⯑rend biſhops, diverſe lords of the Seſſion, two of the Engliſh miniſters there employed by his majeſty, with diverſe other miniſters of the town of Edinburgh. Before whom he firſt acknowledged and avouched his former confeſſion to be true, and that he would die in the ſame; and then falling on his knees, in a corner of that room where he and they then were, in a prayer to God uttered aloud, he ſo paſſionately deplored his former wickedneſſes, but eſpecially that ſin of his, for which he was to die, that a man may juſtly ſay, he did in a ſort, deject and caſt down himſelf to the gates of Hell, as if he ſhould there have been ſwallowed up in the gulf of deſ⯑peration: yet preſently laying hold upon the mercies of God in Chriſt. he rai [...]ed himſelf, and ſtrangely lifted up his ſoul unto the throne of grace, applying joy and comfort to his own heart ſo effectually, as cannot well be deſcribed. In the com [...]ting of this coafolation into his inward man, he burſt out into tears, ſo plentifully flowing from him, that for a time they ſtopped his voice. The ſight, and hearing whereof, wrought ſo forcible an impreſſion in thoſe perſons of honour, and learned men, who beheld him, that there was ſcarce any one of them, who could refrain tears in the place, as diverſe of themſelves that day did witneſs unto me.—After⯑ward being brought to the ſcaffold where he was to die, he uttered many things, among which, I obſerved theſe: He acknowledged to the people, that he was come thither to ſuf⯑fer moſt deſervedly; that he had been an offender againſt Al⯑mighty God, in very many reſpects; but that none of his ſins were ſo grievous unto him, as that, for which he muſt die; where in, notwithſtanding he was not an actor, but a conceal⯑er only. That he was ingyred (involved) in it by the Laird of Raſtalrig, and his ſervant, the Laird of Bour, both which, he ſaid, were men that profeſſed not religion. Whereupon, he exhorted men to take heed, how they accompanied with ſuch as are not religious; becauſe, ſaid he, with ſuch as make not profeſſion of religion, there is no faith, no truth, no holding of their word, as himſelf had tried and found. But touching the treaſon, for the concealing whereof he was condemned, he added, that he was preſerved alive to open that ſecret myſtery which ſo long had lain hid. That God had kept him ſince that attempt of the Earl Gowrie, from very many dangers, but notedly from one, when being in appa⯑rent hazard of drowning, he was ſtrangely delivered; which, ſaid he, was God's work, that I might remain alive unto this happy and bleſſed day, that the truth might be made known. And now I confeſs my fault, to the ſhame of myſelf, and to the ſhame of the devil; but to the glory of God. And I do it not either for fear of death, or for any hope of life (for I have deſerved to die, and am unworthy to live) but becauſe it is the truth, which I ſhall ſeal with my blood. My fault, ſaith he, is ſo great, that if I had a thouſand lives, and could die ten thouſand deaths, yet I might not make ſatisfaction, that I ſhou'd conceal ſuch a treaſon againſt ſo gracious a King. Theſe, and the like words, when he had ſpoken upon one ſide of the ſcaffold, he turned him to the ſecond ſide, and afterward to the third (that all the people might hear) where he ſpake to the ſame purpoſe as formerly he had done.—And here, being told by the ſaid miniſters, and other perſons of quality, that being ſo near his departure out of the world, it concerned him to ſpeak nothing but the truth, and that upon the peril of his ſoul: he anſwered, that to the end that they ſhould know that he had ſpoken no⯑thing but the verity, and that his confeſſion was true in every reſpect, he would (at the laſt gaſp) give them ſome ap⯑parent token for the confirmation of the ſame. Then fitting himſelf to the ladder, the executioner cometh to him, and as the manner is, aſking forgiveneſs of him; with all my heart, ſaith he, for you do but your office, and it is the thing I deſire; becauſe, ſuffering in my body, I ſhall in my ſoul be joyned to my Saviour. Aſcending up to the ladder, he deſired the people to ſing a pſalm with him, which they did with many a weeping eye. He named the 6th pſalm, and beginning, or taking it up himſelf, in every verſe or line thereof, he went before the people, ſinging both loud and tunably unto the very end. Then once again confirming and avowing his former confeſſion, he covered his own face, and, commending his ſoul to God, he was turned off the ladder; where hanging by the neck ſome little while, he three ſeveral times, gave a loud clap with his hands, that all the ſtanders-by might hear, which was the ſign or token (as it ſeemeth) which he a little before had ſaid, that he would give at the laſt gaſp, for the rati ication and avowing of thoſe things, which by his con⯑feſſion he had ſo many times declared and delivered. Theſe things were done in the open ſight of the ſun, in the King's capital town, at the market-croſs in Edinburgh, in the pre⯑ſence oſ diverſe thouſands of all ſorts; of the nobility, of the clergy, of the gentry, of the burgeſſes, of women and children, myſelf, with the reſt of the Engliſh miniſters, ſtand⯑ing by, and looking on, and giving God the glory, that after ſo long a ſpace as eight years and eight days (for ſo it was by juſt computation, after the attempt of Gowrie) he was pleaſed to give ſo noble a teſtimony unto that, which by ſome maligners, hath been ſecretly called in queſtion, without any ground or reaſon. I have reported at length thoſe particu⯑lars, which I heard and ſaw; which that honourable perſon⯑age who wrote this treatiſe following, doth ſomewhat more bric [...]y deliver, but yet both of us very truly, as thouſands can witneſs.'’
A very ſingular letter written by him to Dr. Abbot, upon this ſubject.] This Letter from the King, to Dr. Abbot, was firſt publiſhed on occaſion of the famous diſpute between Dr. Sher⯑lock, Dean of St. Paul's, and his adverſaries, on his taking the oaths to King William III, after ſome heſitation, and ground⯑ing the defence of his conduct on (Biſhop) Overall's Convoca⯑tion Book. It is not neceſſary here, to enter at all into the merits of that diſpute; but as the letter has a cloſe connection with the hiſtory of the Archbiſhop's life, the reader will not be diſpleaſed to ſee it.
I Cannot abſtain to give you my judgment of the proceed⯑ings in the convocation, as you will call it; and both as rex in ſolio, and unus gregis in eccleſia, I am doubly concerned. My title to the crown, nobody calls in queſtion, but they that neither love you nor me, and you may gueſs whom I mean; all that you, and your brethren, have ſaid of a king in poſ⯑ſeſſion (for that word, I tell you, is no more, than that you make uſe of in your canon) concerns not me at all: I am the next heir, and the crown is mine by all rights you can name, but that of conqueſt; and Mr Solicitor, has ſufficiently expreſſed my own thoughts, concerning the nature of kingſhip; and concerning the nature of it, ut in mea perſona, and, I believe you were all of his opinion, at leaſt none of you ſaid any thing contrary to it, at the time he ſpoke to you from me: but you know all of you, as I think, that my reaſon of calling you together, was to give your judgments; how far a chriſtian, and a proteſtent King, may concur to affiſt his neighbours to ſhake off their obedience to their own ſovereign? Upon the account of oppreſſion, tyran⯑ny, or what elſe you like to name it. In the late Queen's time, this kingdom was very free in aſſiſting the Hollanders, both with arms and advice, and none of your coat ever told me, that any ſcrupled at it in her reign. Upon my coming to England, you may know that it came from ſome of your⯑ſelves, to raiſe ſcruples about this matter; and albeit, I have often told my mind concerning jus regium inſubditos, as in May laſt, in the ſtar chamber, upon the occaſion of Hales's pamph⯑let; yet I never took any notice of theſe ſcruples, till the affairs of Spain and Holland forced me to it. All my neigh⯑bours call on me to concur in the treaty between Holland and Spain, and the honour of the nation will not ſuffer the Hol⯑landers to be abandoned, eſpecially after ſo much money and men ſpent in their quarrel; therefore, I was of the mind to call my clergy together, to ſatisfy not ſo much me, as the world about us, of the juſtneſs of my owning the Holland⯑ers at this time. This I needed not to have done, and you have ſorced me to ſay, I wiſh I had not; you have dipped too deep, in what all kings reſerve among the arcana imperii; and whatever averſion you may profeſs againſt God's being the author of ſin, you have ſtumbled upon the threſhold of that o⯑pinion, in ſaying, upon the matter, that even tyranny is God's authority, and ſhould be remembered as ſuch. If the King of Spain ſhould return to claim his old pontifical right to my kingdom, you leave me to ſeek for others to fight for it, for you tell us upon the matter beforehand, his authority is God's authority, if he prevail.
Mr Doctor, I have no time to expreſs my mind further on this theory buſineſs; I ſhall give you my orders about it by Mr Solicitor, and until then, meddle no more in it, for they are edge tools; or rather like that weapon that is ſaid to cut with one edge, and cure with the other: I commit you to God's protection, good Dr. Abbot, and reſt
To the cauſes of that diſcontent, with which he left Eng⯑land.] The Prince Elector Palatine, a little before he left Eng⯑land, addreſſed himſelf to the King, in hopes of obtaining the enlargement of the Lord Gray, who had been a long time a priſoner in the tower; but this application ſo little pleaſed the King, that he told him roundly in anſwer, he marvelled, how he ſhould become a ſuitor for a man whom he neither knew, or ever ſaw; to which the Prince Elector anſwered, that this was true, but that he was recommended to him by his uncles, the Duke de Bouillon, Prince Maurice of Naſſau, and Count Hen⯑ry, who were well acquainted with him. In all probability, this, inſtead of giving the King ſatisfaction, filled him with new apprehenſions; for his reply was in a very quick ſtile, Son, ſaid he, when I come into Germany, I promiſe you not to im⯑portune you for any of your priſoners. This was ſo far from operating favourably in behalf of Lord Gray, that he was ſoon after more cloſely reſtrained, upon pretence of ſome private converſation he had with one of Lady Arabella's women, which proved after all to be no more than an amorous intrigue. Theſe particulars we learn from a letter written by Mr. Chamberlaine to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated May 6, 1613, and he adds,
It is thought the Prince Palatine, went not away ſo well ſatisfied, being refuſed in diverſe ſuits and requeſts: and I hear that from Canterbury he wrote to the Archbiſhop, complaining, That the King did not uſe him like a ſon, but rather like a young⯑ling, or childiſh youth, not to he regarded.
Of the man, and of his negotiation, from the pen of the Arch⯑biſhop.] This is contained in a letter from his Grace to Sir R. Winwood, dated June 1, 1613, from Lambeth: it contains a great variety of curious particulars, ſome of which follow.
You muſt take heed, how you truſt Dr. Grotius too far, for I perceive him to be ſo addicted to ſome partialities in thoſe parts, that he ſeareth not to laſh, ſo it may ſerve a turn. At his firſt coming to the King, by reaſon of his good Latin tongue, he was ſo tedious, and full of tittle-tattle, that the King's judgment was of him, that he was ſome pedant, full of words, and of no great judgment. And I myſelf, diſ⯑covering that to be his habit, as if he did imagine that every man was bound to hear him, ſo long as he would talk, (which is a great burthen to men replete with buſineſs) did privately give him notice thereof, that he ſhould plainly, and directly, deliver his mind, or elſe he would make the King weary of him. This did not ſo take place, but that afterwards he fell to it again, as was eſpecially obſerved one night at ſupper at the Lord Biſhop of Ely's, whither being brought by Mr. Ca⯑ſa [...]bon, (as I think) my Lord intreated him to ſtay to ſupper, which he did. There was preſent Dr Steward, and another Civilian, unto whom he flings out ſome queſtion of that pro⯑feſſion, and was ſo full of words, that Dr Steward afterwards told my Lord, that he did perceive by him, that, like a ſmatterer, he had ſtudied ſome two or three queſtions, where⯑of when he came in company he muſt be talking to vin⯑dicate his ſkill; but if he were put from thoſe, he would ſhew himſelf but a ſimple fellow. There was preſent alſo, Dr Richardſon, the King's profeſſor of divinity in Cam⯑bridge, and another Doctor in that faculty, with whom he falleth in alſo about ſome of thoſe queſtions, which are now controverted among the miniſters in Holland. And being matters wherein he was ſtudied, he uttered all his ſkill con⯑cerning them: my Lord of Ely ſitting ſtill at the ſupper all the while, and wondering what a man he had there, who never being in the place or company before, could over-whelm them ſo with talk for ſo long a time. I write this unto you ſo largely, that you may know the diſpoſition of the man, and how kindly he uſed my Lord of Ely, for his good entertainment.—You will aſk me what is this to you? I muſt tell you therefore, that you ſhall not be without your part. At the ſame time that Sir Noel Caron was together with Grotius, being now to take his leave of the King, it was deſired of his majeſty, that he would not haſtily give his judgment con⯑cerning points of religion, now in difference in Holland, for that his majeſty had information but of one ſide, and that his Ambaſſador did deal partially, making all reports in favour of the one ſide, and ſaying nothing at all for the other. For he might have let his majeſty know, how factious a generation theſe contradicters are; how they are like to our Puritans in England; how refractory they are to the author⯑ity of the civil magiſtrate, and other things of like nature, as I wrote you in my former letter. I doubt not but Grotius had his part in this information, whereout I conceive you will make ſome uſe, keeping theſe things privately to your⯑ſelf, as becometh a man of your employment. When his majeſty told me this, I gave ſuch an anſwer as was ſit; and now upon the receipt of your letters, ſhall upon the firſt occaſion give further ſatisfaction. All things reſt there as they did, and I, as ready to do you all good offices, remain, &c.
Unſhaken and incorruptible integrity.] This affair of the divorce, was by the King referred to a court of delegates, conſiſting of his Grace the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, the Biſhops of London, Wincheſter, Coventry and Litchfield, and Rocheſter, Sir Julius Caeſar, Sir Thomas Parrey, Sir Daniel Dunn, Dr John Bennet, Dr Francis James, and Dr Thomas Edwards. This affair was drawn out into a great length, and many accidents happened in the courſe of it, which gave the Archbiſhop infinite diſquiet. He ſaw plainly, that the King was very deſirous the Lady ſhould be divorced, and, on the other hand, he was in his judgment directly againſt the di⯑vorce. He laboured all he could to extricate himſelf from theſe difficulties, by having an end put to the cauſe ſome other way than by ſentence, but it was to no purpoſe; for thoſe who drove on this affair, had got too great power to be reſtrained from bringing it to the concluſion they deſired. The Archbi⯑ſhop was told, that a predeceſſor of his, which was Archbiſhop Grindall, had ſuffered about Dr. Julio's divorce, and ſo might he; but this, however, did not at all move him; on the con⯑trary, he prepared a ſpeech againſt the nullity of the marriage, which he intended to have ſpoken in the court at Lambeth, Sep⯑tember 25, 1613, but he did not make uſe of that ſpeech, be⯑cauſe the King ordered them to deliver their opinions in few words. He continued, however, inflexible, with regard to his opinion, and therefore, when ſentence was pronounced, the court was divided in the following manner.
The commiſſioners who gave ſentence in the Lady Eſſex's behalf, were,
- Biſhops
- Wincheſter,
- Ely,
- Litchfield and Coventry,
- Rocheſter,
- Doctors of Law.
- Sir Julius Caeſar,
- Sir Thomas Parrey,
- Sir Daniel Dunn,
The commiſſioners diſſenting,
- Archbiſhop of Canterbury, Biſhop of London.
- Doctors of Law.
- Sir John Bennet,
- Francis James,
- Thomas Edwards,
To juſtify his conduct in this matter, the Archbiſhop drew up the reaſons which induced him to be againſt the ſentence, which King James thought fit to anſwer himſelf, and wrote alſo a letter to him upon that ſubject, in which there are ſome things that are very ſingular, and therefore worthy the reader's notice.
After that I had fully peruſed and rightly conſidered of all your papers, I found your principles ſo ſtrange, and your doubts ſo far ſought, that I thought it neceſſary, as I have already ſaid, to ſet down unto you my obſervations upon them. But to conclude my letter with that plainneſs that be⯑cometh one of my quality; I muſt freely confeſs, that I find the grounds of your oppoſition ſo weak, as I have reaſon to apprehend, that the prejudice you have of the perſons, is the greateſt motive of breeding theſe doubts into you; which pre⯑judice is the moſt dangerous thing that can fall in a Judge, for miſleading of his mind. And the reaſon moving me to this apprehenſion, is partly grounded upon your laſt words to me at your parting from Windſor, and partly upon a line ſcraped out in your paper of doubts, for I am ſure you think me not ſo blunt a ſecretary, but that I can read a line ſo ſcra⯑ped out. In your laſt ſpeeches with me, you remember you told me, what aſſurance you had of the Earl's ability out of his own mouth, which you ſaid you could not but truſt, be⯑cauſe he was ſo religious a nobleman. But when I told you of the other party's contrary affirmation, you remember how you uſed the word of iniquity, and how far your interlined line ſeems to have a harmony with this word, yourſelf can beſt judge. Now then if I would aſk you what proof you have of the one's religion more than the other's, you muſt anſwer me by judging upon the exterior; and how deceivable that gueſs is, daily experience teaches us: but with a holy proteſtation, that I never knew any thing but good in the young Earl. Was not this the ground of maſter Robert Bruſe's incredulity, becauſe he knew the Earl of Gowry to be truly religious, &c.
This letter might and probably did trouble the Archbiſhop, however he perſiſted in the ſame conduct, and never could be brought to do any thing, that might appear ſo much as a tacit approbation of that ſentence, as is moſt evident in the account given of this matter, and all the circumſtances attending it, (at leaſt in relation to the Archbiſhop) written by himſelf. See a further account of this treatiſe in the liſt of the Archbiſhop's writings.
If he had always followed thoſe councils.] We have this very remarkable paſſage from the Archbiſhop's own pen, in the diſcourſe he wrote upon his diſgrace, under the reign of King Charles. In that diſcourſe he obſerves, that it was one of King James's maxims, to take no favourite but what was recommend⯑ed to him by his Queen, that if ſhe afterwards complained of this Dear One, he might anſwer, it is long of yourſelf, for you were the party that commended him unto me. Our old maſter, ſays the Archbiſhop, took delight ſtrangely in things of this nature. He ſays that Queen Anne was graciouſly pleaſed to give him more credit than ordinary, and therefore when others had ſollicited her in vain, he was applied to; but for ſome time her majeſty would not liſten to his perſuaſions, or think of re⯑commending Villiers, for which ſhe often gave him thoſe rea⯑ſons. My Lord, you and the reſt of your friends know not what you do, I know your maſter better than you all, for if this young man be once brought in, the firſt perſons that he will plague muſt be you that labour for him, yea, I ſhall have my part alfo; the King will teach him to deſpiſe and hardly in⯑treat us all, that he may ſeem to be beholden to none but him⯑ſelf. Noble Queen (cries out the Archbiſhop after reporting this fact) how like a propheteſs did you ſpeak! The reſt of the ſtory being but ſhort will appear beſt in the Archbiſhop's own words, ‘'In the end, ſays he, upon importunity, Queen Anne condeſcended, and ſo preſſed it with the King, that he aſſented thereunto; which was ſo ſtricken while the [...]roh was hot, that in the Queen's bed-chamber, the King knighted him with the rapier which the Prince did wear. And when the King gave order to ſwear him of the bed-chamber, Somerſet, who was near, importuned the King with a meſſage, that he might only be ſworn a Groom;—but myſelf and others that were at the door, ſent to her majeſty that ſhe would per⯑fect her work, and cauſe him to be ſworn a Gentleman of the chamber. There is a lord or two living that had a hand in this atchievement; I diminiſh nothing of their praiſe for ſo hap⯑py a work, but I know my own part beſt; and on the word of an honeſt man, I have reported nothing but truth. George went in with the King, but no ſooner he got looſe, but he came forth unto me in the privy-gallery, and there em⯑braced me: he profeſſed that he was ſo infinitely bound unto me that all his life long he muſt honour me as his father. And now he did beſeech me that I would give ſome leſſons how he ſhould carry himſelf. When he earneſtly followed this chace, I told him I would give him three ſhort leſſons, if he would learn them. The firſt was, that daily upon his knees he ſhould pray to God to bleſs the King his maſter, and to give him (George) grace ſtudiouſly to ſerve and pleaſe him. The ſecond was, that he ſhould do all good offices be⯑tween the King and the Queen, and between the King and the Prince. The third was, that he ſhould fill his maſter's ears with nothing but truth. I made him repeat theſe three things unto me, and then I would have him to acquaint the King with them, and to tell me when I met him again, what the King ſaid unto him. He promiſed me he would; and the morrow after, Mr. Thomas Murrey, the Prince's tutor, and I ſtanding together in the gallery at Whitehall, Sir George Villiers coming forth and drawing to us, he told Mr Murrey how much he was beholden unto me, and that I had given him certain Inſtructions, which I prayed him to rehearſe, as indifferently well he did before us; yea, and that he had acquainted the King with them, who ſaid, they were inſtruct⯑ions worthy of an Archbiſhop to give to a young man. His countenance of thankfulneſs for a few days continued, but not long, either to me or any other of his well-wiſhers. The Roman hiſtorian Tacitus hath ſome-where a note, That be⯑nefits while they may be requited ſeem courteſies, but when they are ſo high that they cannot be repaid, they prove mat⯑ters of hatted.'’
The King's declaration for permitting ſports and paſtimes.] The declaration runs thus, ‘'That for his good people's lawful recreations his pleaſure was, that after the end of Divine Service, they ſhould not be diſturbed, letted, or diſcouraged, from any lawful recreations: ſuch as dancing, either men or women, archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other ſuch harmleſs recreations: nor from having of May-games, Whitſun-ales, or morrice-dances, and ſetting up of May-poles, or other ſports therewith uſed; ſo as the ſame be had in due and convenient time, without impediment or let of Divine Service: and that women ſhould have leave to carry ruſhes to the church, for the decoring of it, according to their old cuſtom: withal prohibiting all unlawful Games to be uſed on the Sundays only, as bear-baiting, bull-baiting, enterludes, and at all times, in the meaner ſort of people, by law pro⯑hibited, bowling.'’
He wrote his mind with great plainneſs and freedom to the Secretary of State.] This letter ſhall be here tranſcribed, not ſo much in proof of the matter of fact aſſerted in the text, as in reſpect to the work itſelf, for ſo it may be ſtiled, tho' no more than a letter, ſince it contains a compendious ſyſtem of the Archbiſhop's ſentiments in religion and politicks; ſo that if we were to ſpend ever ſo much in the enquiry after theſe points, we ſhould never be able to point them out ſo clearly, fully, and in a manner ſo much to the reader's ſatisfaction, as they are here (and in another letter hereafter cited) repreſented by the Archbiſhop's own pen.
I HAVE never more deſired to be preſent at any conſult⯑ation, than that which is this day to be handled, for my heart and all my heart goeth with it; but my foot is worſe than it was on Friday, ſo that by advice of my phyſician I have ſweat this whole night paſt, and am directed to keep my bed this day.
But for the matter; my humble advice is, that there is no going back, but a countenancing of it againſt all the world; yea ſo far as with ringing of bells and making of bonſires in London, ſo ſoon as it ſhall be certainly underſtood, that the coronation is paſt, I am ſatisfied in my conſcience that the cauſe is juſt, wherefore they have rejected that proud and bloody man; and ſo much the rather, becauſe he hath taken a courſe to make that kingdom not elective, but to take it from the donation of another man. And when God hath ſet up the Prince that is choſen to be a mark of honour thro' all Chriſtendom, to propagate his goſpel, and to protect the op⯑preſſed, I dare not for my part give advice, but to follow where God leads.
It is a great honour to the King our Maſter, that he hath ſuch a ſon, whoſe virtues have made him thought fit to be made a King. And methinks I do in this and that of Hun⯑gary, foreſee the works of God, that by piece and piece the kings of the earth that gave their power unto the beaſt (all the word of God muſt be fulfilled) ſhall now tear the whore and make her deſolate, as St. John in his Revel [...]tion has ſ [...]retold. I pray you therefore, with all the ſpirits you have to put life into this buſineſs; and let a return be made into Germany with ſpeed, and with com [...]ort, and let it be really proſecuted, that it may appear to the world, that we are awake when God in this ſort calleth us.
If I had time to expreſs it, I could be very angry at the ſhuffling which was uſed towards my Lord Doncaſter, and the ſlighting of his embaſſage ſo, which cannot but touch upon our great maſter who did ſend him; and therefore I would never have a noble ſon forſaken for reſpect of them, who truly aim at nothing but their own purpoſes.
Our [...]triking in will comfort the Bohemians, will honour the P [...]l [...]g [...]ave, will ſtrengthen the union, will bring on the States of the Low-Countries, will ſtir up the King of Denmark, and move his own uncles, the Prince of Orange and the Duke d [...] Bouv [...]l [...], together with Tre [...]ville (a rich Prince in France) to ca [...]t in their ſhares; and Hungary, as I hope, (being in that ſame cauſe) will run the ſame fortune. For the means to ſupport the war I hope providebit Deus: the parliament is the old and honourable way, but how aſſured at this time I know not; yet I will hope the beſt: certainly if countenance be given to the action, many brave ſpirits will voluntarily go. Our great maſter, in ſufficient want of money, gave ſome aid to the Duke of Sav [...]y, and furniſhed out a pretty army in the cauſe of Cleve. We muſt try once again what can be done in this buſineſs of a higher nature, and all the money that may be ſpared is to be turned that way. And perhaps God provided the jewels that were laid up in the Tower, to be gathered by the mother for the preſervation of her daughter: who, like a noble Princeſs, hath profeſſed to her huſb⯑and, not to leave herſelf one jewel, rather than not to main⯑tain ſo religious and righteous a cauſe. You ſee that lying on my b [...]d I have gone too far; but if I were with you this ſhould be my language, which I pray you humbly and heart⯑ily re [...]re [...]ent to the King, my maſter, telling him, that when I can [...]nd, I hope [...]o do his majeſty ſome ſervice herein. So commending me unto [...]. I remain
And many arguments publiſhed on both ſides.] As the caſe was abſolutely new, and ſuch a one as naturally afforded room for talkative and buſy men to diſplay their abilities; there was nothing ſurprizing in the noiſe this accident made, or the vari⯑ous conſtructions put upon it by different people, according as their notions or their prejudices led them. The Archbiſhop being ſenſible of all this, either wrote himſelf, which is moſt probable, or cauſed to be written, a very ſhort piece under this title, ‘'An apology for Archbiſhop Abbot, touching the death of Peter Hawkins, the Keeper, wounded in the park at Bramzil, July 24, 1621, by an unknown hand.'’ It was ſent on the eighth of October 1621 to Sir Henry Spelman, who, on t e nineteenth of the ſame month, returned an anſwer to it, which diſcovers full as much ſeverity as learning. It is not [...] [...]ar to whom this apology was addreſſed, or for whoſe [...] the anſwer to it was written; but it is very proba⯑ [...], that both were intended for the uſe of the Commiſſioners, [...]pointed by the King, to enquire into the ſuppoſed irregula⯑rity of the Archbiſhop, of which his Grace had notice on the [...] of October, and the Commiſſioners applied themſelves [...]ery cloſely to their buſineſs, from that time. Both theſe [...] are extant, in the poſthumous works of Sir Henry Spel⯑ [...], but theſe do not ſeem to have been the only pieces that we [...] pe [...]ed on this occaſion; for we are told by a reverend prel [...]te. [ [...]. Hacket] that the fact was much diſcourſed of in foreign [...], eſpecially amongſt our neighbours the Sorbonniſts, who diſputed it three ſeveral times in their ſchools, and concluded the accident to have amounted to a full irregula⯑rity, which is an incapacity to exerciſe any eccleſiaſtical act of [...] or [...].
No pen can properly repreſent them but his own.] This letter from the Archbiſhop to King James is without date, but the ſubject points out plainly enough the time when it was written; and it is inſerted here, to ſhew the Archbiſhop's prin⯑ciples in religion, in regard to which there cannot be a fuller teſtimony.
I HAVE been too long ſilent, and am afraid, by my ſilence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleaſed God to call me unto, and your Majeſty to place me in: but now I humbly crave leave, I may diſcharge my conſcience towards God, and my duty to your Majeſty; and therefore I beſeech you freely to give me leave to deliver myſelf, and then let your Majeſty do with me what you pleaſe. Your Majeſty hath propounded a Toleration of religion, I beſeech you to take into your conſideration what your act is, what the conſequence may be; by your act, you labour to ſet up the moſt damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hateful it will be to God, and grievous to your good ſubjects, the profeſſors of the Goſpel, that your Majeſty who hath often diſputed, and learnedly written againſt thoſe hereſies, ſhould now ſhew yourſelf a Patron of thoſe wicked doctrines, which your pen hath told the world, and your conſcience tells yourſelf, are ſuperſtiti⯑ous, idolatrous, and deteſtable. And hereunto I add what you have done, in ſending the Prince into Spain, without conſent of your council, the privity and approbation of your people; and although you have a charge and intereſt in the Prince, as ſon of your fleſh, yet have the people a greater, as ſon of this kingdom, upon whom, (next after your Majeſty) are their eyes fixed, and welfare depends; and ſo tenderly is his going apprehended, as (believe it) however his return may be ſafe, yet the drawers of him into this action, ſo dangerous to himſelf, ſo deſperate to the kingdom, will not paſs away unqueſtioned, unpuniſhed. Beſides, this Toleration which you endeavour to ſet up by your proclama⯑tion, cannot be done without a parliament; unleſs your Ma⯑jeſty will let your ſubjects ſee, that you will take unto your⯑ſelf, ability to throw down the laws of your land at your pleaſure. What dreadful conſequences theſe things may draw afterward, I beſeech your Majeſty to conſider, and a⯑bove all, leſt by this Toleration, and diſcountenancing of the true profeſſion of the Goſpel, wherewith God hath bleſſed us. and this kingdom hath ſo long ſlouriſhed under it, your Majeſty do not draw upon this kingdom in general, and yourſelf in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation.
Thus in diſcharge of my duty towards God, to your Ma⯑juſty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble leave to deliver my conſcience. Now, Sir, do what you pleaſe with me.
This letter is likewiſe printed by Arthur Willſon in his hiſt⯑ory, with this re [...]lection, both on the King and the Archbiſhop. ‘'Thus did our Solomon in his latter time, (though he had fought with beaſts at Epheſus, as one ſaith of him) incline a little too much to the Beaſt: yet he made his tale ſo good to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, (what reſervations ſoever he had) that he wrought upon the good old man, (afterwards) in concluſion of the work, to ſet his hand as a witneſs to the articles.'’ Upon this, another hiſtorian of the ſame reign [S [...]nderſon] takes upon him to inſinuate, that this long letter to the King, was penned to pleaſe his diſciples, and copies given to publiſh in print after his deceaſe; for, ſays he, we [...] he [...]rd doings of it till now, in our laſt days; ‘'for Abbot, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, was the firſt man that ſigned to the poſtcript, which atteſted thoſe articles of the marriage, and ſo did all the privy council.'’ Then ſpeaking of the excuſe made by Mr Willſon, for the Archbiſhop, this writer adds, I can tell him there were two other Biſhops, John, Biſhop of Lincoln, and Lancelot, Biſhop of Win⯑cheſter, men of far greater merit, and high eſteem, and evener conſcience, that ſubſigned with him. But in this fact he is miſt⯑aken, for Lancelot, Biſhop of Wincheſter, did not ſign, more willingly than the Archbiſhop. The apology of the other hiſtorian was alſo unneceſſary, for the articles which the Arch⯑biſhop apprehended, and wrote againſt, were private articles, as appears plainly from the whole tranſaction printed in Ruſh⯑worth's collection, vol. I, p. 85,—101. But another great writer, [Heylin] gives quite another turn to this whole affair, for he owns that the letter came abroad, not in theſe laſt times, as Sanderſon calls them, but at the very time it was ſuppoſed to be written, yet he denies that the Archbiſhop was the author of it, and ſuggeſts, that it was only fathered upon him, that it might make the greater impreſſion upon the people.
Ref [...]ections that he did not deſerve.] Our old church hi [...]t⯑orian [Fuller) tells us, ‘'That he forſook the birds o [...] his own feather to fly with others, genera [...]ly ſavouring the laity, more than the clergy, in cauſes that were brought bef [...] e him.'’ One would imagine from hence, that this Archbi hop had been a man of great ſeverity in his gover [...]ment; [...] another writer [L' [...]range] cenſures his Gr [...]e for [...] in vi⯑ſitations: and as it is impoſſible that a man ou [...] b [...] guil [...] of oppoſite offences at the ſame time, i m [...] [...] that he was guilty of neither; but that [...] upon immoral clergymen in the high [...] [...] and his [...]erneſs for good men, who were [...] ce [...]emo⯑ [...]ies, expoſed the Archbiſhop to ſuch [...] loved the former too well, and had too [...] Mr. Sander [...]on ſtrikes much deeper at the A chbiſhop's cha⯑racter, for in his hiſtory he tells us, ‘'That his Grace grew ſo much out of humour with the court, on the [...] his regularity, upon the accident of [...] death, that he refuſed, becauſe he was not permitted [...]o go to the altar, to attend the ſervice of the [...] [...]able; ſaying to our author, Since they will have it ſo, that I am incapable of the one, I ſhall ſpare myſelf the trouble of the other.'’ He adds to this charge a much higher. He ſays, ‘'That the Archbiſhop fell upon down right Puritan principles, and had ſo many church and ſtate male-contents vi [...]ited him, that it produced a new ſect, who were ſtiled Nicodemi [...]es. and in [...] for which he gives this wiſe reaſon, That the Archbiſhop [...] conſtantly candle light in his [...] night at noon-day.'’ The concluſion of h [...] ch [...]rge [...] t [...]e [...] ⯑tereſt of all, and therefore I ſhall [...] [...]nſ [...]ribe his own words. ‘'Here he began to be the [...] m [...] of eminency [...]n [...]u [...] [...] a ring [...]eader of that faction, [...] I can name [...] private diſciples, which [...] appeared [...]'’ Theſe paſſages were firſt [...] in [...] book called [...] word for word, with that in [...] and Death of King James, fr m whence it evidently [...] that he wrote them both. Y [...]t wi h re [...]pect to th [...] [...] aſſures us that Dr [...] the Archbiſh [...] [...] and near relation, kn [...] not [...]ng [...] candle in his chamber and ſtudy; and as to the malecontents that reſorted to him, the Archbiſhop has fully purged himſelf of that accuſation in the narrative of his troubles. This hu⯑mour of inveighing againſt the Archbiſhop, was not confined to his own times, but has prevailed even amongſt later writers. Mr John Aubrey having tranſcribed what is ſaid of this Pre⯑late on his monument, adds immediately; ‘'Notwithſtanding this moſt noble character, tranſmitted to poſterity on this Archbiſhop's monument, he was, though a benefactor to this place, no friend to the Church of England, whereof he was head, but ſcandalouſly permitted that poiſonous ſpirit of Puritaniſm to ſpread all over the whole nation, by his in⯑dolence at leaſt, if not connivance and encouragement; which ſome years after broke out, and laid a flouriſhing Church and State in the moſt miſerable ruins; and which gave birth to thoſe principles, which, unleſs rooted out, will ever make this nation unhappy.'’ I might eaſily add more inſtances of the ſame ſort, but that I am perſuaded the reader will think theſe ſufficient, and therefore I ſhall conclude this note, with an obſervation of Fuller's, in his Church Hiſtory. ‘'The truth is, ſays he, the Archbiſhop's own ſtiffneſs and averſeneſs to comply with court deſigns, gave advantage to his adverſaries againſt him, and made him more obnoxious to the King's diſpleaſure. But the blame did moſt light upon [...]iſhop Laud, men accounting this a kind of filius ante diem, &c. As if not content to ſucceed, he endeavoured to ſupplant him, who might well have ſuffered his decayed old age to have died in honour: What needs the felling of a tree a falling?'’
From the piece itſelf.] The hiſtorian writes thus. ‘'Not long after his return from Scotland, aged and ſelf-fear, George Abb [...]t the titular Archbiſhop of Canterbury, went to his everlaſting home, Auguſt 4. A very learned man he was, his erudition all of the old ſtamp, ſtiffly principled in the doctrine of St. Augu [...]tine; which they who underſtand it not, call Calviniſm, therefore diſreliſhed by thoſe who inclined to the Maſſilian and Armenian tenets. Pious, grave, and exemp⯑lary in his converſation. But fome think a better Man than Archbiſhop, and that he was better qualified with merit for the dignity, than with a ſpirit anſwering the function, in in the exerciſe whereof he was conceived too facile and yield⯑ing; his extraordinary remiſſneſs in not exacting ſtrict con⯑formity to the preſcibed orders of the Church in point of ceremony, ſeemed to reſolve thoſe legal determinations to their firſt principle of indifferency, and led in ſuch an habit of inconformity, as the future reduction of thoſe tender conſcienced men to long diſcontinued obedience, was inter⯑preted an innovation. This was the height of what I dare report his failings reached to: that he was a ringleader of that ſect which lately appeared deſperate proſelytes, loth I am with a late author [Sanderſon] to affirm, warrant I have none to leave ſo ill a ſavour upon his fame, nor can it be infallibly inferred from theſe men, their being then in favour with him. Their principles perhaps were entertained ſince his death, or if before, not then declared, and until ſuch ſecrets be diſcovered, men may be miſtaken in thoſe they favour; the greateſt ſufferer of theſe times was ſo.'’ L'Eſtrange's Reign of K. Charles. As injurious as this character is in ſome points, yet it is plain, that the author did not credit what Mr. Sanderſon had aſſerted, and indeed, it is happy for this Arch⯑biſhop's memory, that almoſt all his cenſurers have contradicted each other, and thereby afforded juſt room to poſterity, to queſtion the truth of what they have all advanced, eſpecially [...]en it is conſidered, that in all their cenſures, they enter into the ſe [...]rets of this Prelate's heart, and take upon them to publiſh to the world, what, if true, could be known only to God and himſelf.
Drawn by his pen.] The Earl of Clarendon ſpeaks of him thus.
'He had ſcarce performed any part of the office of Biſhop in the dioceſe of London, when he was ſnatched from thence, and promoted to C [...]nterbury, upon the never-enough to be lamented death of Dr. Bancroft, that Metropoli [...]an, who underſtood the Church excellently, and had almoſt reſcued it out of the Calvinian Party, and very much ſ [...]bdued the unr [...]ly ſpirit of the Nonconformiſts, by and after the confe⯑rence at Hampton-Court, countenanced men of the greateſt learning, and diſpoſed the clergy to a more ſolid courſe of ſtudy than they had been accuſtomed to; and if he had lived, would quickly have extinguiſhed all that [...]ire in England, which had been kindled at Geneva, or if he had been ſucceeded by Biſhop Andrews, Biſhop Over [...]l, or any man who underſtood and loved the Church, that infection would eaſily have been kept out, which could not afterwards be ſo eaſily expelled.
'But Abbot brought none of this antidote with him, and conſidered the Chriſtian religion no otherwiſe, than as i [...] abhorred and reviled Popery, and valued thoſe men moſt, who did that moſt furiouſly. For the ſtrict obſervation of the diſcipline of the Church, or the conformity of the articles or canons eſtabliſhed, he made little enquiry, and took l [...]s care; and having himſelf made a very little progre [...]s in the antient and ſolid ſtudy of divinity, he adhered only to the doctrine of Calvin, and for his ſake, did not think ſo ill of the diſcipline as he ought to have done. But if men prudently forbore a publick reviling and railing at the hierarchy and eccleſiaſtical government, let their opinions and private judg⯑ment be what it would, they were not only ſecure from any inquiſition of his, but acceptable to him, and at leaſt equally preferred by him: and tho' many other Biſhops plainly diſcerned the miſchiefs which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by his defects and remiſſneſs, and prevented it in their own dioceſes as much as they could, and gave all their countenance to men of other parts and other principles; and tho' the Biſhop of London, (Dr. Laud) from the time of his authority and credit with the King, had applied all the remedies he could to thoſe defections, and from the time of his being Chancellor of Oxford, had much diſcountenanced and almoſt ſuppreſſed that ſpirit, by en⯑couraging another kind of learning and practice in that univerſity, which was indeed according to the doctrine of the Church of England; yet that temper in the Archbiſhop, whoſe houſe was a ſanctuary to the moſt eminent of that factious party, and who licenſed their moſt pernicious writings, left his ſucceſſor a very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a Church into order, that had been ſo long neglected, and that was fo ill filled, by many weak, and more wilful churchmen.'
Teſtimony to theſe memoirs.] ‘'Archbiſhop Abbot, ſays he, was a perſon of wonderful temper and moderation; and in all his conduct, ſhewed an unwillingneſs to ſtretch the act of uniformity, beyond what was abſolutely neceſſary for the peace of the Church; or the prerogative of the crown, any farther than conduced to the good of the ſtate. Being not well turned for a court, tho' otherwiſe of conſiderable learn⯑ing, and genteel education, he either could not, or would not, ſtoop to the humour of the times; and now and then by an unſeaſonable ſtiffneſs, gave occaſion to his enemies to repreſent him, as not well inclined to the prerogative, or too much addicted to a popular intereſt; and therefore not fit to be employed in matters of government.'’ Dr. Welwood's Memoirs 8vo. 1700, p. 38
Added a ſuccinct account.] As to his works, we ſhall endeavour to give a liſt of them in the order of time in which they were written. 1. Quaeſtiones ſex, totidem praelectionibus in Schola Theologica Oxoniae, pro forma habitis, diſcuſſae et diſcep⯑tatae anno 1597, in quibus è ſacra Scriptura et Patribus, quid ſtatuendum ſit definitur. Oxoniae 1598, 4to. This work was after⯑wards printed in Germany, and publiſhed by the famous Abraham Scultetus, 1616, 4to. It did the Archbiſhop great honour. 2. Expoſition on the Prophet Jonah, in certain Sermons preached at St. Mary's Church in Oxford, London, 4to. 1600. And again 1613 3. His anſwer to the Queſtion of the Citizens of London, In January 1600, concerning Cheapſide Croſs, London 1641. See a particular account of this treatiſe, in p. [...]. 4. The Reaſons which Dr. Hill hath brought for the upholding of Papiſtry, unmaſked and [...]wed to be very weak, &c. Oxon. 4 [...]. 1 [...]4. This Thomas Hill quitted the Church of England for that of Rome, and wrote this book to vindicate that change, the title of it was, A Quartron of Reaſons of Roman Catholick Religion, &c. 5. A Preface to the Examination of George Sprot, &c. Of which a large account is given in p. 8. 6. A Sermon pre [...]ed at Weſtminſter, May 26. 1608, at the Funeral of Thomas, Earl of Dorſet, [...] Lord High T [...]aſurer of England, on Iſaiah [...] by George Abbot, Dr. of Divinity, and Dean of Win⯑cheſter, one of his Lordſhip's Chaplains, London, 4to. 1608. 7. In the year 1 [...]04. that tranſlation of the Bible which is now in uſe, was made by the direction of King James, and Abbot was the ſecond of eight learned divines in the univerſity of Oxford, to whom the care of tranſlating the whole New Teſtament (excepting the [...]) was committed. It was printed in [...]. 8. [...] the Nullity between the Earl of Eſſex and his Lady [...] September 25, 1613, at Lam⯑ [...], and [...] in the ſame. This treatiſe makes [...] pages in twelves, and has the following remarkable atteſtation at the end of it.
This narration is wholly written with mine own hand, and was finiſhed October 2, 1613, being the eighth day after giving the ſentence. And I pro⯑teſt before Almighty God, that I have not willingly wrote any untruth therein; but have delivered all things fairly to the beſt of my underſtanding, helping myſelf with ſuch memorials and notes, as I took from time to time, that if there was occaſion, I might thus ſet down at large the truth to poſterity; when this caſe ſhall be rung from Rome gates, o [...] the [...]ct hereafter be queſtioned.
To this is added Some obſervable things ſince September 25, 1615, [...] ſentence was given in the cauſe of the Earl of Eſſex, continued unto the day of his marriage, December 26, 1613, which appears alſo to have been penned by his Grace, or by his direction, and to it is annexed, The ſpeech intended to be ſpoken at Lambeth September 25, 1613, by the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, when it came to his turn to declare his mind concerning the nullity of marriage between the Earl of Eſſex and the Lady Frances Howard. Theſe were printed all together, under the title of, The Caſe of Impotency as debated in England, &c. Lond. 12mo. 1719. 9. A brief Deſcription of the whole World; wherein is particularly deſcribed all the Monarchies, Empires, and Kingdoms of the ſame, with their Academies, &c. by the Moſt Reverend Father in God, George, late Archbiſhop of Canterbury, with a curious frontiſpiece by Marſhall, London, 8vo. 1634. Of which work there have been many editions. 10. A ſhort Apology for Archbiſhop Abbot, touching the Death of Peter Haw⯑kins, dated October 8, 1621; of which an account is given in p. 33. 11. Treatiſe of perpetual Viſibility and Succeſſion of the true Church in all Ages. London, 4to. 1624. His name is not to this book, only his arms impaled by thoſe belonging to the ſee of Canterbury, are put before it. Dr. Heylin in his Life of Abp. Laud, p. 53, acquaints us with the reaſon of his writing it, but does not tell us why he did not own it. 12. A Narrative containing the true Cauſe of his Sequeſtration, and Diſgrace at Court. In two Parts. Written at Ford in Kent 1627, Printed in Ruſhworth's Collections, Vol. I, p. 438-461, and in the Annals of K. Charles, from p. 213, to 224. Biſhop Hacket, in his Life of Abp. Williams, p. 68. aſſures us, that he had ſeen this manuſcript in the Biſhop's own writing, and had ſeveral of the facts contained in it from the Archbiſhop's own mouth. 13. Hiſtory of the Maſſacre of the Valtoline. Printed in the third volume of Fox's Acts and Monuments, edit. 1631. 14. His Judgment of bowing at the Name of Jeſus. Hamburgh, 1632. 8vo. Beſides many inſtructions to the Biſhops of his dioceſe, ſpeeches in parliament, letters, and other occaſional compoſitions.
The following is a Copy of the Thankſgiving.
Moſt gracious God, we yield thee all humble and hearty thanks for all theſe fatherly mercies, and outward comforts thou haſt prepared for us; particularly that it hath pleaſed thee to move the heart of the moſt Reverend Father in God, George Abbot, late Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, who for the worſhip and ſervice of God, and the relief and comfort of the poor, founded and erected this hoſpital; and alſo we thank thee for raiſing up Sir Nicholas Kempe, Knt. that in his life⯑time, and at his death, was to this houſe a worthy benefactor; Grant O Lord, that we may ſpend and uſe theſe thy mercies a [...]ght, to thy [...] and glory; and that others by their good examples, may be [...] up to works of charity, and that both they and we may [...] attain everlaſting life, through Jeſus Chriſt, our [...] Lord and Saviour.
Some notable circumſtances, &c. in this ſtation.] Among the reſt, while he was Profeſſor in the chair at Oxford, was, his preaching a ſermon before the univerſity; in which, he ſo ſig⯑nificantly laid open the oblique methods then uſed by thoſe who ſecretly favoured Popery, to undermine the Reformation; and Dr. Laud, then preſent, was ſo notoriouſly ſuſpected to be one who uſed thoſe methods, as to have the ſaid reflections applied by the whole auditory to him; that in great vexation he wrote to his patron, Dr. Neal, then Biſhop of Lincoln, (therefore about the year 1614) to know whether he ſhould not make a direct reply to it. The paſſage Laud objected to, was, that Abbot ſhould ſay, ‘'There were men, who, under pretence of truth, and preaching againſt the Puritans, ſtruck at the heart and root of that faith and religion now eſtabliſh⯑ed among us; which was the very practice of Parſons and Campian's counſel, when they came hither to ſeduce young ſtudents; who, afraid to be expelled, if they ſhould openly profeſs their converſion, were directed to ſpeak freely againſt the Puritans, as what would ſuffice: ſo theſe do not expect to be accounted Papiſts, becauſe they ſpeak only againſt Puri⯑tans; but becauſe they are indeed Papiſts, they ſpeak no⯑thing againſt them: or if they do, they beat about the buſh, and that ſoftly too, for fear of diſquieting the birds that are in it.'’ Hereupon, Laud, in his letter to the ſaid Biſhop of Lincoln, complains, ‘'That he was fain to ſit patiently at the rehearſal of this ſermon, though abuſed almoſt an hour to⯑gether, being pointed at as he fat; yet would have taken no notice of it, but that the whole univerſity applied it to him; and his friends told him, he ſhould ſink in his credit, if he anſwered not Dr. Abbot in his own: nevertheleſs, he would be patient; and deſired his Lordſhip to vouchſafe him ſome direction.'’ But as we hear not that Laud did anſwer it, the Biſhop might perhaps vouchſafe him rather directions to be quiet.
Enumeration of his writings.] And firſt, thoſe in print are, The Mirrour of Popiſh Subtleties: diſcovering the Shifts which a cavelling Papiſt, in behalf of Paul Spence a Prieſt, hath gathered out of Saunders and Bellarmine, &c. concerning the Sa⯑craments, &c. Dedicated to Archbiſhop Whitgift, London, 4to. 1594. 2 The Exaltation of the Kingdom and Prieſthood of Chriſt. Sermon on the 110th Pſalm. Dedicated to Biſhop Babington, 4to. London 1601. 3. Antichriſti Demonſtratio; contra fabulas Pontificias, & ineptam Bellarmini, &c. Dedicated to K. James, 4to. 1603. and in 8v [...]. 1608. This is much commended by Scaliger. 4. Defence of the Reformed Catholic of Mr. W. Per⯑kins, againſt the Baſtard Counter-Catholic of Dr. William Biſhop, Seminary Prieſt. Dedicated to King James: the firſt part, 4to. 1606. the ſecond part, 4to. 1607. third part, 4to. 1609. A moſt elaborate work, as one calls it; and Dr. Featley wiſhes, that W. Biſhop had anſwered all the ſaid Reformed Catholic; then we ſhould have had in Abbot's encounter, a whole ſyſtem of controverſies exactly diſcuſſed; and the truth of the Reform⯑ed Religion, in all points ſolidly confirmed by ſcripture, fa⯑thers, and reaſon. 5. The old Way; a Sermon, at St. Mary's Oxon. 4to. London, 1610. Dedicated to Archbiſhop Bancroſt, and tranſlated into Latin by Thomas Drax. 6. The true Ro⯑man Catholick: being an Apology againſt Dr. Biſhop's Reproof of the Defence of the Reformed Catholic, 4to. 1611. Dedicated to Prince Henry, as was before obſerved, p. 149. 7. Antil [...]gia: Adverſus Apologiam, Andreae Eudaemon-Johannis, Jeſuitae, pro Henrico Garnetto Jeſuitâ proditore, London, 4to. 1613. De⯑dicated to King James. 8. De gratiâ et perſeveren [...]iâ Sancto⯑rum, Exercitationes habitae in Academia Oxonienſi. Lond. 4to. 1618. & Francf. 8vo. 1619. Dedicated to Prince Charles. 9 In Ricardi Thompſoni, Angli-Belgici Diatribam, de amiſſione et in⯑terceſſione Juſtificationis & Gratiae, animadverſio brevis. Alſo printed after his death; London, 4to. 1618: for he finiſhed this book the laſt day of his life; and then, his brother the Archbiſhop, directed Dr. Featley, to draw up, from his Grace's notes, the atteſtation which is affixed thereto. 10. De ſupremâ Poteſtate Regiâ, exercitationes habitae in Academia Ox [...]nienſi, con⯑tra Rob. Bellarmine & Francf. Suarez. Lond. 4to. 1619. De⯑dicated by his ſon, to George, Archbiſhop of Canterbury. He alſo left behind, many compoſitions in manuſcript, as his Sermon at St. Mary's In Vindication of the Geneva Bible from Judaiſm and Arianiſm; which Dr. Howſon oppo⯑ſed, till King James turned his edge from Geneva to Rome; and then, he as fiercely declared againſt the Pope; That ho'd looſen him from his chair, though he were faſtned thereto with a tenpenny nail. Our author alſo left other Sermons, which he had preached at Paul's Croſs, and at Worceſter; and ſome in Latin, at Oxford, &c. Lectures on St. Matthew. Examination of Mr. Biſhop's Reproof of his Dedica⯑tion, &c. to the Anſwer of his Epiſtle to the King. Preface to be inſerted after the dedication of his book De Antichriſto: be⯑ſides Commentaries on ſome parts of the Old Teſtament. And a Commentary in Latin, upon the whole Epiſtle to the Romans; which is called an accurate work, in large Sermons upon every text; wherein he has handled all the controverted points of religion, and encloſed the whole magazine of his learning: and it is regretted, that the Church ſhould be deprived of ſuch a treaſure, particularly that of Worceſter; to which he ſeems to have bequeathed it, in his epiſtle to the ſermons he dedicated to Biſhop Babington: this work, in four volumes folio, was given by Dr. Corbet beforementioned, to the Bodleian library, where it remains. To conclude with the words of our laſt quoted author; ‘'If all he wrote on the hiſtory of Chriſt's paſſion, the prophet Eſay, and the Epiſtle to the Romans, had ſcen the light; he had come near unto, if not overtaken, the three prime worthies of our univerſity, Jewell, Bilſon, and Reynolds.'’
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- TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4439 The life of Dr George Abbot Lord Archbishop of Canterbury reprinted with some additions and corrections from the Biographia Britannica with his character a description of the hospital which. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-6128-A