[][]
Mr. Pope.

Kneller pinx 1722. Parr ſculp.

Mr. POPE's Literary Correſpondence.

[]

VOLUME the SECOND.

With LETTERS To, and From,

  • Lord SOMERS.
  • Lord HARRINGTON.
  • Lord PARKER.
  • Biſhop ATTERBURY.
  • Judge POWYS.
  • Mr. DRYDEN.
  • Mr. Secretary HARLEY.
  • Mr. Secretary ADDISON.
  • MATTHEW PRIOR, Eſq
  • Mr. STEELE, &c.

LONDON: Printed for E. CURLL, in Roſe-Street, Covent-Garden, M.DCC.XXXV.

TO THE READER.

[]

WE preſume we ſtand not in need of any more Apology to the Reader for THIS Publication, than we did for the LAST; for we hereby declare, that Mr. POPE, E.P. P.T. and R.S. are ALL out of the Queſtion.

Mr. CURLL is the ſole Editor of this Volume, and it Is,, what the former Was, a Collection of what has been printed, and a Compilation from Original Manuſcripts; but not ſtollen, either from Twickenham, Wimpole, or Dover-ſtreet; but at the laſt Place, while Mr. Pope was dangling, and making Gilliver and Cooper his Cabinet-Counſel, away goes Mr. CURLL, on the 12th Day of June, in the Year of our Lord God 1735, and, by the Aſſiſtance of that Celebrated Artiſt Mr. Rijsbrack, takes a full [v] View of our Bard's Grotto, Subterraneous Way, Gardens, Statues, Inſcriptions, and his Dog BOUNCE. An Account of ſome of them are hereunto ſubjoined. And a Proſpect of Mr. Pope's Houſe, from the Surrey Side, will be ſhortly exhibited, in a very curious Print, engraven by the beſt Hands.

We have not any thing farther to add in this Place, Mr. CURLL himſelf having opened the Work, and fully made good his Promiſe, to the Lords, of being a Match for Mr. Pope in Proſe. And he may really ſay, in regard to all the Attacks which have been made upon him, by this petulant little Gentleman, eſpecially the laſt, ‘VENI VIDI VICI.’

PHILALETHES.

TO Mr. POPE.

[]
SIR,

THAT great Philoſopher, and Honour of the Engliſh Nation, the Lord Chancellor Bacon, * gives it us as his Opinion, ‘'That Deformed Perſons are commonly even with Nature, for as Nature hath done ill by them, ſo do they by Nature, being for the moſt part (as the Scripture ſaith) void of natural Affection, and ſo they have Revenge of Nature. Certainly, there is a Conſent between the Body and the Mind, and where Nature erreth in the one, ſhe ventureth in the other;—Ubi [vi] peccat in uno, periclatur in altero. But becauſe there is in Man an Election touching the Frame of his Mind, and a Neceſſity in the Frame of his Body; the Stars of natural Inclination are ſometimes obſcured by the Sun of Diſcipline and Virtue: Therefore it is good to conſider Deformity, not as a Sign which is more deceivable, but as a Cauſe which ſeldom faileth of the Effect. Whoſoever hath any thing fixed in his Perſon that doth induce Contempt, hath alſo a perpetual Spur in himſelf, to reſcue and deliver himſelf from Scorn. Therefore all Deformed Perſons are extreme Bold. Firſt, in their own Defence, as being expoſed to Scorn; but in Proceſs of Time, by a General Habit. Alſo it ſtirreth in them Induſtry, and eſpecially of this kind, to watch and obſerve the Weakneſs of others, that they may have ſomewhat to repay. Again, in their Superiors, it quencheth Jealouſy towards them, as Perſons that they think they may at Pleaſure deſpiſe; and it layeth their Competitors and Emulators aſleep, as never believing they ſhould be in a Poſſibility of Advancement, till they ſee them in Poſſeſſion; ſo that upon the Matter, in a great Wit, Deformity is an Advantage to riſing; Kings in antient Times (and at this preſent in [vii] ſome Countries) were wont to put great Truſt in Eunuchs; becauſe they that are envious towards All, are more obnoxious and officious towards One. But yet their Truſt towards them hath rather been as to good Spyals, and good Whiſperers, than good Magiſtrates and Officers; and much like is the Reaſon of Deformed Perſons. Still the Ground is, they will, if they be of Spirit, ſeek to free themſelves from Scorn, which muſt be either by Virtue or Malice; and therefore, let it not be marvelled, if ſometimes they prove excellent Perſons; as was Ageſilaus, Zanger the Son of Solyman, Aeſop, Gaſca, Preſident of Peru; and Socrates may go likewiſe amongſt them; with others.'’

His Lordſhip obſerves, that theſe Men were Inſtances of the moſt exalted Virtue; but I wiſh I was not obliged to ſay, that You are a Precedent of the moſt depraved Vice. For a Demonſtration of which, I ſhall regularly proceed, viz.

You very well know, Sir, that in the Year 1717, when the Court-Poems, (viz. The Baſſet-Table, The Toilet, and The Drawing-Room) were publiſhed, upon your ſending for me to the Swan-Tavern in Fleetſtreet, in Company with Mr. Lintot, and enquiring into the Publication of that Pamphlet, I then frankly told you, that thoſe [viii] Pieces, were by Mr. Joſeph Jacobs, a Diſſenting Teacher, given to Mr. John Oldmixon, who ſent the ſame to be publiſhed by Mr. James Roberts in Warwick-Lane; and that my Neighbour Mr. Pemberton, and myſelf, had each of us a Share, with Mr. Oldmixon, in the ſaid Pamphlet. For this you were pleaſed to treat me, with half a Pint of Canary, antimonially prepared; for the emetic Effects of which, it has been the Opinion of all Mankind, you deſerved the Stab. My Purgation was ſoon over, but yours will laſt (without a timely Repentance) till, as the Ghoſt ſays in Hamlet; with all your Imperfections on your Head you are called to your Accompt; and your Offences purged by Fire. Yet notwithſtanding your Behaviour to me, in turning this Matter into Ridicule, and making me the Subject of ſeveral of your Libels, all which I have equally deſpiſed, I made you an Offer of Reconciliation, tho' You yourſelf was the Aggreſſor.*

You were by me acquainted, that you had diſobliged a Gentleman, the Initials of whoſe Name were P.T. who to ſhew his Reſentment, was reſolved to publiſh a large Collection of your Letters. To this [ix] you thought fit, ſuitable to your former Behaviour, to return me a very impertinent and falſe Anſwer, (in the Grubſtreet Journal, Daily Journal, and Daily Poſt Boy) that you believed the whole to be a Forgery, and ſhould not trouble yourſelf at all about it. In the laſt of which Papers, on the 5th of April, I gave you a full Reply, to which it was not in your Power to rejoin. What Steps were afterwards taken in this Affair, I ſhall impartially relate.

P.T. (from whom I had not heard in two Years before) wrote me a Letter, that you ſhould ſoon be convinced of your Miſtake, and being indiſpoſed himſelf, appointed R.S. to be his Agent. An Account of which whole Tranſaction I have laid before the Public in the Initial Correſpondence. *

On the 12th of May laſt I publiſhed the ſaid Collection of your Letters, and on the ſame Day, upon your being told by a Gentleman, who ſaw you in the Court of Requeſts at Weſtminſter, that it was pretty plain the Letters publiſhed were no Forgeries; you very pertly reply'd, ſo much the worſe. [x] But this, by the bye, Sir, was owning them to be Genuine.

Upon your Complaint to ſome Lords* (whom you make Patrons to the Abuſe of others) it was owing that the Books were ſeized, and not to the Advertiſement, which was but the Shoeing-Horn to your groundleſs Reſentment againſt me. But you have met a Second Defeat before that moſt Auguſt Aſſembly, as you did in your firſt Attack, relating to the Duke of Buckingham's Works.

Therefore, confeſs you have a Tartar caught,
Be, once, ſincere; and frankly own your Fault.

You ſay, Sir, It will be but Juſtice to you, to believe, that nothing more is yours than what you have owned, notwithſtanding all that hath been publiſh'd in your Name, or added to your Miſcellanies ſince 1717, by any Bookſeller whatſoever.

[xi]
Awake! Dear Poet! leave all meaner things
To low Ambition, and the Pride of Kings.
Let us (ſince Life can little more ſupply
Than juſt to look about us, and to die)
Expatiate free—
O! while along the Stream of Time, thy Name
Expanded flies, and gathers all its Fame,
Say, ſhall my little Bark attendant ſail,
Purſue the Triumph, and partake the Gale?
And ſhall thy Verſe to future Age pretend,
Thou wert Curll's Enemy, but Now his Friend?
That urg'd by thee, He turn'd the tuneful Art
From Sounds to Things, from Envy to the Heart;
For Wit's falſe Mirror held up Nature's Light;
And prov'd the Air of Lying * was not Right;
That Virtue only makes our Bliſs below;
And all our Knowledge is Ourſelves to know.

But to return, Sir, you ſay I was firſt threaten'd and afterwards puniſh'd for printing [xii] the Court Poems. * Pray who gave you the Authority of Puniſhing? remember only, that now is my turn to Puniſh, and if I have not the Spleen of a warpt Poet, or a Scots Medicaſter, I will find ſome other Preſcription that ſhall, once more, as Shakeſpeare ſays, harrow up your Soul.

To believe nothing is yours, but what you own, would be merely ridiculous. Did you not deny the Dunciad for ſeven Years? Did you not offer a Reward of three Guineas, by an Advertiſement in the Poſt-Man, to know the Publiſher of your Verſion of the Firſt-Pſalm? And when you were inform'd, did you ever pay the Premium? Did you not publiſh the Worms yourſelf, and leave out the Foecundifying Stanza? And do you own any of theſe in the Preface to the ſecond Volume of your Works. In ſhort, Sir, your Conduct as to your Poetical Productions, is exactly of a Piece with what I once met with at the Old Bailey. A moſt flagrant Offender was put upon his Tryal for a notorious Theft, and by his egregious Shuffling, he put Mr. Recorder Lovel into a violent Paſſion. Sirrah, ſays he, you have got a Trick of Denying what you ought to own; and of owning what you might as well deny. [xiii] An' pleaſe your Honour, quoth Culprit, that's the Way not to be hang'd. However impudent Jack was tuck'd up, by a freſh Fact proved upon him that very Seſſions.

Thus if with ſmall, great Things may be compar'd,
Kind Fate, at length, may wait on Thief and Bard.

As to the Publication of your Letters, a State Decypherer has aſſured me, that by a Tranſpoſition of Initials the Plot is unravelled, ex. gr. P.T. is Trickſter Pope, R.S. is Silly Raſcal, to ſell imperfect Books, and then cry out Whore firſt. Pray, moſt ſincere Sir, how could either P.T. or R.S. come by the Letter I wrote to You, if A.P. R.S. and P.T. were not all of a Clan. Riſum teneatis amici?

Who was it play'd the Gardener, (ſure it could not be honeſt Searle *) in Lopping ſome Branches, Inoculating others, and Tranſplanting a large Shoot from one of your Letters to Mr. Cromwell, and Graffing it upon Mr. Walſh's Stock?

Refrain the Path that leads to Evil;
Tell the plain Truth, and ſhame the Devil.

[xiv] Ananias and Saphyra felt the Divine Vengeance for one Lye; what then do your Confederates expect, or juſtly ought to dread, for ſo many as have been told about the Publication of your Letters?

The Plot is now diſcover'd: Lawton Gilliver has declared that you bought of him the Remainder of the Impreſſion of Wycherley's Letters, which he printed, by your Direction, in 1728, and have printed Six Hundred of the additional Letters, with thoſe to Mr. Cromwell, to make up the Volume.

Yet ſtill it muſt be given out that a Nobleman has been robbed, and his innocent Servant muſt be diſcarded, to ſupport Your moſt flagrant Falſhood. This, Sir, is Eating Shame and Drinking after it. Therefore, if you have any Remorſe of Conſcience, take Dr. Arbuthnot's Laſt Advice, Study more to Reform than Chaſtiſe; and begin with making yourſelf the Precedent.

Let various Painters * draw your outward Part,
But Human Pencils cannot ſhew the Heart.

[xv] I ſhall take my Leave of you at preſent, and only acquaint the Public, under your Cover, that this Volume contains the Remainder of your Correſpondence with Mr. Cromwell, and your Submiſſion to Mr. Dennis: Some other Pieces, which if you ſpeak Truth you cannot Deny, tho', as yet, you have not had the Candour to Own. Every thing herein attributed to Biſhop Atterbury is genuine; and the Performances of the other Gentlemen will ſubſiſt by their intrinſic Merit.

I have large Materials towards a Third Volume, and if, Sir, notwithſtanding our preſent Bickerings, you will be ſo kind to favour me with any Aſſiſtance, it ſhall be gratefully acknowledged, by,

SIR,
Your Humble Servant, E. CURLL.

P.S. My Bookbinder, J. Jackſon in Pall-Mall, told me, he had Your Leave to ſell the Pyrated Edition of your Letters; for which Reaſon neither He, nor Dodſley, ſhall ſell mine. Once more,

Yours, &c. E.C.

A True NARRATIVE of the Method by which Mr Pope's Letters have been publiſhed.

[]

IT has been judged, that to clear an Affair which ſeemed at firſt ſight a little myſterious, and which, tho' it concerned only one Gentleman *, is of ſuch a Conſequence, as juſtly to alarm every Perſon in the Nation, would not only be acceptable as a Curioſity, but uſeful as a Warning, and perhaps flagrant enough as an Example, to induce the LEGISLATURE to prevent for the future, an Enormity ſo prejudicial to every private Subject, and ſo deſtructive of Society itſelf.

This will be made ſo plain by the enſuing Papers, that it will ſcarce be needful to attend them with any Reflexions, more than what every Reader may make.

In the Year 1727, Edmund Curll, Bookſeller, publiſhed a Collection of ſeveral private Letters of Mr Pope to Henry Cromwell, Eſq which he obtained in this Manner.

Mr Cromwell was acquainted with one Mrs Thomas, to whom he had the Indiſcretion to lend theſe Letters, and who falling into Misfortunes ſeven Years after, ſold them to Mr Curll, without the Conſent either of Mr Pope or Mr Cromwell . [See the Letters in the Preface to Vol. I.]

This Treatment being extreamly diſagreeable to Mr Pope, he was adviſed to re-call any Letters which might happen to be preſerved by any of his Friends, particularly thoſe written to Perſons deceaſed, which would be moſt ſubject to ſuch an Accident. Many of theſe were returned him.

Some of his Friends adviſed him to print a Collection himſelf, to prevent a worſe; but this he would by no means [ii] agree to . However, as ſome of the Letters ſerved to revive ſeveral paſt Scenes of Friendſhip, and others to clear the Truth of Facts in which he had been miſrepreſented by the common Scriblers, he was induced to preſerve a few of his own Letters, as well as of his Friends. Theſe, as I have been told, he inſerted in Two Books, ſome Originals, others Copies, with a few Notes and Extracts here and there added. In the ſame Books he cauſes to be copied ſome ſmall Pieces in Verſe and Proſe, either of his own, or his Correſpondents; which, tho' not finiſhed enough for the Public, were ſuch as the Partiality of any Friend would be ſorry to be deprived of.

To this Purpoſe, an Amanuenſis or two were employed by Mr Pope, when the Books were in the Country, and by the Earl of Oxford, when they were in Town.

It happened ſoon after, that the Poſthumous Works of Mr Wycherley were publiſhed, in ſuch a Manner, as could no way increaſe the Reputation of that Gentleman, who had been Mr Pope's firſt Correſpondent and Friend; and ſeveral of theſe Letters ſo fully ſhewed the State of that Caſe, that it was thought but a Juſtice to Mr Wycherley's Memory to print a few, to diſcredit that Impoſition. Theſe were accordingly tranſcribed for the Preſs from the Manuſcript Books above-mentioned.

They were no ſooner printed but Edmund Curll looked on theſe too as his Property; for a Copy is extant, which he corrected in order for another Impreſſion, interlin'd, and added marginal Notes to, in his own Hand*.

He then advertiſed a-new the Letters to Mr Cromwell, with Additions, and promis'd Encouragement to all Perſons who ſhould ſend him more.

This is a Practice frequent with Bookſellers, to ſwell an Author's Works, in which they have ſome Property, with any Traſh that can be got from any Hand; or where they have no ſuch Works, to procure ſome. Curll has in the ſame manner ſince advertiſed the Letters of [iii] Mr Prior, and Mr Addiſon. A Practice highly deſerving ſome Check from the Legiſlature; ſince every ſuch Advertiſement, is really a Watch-word to every Scoundrel in the Nation, and to every Domeſtic of a Family, to get a Penny, by producing any Scrap of a Man's Writing, (of what Nature ſoever) or by picking his Maſter's Pocket of Letters and Papers.

A moſt flagrant Inſtance of this kind was the Advertiſement of an intended Book, called Gulliveriana Secunda; where it was promis'd, ‘"that any Thing, which any Body ſhould ſend as Mr Pope's, or Dr Swift's, ſhould be printed and inſerted as Theirs."’

By theſe honeſt means, Mr Curll went on increaſing his Collection; and finding (as will be ſeen hereafter) a farther Proſpect of doing ſo, he retarded his Edition of Mr Cromwell's Letters, till the 22d of March, 1734-5, and then ſent Mr Pope the following Letter, the firſt he ever received from him**.

SIR,

TO convince you of my readineſs to oblige you, the Incloſed is a Demonſtration. You have, as he ſays, diſobliged a Gentleman, the initial Letters of whoſe Name are P.T. I have ſome other Papers in the ſame Hand relating to your Family, which I will ſhow you if you deſire a Sight of them. Your Letters to Mr Cromwell are out of Print, and I intend to print them very beautifully in an Octavo Volume. I have more to ſay than is proper to write, and if you'll give me a Meeting, I will wait on you with Pleaſure, and cloſe all Differences betwixt you and your's

E. CURLL.

P.S. I expect the Civility of an Anſwer or Meſſage.

[iv] The Incloſed were two Scraps of Paper, ſupposed to be P.T.'s (a feigned Hand) the firſt containing this Advertiſement.

‘LEtters of Alexander Pope, Eſq and ſeveral eminent Hands. From the Year 1705, to 1727. Containing a Critical, Philological, and Hiſtorical Correſpondence, between him and Henry Cromwell, Eſq William Wycherley, Eſq William Walſh, Eſq William Congreve, Eſq Sir William Trumbull; Sir Richard Steele; E. O— Mr Addiſon; Mr Craggs; Mr Gay; Dean Swift, &c. with ſeveral Letters to Ladies; to the Number of Two hundred. N.B. The Originals will be ſhewn at E. Curll's when the Book is publiſh'd.’

The other Paper was a Scrap of ſome Letter in the ſame Hand, which expreſſed ‘"a Diſſatisfaction at Curll for not having printed his Advertiſement."’—What more cannot be ſeen, for the reſt is cut off cloſe to the Writing.

Mr Pope's Friends imagin'd that the whole Deſign of E. Curll was to get him but to look on the Edition of Cromwell's Letters, and ſo to print it as revis'd by Mr Pope *, in the ſame manner as he ſent an obſcene Book to a Reverend Biſhop, and then advertis'd it as corrected and revis'd by him. Or if there was any ſuch Propoſal from [v] P.T. Curll would not fail to embrace it, perhaps pay for the Copy with the very Money he might draw from Mr P— to ſuppreſs it, and ſay P.T. had kept another Copy. He therefore anſwer'd the only way he thought it ſafe to correſpond with him, by a public Advertiſement in the Daily Poſt-Boy [Daily Journal, and Grub-ſtreet Journal].

E. Curll return'd an impertinent Anſwer in the ſame Paper the next Day, denying that he endeavour'd to correſpond with Mr P. and affirming that he wrote by Direction, but declaring that he would inſtantly print the ſaid Collection. In a few Days more he publiſh'd the Advertiſement of the Book as above, with this Addition, ‘"E.C. as before in the like Caſe, will be faithful."’

He now talk'd of it every where, ſaid ‘"That P.T. was a LORD, or a PERSON of CONSEQUENCE, who printed the Book at a great Expence, and ſought no Profit, but Revenge on Mr Pope, who had offended him:"’ particularly, ‘"That ſome of the Letters would be ſuch as both Church and State would take Notice of; but that P.T. would by no means be known in it, that he never would once be ſeen by him, but treated in a very ſecret Manner."’ He told ſome Perſons that ſifted him in this Affair, ‘"That he had convers'd only with his Agent, a Clergyman of the Name of Smith, who came, as he ſaid, from Southwark."’ With this Perſon it was that Curll tranſacted the Affair, who before all the Letters of the Book were deliver'd to Curll, inſiſted on the Letters of P.T. being return'd him, to ſecure him from all poſſibility of a Diſcovery, as appears from a following Letter.

Mr Pope, on hearing of this Smith, and finding when the Book came out, that ſeveral of the Letters could only have come from the Manuſcript Book before-mentioned, publiſh'd this Advertiſement.

‘WHEREAS a Perſon who ſigns himſelf P.T. and another who writes himſelf R. Smith, and paſſes for a Clergyman, have tranſacted for ſome time paſt with [vi] Edm. Curll, and have in Combination printed the Private Letters of Mr Pope and his Correſpondents [ſome of which could only be procured from his own Library, or that of a Noble Lord, and which have given a Pretence to the publiſhing others as his which are not ſo, as well as interpolating thoſe which are;] This is to advertiſe, that if either of the ſaid Perſons will diſcover the whole of this Affair, he ſhall receive a Reward of Twenty Guineas; or if he can prove he hath acted by * Direction of any other, and of what Perſon, he ſhall receive double that Sum.’

Whether this Advertiſement, or the future Quarrel of Curll and Smith about Profits produced what followed, we cannot ſay, but in a few Days the enſuing Papers, being the whole Correſpondence of P.T. and Edm. Curll, were ſent to the Publiſher, T. Cooper, which we ſhall here lay before the Reader.

There appear but two Letters from P.T. till one of April the 4th, which muſt be in 1735, as it relates plainly to Mr Pope's Advertiſement in anſwer to Curll's Letter to him of March 22d.

I.

I Saw an Advertiſement in the Daily Advertiſer, which I take to relate to me. I did not expect you of all Men would have betray'd me to 'Squire Pope; but you and he both ſhall ſoon be convinc'd it was no Forgery. For ſince you would not comply with my Propoſal to advertiſe, I have printed them at my own Expence, being advis'd that I could ſafely do ſo. I wou'd ſtill give you the Preference, if you'll pay the Paper and Print, and allow me handſomely for the Copy. But I ſhall not truſt you to meet and converſe upon it [after the Suſpicion I have of your Dealings with Maſter P.] unleſs I ſee my Advertiſement of the Book printed firſt, within theſe four or five Days. If you are afraid of Mr P. and dare not ſet your Name to it, as I propos'd at firſt, I do not inſiſt thereupon, ſo I be but conceal'd. By this I ſhall determine, [vii] and if you will not, another will. It makes a Five Shilling Book. I am

Your Servant. P.T.

II.

SIR,

I Should not deal thus cautiouſly or in the Dark with you, but that 'tis plain from your own Advertiſement, that you have been treating with Mr Pope.

III.

I Still give you, Sir, the Preference. If you will give me 3 l. a Score for 650 [each Book containing 380 Pages 8vo.] and pay down 75 l. of the ſame, the whole Impreſſion ſhall be your's, and there are Letters enough remaining (if you require) to make another 30 Sheets 8vo. a Five Shillings Book. You need only anſwer thus in the Daily Poſt, or Advertiſer, in four Days—[E.C. will meet P.T. at the Roſe Tavern by the Play-Houſe at ſeven in the Evening, April 22d.] and one will come and ſhow you the Sheets.

Mr CURLL's Anſwers.

SIR,

I Have not ever met with any thing more inconſiſtent than the ſeveral Propoſals of your Letters. The firſt bearing Date Oct. 11th, 1733, gives ſome Particulars of Mr Pope's Life, which I ſhall ſhortly make a public Uſe of, in his Life now going to the Preſs.

The ſecond of your Letters of Nov. 15th, 1733, informs me, That if I would publiſh an Advertiſement of a Collection of Mr Pope's Letters in your Cuſtody, the Originals ſhould be forthwith ſent me, and for which you would expect no more than what would pay for a Tranſcript of 'em.

In your third Letter of the fourth Inſtant, you groundleſsly imagine I have attempted to betray you to Mr Pope; ſay, you have printed theſe Letters yourſelf, and now want to be handſomely allow'd for the Copy, viz. 3 l. a Score, which is 2 l. more than they coſt printing; appoint a Meeting at the Roſe on the 22d Inſtant, where I was to [viii] ſee the Sheets, dealing thus, as you truly call it, in the Dark.

April 21, You put off this Meeting, fearing a Surprize from Mr Pope. How ſhould he know of this Appointment, unleſs you gave him Notice? I fear no ſuch Beſettings either of him or his Agents. That the paying of Seventy five Pounds would bring you to Town in a Fortnight, would I be ſo ſilly as to declare it. By your laſt Letter, of laſt Night, a Gentleman is to be at my Door at 8 this Evening, who has full Commiſſion from you.

You want ſeventy five Pounds for a Perſon you would ſerve; that Sum I can eaſily pay, if I think the Purchaſe would be of any Service to me. But in one Word, Sir, I am engaged all this Evening, and ſhall not give myſelf any further Trouble about ſuch jealous, groundleſs, and dark Negotiations. An HONOURABLE and OPEN DEALING is what I have been always uſed to, and if you will come into ſuch a Method, I will meet you any where, or ſhall be glad to ſee you at my own Houſe, otherwiſe apply to whom you pleaſe.

Your's, E.C.
For P.T. or the Gentleman who comes from him at eight this Evening.

This appears to be the firſt time Curll had any perſonal Conference with R. Smith the Clergyman.

To the Reverend Mr *** (Smythe.)

SIR,

I Am ready to diſcharge the Expence of Paper, Print, and Copy-Money, and make the Copy my own, if we agree. But if I am to be your Agent, then I inſiſt to be ſolely ſo, and will punctually pay every Week for what I ſell, to you.

Anſwer to P.T's of May 3.

SIR,

YOU ſhall, as all I have ever had any Dealings with, have, find a JUST and HONOURABLE Treatment from me. But conſider, Sir, as the Public, by your Means [ix] entirely, have been led into an Initial Correſpondence betwixt E.C. and P.T. and betwixt A.P. and E.C. the Secret is ſtill as recondite as that of the Free-Maſons. P.T. are not, I dare ſay, the true Initials of your Name; or if they were, Mr Pope has publickly declar'd, That he knows no ſuch Perſon as P.T. how then can any thing you have communicated to me, diſcover you, or expoſe you to his Reſentment?

I have had Letters from another Correſpondent, who ſubſcribes himſelf E.P. which I ſhall print as Vouchers, in Mr Pope's Life, as well as thoſe from P.T. which, as I take it, were all ſent me for that Purpoſe, or why were they ſent at all?

Your Friend was with me on Wedneſday laſt, but I had not your laſt till this Morning, Saturday, 3d May, I am, Sir,

Your's, E.C.

P.S. What you ſay appears by my Advertiſement in relation to Mr Pope, I faithfully told your Friend the Clergyman. I wrote to Mr Pope, to acquaint him that I was going to print a new Edition of his Letters to Mr Cromwell, and offer'd him the Reviſal of the Sheets, hoping likewiſe, that it was now time to cloſe all Reſentments, which, on HONOURABLE TERMS, I was ready to do. I told him likewiſe I had a large Collection of others of his Letters, which, from your two Years Silence on that Head, I thought was neither unjuſt nor diſhonourable.

—I Cannot ſend the *Letters now, becauſe I have them not all by me, but either this Evening or To-morrow, you ſhall not fail of them, for ſome of them are in a Scrutore of mine out of Town, and I have ſent a Meſſenger for them, who will return about three or four this afternoon. Be not uneaſy, I NEVER BREAK MY WORD, and as HONOURABLE and JUST Treatment ſhall be ſhewn by me, I ſhall expect the ſame Return.

[x]The Eſtimate and Letters you ſhall have together, but I deſire the Bearer may bring me fifty more Books. Pray come to Night if you can.

I am faithfully your's, E. CURLL.
For the Rev. Mr Smythe, (half an Hour paſt Ten.)
*
P.T.'s Letters to Curll.

Curll was now ſo elated with his Succeſs, the Books in his Hands, and, as he thought, the Men too, that he raiſed the Style of his Advertiſement, which he publiſhed on the 12th of May, in theſe Words in the Daily Poſt-Boy.

‘THIS Day are publiſhed, and moſt beautifully printed, price five Shillings, Mr Pope's Literary Correſpondence for thirty Years; from 1704, to 1734. Being a Collection of Letters, regularly digeſted, written by him to the Right Honourable the late Earl of Halifax, Earl of Burlington, Secretary Craggs, Sir William Trumbull, Honourable J.C. General ****, Honourable Robert Digby, Eſq Honourable Edward Blount, Eſq: Mr Addiſon, Mr Congreve, Mr Wycherley, Mr Walſh, Mr Steele, Mr Gay, Mr Jarvas, Dr Arbuthnot, Dean Berkeley, Dean Parnelle, &c. Alſo Letters from Mr Pope to Mrs Arabella Fermor, and many other Ladies. With the reſpective Anſwers of each Correſpondent. Printed for E. Curll, in Roſe-ſtreet, Covent-Garden, and ſold by all Bookſellers. N.B. The Original Manuſcripts (of which Affidavit is made) may be ſeen at Mr Curll's Houſe by all who deſire it.’

And immediately after he writes thus to Smith.

SIR,

YOUR Letter written at two Afternoon on Saturday, I did not receive till paſt ten at Night. The Title will be done to Day, and according to your Promiſe, I fully depend on the Books and MSS. to-morrow. I hope you have ſeen the Poſt-Boy, and * approve the Manner of the Advertiſement. I ſhall think every Hour a long [xi] Period of Time 'till I have more Books, and ſee you, being, Sir,

Sincerely your's, E. CURLL.
(For the Reverend Mr Smythe,)
*
By this it appears, it was of Curll's own drawing up, which he deny'd before the Lords. [This is Falſe. Mr Curll told the Lords he copied the Advertiſement, and returned the Original. This R.S. knows to be True.]

But the Tables now begin to turn. It happened that the Bookſeller's Bill (for ſo it was properly called, tho' intituled, An Act for the better Encouragement of Learning) came on this Day in the Houſe of Lords. Some of their Lordſhips having ſeen an Advertiſement of ſo ſtrange a Nature, thought it very unfitting ſuch a Bill ſhould paſs, without a Clauſe to prevent ſuch an enormous Licence for the future. And the Earl of I—y having read it to the Houſe, obſerved further, that as it pretended to publiſh ſeveral Letters to Lords, with the reſpective Anſwers of each Correſpondent, it was a Breach of Privilege, and contrary to a ſtanding Order of the Houſe. Whereupon it was order'd that the Gentleman-Uſher of the Black Rod do forthwith ſeize the Impreſſion of the ſaid Book, and that the ſaid E. Curll, with J. Wilford, for whom the Daily Poſt-Boy is printed, do attend the Houſe to-morrow. And it was alſo order'd that the Bill for the better Encouragement of Learning, be read a ſecond time on this Day Sevennight. By THIS INCIDENT THE BOOKSELLERS BILL WAS THROWN OUT *.

May 13, 1735.

The Order made Yeſterday upon Complaint of an Advertiſement in the Poſt-Boy, of the Publication of a Book intituled Mr Pope's Literary Correſpondence for thirty Years paſt, being read, Mr Wilford the Publiſher, and Mr E. Curll, were ſeverally called in and examined, and being withdrawn,

Order'd, That the Matter of the ſaid Complaint be refer'd to a Committee to meet to-morrow, and that E. Curll do attend the ſaid Committee. And that the Black Rod do attend with ſome of the ſaid Books.

May 14. P.T. writes to Curll, on the unexpected Incident of the Lords, to inſtruct him in his Anſwers to their Examination, and with the utmoſt Care to conceal himſelf, to this effect.

[xii] ‘THAT he congratulates him on his Victory over the Lords, the Pope, and the Devil; that the Lords could not touch a Hair of his Head, if he continued to behave boldly; that it would have a better Air{inverted †}in him to own the Printing as well as the Publiſhing, ſince he was no more puniſhable for one than for the other; that he ſhould anſwer nothing more to their Interrogatories, than that he receiv'd the Letters from different Hands; that ſome of them he bought, others were given him, and that ſome of the Originals he had, and the reſt he ſhould ſhortly have. P.T. tells him further, That he ſhall ſoon take off the Mask he complains of; that he is not a MAN OF QUALITY (as he imagined) but one converſant with ſuch, and was concern'd particularly with a noble Friend of Mr Pope's, in preparing for the Preſs the Letters of Mr Wycherley; that he cauſed a Number over and above to be printed, having from that time conceived the Thought of publiſhing a Volume of P's Letters, which he went on with, and order'd, as nearly as poſſible, to reſemble That Impreſſion. But this was only in ordine ad, to another more material Volume, of his Correſpondence with Biſhop Atterbury, and the late Lord Oxford and Bolingbroke. And he confeſſes he made ſome Alterations in theſe Letters, with a View to thoſe, which Mr Curll ſhall certainly have, if he behaves as he directs, and every way conceals P.T.

We have not this Original Letter, but we hope Mr Curll will print it*; if not, it can only be for this Reaſon, That it preceeded their Quarrel but one Day, it proves the Letters of Biſhop Atterbury, Lord Bolingbroke, &c. cannot be in Curll's Hands, tho' he has pretended to advertiſe them.

The next Day Curll anſwers him thus.

[xiii]

For the Reverend Mr Smythe.

Dear Sir,

I Am juſt again going to the Lords to finiſh Pope. I deſire you to ſend me the Sheets to perfect the firſt fifty Books, and likewiſe the remaining three hundred Books, and pray be at the Standard Tavern this Evening, and I will pay you twenty Pounds more. My Defence is right, I only told the Lords, I did not know from whence the Books came, and that my Wife received them. This was ſtrict Truth, and prevented all further Enquiry. The Lords declar'd they had been made Pope's Tool. I put myſelf upon this ſingle Point, and inſiſted, as there was not any Peer's Letter in the Book, I had not been guilty of any Breach of Privilege.—Lord DELAWAR will be in the Chair by ten this Morning, and the Houſe will be up before three.—I depend that the Books and the Imperfections will be ſent, and believe of P.T. what I hope he believes of me.

The Book was this Day produc'd, and it appearing that, contrary to the Advertiſement*, there were no Letters of Lords contained in it, and conſequently not falling under the Order of the Houſe, the Books were re-deliver'd.

At the ſame time Curll produc'd, and ſhew'd to ſeveral of the Lords the foregoing Letter of P.T. which ſeems extraordinary, unleſs they had begun to quarrel about Profits before that Day. But after it, it is evident from the next Letter, that they had an Information of his Willingneſs to betray them, and ſo get the whole Impreſſion to himſelf.

To the Reverend Mr Smythe.

SIR,

1. I Am falſely accus'd, 2. I value not any Man's Change of Temper; I will never change MY VERACITY for Falſhood, in owning a Fact of which I am innocent. [xiv] 3. I did not own the Books came from a-croſs the Water, nor ever nam'd you, all I ſaid was, that the Books came by Water. 4. When the Books were ſeiz'd I ſent my Son to convey a Letter to you, and as you told me every body knew you in Southwark, I bid him make a ſtrict Enquiry, as I am ſure you wou'd have done in ſuch an Exigency. 5. Sir I HAVE ACTED JUSTLY in this Affair, and that is what I ſhall always think wiſely. 6. I will be kept no longer in the dark: P.T. is Will o' the Wiſp; all the Books I have had are imperfect; the firſt 50 had no Titles nor Prefaces, the laſt five Bundles ſeiz'd by the Lords contain'd but 38 in each Bundle, which amounts to 190, and 50, is in all but 240 Books. 7. As to the Loſs of a future Copy, I deſpiſe it, nor will I be concern'd with any more ſuch dark ſuſpicious Dealers. But now, Sir, I'll tell you what I will do; when I have the Books perfected which I have already receiv'd, and the reſt of the Impreſſion, I will pay you for them. But what do you call this Uſage? Firſt take a Note for a Month, and then want it to be chang'd for one of Sir Richard Hoare's—My Note is as good, for any Sum I give it, as the BANK, and ſhall be as punctually paid. I always ſay, Gold is better than Paper, and 20 l. I will pay if the Books are perfect to-morrow Morning, and the reſt ſent, or to Night is the ſame thing to me. But if this dark Converſe goes on, I will inſtantly reprint the whole Book, and as a Supplement to it, all the Letters P.T. ever ſent me, of which I have exact Copies; together with all your Originals, and give them in upon Oath to my Lord-Chancellor. You talk of Truſt; P.T. has not repos'd any in me, for he has my Money and Notes for imperfect Books. Let me ſee, Sir, either P.T. or yourſelf, or you'll find the Scots Proverb verify'd:

Nemo me impune laceſſit.
Your abus'd humble Servant, E. CURLL.

P.S. Lord O—, and Lord Delaware, I attend this Day. I'll Sup with you to Night. Where Pope has one Lord, I have twenty *.

*
This P.S. as Cooper printed it, contradicts itſelf. Mr Curll called at Lord Delawar's Houſe, and found him and Lord Cowper gone to Holland. And that Evening Mr Curll had the Honour to ſpend with Lord Haverſham. As to Lords, Mr Curll might have double his Number.

[xv] Mr Curll, juſt after, in the London Daily Poſt: or, General Advertiſer, printed an Advertiſement, that he would publiſh all the Letters ſent him by E.P. P.T. and R.S.

To which in two Days his Correſpondents return'd the following Anſwer:

TO manifeſt to the World the Inſolence of E. Curll, we hereby declare that neither P.T. much leſs R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give any Title whatever in Mr Pope's Letters to the ſaid E. Curll, and he is hereby challeng'd to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatſoever.—We help'd the ſaid E. Curll to the Letters, and join'd with him, on condition he ſhould pay a certain Sum for the Books as he ſold them; accordingly the ſaid E. Curll received 250 Books which he ſold (Perfect and Imperfect) at five Shillings each, and for all which he never paid more than ten Guineas, and gave Notes for the reſt which prov'd not Negotionable. Beſides which, P.T. was perſuaded by R.S. at the Inſtigation of E. Curll, to pay the Expence of the whole Impreſſion, viz. 75 l. no part whereof was re-paid by the ſaid Curll. Therefore every Bookſeller will be indemnify'd every way from any poſſible Proſecution or Moleſtation of the ſaid E. Curll, and whereas the ſaid E. Curll threatens to publiſh our Correſpondence, and as much as in him lies, to betray his Benefactors, we ſhall alſo publiſh his Letters to us, which will open a Scene of Baſeneſs and foul Dealing, that will ſufficiently ſhow to Mankind his Character and Conduct.

  • P.T.
  • R.S.
To this Mr Curll replied, in the Daily Poſt-Boy of May 27, viz. Gentlemen, The Scurility of your Advertiſement I deſpiſe; Falſhood under your own Hands I ſhall here prove upon you; and as to your Scandal in affirming that my Notes proved not Negotiable, I will take proper Meaſures. It is declared, that neither P.T. much leſs R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give, any Title whatever, in Mr Pope's Letters to Mr Curll, and he is challenged to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatſoever. P.T. in his firſt Letter to Mr Curll, writes thus; To ſhew you my Sincerity and determinate Reſolution, theſe Letters ſhall be ſent you, they will make a four or five Shilling Book, yet I expect no more than what will barely pay a Tranſcriber, that the Originals may be preſerved in your Hands to vouch the Truth of them. Your's, P.T. P.S. I would have you add to them what you formerly printed of thoſe to Mr Cromwell. In a Letter from R.S. to Mr Curll, he thus writes. Sir, my Couſin (P.T.) deſires you will get 600 of the Titles printed with all Expedition; and aſſures you, that no Man whatſoever ſhall vend a Book but yourſelf, for you ſhall have the whole Impreſſion to be ſure. I ſhall leave it to your Generoſity to conſider me for the Copy. I am, your Friend and Servant, R.S. On Monday the 12th Inſtant, Mr Curll, publiſhed theſe Letters, tho' he had but 50 Books, and thoſe wanting Titles and Prefaces: But the ſame Day at Noon R.S. ſent for Mr Curll to the Standard Tavern in Leiceſter-Fields, where Mr Curll paid him 30 l. (in Caſh 10 l. by a negotiable Note, payable in a Month, 15 l. and a conditional Note for 5 l.) for which R.S. gave a Receipt to Mr Curll in full for 300 Books, delivering then by two Porters, five Bundles of 38 Books in each, making 190, which he ſaid came by Water, and they were ſent to Mr Curll's Houſe, and his Wife received them in his Abſence. Mr Curll having had in all but 240 Books, tho' a Receipt given for 300, and the laſt 190 all delivered imperfect. I therefore deſire to know, if this does not open a Scene of Baſeneſs and foul Dealing, that ſufficiently ſhew to Mankind the Characters and Conduct of P.T. and R.S.? I ſhall ſay no more till I publiſh the whole of their Tranſactions upon Oath. E. Curll.

[xvi]The Effects of this Quarrel has been the putting into our Hands all the Correſpondence above; which having given the Reader, to make what Reflections he pleaſes on, we have nothing to add but our hearty Wiſhes, (in which we doubt not every honeſt Man will concur) that the next Seſſions, when the BOOKSELLERS BILL ſhall again be brought in, the Legiſlature will be pleas'd not to extend the Privileges, without at the ſame time reſtraining the Licence, of Bookſellers. Since in a Caſe ſo notorious as the printing a Gentleman's PRIVATE LETTERS, moſt Eminent*, both Printers and Bookſellers, conſpired to aſſiſt the Pyracy, both in printing and vending the ſame.

P.S. We are inform'd, that notwithſtanding the Pretences of Edmund Curll , the Original Letters of Mr Pope, with the Poſt-Marks upon them, remain ſtill in the Books from whence they were copy'd, and that ſo many Omiſſions and Interpolations have been made in this Publication, as to render it impoſſible for Mr P. to own them in the Condition they appear .

THE Initial Correſpondence: OR, ANECDOTES OF THE LIFE and FAMILY OF Mr POPE.
[]ANECDOTES OF THE LIFE and FAMILY OF Alexander Pope, Eſq

[]
Who can ſhame P—? break all his Cobwebs thro,
He ſpins the ſlight ſelf-pleaſing Threads anew:
Deſtroy his Lies, or Sophiſtry, in vain,
The Creature's at his dirty Work again;
Thron'd in the Centre of his baſe Deſigns;
Proud of extending his vain-glorious Lines.
Epiſt. to ARB.
His own Example ſtrengthens all his Laws,
He is that petulant, poor-wretch he draws.
Eſſ. on Crit.

IT is a very juſt Obſervation, made by a late impartial Biographer,* that thoſe Perſons, who have been moſt induſtrious in handing down to Poſterity the Memorials of other Men, have generally had the Misfortune to be neglected themſelves. Unwilling that ſo hard a Fate ſhould befal a Man who ſo little deſerves [4] it, I was glad to embrace any opportunity rather than truſt a Thing of ſuch Conſequence to Hereafter; and I have this Satisfaction (how uncommon ſoever it may be thought to give an Account of a Man in his Life-time) that I have preſerved ſome Memorials of an indefatigable Gentleman now living, which an able pen may improve greatly to his Honour when dead.

With this View then I ſhall begin my Labour with the Account Mr Pope has given us of himſelf; and proceed to other Authorities to which I ſhall all along refer.

E. CURLL.
[5]

MR ALEXANDER POPE was born in Cheapſide, London, on the 8th Day of June, in the Year 1688; ſo that one Week produced both Pope and the Pretender. Memorable Aera!

His Parents, being of the Roman Catholic Perſuaſion, educated him by a private Tutor, of whom he learned Latin and Greek at one and the ſame time.

He paſſed through ſome Seminaries with little Improvement till twelve Years of Age, after which he perfected his Studies by his own Induſtry.*

So early a Propenſity had he to the Muſes, that among ſeveral other pretty Poetical Productions, he ſent his Friend Mr Cromwell An Ode on Solitude, written when he was not twelve Years old. And before this time, he had ſeverely ſatirized his School-Maſter, as appears from the following Original Letter, viz.

[6]

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

IN purſuance to your Advertiſement deſiring ſuch Accounts of Mr Pope as his Deſerts demand, I ſend you theſe Anecdotes, the Truth of which I can teſtify (and will, if called upon) as having been his Schoolfellow my ſelf at the time.

The fact is very remarkable, as it is a proof of that natural ſpleen which conſtitutes his Temperament, and from which he has never deviated in the whole courſe of his Life.

The laſt School he was put to, before the twelfth Year of his Age, was in Devonſhire-Street near Bloomſbury, there I alſo was, and the late Duke of Norfolk, at the ſame time. It was kept by one Bromley, a Popiſh Renegado, who had been a Parſon, and was one of King James's Converts in Oxford, ſome Years after that Prince's Abdication; * he kept a little Senary, till upon an advantagious offer made [7] him, he went a Travelling-Tutor to the preſent Lord Gage.

Mr Alexander Pope before he had been four Months at this School (or was able to conſtrue Tully's Offices) employed his Muſe in ſatirizing his Maſter. It was a Libel of at leaſt one hundred Verſes, which a Fellow-Student having given information of, was found in his pocket, and the young Satiriſt was ſoundly whipp'd, and kept a Priſoner to his Room ſeven days; whereupon his Father fetch'd him away, and I have been told, he never went to School more.

How much paſt Correction has wrought upon him, the World is Judge; and how much preſent Correction might, may be collected from this ſample. I thought it a curious Fact, and therefore it is at your ſervice, as one of the Ornaments of this excellent Perſon's Life.

Your's, &c. E.P.
*
His Name was William Bromley, Son of Henry Bromley, of Holt in Worceſterſhire Eſq He was entered a Gentleman-Commoner of Chriſt-Church-College, Oxon, 1673. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. p. 1063. Vol. II. Edit. ult.
[8]
Mr CURLL,

UNderſtanding you propoſe to write the Life of Mr Pope, this is only to inform you I can ſend you divers Memoirs which may be ſerviceable, if your deſign be really to do him neither Injuſtice nor ſhew him Favour.

I was well acquainted with his Father, and with the firſt part of his own Life, tho' ſince he hath treated me as a Stranger.

It is certain ſome late Pamphlets are not fair in reſpect to his Father. He was of the younger Branch of a Family in good repute in Ireland, and related to the Lord Downe, formerly of the ſame Name. He was as he hath told Me himſelf, [and he was very different from his Son, a modeſt and plain honeſt Man] a Poſthumous Son, and left little provided for, his elder Brother having what ſmall Eſtate there was, who afterwards ſtudied and died at Oxford. He was put to a Merchant in Flanders, and acquired a moderate Fortune by Merchandize, which he quitted, at the Revolution, in very good Circumſtances, and retired to Windſor-Foreſt, where he purchaſed a ſmall Eſtate, and took great delight [9] in Huſbandry and Gardens. His Mother was one of the ſeventeen Children of William Turnor, Eſq formerly of Burfit-Hall in the *** Riding of Yorkſhire. Two of her Brothers were killed in the Civil-Wars.

This is a true Account of Mr Pope's Family and Parentage; * of his Manners I cannot give ſo good a one: yet, as I would not wrong any Man, both ought to be true; and if ſuch be your Deſign, I may ſerve you in it, not entering into any thing, in any wiſe libellous.

P.S. You may pleaſe to direct an Anſwer in The Daily Advertiſer, this Day ſe'ennight, in theſe Terms. E.C. hath received a Letter and will comply with P.T.

Your's, P.T.
*
The Oxford Antiquary informs us, that, Thomas Pope, the young Earl of Downe, died in St. Mary's Pariſh in Oxford, 28 Dec. 1660, aged 38 Years leaving behind him one only Daughter named Elizabeth, who was firſt married to Henry-Francis Lee of Dichley in Oxfordſhire, and afterwards to Robert Earl of Lindſey. The Earldom of Downe, went to Thomas Pope, Eſq his Uncle, who, likewiſe, leaving no Male-Iſſue, the Eſtate went away among Three Daughters; the Second of whom was married to Sir Francis North, afterwards Lord North of Guilford. Both theſe Earls of Downe were buried at Wroxton, near Banbury, in Oxfordſhire with their Anceſtors. [See Wood's Athen. Oxon. Vol. II. pag. 543, Edit. ult.]

[10] Notice was accordingly given, at the time appointed, in the Daily Advertiſer, upon which was ſent the following Letter, viz.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

I Troubled you with a Line ſome time ſince, concerning your deſign of the Life of Mr Pope: to which I deſired your Anſwer in the Daily Advertiſer of Thurſday the 18th. Inſt. Oct. I do not intend my ſelf any other Profit in it, than that of doing Juſtice to, and on, that Perſon, upon whom, Sir, you have conſtantly beſtowed ſome Care, as well as Pains in the Courſe of your Life; and I intend him the like for his Conduct towards me.

A propos, to his Life, there have lately fallen into my hands a large Collection of his Letters, from the former part of his Days till the Year 1727, which being more conſiderable than any yet ſeen, and opening very many Scenes new to the World, will alone make a perfect and the moſt Authentic Life and Memoirs of him that could be.

To ſhow you my Sincerity and determinate Reſolution of aſſiſting you herein, [11] I will give you an Advertiſement which you may publiſh, if you pleaſe, forthwith; and, on your ſo doing, the Letters ſhall be ſent you. They will make a four of five Shilling Book; yet I expect no more than what will barely pay a Tranſcriber, that the Originals may be preſerved in mine, or your Hands, to vouch the Truth of them.

I am of opinion theſe alone will contain his whole Hiſtory (if you add to them, what you formerly printed of thoſe to H. Cromwell, Eſq); but you muſt put out an Advertiſement, for otherwiſe I ſhall not be juſtified, to ſome people who have influence, and on whom I have ſome Dependance; unleſs it ſeem to the public Eye as no entire Act of mine. But I may be juſtified and excuſed, if, after they ſee ſuch a Collection is made by you, I acknowledge I ſent ſome Letters to contribute thereto.

They who know what has paſſed betwixt Mr Pope, and Me formerly, may otherwiſe think it diſhonourable I ſhould ſet ſuch a Thing a-foot. Therefore print the Advertiſement I here ſend you; and you ſhall inſtantly hear from, or ſee me.

Adieu. P.T.

[12] The old Gentleman, P.T. not calling upon me, I did not put the Advertiſement, into any News-Paper, and this whole Tranſaction lay dormant near two Years. But upon regulating ſome Papers in my Scritoire, about the Cloſe of March 1735, this Advertiſement came to my Hands, and reflecting within my ſelf that the Reſentment between Mr Pope and me, tho' from the firſt ungenerouſly taken up by him, had continued much too long, being almoſt eight Years, I was willing to lay hold of an Opportunity for propoſing an Accommodation. Accordingly, I wrote to Mr Pope and incloſed the abovementioned Advertiſement in the Hand-writing of P.T. and deſired his Anſwer which he thought fit in a very ungentleman-like Manner to return me in three Papers, viz the Grub-Street Journal. The Daily Journal, and the Daily Poſt-Boy; in the laſt of which I replied April 5th.*

Upon this Incident, P.T. renewed his Correſpondence, and ſent me word he had ſeen an Advertiſement of Mr Pope which related to him, and that Mr Pope ſhould ſoon ſee the Collection of Letters publiſhed, for that, upon my not advertiſing them he [13] had been perſuaded to print them himſelf, and offered me the refuſal of the Impreſſion, his Demands for which were 75 pounds, and added, that a Perſon ſhould meet me at the Roſe Tavern in Bridges-Street, and bring me, at a Day appointed, one of the Books in ſheets. But on the Day appointed I received a Countermand, that he thought he had loſt his Wits by making ſuch an Appointment, and ſeemed in a terrible Panic leſt Mr Pope ſhould ſend ſome of his Twickenham-Bravoes, to aſſault us; but how Mr Pope was to know of this Meeting is the Cream of the Jeſt. I ſent him word that I commiſerated his fears, but as to my own part, I did not at all dread any Aſſaſſination whatever from Mr Pope, even tho' it were a Poetical One. To this P.T. rejoined, that a Gentleman ſhould call at my Houſe preciſely at eight in the Evening in a Week's Time; but in the Interim I received the following Letter, viz.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

P.T. will ſend you 50 Books, [all but the Title, which you may order as you pleaſe, and therefore was not wrought] [14] in five or ſix Days time, and you may pay for them as you propoſe at the Week's end: It will be left to your Honour (to ſhew you my Intentions are honourable).

You may therefore advertiſe as you propoſe, five or ſix Days together, that the Book will be publiſhed by you the 12th inſtant.

Your Servant, P.T.

Accordingly on the 7th of May, R.S. a ſhort, ſquat Man came to my Houſe not at 8 but near 10 at Night. He had on a Clergyman's Gown, and his neck was ſurrounded with a large, Lawn, Barriſter's Band. He ſhewed me a Book in ſheets, almoſt finiſhed, and about a Dozen original Letters, and promiſed me the whole at our next meeting; and the next Day I received the following Note from P.T. and a Letter from R.S. viz.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

YOu ſee I leave all to your own Prudence, and you now ſee I truſt your Honour as to Price, &c. which ſettle [15] with the Bearer againſt the Week's end: [for Out they muſt come now forthwith] I doubt not you'll return my Letters, and we muſt by no means ſeem to uſe Pope with Diſregard, but rather commend, &c. leſt, by any Circumſtances I writ to you, the Publiſher be detected.

Yours P.T.

The Clergyman you ſaw will bring you the Books, to whom I inſiſt you will deliver my former Letters concerning Mr Pope, whom I muſt be concealed from, and he tells me you had written an Advertiſement of Mr Pope's Life, in which if you inſert any one Circumſtance of what I told you in a private Letter, I ſhall be diſcovered and expoſed to his Reſentment. I inſiſt on your Honour in returning them therefore.

You may do as you pleaſe your ſelf in relation to the References to CROMWELL's Letters, and therefore you may add any ſuch Advertiſement to the Title of the Book it ſelf, for I do not thoroughly underſtand you, as to that. P.T.

[16]

To Mr CURLL.

Dear Sir,

PLeaſe to ſend by the bearer the Title and the Preface, and an Eſtimate, and the Papers you promiſed me laſt Night; I mean the Letters. The Printer is drawing out the Sheets, and you ſhall have the reſt with Expedition. If I ſhould get off my Engagement for this Evening, leave Word where I ſhall meet you. I am,

Your Friend and Servant, R. SMYTHE.

P.S. The old Gentleman is vaſtly pleas'd at our Meeting laſt Night: don't fail to ſend by the Bearer the Letters. I ſhall have great News, and good, to tell you Friday to both our Advantage.

Dear SIR,

MY Couſin deſires you will get 600. of the Titles printed with all Expedition, and aſſures you that no Man [17] whatſoever ſhall vend one Book but your ſelf, for you ſhall have the whole Impreſſion to be ſure. He ſays Tueſday. I am,

SIR, Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

P.S. Why don't you advertiſe.

SIR,

YOU ſee how earneſt P.T. is to have theſe Books out, therefore you will receive by the Bearer ſome Titles. By one a-Clock, you ſhall have more Books; but he muſt inſiſt on ſome Money to pay the Printer. The Number I ſhall bring you will be near 200, be at home at 12, for I may get them before. I am,

Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

[18] According to the Requeſt herein, I ſtaid at home; and, about one o'Clock, R.S. ſent for me to the Standard Tavern in Leiceſter-Fields, where I paid him ten pounds, and gave him a negotiable Note for fifteen pounds, payable in a Month, as he deſired.

We had not been together half an hour, before two Porters brought to the Tavern five Bundles of Books upon a Horſe, which R.S. told me came by Water. He ordered the Porters to carry them to my Houſe and my Wife took them in. They contained but 38 Books in each bundle making in the 5 Bundles 190 Books (all wanting the Letters to Meſſ. Jarvas, Digby, Blount and Dr Arbuthnot's Letter). But he ſaid they contained 50 in each Bundle, which with 50 I had before (without Titles or Prefaces,) made 300, and gave me the following Receipts.

‘Then receiv'd of Mr Curll ten pounds on Account, by me R. SMYTHE.’

‘Receiv'd at the ſame Time a Note of hand of Fifteen pounds, one Month after date, which when paid is in full for three Hundred Books, by me R. SMYTHE.’

[19] N.B. He had a conditional Note of mine beſides, payable on Demand, for five pounds.

E. CURLL.

About two a Clock, on the very Day of Publication, the 12th Inſtant, all the Books that were in my Cuſtody were ſeized by a Warrant from the Houſe of Lords, and my ſelf, and Mr John Wilford, Publiſher of the Poſt-Boy, were both ordered to attend their Lordſhips, the next Day; which we did accordingly. Mr Wilford, and the Printer of the Poſt-Boy, whom he brought with him, were upon Examination diſcharged. But the Lords Reſolving themſelves into a Committee, I was ordered to attend the next Day.

At my Return home I found the following Letter from. R.S.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

AS SOON as I heard of our Misfortune of the Books being ſeiz'd, I poſted away to P.T. he ſaid he found his great Caution was but neceſſary: but tho' he knew Mr Pope's Intereſt with the Great, he apprehended only his perſonal Revenge, or a Chancery Suit; (knowing he would ſpare no Coſt to gratify his Revenge) [20] he ſaid, if you had been more cautious, than to name Lords in your Advertiſement, this could not have happen'd; but ſince it has happen'd, you ſhall not only find him punctual, but Generous. He immediately ſent me with Money to pay off the Printer, and I have the whole Impreſſion in my hands: I then found that the Rogue had deliver'd your laſt Parcel imperfect: but I will bring you both thoſe Sheets, and the whole Impreſſion, the very firſt day they can be ſafely deliver'd you.

P.T. ſays he never intended any more Advantage, but meerly not to be out of pocket. (Except you had been willing to gratify me a little), but now he will be Juſt, and act handſomely to you, tho' ever ſo much to his own Loſs: provided you keep ſecret our whole Tranſaction—As it is plain that Pope's whole Point is only to ſuppreſs the Books, and find out who gave the Letters. You will intirely diſappoint him in both, if, whatever Queſtions the Lords aſk, you will anſwer no more than thus: that you had the Letters from different Hands, ſome of which you paid for, that you printed theſe as you did Mr Cromwell's before, without Mr Pope's ever gainſaying it; and that as to the Originals, many you can [21] ſhew now, and the reſt you can very ſpeedily.

It is well that an Accident hinders you at preſent from the Originals, which now, they would ſeize. P.T. thinks it was indiſcreet to advertiſe the Originals ſo very quick as the firſt Day, until you actually had them, which by his own falling ill, he cou'd not come at ſo ſoon in the place where they lay.

The Lords cannot ſtop the Books above two or three Days, if at all.

And P.T's wonderful Caution as it happens, will enable you to ſell them whatever Orders they may make. For he, apprehending Injunctions in Chancery might ſuppreſs the Book, had already printed another Title and Preface, which throws the Publication intirely off you, and might be ſafely vended even in that Caſe.

In ſhort, if you abſolutely conceal all that has paſſed between P.T. Me, and Your ſelf, you win the old Gentleman for ever. For his whole Heart is ſet upon publiſhing the Letters, not ſo much for this Volume as, in Ordine ad to much more important Correſpondence that will follow, viz. with SWIFT, late Lord OX....D Bp. ROCHESTER, and Lord BOL.

[22] You ſhall hear ſoon from me. I hope this will be quickly over. I remain,

Your Faithful Servant, R. SMYTHE.
SIR,

WE heartily congratulate you on your Victory over the Lords, the Pope, and the Devil: for we have ſure Information, that the Books will be reſtor'd to you either this day, or to morrow—The old Gentleman is charm'd with your Behaviour yeſterday; only thinks it wrong that he hears you own'd the Books were ſent to your Wife by an unknown Hand.—This may induce Enquiry and Suſpicion of ſome dark Tranſaction; and be thought ſhuffling. The Lords will think you more ſincere, and 'twill have a betrer Air, to ſay, you had the Originals and Copies from different Hands, and that ſome you paid for, ſome were given you, and you printed them in your own Right.—You can ſuffer no more for printing than for publiſhing [23] them, and the Lords can't touch a Hair of your Head.

All that P.T. can apprehend is that Pope may obtain an Injunction in Chancery, againſt E. Curll by Name, notwithſtanding which, thoſe Books may be ſelling, which have not your Name, with the Preface which he provided for that Purpoſe.

And you cannot but obſerve when you read that Preface, that at the ſame Time, that it makes you not Publiſher, it yet proves your Right to Cromwell's Letters.

This is as lucky as can be, and Pope cannot obtain an Injunction without owning himſelf, in the Bill, Author of the Letters, which will ſerve you to prove the Letters genuine.

If you obſerve all the old Gentleman's Directions you will ſoon be fully acquainted both with his Perſon and Deſigns; in the mean Time, to ſhew you he will take off the Maſk, and clear the Myſterium magnum you complain of, I have his Leave to tell you theſe things which he would have, writ to you himſelf, but [24] that his Arm is now diſabled by the Rheumatiſm.

He is no Man of Quality, but converſant with many, and happening to be concern'd with a noble Lord (a Friend of Mr Pope's) in handing to the Preſs his Letters to Wycherley, he got ſome Copies over and above. This Incident put firſt into his Head the Thought of collecting more, and afterwards finding you did not comply in printing his Advertiſement, he went on with it by himſelf. Found Cromwell's Anſwers in the ſame Lord's Poſſeſſion, with many others, which he printed as near as poſſible to correſpond with the Letter and Paper, &c.

The Obſervations he made in ſome Paragraphs &c. were neceſſary, the ſame things being repeated in other Letters, either of this or the next Volume, particularly the Original of the Letter to Mr Walſh is in his Hand.

I hope to have ſome of his Originals when we meet. The Books that Raſcal ſent imperfect, you ſhall have perfected on your firſt Deſire by a Line to Dicks; in which you are diſir'd to ſend us Word of what you now think of the Honour and Candour of

Your faithful Friend. P.T.
[25]
SIR,

YOU are happily got off, to my extreme Pleaſure, I take the firſt Minute I hear of your Acquittal to tell you, from certain Information, that ***** (Pope's Friends) particularly *** wou'd have done any ſort of illegal Injuſtice to have come at you, even to Impriſonment and Confiſcation of the Books. It was wholly owing to *****************, that your are defended in your Rights: and it will be but common Gratitude in you (as well as may poſſibly, nay certainly, recommend you to their Patronage) to take the firſt Opportunity to return them your public Thanks. The Coach waits, and I am going with this joyful News to the old Gentleman, and to have his Orders for what he promis'd, is the Reaſon I cannot poſſibly ſee you this Night. I am,

Your's moſt ſincerely, R. SMYTHE.
SIR,

I Have ſeen P.T. from whom I hop'd to have had the MSS. But I found him in a very different Humour from what I left [26] him. He ſays you did not follow the Inſtructions he ſent you, in not owning the Printing; which tho' in your Letter you ſeem to think nothing, yet joyn'd to your having own'd to others, that you had them from a-croſs the Water, was almoſt all that you could diſcover. Yet further, we are certainly inform'd that you have nam'd me as the Hand that convey'd them. This you've ſaid, that I was a Clergyman belonging to C. Church in Southwark. Judge you whether we can think of you as you've Reaſon to think of us, whether this be honourable Uſage, after you had known what P.T. had done, and what a Sum he paid to get you the whole Impreſſion. P.T. had Reaſon to think you would betray him aſſoon as you had it. Judge too if you have done wiſely, to hazard, by your blabbing, the Loſs of a future Copy of immenſe Value, which I much doubt he will ever let you have. He has poſitively enjoyn'd me not to truſt my ſelf with you till better Aſſurance: and the beſt way for my Part that I know you can give any Aſſurance is, to ſend the 20 pound firſt, to Dicks Coffee-Houſe, in a Note on Mr Hoare, by 10 to-morrow morning; and to ſhow P.T. that you truſt him as abſolutely in that ſmall Sum, as he has [27] done you in a much greater. As ſoon as you do this (and not before) he'll ſend all the things you deſire, which I believe he would never have done after your naming me, and coming ſo near, as Southwark, but for his being ſo earneſt to have the Book publiſh'd.

In one Word he has put it upon this Teſt.

I am ſorry you have given him this Occaſion of Diſtruſt. I wou'd be glad to do you a good Office with him; but I fear you've done me a bad one in naming me. I am,

Yours, R.S.

Your Anſwer ought to be very ſatisfactory.

SIR,

I Will bring you the Remainder of the Impreſſion Thurſday Evening. For I am really tir'd with this capricious Temper of the old Gentleman, he ſuſpects his own ſhadow; I ſhall leave it to your Generoſity to conſider me for the Copy. I am juſt ſent for to him, and am told he's in good Humour. I have but juſt time to tell you,

I am, Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

APPENDIX.

[]

No. I. WHEREAS E.C. Bookſeller, has written to Mr P—, pretending that a Perſon, the Initials of whoſe Name are P.T. hath offered him to print a large Collection of the ſaid Mr P—'s Letters, to which E.C. requires an Anſwer: This is to certify, that Mr P— having never had, nor intending ever to have, any private Correſpondence with E.C. gives his Anſwer in this Manner: That he knows no ſuch Perſon as P.T. that he thinks no Man has any ſuch Collection; that he believes the whole a Forgery, and ſhall not trouble himſelf at all about it.

No. II. WHEREAS A.P. Poet, has certified in the Daily Poſt-Boy, that he ſhall not trouble himſelf at all about the Publication of a large Collection of the ſaid Mr P—'s Letters which P.T. hath offered E.C. to print. This is to certify, that Mr C. never had, nor intended ever to have, any private Correſpondence [29] with A.P. but was directed to give him Notice of theſe Letters. Now to put all Forgeries, even Popiſh ones, to flight; this is to give Notice, that any Perſon, (or, A.P. himſelf) may ſee the ORIGINALS, in Mr P—'s own Hand, when printed. Initials are a Joke; Names at length are real.

No longer now like Suppliants we come,
E.C. makes War, and A.P. is the Drum.

WHEREAS a Perſon who ſigns himſelf P.T. and another who writes himſelf R. Smith, and paſſes for a Clergyman, have tranſacted for ſome time paſt with Edm. Curll, and have in Combination printed the Private Letters of Mr Pope and his Correſpondents [ſome of which could only be procured from his own Library, or that of a noble Lord, and which have given a Pretence to the publiſhing others as his which are not ſo, as well as interpolating thoſe which are;] This is to advertiſe, that if either of the ſaid Perſons will apply to Mr Pope, and diſcover the whole of this Affair, he ſhall receive a Reward of Twenty Guineas; or if he can prove he hath acted by Direction of any other, and of what Perſon, he ſhall receive double that Sum.

WHEREAS it is promiſed in Mr Pope's Name (in the Daily Poſt-Boy) that Twenty Guineas ſhall be paid to a Perſon who ſigns [30] himſelf P.T. to diſcover R.S. or Forty Guineas ſhall be paid to R.S. if he will diſcover P.T. or any body elſe who was in the Confederacy of publiſhing Mr Pope's Letters. This is to give Notice, that another Perſon who writes himſelf E.P. was likewiſe concerned with Edm. Curll in the ſaid Important Confederacy, who have all jointly and ſeverally agreed to oblige Mr Pope, if he will make it better worth their while, and let E. Curll print his Works for the future; who hereby promiſes, in Juſtice to all the Purchaſers of the ſaid Mr. Pope's Letters bought of him, to deliver this Week gratis, the Letters to Mr Jarvas, Mr Digby, Mr Blount, and Dr Arbuthnot, which were wanting in all the Copies ſeized. And in a Month will be alſo publiſhed, Letters Political and Familiar, by Mr Prior, Mr Addiſon, Mr Pope, Sir Richard Steele, &c. being the Second Volume of Literary Correſpondence, &c. Printed for E. Curll.

To the moſt Noble and Right Honourable the PEERS of Great-Britain.

My Lords,

THIS Day ſe'ennight I was in the ſame Jeopardy as Mr Dryden's Hind.

Doom'd to Death, tho' fated not to die.

But, till the Hour of my Death, I ſhall with the moſt grateful Acknowledgements always remember [31] both the Juſtice and Honour your Lordſhip's have done me on this Occaſion.

Prevarication, my Lords, is a noted Fineſſe of the Society of Jeſus; Mr Pope ſays, in one of his Letters, that an Evaſion is a Lye guarded; but in another to Mr Wycherley, he thus writes, pag. 24, 25. ‘"I am ſorry you told the Great Man, whom you met in the Court of Requeſts, that your Papers were in my Hands: No Man alive ſhall ever know any ſuch thing from me; and I give you this Warning beſides, that tho' your ſelf ſhould ſay I had any way aſſiſted you, I am notwithſtanding reſolved to deny it."’ An excellent Proof This of the Modeſty of Alexander Pope of Twickenham, Eſq

Now, my Lords, to Matter of Fact, I ſhall this Week publiſh a new Edition of Mr Pope's Literary Correſpondence, &c. wherein the Letters to Mr Jarvas, Mr Digby, Mr Blount, and Dr Arbuthnot (which were wanting in all the Copies ſeized by your Lordſhip's Order) ſhall be by me delivered gratis. And as I am reſolved to detect, if poſſible, the Contrivers of this groſs Impoſition upon your Lordſhips. I will, by way of Supplement, print all the Letters I have received from E.P. P.T. and R.S. with ſome other Correſpondences which, as Mr Bays ſays, ſhall both Elevate and Surprize the Public.

I have engraven a new Plate of Mr Pope's Head from Mr Jarvas's Painting; and likewiſe intend to hang him up in Effigy for a Sign to all Spectators of his Falſhood and my [32] own Veracity, which I will always maintain under the Scots Motto; ‘Nemo me impune laceſſit.’

E. CURLL.

To the BOOKSELLERS.

Gentlemen,

BEING informed that there are clandeſtinely ſent to Meſſ. Innys and Manby ſome Copies of Mr Pope's Letters, this is to give both Them and you Notice, that if They, or any Perſon whatſoever, ſell one Copy of the ſaid Letters, but what comes from me, I will take Repriſals on their Copies. Farther, my new Edition will have conſiderable Additions never before printed, with Cuts of the moſt eminent Perſons, which I will ſell you cheaper; therefore uſe me as you would be uſed yourſelves. The Perſon who complains of me ſhall be by me uſed as he deſerves.

E. CURLL.
POSTSCRIPT.

The Blanks in Smythe's Letter of May 15th I could not let paſs; his Reflections were ſo groſs upon the Lords in general, and one noble Peer in particular. But this whole Tranſaction, with ſome others relating to Mr Pope, I will lay before the Houſe at their Meeting. June 20, 1735.

E. CURLL.

TO Mr EDMUND CURLL, BOOK SELLER, IN ROSE-STREET, NEAR COVENT-GARDEN.

[]
[]
SIR,

I Having long lain under Mr Pope's Diſpleaſure, am thinking now of making my Peace with him; and, as I have had Obligations to you, I am deſirous that you ſhould be included in the Treaty. I have written here my Submiſſion to him (which is in the Way of my Calling), and if you pleaſe to print it (which is in the Way of your's), I hope, whatever becomes of me, you may receive ſome Benefit from it. I am,

Your obliged and moſt humble Servant, The AUTHOR.

The 17th Epode of HORACE Imitated.
A PALINODY to Mr POPE, by one of the Heroes of the DUNCIAD, occaſion'd by his Epiſtle to Dr Arbuthnot.

[37]
FOrbear, Canidius, O ſtop the Source,
I feel your a Slaver and I dread it's Force.
[38] From it's full Torrent I for Safety fly
To your good Nature, ſad Extremity!
And beg, by all that moves you to relent,
You would forgive b altho' I do repent.
By c th' Epitaph'd Remains of your John Gay,
By the dear Manes of your d joint-writ Play,
By th' awful Duſt in which ſad Lawton views,
Some mould'ring Children of your fruitful Muſe,
[39] In private mourn'd but publickly deny'd,
By You their wary Sire, becauſe they dy'd;
By all good friendly Souls in Peace diſmiſs'd,
By thoſe fore-Buttocks, which You ſucking kiſs'd,
I here conjure You wou'd ſome Pity take,
Th' impending Lines from Your lank Dewlaps ſhake,
Your dire contaminating Flow give o'er,
Beſeech'd, and ſpit and ſpawl on me no more.
Or (if You can) more generouſly act
And with your e Silver Bell one Dunce retract.
[40]
Your Engliſh Laelius by Petition meek,
Could make his Rival ſoft Forgiveneſs ſpeak,
Againſt whoſe Force he once durſt proudly ſtand,
Leading to proſp'rous War his choſen Band;
Great Souls inſpir'd by Knowledge of the Chace,
The monoſyllabic Weſt-Saxon Race.
Vanquiſh'd at laſt by a ſuperiour ſhaft
He ſu'd for Grace: the Victor mildly laugh'd,
Forgave, and made him Warden of his Craft.f
[41] Deep wounded Finch his Murd'reſs* cou'd forgive,
He ſigh'd tow'rds Newgate, and he bid her live.
Ev'n Women have forgiv'n! offended Con,
Her Juſtice ſatisfy'd, wiſh'd all undone,
And melting took, aſſur'd from farther Harms,
Her maſtigated Knight unto her Arms.
O much belov'd by thoſe who truly hate
Their Oaths, and King, and Miniſters of State,
Can Sins in ſcrib'ling no Remiſſion find?
No Length of Time appeaſe your anger'd Mind?
[42] gIn Tickling, Braying, Dozing, Chattering,
In Starving, Spouting, Diving, every thing,
That Bile ſuggeſts bedunc'd, bepiſs'd, bemir'd,
Thro' all poetic Vengeance dragg'd and tir'd
I hop'd at laſt for Reſt, but hop'd in vain;
You write afreſh and revel in my Pain,
Epiſtles into new Invectives turn,
Court my Reſentment, at my Friendſhip ſpurn,
[43] On my h few Meals your cruel Satire wreak,
iShut your own Door and my poor k Windows break.
What would You have? See trembling I am brought
To own (what once indeed I little thought)
My Head, nay any Head as well as mine,
Without your Licence cannot write a Line;
And, if you pleaſe, I here conſent to plead
My careleſs Parents taught me not to read.
Say if all this can't pacify your Ire,
What other Expiation you require
[44] I ſhall moſt readily the Taſk fulfil,
Not B—t's ſelf more plyant to your Will:
Whether for Sacrifice your Rigour looks,
An Hecatomb of hated Critics Books;
Or elſe would have my yet unflatt'ring Lays,
Reluctant turn'd to celebrate your Praiſe.
I'll ſing the Man who, out of high good Nature,
His gentle Genius ſooth'd in writing Satire.
I'll ſhew the Work l confeſs'd divinely penn'd,
With ev'ry Muſe, and Phoebus too your Friend;
[45] The great Incomprehenſible explor'd
As high as human Thought yet ever ſoar'd;
And Man, almoſt inexplicable too,
Thro' all his mazy Depths purſu'd by You;
His ſecret Vices drawn to public Sight,
His Virtues plac'd in moſt inchanting Light.
Then, to evince how You thoſe Virtues rate,
I'll mark how You your Morals dedicate
To pious St John's Name immaculate.
From thence I'll ſhew your natural Tranſition
To Sober Advice for caſual Fruition *.
[46] Farther to teſtify my Complaiſance
I'll vouch each Paradox you ſhall advance.
The Man's a Fool, I'll echo to your Voice,
Who living with the Fair no Fame deſtroys,
Nor other m Beauties than his Wife enjoys.
Clean Courtiers ſhall with n Stinks the Senſe offend,
And Twick'nam-Monks Perfumes from Flannel ſend.
[47] oBeauty ſhall ſhock, the contrary ſhall pleaſe,
And fifty Painters for it's Picture teaze.
Deſpiſed Innocents ſhall carry Stings,p
Mad Dogs ſhall fawning lick, q and Buggs have Wings. r
CANIDIUS's ANSWER.
In vain You cry to One who careleſs hears.
Go, you're a Dunce, an Aſs, prick up your Ears.

CURLL Triumphant; AND POPE Out-witted.

[48]
I.
POPE, meditating to diſgrace
Thoſe, whom his Satire jeers,
Not long ſince to a wildgooſe chace
Entic'd Great-Britain's Peers.
II.
He led 'em to purſue a Wight
Egregious—Curll his name,
Who not ſurpriz'd, and in no Fright,
By this purſuit reap'd Fame,
III.
He undeceiv'd the Nobles all,
More cou'd he wiſh or hope?
While Pope had thus contriv'd his Fall,
He triumph'd over Pope.
IV.
The Vomit foul, the Dunciad keen,
Vex'd Curll—but all admit,
Tho' Pope twice ſhew'd he had moſt ſpleen
Curll once has ſhewn moſt Wit.

LETTERS TO HENRY CROMWELL, Eſq

[]

LETTER I.

SIR,
THIS Letter greets you from the Shades;
(Not thoſe which thin unbody'd Shadows fill,
That glide along th' Elyſian Glades,
Or ſkim the flow'ry Meads of Aſphodill:)
But thoſe, in which a learned Author ſaid,
Strong Drink was drunk, and Gambols play'd
And two ſubſtantial Meals a Day were made.
[2] The Bus'neſs of it is t' expreſs,
From me and from my Holineſs,
To you and to your Gentleneſs,
How much I wiſh you Health and Happineſs;
And much good News, and little Spleen as may be;
A hearty Stomach, and ſound Lady;
And ev'ry Day a double Doſe of Coffee,
To make you look as ſage as any Sophy.

For the reſt I muſt be content in plain Proſe to aſſure you, that I am very much oblig'd to you for the Favour of your Letter

But if I may be allow'd to object againſt any thing you write (which I muſt do, if it were only to be even with you for your Severity to me) it ſhou'd be that Paſſage in your's, where you are pleas'd to call the Whores of Drury-lane, the Nymphs of Drury. I muſt own it was ſome Time before I could frame to my ſelf any plauſible Excuſe for this Expreſſion; but Affection (which you know, Sir, excuſes all Things) at laſt furniſh'd me with one in your Juſtification; which I have here ſent you, in Verſe, that you may have at leaſt ſome Rhyme to defend you, tho' you ſhou'd have no Reaſon.

[3]
If Wit or Critic blame the tender Swain,
Who ſtil'd the gentle Damſels in his Strain
The Nymphs of Drury, not of Drury-lane;
Be this his Anſwer, and the moſt juſt Excuſe—
' Far be it, Sirs, from my more civil Muſe,
' Thoſe loving Ladies rudely to traduce.
' Alleys and Lanes are Terms too vile and baſe,
' And give Ideas of a narrow Paſs;
' But the well-worn Paths of the Nymphs of Drury
' Are large and wide, Tydcombe and I aſſure ye.

I made no queſtion but the News of Sapho's ſtaying behind me in the Town wou'd ſurprize you. But ſhe is ſince come into the Country, and to ſurprize you more, I will inform you, that the firſt Perſon ſhe nam'd when I waited on her, was one Mr Cromwell. What an Aſcendant have you over all the Sex, who could gain the Fair-one's Heart by appearing before her in a long, black, unpowder'd Perriwig; nay, without ſo much as the very Extremities of clean Linnen in Neckcloth and Cuffs! I gueſs that your Friend Vertumnus, among all the Forms he aſſum'd to win the good Graces of Pomona, never took upon him that of ſlovenly Beau. [4] Well, Sir, I leave you to your Meditations on this Occaſion, and to languiſh unactive (as you call it).

But I find I have exceeded my Bounds, and begin to travel on the Confines of Impertinence. However, to make you amends, I ſhall deſire Mr Wycherley to deliver you this Letter, who will be ſure in leſs than a Quarter of an Hour's Converſation with you, to give you Wit enough to attone for twice as much Dulneſs as I have troubled you with. Therefore I ſhall only give my Reſpects to ſome of our Acquaintance, and conclude.

To Baker firſt my Service, pray;
To Tydcomb eke,
And Mr Cheek;
Laſt to yourſelf my beſt Reſpects I pay,
And ſo remain, for ever and for ay.
SIR,
Your affectionate humble Servant, A POPE.

LETTER II.

[5]
SIR,

ABOUT the Time that Mr Wycherley came to London, I troubled you with a Letter of mine, in hopes of prevailing with you to continue, the Favour of your's. But I now write, to convince you that Silence is not always the ſureſt Guard againſt Impertinence: I have too great a Senſe of thoſe many Civilities receiv'd from you, to deſiſt from expreſſing it, till I receive more: For you not only have acquainted me with many of my Errors in ſcribbling, but with ſome in my Conduct; and I owe to you the Knowledge of Things infinitely more of Concern to myſelf, than any thing of mine can be to others. The Advantage I have obtain'd from both might endanger your being put upon an endleſs Trouble of criticizing on the reſt of my Faults, and therefore you have reaſon to make ſome delay with thoſe now under your Examination. Tho' I never cou'd expect you ſhou'd once look upon them, but when you were perfectly at Leiſure; yet ſo much Aſſurance your former Kindneſs had given me, that I was under ſome Apprehenſions for your Health, on [6] the Score of your Silence; and I deſir'd Mr Wycherley to inform me on that Subject; which he did not, either through Forgetfulneſs, or elſe believing I ſhou'd be ſoon in Town. And I had certainly been there before this Time, had it been in my Power to comply with his moſt obliging Invitation, and my Deſires of ſeeing him and you. But ſince I find I muſt not hope for that Satisfaction till after Chriſtmas, I entreat you will not, in the mean time, let me be ſo unhappy as to doubt of your Welfare; which is the ſole Buſineſs of this Letter, that (to make you ſome amends for the unconſcionable Length of my laſt) ſhall not add a Word more but that which I hope you will ever believe, that I am,

Dear SIR,
Your moſt oblig'd and moſt humble Servant, A. POPE.

P.S. Pray continue to aſſure Mr Wycherley of my real Affection for, and Service to, him, and let him know I writ to him two Poſts ſince. You will likewiſe oblige me by giving my Service to Mr Betterton when you ſee him, who (I am afraid) is not well, not having ſeen his Name among the Actors in the public Advertiſements.

LETTER III.

[7]
Dear Sir,

I Receiv'd the Favour of your kind Letter, wherein I find you have oblig'd me before I expected it, in reviewing the Papers I ſent you; I have been aſk'd, I believe twenty times, by Sir William Trumbull for a Sight of that Tranſlation, but have deferr'd it till I cou'd ſupply the blank Spaces I left in the fair Copy, by your Approbation. If therefore you will ſend it inclos'd to Mr Thorold the Tobacconiſt in Duke-ſtreet, to be ſent me by the Coach, as ſoon as you can conveniently; it will come very opportunely; ſince I find I can no longer refuſe to ſhow it to Sir William with any Decency. I am mightily pleas'd with your Objection to my attributing Friendſhip to Dogs, yet think the Want of Equality is no Obſtacle to the Friendſhip of ſome Country Gentlemen of my Acquaintance, with theirs I am extreamly impatient to enjoy your agreeable Converſation, and to let you know how much I prefer it to any here, where indeed Dogs and Men are much on a Level, only the firſt have more Good-nature and more Sagacity. If I were not at this inſtant very [8] much afflicted with the Head-ach, I would offer a few more Conſiderations in Behalf of the fourlegg'd Part of the Creation. But I will only add one Word, that you and I will never diſagree about Dogs, or any Thing elſe, for I am with very much Eſteem, and ever will be,

SIR,
Your moſt faithful Friend, and humble Servant, A. POPE.

P.S. I deſign to write to Mr Wycherley by this Poſt, in Anſwer to the moſt kind and friendly Letter I ever receiv'd. I ſhall never be unhappy or melancholy in the Country, as long as he and you will oblige me with your Letters.

LETTER IV.

Dear Sir,

I WAS extreamly concern'd to leave you ill when I parted from the Town, and deſir'd Mr. Thorold to give me an Account of the State of your Health by the [9] next Coach: He omitted to do it, and I have been ſince at Mr Englefyld's till yeſterday, when I receiv'd the ill News that you continu'd ill, or much as I left you: I hope this is not true, and ſhall be very uneaſy in my Fears for your Health till I have a farther Account from yourſelf, which I beg you not to defer. I hope the Air of this Foreſt may perfectly recover you, and wiſh you wou'd to that end try it ſooner than the End of the Month; if you deſire Mr. Thorold, he will at a Day's Warning take a Place for you. My Father joins in this Requeſt, and Mr Englefyld is overjoy'd with the Hopes of ſeeing you at his Houſe. When I have your Company I cannot but be well, and hope from the Knowledge of this, that you can't be very ill in mine. I beg you to believe no Man can take a greater Intereſt in your Welfare, or be more heartily affected towards you than my ſelf; who am with all the Eſteem and Tenderneſs of a Friend,

Dear SIR,
Your faithful Humble Servant, A. POPE.

LETTER V.

[10]
Dear Sir,

IF my Letter pleas'd you, your's overjoy'd me; and I expect impatiently your kind Viſit: A little Room and a little Heart are both at your Service, and you may be ſecure of being eaſy in 'em at leaſt, tho' not happy. For you ſhall go juſt your own Way, and keep your own Hours, which is more than can be done often in Places of greater Entertainment.—As to your Letter of Critical Remarks on Dryden's VIRGIL, I can only ſay, moſt of what you obſerve are true enough, but of no great Conſequence (in my Opinion at leaſt) Line 250. And ſanctify the Shame—ſeems to me very beautiful: and ſo does—'tis doubly to be dead. Line 946. And bandy'd Words ſtill beat about his Ears,—This I have thought groſs as well as you; I agree with you that the 993d Line (And clos'd her Lids at laſt in endleſs Night)—is contradictory to the Senſe of Virgil, for ſo, as you ſay, Iris might have been ſpar'd. And in the main, 'tis to be confeſs'd that the Tranſlator has been freer with the Character of Dido than his modeſt Author wou'd allow. I am juſt taking Horſe to ſee a [11] Friend five Miles off, that I have no little Viſits abroad to interrupt my Happineſs at Home when you are here. So that I can but juſt aſſure you, how pleas'd I am in the Expectation of it, and how ſincerely I ſhall ever be,

Dear SIR,
Your moſt oblig'd and affectionate Servant, A POPE.

P.S. Pray bring a very conſiderable Number of Pint Bottles with you; this might ſeem a ſtrange odd Requeſt, if you had not told me you wou'd ſtay but as many Days as you brought Bottles; therefore you can't bring too many, tho' we are here no Drunkards. 'Tis a fine thing to have a learned Quotation for ev'ry Occaſion, and Horace helps me to one now.

—Non ego te meis
Immunem meditor tingere poculis,
Plena dives ut in domo. Ode 12. l. 4.

[12]And to another,

Ep. 5. l. 1

.

Haec ego procurare & idoneus imperor, & non
Invitus, ne turpe toral, ne ſordida mappa
Corruget nares—

And once more Sat. 2. l. 2.

—bene erit, non piſcibus urbe petitis
Sed pullo atque haedo; tum penſilis uva ſecundus
Et nux ornabit menſas, cum duplice ficu.
Nil mihi reſcribas, attamen ipſe veni.

P.S. Mr Lintot favour'd me with a Sight of Mr Dennis's Piece of fine Satire* before 'twas publiſh'd; I deſire you to read it, and give me your Opinion, in what Manner ſuch a Critic ought to be anſwer'd?

LETTER VI.

Dear Sir,

I SEND this only to let you know how much our whole Family deſire to hear of your ſafe Arrival in London, and the Continuance of your Health: You have, without Compliment, oblig'd us all ſo much by your Friendly Acceptance of ſo poor an Entertainment here, that you cou'd by [13] nothing have oblig'd us more, but by ſtaying longer. But I take ſo ſhort a Viſit only as an earneſt of a more kind one hereafter; as we juſt call upon a Friend ſometimes only to tell him he ſhall ſee us again.—All you ſaw in this Country charge me to aſſure you of their humble Service, and the Ladies in particular, who look upon us but as plain Country-Fellows ſince they ſaw you, and heard more civil Things in that Fortnight, than they expect from the whole Shire of us, in an Age. The Trophy you bore away from one of 'em, in your Snuff-box, will doubtleſs preſerve her Memory, and be a Teſtimony of your Admiration, for ever.

As long as Mocha's happy Tree ſhall grow,
While Berries crackle, or while Mills ſhall go;
While ſmoaking Streams from ſilver Spouts ſhall glide,
Or China's Earth receive the ſable Tide;
While Coffee ſhall to Britiſh Nymphs be dear;
While fragrant Steams the bended Head ſhall chear;
Or grateful Bitters ſhall delight the Taſte,
So long her Honour, Name, and Praiſe, ſhall laſt!

Pray give my Service to all my few Friends, and to Mr Gay in particular. Farewel, [14] that is, drink ſtrong Coffee. Ingere tibi calices, amariores. I am, with all Sincerity,

Dear SIR,
Your moſt faithful Friend, and humble Servant, A. POPE.

LETTER VII.

Dear Sir,

I Receiv'd your moſt welcome Letter, and am aſham'd you ſhou'd ſeem to give us Thanks, where you ought to aſſure us of Pardon, for ſo ill an Entertainment. Your heroic Intention of flying to the Relief of a diſtreſſed Lady, was glorious, and noble; ſuch as might be expected from your Character, for as Chaucer ſays (I think)

As nobleſt Metals are moſt ſoft to melt,
So Pity ſooneſt runs in gentle Minds.

[15] But what you tell me of her Relations Account of the State of her Mind, is not to be wonder'd at. 'Tis the eaſieſt Way they have to make ſome ſeeming Excuſe for a ſhameful Indolence and Neglect of afflicted Virtue, to repreſent it as willing to ſuffer, and endure the Croſs. Alas, Sir! Theſe good People of large Eſtates, and little Souls, have no mind to eaſe her, by bearing it off her Shoulders by a generous Aſſiſtance! OUr Saviour himſelf did not refuſe to be eas'd of the Weight of Part of his Croſs; tho' perhaps Simon of Cyrene might alledge to the Jews that 'twas Chriſt's Deſire to bear it all himſelf; and he, for his Part, might be willing to go quietly on his Journey, without the Trouble.—

Be pleas'd to aſſure Mr Ballam of my faithful Service: I can never enough eſteem a Zeal ſo ardent in my Concerns, from one I never cou'd any Way oblige, or induce to it. 'Tis an Effect of the pureſt, moſt diſintereſted Strain of natural Good-humour in the World. Pray at your Leiſure return me thoſe Papers in my Hand which you have, and in Mr Wycherley's, and favour me as often as you can with your Letters, which will ever be the moſt entertaining Things I can receive in your Abſence.—All thoſe fine Perſons you mention return you their humble Service—The Fate of [16] the Berry moves at once my Compaſſion, and Envy: It deſerves an Elegy; but who beſides Catullus and Voiture can write agreeably upon Trifles? My humble Service to the Lady in the Clouds, where if I am once ſo happy as to be admitted, I will not be put off like Ixion, but lay hold on the real Juno. I am, moſt ſeriouſly,

Dear SIR,
Your moſt oblig'd and moſt affectionate Servant and Friend. A. POPE.
[17]

To Mr LINTOT, Bookſeller.

Mr LINTOT,

MR Addiſon deſired me to tell you, that he wholly diſapproves the Manner of treating Mr Dennis in a little Pamphlet, by way of Dr Norris's Account*. When he thinks fit to take notice of Mr Dennis's Objections to his Writings, he will do it in a way Mr Dennis ſhall have no juſt Reaſon to complain of. But when the Papers abovementioned were offered to be communicated to him, he ſaid, he could not, either in Honour or Conſcience, be privy to ſuch a Treatment, and was ſorry to hear of it. I am,

SIR,
Your very humble Servant, RICHARD STEELE.

Mr POPE to Mr DENNIS.

[18]
SIR,

I Called to receive the two Books of your Letters * from Mr Congreve, and have left with him the little Money I am in your Debt. I look upon my ſelf to be much more ſo, for the Omiſſions you have been pleaſed to make in thoſe Letters in my Favour, and ſincerely join with you in the Deſire, that not the leaſt Traces may remain of that Difference between Us which indeed I AM SORRY FOR. You may therefore believe me, without either Ceremony or Falſeneſs,

SIR,
Your moſt obedient humble Servant, A. POPE.

Mrs THOMAS to Mr CURLL.

[19]
SIR,

BEing informed by a Perſon of great Worth and Quality that you deſigned to publiſh a Collection of Original Letters, &c. from the beſt Hands ſince the Reſtauration, I here therefore tranſmit ſome very good ones which I am poſſeſſed of, that I may contribute my little Mite thereto. And I am the more encouraged to purſue my firſt Intentions of ſending you the incloſed Papers, eſpecially thoſe from Mr Dryden, (from the great Uſefulneſs of ſuch an Undertaking) who, notwithſtanding he was the Honour and Ornament of his Country; yet, miſled by the Vices of that Age, had been too great a Libertine in many of his Writings; but dearly did he repent of it before he died (as certainly all muſt who have but even the Principles of Natural Religion, when they come to take a ſerious View of Eternity) he was continually bewailing the Impoſſibility of calling in all his Works, and making a thorough Reformation, and therefore took all Opportunities of deterring others from treading in his Steps; nay, ſometimes his Zeal carried him ſo far as to [20] chide, even when there was no Occaſion, as witneſs one of his Letters to me, who had deſired his Correction of ſome Verſes, and had innocently ſaid they were written in Imitation of Mr Behn's Numbers. I own I was pleaſed with the Cadence of her Verſe, tho' at the ſame Time I no ways approved the Licentiouſneſs of her Morals. But you will ſee how ſevere he is upon me for it; and I am very certain if he had lived but a few Months longer, he would have publiſhed a Treatiſe by Way of Recantation; which, as he often uſed to ſay, was the only Method whereby he could redeem his Crime, and prevent a growing Evil.

Sir, if you think the private Thoughts of this Great Man may be uſeful to the Public, and worthy a Place in your Collection, they are freely at your Service, from,

Your ſincere Friend, E.T.

LETTERS OF Mr DRYDEN TO CORINNA *.

[]
MADAM,

THE Letter you were pleaſed to direct for me, to be left at the Coffee-houſe laſt Summer, was a great Honour; and your Verſes were, I thought, too good to be a Woman's; ſome of my Friends, to whom I read them, were of the ſame Opinion. 'Tis not over gallant, I muſt confeſs, to ſay this of the fair Sex; but moſt certain [22] it is, that they generally write with more Softneſs than Strength. On the contrary, you want neither Vigour in your Thoughts, nor Force in your Expreſſions, nor Harmony in your Numbers, and methinks I find much of ORINDA* in your Manner (to whom I had the Honour to be related, and alſo to be known). But I continued not a Day in the Ignorance of the Perſon to whom I was obliged; for, if you remember, you brought the Verſes to a Bookſeller's Shop, and enquired there, how they might be ſent to me. There happened to be in the ſame Shop a Gentleman, who hearing you ſpeak of me, and ſeeing a Paper in your Hand, imagined it was a Libel againſt me, and had you watched by his Servant, till he knew both your Name, and where you lived, of which he ſent me word immediately. Tho' I have loſt his Letter, yet I remember you live ſome where about St Giles's, and are an only Daughter. You muſt have paſſed your Time in reading much better Books than mine; or otherwiſe you could not have arrived to ſo much Knowledge as I find [23] you have. But whether Sylph or Nymph I know not; Thoſe fine Creatures, as your Author Count Gabalis * aſſures us, have a mind to be chriſtened, and ſince you do me the Favour to deſire a Name from me, take that of CORINNA if you pleaſe; I mean not the Lady with whom OVID was in Love, but the famous Theban Poeteſs, who overcame PINDAR five Times, as Hiſtorians tell us. I would have call'd you SAPHO, but that I hear you are handſomer. Since you find I am not altogether a Stranger to you, be pleaſed to make me happier by a better Knowledge of you; and inſtead of ſo many unjuſt Praiſes which you give me, think me only worthy of being,

MADAM,
Your moſt humble Servant, and Admirer, JOHN DRYDEN.

LETTER II.

[24]
MADAM,

THE great Deſire which I obſerve in you to write well, and thoſe good Parts which God Almighty and Nature have beſtowed on you, make me not to doubt that by Application to Study, and the Reading of the beſt Authors, you may be abſolute Miſtreſs of POETRY. 'Tis an unprofitable Art, to thoſe who profeſs it; but you, who write only for your Diverſion, may paſs your Hours with Pleaſure in it and without Prejudice, always avoiding (as I know you will) the Licences which Mrs Behn allowed herſelf, of writing looſely, and giving (if I my have leave to ſay ſo) ſome Scandal to the Modeſty of her Sex. I confeſs, I am the laſt Man who ought, in Juſtice to arraign her, who have been myſelf too much a Libertine in moſt of my Poems, which I ſhould be well contented I had Time either to purge, or to ſee them fairly burned. But this I need not ſay to you, who are too well born, and too well principled, to fall into that Mire.

[25] In the mean Time, I would adviſe you not to truſt too much to VIRGIL's Paſtorals; for as excellent as they are, yet THEOCRITUS is far before him, both in Softneſs of Thought, and Simplicity of Expreſſion. Mr Creech * has tranſlated that Greek Poet, which I have not read in Engliſh. If you have any conſiderable Faults, they conſiſt chiefly in the Choice of Words, and the placing them ſo as to make the Verſe run ſmoothly; but I am at preſent ſo taken up with my own Studies, that I have not Leiſure to deſcend to Particulars; being, in the mean time, the fair CORINNA's

Moſt humble and moſt faithful Servant, JOHN DRYDEN.

P.S. I keep your two Copies till you want them, and are pleaſed to ſend for them.

LETTER III.

[26]
Fair CORINNA,

I Have ſent your Poems back again, after having kept them ſo long from you: By which you ſee I am like the reſt of the World, an impudent Borrower, and a bad Pay-maſter. You take more Care of my Health than it deſerves; that of an old Man is always crazy, and at preſent, mine is worſe than uſual, by a St Anthony's Fire in one of my Legs; tho' the Swelling is much abated, yet the Pain is not wholly gone, and I am too weak to ſtand upon it. If I recover, it is poſſible I may attempt Homer's Iliad: A Specimen of it (the firſt Book) is now in the Preſs, among other Poems of mine, which will make a Volume in Folio, of twelve Shillings Price*; and will be publiſhed within this Month. I deſire, fair Author, that you will be pleas'd to continue me in your good Graces, who am with all Sincerity and Gratitude,

Your moſt humble Servant, and Admirer, JOHN DRYDEN.

Mr CHARLES DRYDEN to CORINNA.

[27]
MADAM,

NOtwithſtanding I have been ſeized with a Fever ever ſince I ſaw you laſt, I have this Afternoon endeavoured to do my ſelf the Honour of obeying my Lady Chudleigh's Commands. My Fever is ſtill increaſing, and I beg you to peruſe the following Verſes according to your own Senſe and Diſcretion, which far ſurpaſſes mine in all Reſpects. In a ſmall Time of Intermiſſion from my Illneſs I wrote theſe following, viz.

MADAM,
HOw happy is our Britiſh Iſle to bear
Such Crops of Wit and Beauty to the Fair?
A female Muſe each vying Age has bleſt;
And the laſt Phoenix ſtill excels the reſt:
But you, ſuch ſolid Learning add to Rhymes,
Your Senſe looks fatal to ſucceeding Times;
Which rais'd to ſuch a Pitch, o'erflows like Nile,
And with an after Dearth muſt ſeize our Iſle.
[28] Alone, of all your Sex, without the Rules,
Of formal Pedants, or the noiſy Schools.
(What Nature has beſtow'd will Art ſupply)
Have trac'd the various Tracks of dark Philoſophy.
What happy Days had wiſe Aurelius ſeen,
If, for Fauſtina, you his Wife had been!
No jarring Nonſenſe had his Soul oppreſt;
For he, with all he wiſh'd for, had been bleſt.

Be pleaſed to tell me what you find amiſs, or correct it yourſelf, and excuſe this Trouble from,

MADAM,
Your moſt humble and moſt obedient Servant, CHARLES DRYDEN.*

LETTERS OF Mr ADDISON.

[]

To the Earl of MANCHESTER at Paris.

My LORD,

MR WALPOLE is lately arrived from Mr Stanhope, and has brought with him the Treaty of Commerce concluded with the King of Spain. I believe the Envoy will be here himſelf this Winter, his Preſence being perhaps neceſſary in caſe a certain Earl ſhould raiſe any Uneaſineſſes in the Houſe of Lords. Our Merchants are very angry at their late Loſſes on the Ruſſia Fleet, and pretend the Enemy muſt have had Advices of the Convoy's Orders, to meet them in ſo critical a Juncture; but it ſeems the Orders were ſuch as the Merchants themſelves deſired. Our Wagers on Toulon are ſunk, but we ſtill think the Odds are for us. The Duke of Devonſhire * is dangerouſly [30] gerouſly ill of a Retention of Urine, which will prove fatal unleſs very ſuddenly remedied.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the ſame.

My LORD,

WE had yeſterday a Liſbon Mail, in which we received Letters from Barcelona of June the 9th. They all tax very much the French Generals for not having made more uſe of their Victory at Almanza, which, till the coming away of thoſe Letters, had been followed by very inſignificant Succeſs. This had given our Forces time to recover themſelves, and to take all the neceſſary Precautions for the Defence of Catalonia, where the People appeared firm to the Auſtrian Intereſt; and the more ſo, ſince they ſaw by the Treatment of the Valentians and Arragenians, what they were to expect in caſe of Conqueſt. The Liſbon Letters gives us hopes of retaking Moura and Serpa, tho' we are afraid our four Engliſh Regiments [31] may ſuffer much before them, not being ſeaſoned to the Heats of the Country, which are at preſent in their greateſt ſtrength. The Parliament of Ireland ſeems very much pleaſed with their new Lord Lieutenent*.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To Mr COLE at Venice.

SIR,

MR Stepney died yeſterday at Chelſey, and will be buried in Weſtminſter Abbey. I need not tell you how much he is lamented by every body here. He has left Mr Prior a Legacy of 50 Pounds: to my Lord Halifax a Golden Cup and a hundred Tomes of his Library: the reſt of it is to go to Mr Lewis: and a Silver Ewer and Baſon to Mr Cardonnel. His Eſtate is divided between his two Siſters. The beſt part of it lies in the Treaſury, which owes him 7000 Pounds. The Obſervator in Dead.

J. ADDISON.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER at Paris.

[32]
My LORD,

THE Earl of Sunderland is now at New-Market, and will return with Her Majeſty on Friday next. I have been with Sir Charles Hedges, to aſk him for a Draught of a Treaty of Commerce with the Republic of Venice; but he does not remember that ever he had any ſuch in his Hands. I have therefore ſent to Mr Palmer on the ſame Subject; who, with two or three other Venetian Merchants, brought me the Project of a Treaty, which they deſired me to read to my Lord Sunderland, upon his Return from New-Market, in Order to have it laid before the Queen and Cabinet, to be examined and tranſmitted to your Lordſhip, with proper Inſtructions. In the mean Time I am ordered to ſend a Copy of it to your Lordſhip, that you may pleaſe to conſider it, and, if you think fit, may have time to give your Opinion on any Part of it. Our Forces deſigned for Portugal are ready to ſail with the firſt fair Wind.

I am &c. J. ADDISON.

To Mr COLE, at Venice.

[33]

YEſterday we had News that the Body of Sir Cloudeſly Shovel was found on the Coaſt of Cornwall. The Fiſhermen who were ſearching among the Wrecks, took a Tin Box out of the Pocket of one of the Carcaſſes that was floating, and found in it a Commiſſion of an Admiral; upon which, examining the Body more narrowly, they ſaw it was poor Sir Cloudeſly. You may gueſs the Condition of his unhappy Wife, who loſt, in the ſame Ship with her Huſband, her two only Sons by Sir John Narborough. We begin to deſpair of the two other Men of War, and the Fireſhip, that engaged among the ſame Rocks.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER, at Paris.

My LORD,

I Make bold to congratulate your Lordſhip on the appearance of ſo honourable a Concluſion as your Lordſhip is putting to [34] your Diſpute with the Senate of Venice. I had the pleaſure to day of hearing your Lordſhip's Conduct in this Affair very much applauded by ſome of our firſt Peers. We had an unlucky Buſineſs about two Days ago that befel the Muſcovite Ambaſſador, who was arreſted going out of his Houſe, and rudely treated by the Bayliffs. He was then upon his Departure for his own Country, and the Sum under a Hundred Pounds that ſtopt him; and what makes the Buſineſs the worſe, he has been punctual in his Payments, and had given Order that this very Sum ſhould be paid the Day after. However, as he is very well convinced that the Government intirely diſapproves ſuch a Proceeding, there are no ill Conſequences apprehended from it. Your Lordſhip knows that the Privileges of Ambaſſadors are under very little Regulations in England, and I believe that a Bill will be promoted in the next Parliament for ſetting them upon a certain foot; at leaſt it is what we talk of in both Offices on this Occaſion.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the Hon. Major DAVID DUNBAR,

[35]
SIR,

I This Morning urged to my Lord Lieutenant, every thing you ſuggeſt in your Letter, and what elſe came into my Thoughts. He told me it ſtopped with the Secretary, and that he would ſtill ſee what could be done in it. I ſpoke to Sir William Saint Quintin to remove all Difficulties with the Secretary, and will again plead your Cauſe with his Excellency tomorrow Morning. If you ſend me word where I may wait on you about eleven o'Clock, in ſome Bye-Coffee-Houſe, I will inform you of the Iſſue of this Matter, if I find my Lord Sunderland at home, and will convince you that I was in earneſt when I wrote to you before, by ſhewing myſelf,

Your moſt Diſintereſted Humble Servant, J. ADDISON.

To the Hon. Major DUNBAR.

[36]
SIR,

I Find there is a very ſtrong Oppoſition formed againſt you, but I ſhall wait on my Lord Lieutenant this Morning, and lay your Caſe before him as advantageouſly as I can, if he is not engaged in other Company.

I am afraid what you ſay of his Grace*, does not portend you any Good.

And now, Sir, believe me, when I aſſure you I never did, nor ever will, on any pretence whatſoever, take more than the ſtated and cuſtomary Fees of my Office. I might keep the contrary Practice concealed from the World, were I capable of it, but I could not from my ſelf. And I hope I ſhall always fear the Reproaches of my own Heart, more than thoſe of all Mankind. In the mean Time if I can ſerve a Gentleman of Merit, and ſuch a Character as you bear in the World, the Satisfaction [37] I meet with on ſuch an Occaſion, is always a ſufficient, and the only Reward to,

SIR,
Your moſt Obedient, Humble Servant, J. ADDISON *

* Theſe two Letters relate to a very ſignal piece of Service which Mr Addiſon did this Gentleman in the Year 1715, when he was Secretary to the Earl of Sunderland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. It was ſo great a Favour that Major Dunbar ſent Mr Addiſon a Bank-Bill of 300 l. which he would not by any means accept. After which he laid out the Money in a Diamond-Ring, which Mr Addiſon likewiſe rejected.

Mr B—ll—s's LETTER to Mr T—r at BATH.

SIR,

AT this Seaſon, London ceaſes to be the Metropolis of Pleaſure; the few of the polite World that remain here, become conſiderable by their ſcarceneſs. Valentine, the vaineſt thing alive, calls the Town his Retreat, and continues in it only to preſide over the Scarcity of Fools. [38] Pretty Miſs D— expoſes her Reputation to a Thouſand daily Sollicitations; it is poſſible ſhe may as yet retain her Virtue, if ſo, ſhe is certainly weary of her Profeſſion. Greatly oppoſite, my Friend, is the Character of the Lady you inquire after; whom I have not been able to ſee theſe ſix Weeks, ſave at her Devotions on the Sabbath, where ſhe was too deeply (tho' moſt unfaſhionably) engaged, for me to claim any part of her Attention. I know you expect a Rapture when I ſpeak of her, but I aſſure you her Virtue awes and ſuppreſſes every idle Thought; ſhe is a Pattern to form an Angel by, and ſeems as tho' ſhe would revenge on all Mankind, the devaſtations they have committed on her Sex; nothing has appeared worthy Notice ſince your laſt; I have however ſent you ſomething that has been handed about here, I ſuppoſe intended as a Satire upon your ſelf, you'll ſmile to ſee all the Rage of Parnaſſus dwindled to this gentle Hum, with which, my dear Friend, I ſhall conclude.

Yours &c.

To the AUTHOR * of an Epiſtle to Mr POPE; Occaſion'd by his Epiſtle to the Earl of BURLINGTON.

[39]
I.
WHILE to our Second JONES's Praiſe,
The Bard officiouſly ſevere,
Attempts a Monument to raiſe,
What Rhyming Ape in mimic Lays
Applauds the ſervile Sonneteer.
II.
Forgets Palladio's grand Deſign,
His bending Arch, his riſing Pile.
Tells how Apoſtle Pope can ſhine,
And proſtitutes his venal Line
To the malicious Pigmy's Smile.
[40]III.
Thus when return'd from Powell's Show,
Mamma aſks Jack what pleas'd his Eyes;
Tho' Danube's Streams in Ribbons flow
Tho' Alps riſe white with Paper Snow,
To him in vain they flow and riſe.
IV.
Maſter forgets the nobleſt thing,
The Hero's Strut and haughty Tone,
Raves of the Crumpt-Back Puppet-King,
His ribbald Joke, his ſmutty Sting,
And deifies a Punch alone.

To Mr CURLL &c.

[41]
SIR,

FOR your ſecond Volume of Literary Correſpondence &c. I here ſend you an Imitation of the FEAST of TRIMALCHIO, from Petronius Arbiter. Compare it your ſelf with the Original, or ſhew it to Mr Pope, or commit it to the Flames, which you pleaſe. But, if you print it, you may ſay, it was deſign'd for the Entertainment of our preſent Mayor*.

Your humble Servant, The TRANSLATOR.

THE FEAST OF TRIMALCHIO, Imitaded.
From TITUS PETRONIUS ARBITER.
Convivium Sybariticum.

[]

PRAELUDIUM.

THE preſent Age, by a ſtrange Revolution of Manners greatly reſembles thoſe Profligate, Corrupt, Debauched, Vicious, and Abandoned Times in which Titus Petronius Arbiter lived, and of which he has given ſo warm and lively a Deſcription in his Satire. That part relating to the Feaſt of Trimalchio remained, through the Injury of Time, imperfect, till within theſe Fourſcore Years, when ſome Fragments were found which compleated the Relation; this is generally [43] thought to repreſent the Vices of Nero, who having devoted himſelf to the Counſels of Tigellinus, his ſole Miniſter and Favourite, a Man of obſcure Birth, and corrupt Principles, did from the higheſt Expectancy become a ſtubborn and a fooliſh Tyrant. There are ſome who think Seneca to be deſcribed under the Name of Trimalchio, others Tigellinus, in which view I ſhall at preſent take it, altho' it is not ſo probable that he was the Perſon intended by Petronius in that Character.

The FEAST of TRIMALCHIO.

GLUTTED with the public Diverſions, of Theatres, Amphitheatres, and Bacchanalian Revels, we viſited the moſt Sacred Palaces of Monarchy, and beheld with aweful Reverence, the public Banquettings of theſe earthly Gods! we ſaw the Auguſt Emperor at his Meals, and we did ſee the People gape as he did eat; I truly wondered that they ſhould betray ſo much of the Imperfection of human Nature, to the Multitude, who by this might diſcover that Kings differed not at all from common Men. The Luxury of the Nation encouraged no Entertainment which we did not partake of, our Ears [44] were feaſted with the moſt wanton and laſcivious Strains of Inſtruments and Voices, and we could perceive the Paſſions theſe Airs inſpired in the Faces of an Hundred Beauties almoſt naked to the Waiſt; and now we purpoſed to retire, and enjoy a Week's Interval from the Fatigues of Pleaſure, when a Slave came to inform us, that his Maſter, Caius Pompeius Trimalchio invited us to a Repaſt, where every Man might ſpeak his mind. He is, ſays the Slave, a Man of infinite Humour, and a moſt excellent Politician I aſſure you. Having dreſt our ſelves, we bid him conduct us to his Maſter; but in our way thither, the ſtreets were greatly thronged with Horſemen, who had been hunting and were now returning from the Chace; I was wholly taken up with the Homage that was paid to one of the Sportſmen, and the Grandeur of his Equipage, when Menelaus, a Nobleman and one of his Attendants, ſteps up to us, preſenting a Gentleman, ſaying this is he with whom you are to dine.

He was a portly Man, ſomewhat Gouty, and accoſted every body with an affected Smile; upon our Appearance he made an offer of alighting to receive us, when the greater part of his Retinue diſmounted in an inſtant; ſome of them held his Bridle, others took hold of his Stirrup, [45] the reſt bent their Backs, reclined their Heads, and threw themſelves into the reſemblance of ſo many Horſe-Blocks, ſeeming to court his Foot to tread upon their Necks, about which they wore a chain, looſe and careleſs, to denote the pleaſure they took in their Servitude. You may imagine this Submiſſion reduced the Cavalcade to ſome diſorder; for my part, I was quite abaſhed, having never ſeen the like, ſo flung my ſelf upon the Ground, amongſt the reſt, as did my Companions, in which we were very lucky, for I afterwards underſtood it was a Ceremony required of every body that were to be his Gueſts. We were ſoon raiſed up, mounted on led Horſes, and the Troop renewed it's former Order, marching regularly into a Court-Yard, where we diſmounted; and walking to the Entrance of the Portico read this Inſcription:

If any Slave ſhall ſay AYE or NO, contrary to the Will of his Maſter, he ſhall be ſtript of his Livery and loſe his Wages.

At the entrance of the Hall was a Glaſs Room, which I took to be the Porter's Lodge, and admired the Contrivance, but was preſently convinced of my Miſtake, when raiſed by Pullies to the Roof, I [46] diſcovered it to be a moſt ſtupendious Lanthorn.

We advanced to the Stair-caſe, where a Market-Place was deſcribed, with Slaves ſetting upon Benches to the right and left, to be BOUGHT and SOLD, Trimalchio hard by with a Whip and Bridle; a little farther was repreſented how he firſt learnt to ſpell, and beyond that was Mercury holding him up by the Chin and placing him on a Throne; Fortune preſented him with a Cornucopia and the three fatal Siſters, ſpun a Thread of Gold. He was in different places painted as a Judge, a General, and a Prieſt; the whole was excellently performed, and highly finiſhed: ſurfeited with this fulſom Pageantry, as we proceeded, a Slave, ſtript of his Livery, caſt himſelf at our feet, imploring our Protection, proteſting his Fault was Inadvertency only, that being rouſed from ſleep, and aſked a queſtion he knew nothing of, he had ſaid NO when he ſhould have ſaid YES. We were ſaluted by him in the Dining-Room with thanks for the Obligation, which he told us was well beſtowed, for, ſays he, the Wine, my Lord drinks, you ſhall anon find to be in the diſpoſal of his Servants; having viewed the Sideboard, the huge Piles of maſſy Plate, and ſpacious Ciſterns, double gilt, on which [47] Trimalchio's Arms and Name were engraven, and it's weight markt on each peice, we all ſeated ourſelves, except Trimalchio, for whom the chief Place was reſerved. At the ſtriking up of a Band of Muſic he made his Entrance, My Friends, ſays he, I have buſineſs to diſpatch, but came thus ſoon, leſt my Abſence ſhould make you uneaſy. Now the Servants entered ſweating beneath the ponderous Diſhes, which they ſeemed hardly able to ſupport; the fleſh of Bulls, Calves, Sheep, Deer, and other Quadrupeds; all Kinds of Fiſh and Fowl, were ſtewed for the Juices they contained, which, blended into one Fluid, formed a moſt delicious Soup. Near, in a golden Charger were an hundred mangled Vipers, buried in their own blood; in other Diſhes were the Palates of Cuckows, the Rumps of Wheat-Ears, the Brains of Nightingales, Cavear of Todpoles, an Onocrotalon, the Hump of a Camel, the Proboſcis of an Elephant, and a Sow's Paps. I knew not a ſeventh part of this Courſe; the greateſt ſhare of which was ſcrambled away before it could be diſtinctly viewed; a Slave in the Hurry threw down a golden Diſh, and ſtooping to take it up, Trimalchio gave him a ſound Box on the Ear, and ordered it to be ſwept out of the Room; the Salvers rang, and Wine went briſkly round, [48] when, every body ſaid ſomething in praiſe of this Service, this Applauſe was followed with a ſecond, and that indifferent conſidering the Place, the Novelty of it however drew our Attention, it was a round Table on which were placed the twelve Signs in their proper Order, upon each of which the Diſpoſer had put ſome thing ſuitable. Upon ARIES was a Sheep's-Head; upon TAURUS, a Chine of Beef; upon GEMINI, Lamb's-Stones and Kidneys; upon CANCER, a Ducal-Coronet; upon LEO, the African-Fruit; upon VIRGO, Sauſages; upon LIBRA, a Pair of Scales, in the one a Pudding, in the other a Panegyric; upon SCORPIO, a Sprat; upon SAGITTARIUS, a Hare; upon CAPRICORN, a Lobſter; upon AQUARIUS, a Gooſe; upon PISCES, two Mullets; and in the middle, a Plate of ſweet Herbs. Now Trimalchio, intreated us to be merry, called for more Wine, and larger Glaſſes, the Company were highly elevated, ſeveral Courſes followed too nauſeous and tedious to relate. I aſked one of the Gueſts who that Woman was, that ſcutled up and down the Room, her Name is FORTUNATA, ſays he, ſhe is the Wife of Trimalchio, ſhe meaſures her Money by the Buſhel; and yet ſhe ſprang from a Dunghil not long ſince, no Man would have touched her with a Pair of Tongs; [49] now ſhe is his Heaven, his all in all! what ſhe ſays muſt be truth, ſhe's a Wagtail, a meer Shrew, a Magpye, whom ſhe loves, ſhe loves; and whom ſhe loves not, ſhe hates. Trimalchio knows not half his Income, nor extent of his Eſtate.

The Sun, himſelf, ſurveys it not at once, but travels for the view; a Crow cannot fly over it in a Week; he buys nothing, yet owns the whole Town, inhabits it all, and is himſelf the People. A twentieth part of his Tenants don't know their Landlord; there are Thirty Degrees amongſt his Servants; he has twenty-ſix Domeſtic-Chaplains, and three Orders of his Favourites, whom he teaches to jump over a Stick; he is himſelf a Lover of Peace; for when the Alemains and Gauls were at war, he ſent and deſired to be Friends.

Upon this, another Orator aroſe and thus delivered himſelf. The World, the whole World, cannot be ignorant of the Virtues of our Patron CAIUS. The Government of Provinces, the high Truſts and principal Employments of Rome, are not beſtowed by Favour but Merit, nothing is now conſidered but Integrity and Worth. What good Work is left undone? The luminous Dignitaries of the Church, the immortal Charges of the War, the Trade and flouriſhing Opulency of the People, the [50] increaſing Glory and Grandeur of the State! Theſe our Romans ſhall record to Perpetuity, the Honours of Trimalchio, which conſiſt not in his many eminent and great Employments, but in his tranſcendent Liberality, profound Policy, and the ardent and unextinguiſhed Love he bears his Country, in whoſe uncorrupt hands we are as Counters, and what juſt now ſtood for Millions ſhall at his pleaſure dwindle to Cyphers. We had now got our full Doſe, and were grown ſick of this fulſom Slave; when Trimalchio leaning on his Elbow thus ſpoke—This Wine, ſaid he, is good; and Fiſh ſhould ſwim: let's be merry, and exerciſe our Lungs as well as Teeth. Well, Peace be with my Maſter's bones, ſay I, who made a Man of me. You can tell me nothing which I don't know, I never was outwitted; for, I am a thorough Maſter of the Practicks! Here he explained the Heavens by Banquets, and ſhewed us the Influence of each Sign upon our Nativity. Clapping our Hands and hollooing we rang an univerſal Peal to his Applauſe, and ſwore all the Philoſophers and Aſtrologers in the World were Fools to him; upon this, he called for his Will, and order'd it to be read, this ſet the whole Family in Tears, and their howling was as grievous, as their Joy before had been exceſſive; [51] he repeated his Epitaph himſelf, which he aſſured us was of his own compoſing; no doubt, ſays he, you wonder how I became ſo Great! conſidering my Age, for theſe Teeth I loſt, when I was a Boy, and I have proſpered ever ſince. I was ever bold and confident, becauſe a Fortune-teller inform'd me, how long I had to live. He run on thus for a great while, when one, behind, thus whiſpered me. This Trimalchio, ſays he, is a pitiful Scoundrel, and his Retinue a Pack of Raſcals, he became the mighty deſpicable thing he is, by Fawning, Wriggling, Whiſpering, Intriguing, Bargaining, and Backbiting; no honeſt Man can Eat, Drink, Sleep, or enjoy the Light of the Sun without paying an EXCISE for the ſupport of his Luxury: as if the Gifts of Providence were at his ſole Diſpoſal. Sir, continued he, I never would wiſh for a better Eſtate, than the Property of Printing his Laſt Dying Speech. This Fellow's Bluntneſs made me ſmile, and the Company withdrawing to the Baths, Gito, Aſcyltos, and my ſelf, took this opportunity of ſtealing away, unperceiv'd, among the Croud.

PLAUDITE.

To Colonel WILLIAM STANHOPE*

[52]
Dear SIR,

THO' after addreſſing two Letters to you juſt before, it may ſeem impertinent to trouble you ſo ſoon with a Third, yet I cannot reſiſt the Temptation of giving you Joy upon your late Promotion; in which I hope you may find your Intereſt, as well as your Inclination gratified. While the reſt of the World are making their Court, upon this Occaſion, in Town, I am content here in the Country to read the Triumphs of my FRIENDS twice a Week in the Gazette. My Ambition at preſent is turned quite another Way; and all my humble Endeavours are directed to pleaſe the FAIR. There is a little Papiſt Villain in the Neighbourhood, ('tis a Defect in our Language, that the Termination of the Adjective doth not mark the Gender, but you are to underſtand this in the Foeminine) who hath robbed me of my Heart; and I have ſcarce had an Hour's ſound Sleep, [53] except it was at Church, theſe two Months. I know that all this is very ridiculous; and that an HALF-PAY OFFICER ought no more to be in Love than a COMMON WHORE. People of ſuch Precarious Subſiſtence ſhould give into no Paſſion that is not ſupported by Gain. But when INDISCRETION cheats us in the Shape of PLEASURE, who can eſcape the Snare? I have this Comfort ſtill in Reſerve, that, as I have an HEART entirely ENGLISH, it is odds I ſhall not continue Two Months longer in the ſame Mind. There is one Inſtance, however, of my Conſtancy, that will never, I am ſure, be impeached: I wiſh indeed it were not clogged with the Obligations you have laid upon me, and then you would know it as much upon the Account of your Perſonal Merit, as any Favours you have conferred on ME, that I profeſs my ſelf,

SIR,
Your moſt Faithful and Obedient Servant, RICHARDSON PACK.

To YOUNG LADY, who told me, the Army had no Religion; and challenged me to ſhow her a PRAYER, that had been made by a Soldier.

[54]
MADAM,

IT was always with the greateſt Attention that I received the Honour of your Commands, and it is an equal Pleaſure to me when I am employed to execute them: But the Taſk you impoſed upon me laſt Night, was what, I confeſs, ſurprized me. In a Viſit where I hoped to have been entertained as a Lover, I little expected to be conſulted as a Divine; nor did I believe you would have had the Curioſity, inſtead of hearkening to the faithful Vows I was addreſſing to YOU, to enquire about thoſe I made to Heaven. As St Paul became All Things to All Men, that he might gain ſome, ſo I find too (I ſpeak it under all the Reſtrictions of Modeſty) that a Man muſt become All Things to all Women, if he would pretend to ſucceed with any. It is an unaccountable Prejudice, that prevails of late againſt our PROFESSION; and particularly among the FAIR SEX, who ſeem to judge that Virtue and Vice [55] conſiſt rather in the Dreſs of a TRIBE, than the Habit of the MIND. The PRAYER I ſend you incloſed, (which I give you my Word of Honour, was made by a SOLDIER) will, I hope, convince you, there are ſome MILITARY MEN who deſerve not to be Excommunicated from the Chaſteſt DRAWING-ROOMS. I ſhall ſubmit to your LADY MOTHER, whether the AUTHOR, or her CHAPLAIN, be the better CASUIST of the Two: But when the Queſtion ſhall ariſe about a GALLANT, I beg you to believe, you'll never find one, who is with more Devotion than my ſelf,

MADAM,
Your moſt Faithful, &c. RICHARDSON PACK.

A SOLDIER'S PRAYER.

O GOD, thou Searcher of Hearts, and Judge of all Men, before whoſe awful Throne we ſhould tremble to approach, did not thy Mercy make thy Juſtice leſs terrible; look down, I beſeech Thee, with Favour and Compaſſion upon [56] me, miſerable Sinner! Pardon my Offences, and Pity my Infirmities. Be not extreme to mark my Follies: For in thy ſight ſhall no Man living be juſtified. Remember, I am but poor Duſt and Aſhes, the Child of Vanity, and the Sport of Paſſions. Without thy Aid, O Lord, all our Endeavours after Righteouſneſs are fruitleſs, all our Wiſdom empty Pride, all our Happineſs, Deluſion. Do thou enlighten therefore my Mind, and ſanctify my Heart, that I may know and practiſe the Things that belong to my Peace. Redeem me from the Bondage of my Sins, and raiſe me to the Fellowſhip of thy Saints. O let not the many and repeated Inſtances of my Guilt provoke thee to withdraw from me the Aſſiſtance of thy Holy Spirit. But accept of my unfeigned Repentance; ſecond my Reſolutions of Amendment; and ſecure me from the Danger of a Relapſe. Particularly, O Lord, guard me from the Temptation of ******** which I have ſo often committed, even after the clear Conviction, and profeſſed Abhorrence of my own Conſcience, and thereby merited thy moſt heavy Diſpleaſure. Set thy Law ever before me, [57] that the Terror of thy Threats may reſtrain me from Vice; and the Encouragement of thy Promiſes incite me to Virtue. Make my Obedience to thy Will my Delight; as well as my Duty; that I may ſerve thee with Purity and Truth; not by Starts only, when Afflictions may humble me, or the Eye of the World obſerve me; but in a Conſtant, Uniform, and Sincere Devotion, without Lukewarmneſs, without. Hyprocriſy.

After thy Spiritual Graces, in the ſecond Place, I beg a Bleſſing upon my Temporal Concerns. Proſper my honeſt Endeavours in that Station wherein thy Providence has placed me in this World. Give me the Benefit of Health, and the Quiet of Contentment in all my Fortunes. Protect me from all open Violence or Injuries, and defend me from the Arrows that fly in the Dark, the Backbitings of a malicious, and the Flatteries of a deceitful Tongue. Bleſs all my Relations and Friends. Forgive and reconcile my Enemies: Teach me to make a right Uſe of both; that the Malice of the one my awaken my Caution, and the Kindneſs of the other confirm my Conſtancy. Let me not live wholly unprofitable in my Generation. Give me the honeſt Ambition of deſerving well of as [58] many as I am able. In all my Aims, Deſires, and Hopes, let me conſider the Dignity of my Nature, and ſtudy to promote the Glory of thy Name.

Laſtly, as in Duty bound, I offer up my moſt hearty Praiſe and Thankſgiving for all thy Mercies and Benefits vouchſafed to me, thy unworthy Servant: For my Creation, Preſervation, amidſt all the Dangers with which I have been encompaſſed; and for all the Comforts and Advantages of this Life: But above all, for the glorious Proſpect of a better, through the Merits of thy Son, my Redeemer. To whom with Thee and the Holy Ghoſt be aſcribed, &c.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

NOT long ſince here happen'd a very agreeable Adventure. The Ducheſs of Richmond, and two Ladies, her Companions (greatly honour'd in being made ſo), had ſo cloſe an Affection for each other, that nothing but Night could ſeparate them. In the Day-time, whatever was propos'd by one, the other two inſtantly complied with; and there was but one Inconvenience of which they [59] complain'd: The Retiring-Room in the Garden, had but TWO Holes. To redreſs this Grievance, an ingenious Gentleman*, made the following merry Ballad, call'd The Third Hole, which needs no farther Explanation than what will be found in the Performance it ſelf.

Yours, &c.

THE THIRD HOLE. A BALLAD.

To the Tune of, Packington's Pound.
I.
THE GRACES were Play-fellows never aſunder,
As Horace and all the old Poets agree:
This being once granted, why then 'tis no wonder,
That whene'er you ſaw One, you always ſaw Three.
[60] In Bed and at Table,
Still inſeparable;
Nor Mortal, nor God, to part 'em was able.
Nay even to do that, which Goddeſſes do,
If One had occaſion, ſtill went t'other Two.
II.
So in Suſſex * THREE Nymphs, or three Graces, chuſe whether,
(O were I but Horace, their Praiſes to thrill)
From Morning to Even, were always together:
And did, as we ſay, The ſame Thing in a Quill.
[61] In the Park, or the Grove,
Below, or Above,
Not an Inch e'er a One, from the Other wou'd move;
One only thing griev'd 'em, and fretted their Souls,
Where there ſhou'd have been three, there were but two Holes.
III.
With Curt'ſy full low, to the Prince of the Place,
In Terms the moſt moving, they jointly Petition,
By all that is ſacred, beſeeching his Grace,
To have ſome regard to their hapleſs Condition.
[62] The Paper he read,
Then nodding his Head;
Send for Smart to come over, this Moment he ſaid;
For ſure in the World, there is no Reaſon why,
When two Friends are ſitting *, the third ſhou'd ſtand by.
IV.
The Chalk-Pit was dug, and the Mortar was made,
And Bricks, without Number, from Hampnet there came,
When our Architect ſoon, who well knew his Trade,
Made, by one ſingle Fabric immortal his Name.
[63] Then Harry give o'er,
Think of building no more,
Throw thy Plummet and Trowel, and Hod, out of Door;
So had done, without Queſtion, both Archer, and Van,
Had they had but the Honour to furniſh the Plan.
V.
Now all You, that theſe Three, of your Zeal wou'd convince,
And deſire that in Pain they may never be long,
Congratulate them, and give Thanks to the Prince,
By clearing your Voices, and aiding my Song:
[64] For now they may ſquat,
And ſing, laugh, or chat,
Yet, all under One, without hind'rance do That;
And at the ſame Time, may their Friendſhip improve,
By what we all count, the Beginning of Love.
VI.
As for me, this ſame Ballad. which now I compoſe,
With whatever elſe I hereafter ſhall write;
Or Poem, or Letter, in Verſe or in Proſe,
Be the Subject what 'twill, or ſerious, or light:
[65] Nay yet farther ſtill,
My Intent to fulfil,
The laſt and the ſobereſt Writing, my Will,
I as freely reſign, as I wou'd my own Soul,
To that of the THREE, that's Your Ladyſhip's HOLE.
[66]

A DECREE for Concluding the TREATY between Dr. SWIFT and Mrs. LONG.*

WHEREAS it hath been ſignified to us, that there is now a Treaty of Acquaintance on Foot between Dr. Swift of Leiceſter-fields, on the One part, and Mrs. Long of Albemarle-ſtreet, on the Other Part: And whereas the ſaid Dr. Swift, upon the Score of his Merit, and extraordinary Qualities, doth claim the ſole and undoubted Right, That all Perſons whatſoever, ſhall make ſuch Advances to him, as he pleaſes to demand; any Law, Claim, Cuſtom, Privilege of Sex, Beauty, Fortune, or Quality, to the contrary notwithſtanding.

And whereas the ſaid Mrs. Long, humbly acknowledging and allowing the Right of the [67] ſaid Doctor, doth yet inſiſt upon certain Privileges and Exceptions, as a Lady of the TOAST*; which Privileges, ſhe doth alledge, are excepted out of the Doctor's general Claim, and which ſhe cannot betray, without injuring the whole Body, whereof ſhe is a Member: By which Impediment, the ſaid Treaty is not yet brought to a Concluſion; to the great Grievance and Damage of Mrs. Van Homrigh, and her fair Daughter Heſſy.

And whereas the Deciſion of this weighty Cauſe is refered to Us, in our Judicial-Capacity; We, out of our tender Regard to Truth and Juſtice, having heard and duly conſidered the Allegations of both Parties, do declare, adjudge, decree, and determine, That the ſaid Mrs. Long, notwithſtanding [68] any Privileges ſhe may claim as aforeſaid, as a Lady of the TOAST, ſhall, without Eſſoîn or Demurr, in two Hours after the Publiſhing of this Decree, make all Advances to the ſaid Doctor, that he ſhall demand; and that the ſaid Advances ſhall not be made to the ſaid Doctor, as Un Homme ſans Conſequence, but purely upon Account of his great Merit.

And We do hereby ſtrictly forbid the ſaid Mrs. Van Homrigh, and her fair Daughter Heſſy, to aid, abet, comfort, to encourage her, the ſaid Mrs. Long, in her Diſobedience for the future. And in Conſideration of the ſaid Mrs. Long's being a TOAST, we think it juſt and reaſonable, that the Doctor ſhould permit her, in all Companies, to give herſelf the Reputation of being one of his Acquaintance; which no other Lady ſhall preſume to do, upon any Pretence whatſoever, without his eſpecial Leave and Licence firſt had and obtained.

By Eſpecial Command, G. V. HOMRIGH.

To Mrs. ANNE LONG, at Draycot, near Chippenham, in Wiltſhire.
From the Orifice of my Ink-pot, when January was juſt expiring, in the Year 1690.

[69]

BY your genteel Reſpite of Writing, and ſeeming Silence, I began to be divided with myſelf, whether to congratulate your joyful Reſurrection, or to condole your late ill Diſtemper, 'till the Tranſport of your obliging Lines ſoon reſolved my Doubt.

And glad am I, my Med'cine came too late,
But why don't You your Cure communicate.

I am (altho' I ſay it) of a very flexible Diſpoſition towards Reconcilements; and the rather, when conjured to it by ſo potent a Charmer as yourſelf. And therefore, muſty Mrs. Muſe, let's kiſs and be Friends; [70] for thy Metre (they ſay) exceeds more Medicines; and yet, I fancy, I have a Medicine that out-does thy Metre. And tho' Lerinda, perhaps, may not want it herſelf, yet haply ſhe may have an Opportunity of befriending a Paſſion of her own creating with it: and therefore it is but requiſite and civil, that ſhe be ſoon ſupplied, to ſave the ſweet Life of a Languiſher from expiring at the Shadow of her Shoe-buckle.

To cure the Wound of LOVE. ‘TAKE 4 Ounces of Diſcretion, 8 of Conſideration, 10 Grains of Jucundity, 12 Drachms of Indifferency, 6 Pounds of Inconſtancy, 3 Scruples of Patience, half a Handful of Hatred, 3 good Handfuls of Employment, 11 Years Hebetude, 14 Years Abſence, 5 Ounces of the Under-Leather of that Man's Shoes who never knew Sorrow; the conſtant Company of 9 Travellers, that returned home Honeſt: When you have obtained theſe, boil them in your Brain 7 Months without Intermiſſion, 'till a third Part is conſumed; ſtill ſtirring it as it boils, with that End of a NUN's Buſk which is uſually next to her Navel; cooling it with 7 Sighs of a forſaken-Lover's Breath: And when it is cool enough, ſpread it on the Skin of a diſcontented [71] Lover's Breaſt who has newly hanged himſelf; and apply it Plaiſter-wiſe, blood-warm to your Heart. Be ſure you take not off the Plaiſter till it comes away of itſelf. Probatum eſt.

Well! and what ſay you now, Forſooth? Am not I to be truſted 24 Hours with my own Heart, think you, when I have ſuch a pure Piece of Infallibility by me? This is a Preparative in Pickle, in Caſe the fair Bellicinda ſhould breathe out ſome ſore Symptoms of Severity.

O rare! now the Murder is out: And now I am thinking of Scandal, pray do you know the Man who hath cauſed all this Tattle about Beau Dormer's Spouſe? Pray do I know the fair Lady who aſks me that cunning Queſtion? Do but ſee how ſhe bluſhes in the very repeating it! Sure there is ſomething more than ordinary in the Matter; my quick-ſcented Jealouſy ſmells a Rat. It muſt be ſo. It is he, and can be nobody elſe. Now muſt I forgive him too, and pardon all his Inſinuation, it having let me into ſuch a happy Converſe with ſo ſweet a Scribe. I muſt confeſs, had it been my own Caſe, I know not how I might have been tempted into the like Enormity, under ſuch powerful Charms as Lerinda is Miſtreſs of. However, he ſhall [72] never make me eat the Words I have ſaid of him; for that would be ſomewhat too hard upon me to do, they being written over the Steam of an Inchanted Caſtle.

Your Flead-Rabbit * left the Town Yeſterday, and is gone to ſuck his dry Grandame. If he makes you not a Viſit before he returns, I will pronounce him Clown of all Clowns. You ſeem to expreſs a moſt wonderful ſweet Diſpoſition, in making the beſt Conſtruction of my ill Nature. For I will ſtill ſtick to my new Humour of Woman-hating, as Occaſion ſhall offer: Nor expect no Cauſe of Prevention, except it be by a Smile from Bellicinda. What flattering Author is it, I wonder, whom you have ſo luckily ſtumbled upon to delude and tickle your Fancy: For,

If you the Silver were, and we the Droſs,
Why did Dame Eve hop home by Weeping-Croſs?
Was ſhe not fram'd of Father Adam's Rib?
Then, by your Leave, your Author tells a Fib.

TO Mrs. LONG.

[73]
My Dearſt LONGY,

ACcept the Product of a two Hours Walk by Severn Side; had the Subject been better handled, I know there are ſome Thoughts in it would pleaſe you: But ſince you are humbly contented with dull Friends, you muſt e'en take up with dull Poetry. My chief Reaſon for writing it, was to convince you, that I was out of the Spleen; and in the beſt Manner I could, to ſhew my Gratitude, for your not reſenting my Impertinencies whilſt I was in it. How unequally does Fate diſpoſe of our Intentions and Actions! Poor Peggy deſired a fine Thing, to put in her Table Book, and hers is yet to be thought on: You did not think it worth while to ask for one, and, [74] lo! It is come unlooked for, and perhaps, unwelcome. It is unreaſonable to trouble thee with an Inundation of ridiculous Stuff, both in Verſe and Proſe, all in one Day; therefore, in mere Pity to thee, I end with the old, diſagreeable Aſſurance, of being, &c.

To the Honourable Lady Mary Chambers.

[75]
MADAM,

THat imaginary Creature, which your Ladyſhip is pleaſed to call my Muſe, no leſs than the real Charmer of my Heart, which I muſt not name, is alike unkind to me upon all Occaſions.

All Apollo's Siſters hate me, from Diana to the Nine who inſpire us; ſo that your Ladyſhip may readily conclude, I am in a very fair Way, either to be a Poet, or Happy.

Sir William, * that Chriſtian Hero, who cannot indure a Turk, and wiſhes heartily for another Holy-War, to be at them, humbly preſumes to adviſe the Lady Betty not to truſt herſelf among Infidels, and to have nothing to do out of Chriſtendom.

In the Midſt of his Concern for her, being a gallant Knight, he flew out into Raptures: [76] My bad Memory has recovered a few of them, which I here ſend your Ladyſhip.

Why ſhou'd the charming Galatea ſhun
The bleeding Conqueſts which her Eyes have won?
O! ſtay, and give us yet a gentler Fate;
For Abſence is more cruel than your Hate.
Love in thoſe Eyes ſo abſolutely reigns,
We're Slaves by Choice, nor wiſh to quit our Chains;
Vain of our Wounds, and proud to be undone,
We wou'd not from the glorious Ruin run.
Her Charms, the Limits of an Iſle diſdain,
And ſpread a pow'rful Empire o'er the Main,
Shall ſhe to barb'rous Coaſts from hence remove,
And melt their Tyrant Hearts with Flames of Love?
To puniſh haughty Slaves who proudly dare
Triumph o'er Beauty, and inſult the Fair.
Ev'n He,* whoſe Nod a Thouſand Beauties wait,
And wiſhing, ſilently, expect their Fate;
[77] Aw'd by her Charms, ſhall a juſt Vengeance meet,
And lie a Slave deſpairing at her Feet.
But, O! bright Nymph, let not a long Return,
Make wretched We, your tedious Abſence mourn.
Let then the barb'rous Nations ſoon reſtore
Fair Galatea to the Britiſh Shore:
Elſe they expect in vain the War ſhould ceaſe,
And England's Moderator ſigns, in vain, the PEACE.

A RECEIPT To Make SOUP. ††

[78]
TAKE a Knuckle of Veal,
(You may buy it, or ſteal)
In a few Pieces cut it,
In a Stew-Pan put it.
Salt, Pepper, and Mace
Muſt ſeaſon this Knuckle,
And what's join'd to a Place,*
With other Herbs muckle.
That which killed King Will.
And what never ſtands ſtill,
Some Sprigs of that Bed
Where Children are bred:
[79] This, much you may mend, if
Both Spinage and Endive,
And Lettice and Beet,
With Marigolds meet,
Put no Water at all,
For it maketh Things ſmall,
Which left it ſhould happen,
A cloſe Cover clap on.
Put in Pot of Wood's Metal, *
(That's a boiling hot Kettle)
And there let it be,
(Mark the Doctrine I teach)
About—let me ſee,
Thrice as long as I preach:
So skimming the Fat off,
Say Grace with your Hat off;
And then with what Rapture
Will it fill Dean and Chapter?

[]LETTERS OF Biſhop ATTERBURY TO Mr. POPE.

[]
Figure 1. The Right Reverend BISHOP ATTERBURY.

M. [...] Gucht ſculp

Dear SIR,

YOU will wonder to ſee me in Print; but how could I avoid it? The Dead and the Living, my Friends and my Foes, at home and abroad, call upon me to ſay ſomething; and the Reputation of an Hiſtory, which I, and all the World value, muſt have ſuffered, had I continued ſilent. I have printed here, in hopes that ſomebody afterward may venture to reprint in England, notwithſtanding thoſe two frightening Words at the Cloſe of it.* [2] Whether that happens or not, it is fit you ſhould have a Sight of it, who I know will read it with ſome degree of Satisfaction, as it is mine, tho' it ſhould have (as it really has) nothing elſe to recommend it. Such as it is, Extremum hoc munus morientis habeto; For that may well be the Caſe, conſidering that within a few Months I am entring into my Seventieth Year; after which, even the Healthy and the Happy cannot much depend upon Life, and will not, if they are wiſe, much deſire it. Whenever I go, you will loſe a Friend, who loves and values you extremely, if in my Circumſtances I can be ſaid to be loſt to any one, when dead, more than I am already whilſt living. I expected to have heard from you by Mr. Morice, and wondered a little that I did not; but he owns himſelf in a Fault, for not giving you due Notice of his Motions. It was not amiſs that you forbore writing to me on a Head, wherein I promis'd more than I was able to perform. Diſgraced Men fancy ſometimes, that they preſerve an Influence, where, when they endeavour to exert it, they ſoon ſee their Miſtake. I did ſo, my good Friend, and acknowledge it under my Hand. You ſounded the Coaſt and found out my Error, it ſeems, before I was aware of it; but enough on this Subject.

[3] What are you doing in England to the Honour of Letters? and particularly what are you doing? Ipſe quid audes? Quae circumvolitas agilis Thyma? Do you purſue the moral Plan* you marked out, and ſeemed ſixteen Months ago ſo intent upon? Am I to ſee it perfected ere I die? And are you to enjoy the Reputation of it while you live? Or do you rather chuſe to leave the Marks of your Friendſhip, like the Legacies of a Will, to be read and enjoy'd only by thoſe who ſurvive you? Were I as near you as I have been, I ſhould hope to peep into the Manuſcript before it was finiſhed. But alas! there is and will ever probably be, a great deal of Land and Sea between us. How many Books have come out of late in your Parts, which you think I ſhould be glad to peruſe? Name them: the Catalogue, I believe, will not coſt you much Trouble. They muſt be good ones indeed to challenge any Part of my Time, now I have ſo little of it left. I, who ſquandred whole Days heretofore, now huſband Hours, when the Glaſs begins to run low, and care not to miſ-ſpend them on Trifles. At the End of the Lottery of Life, our laſt Minutes, like Tickets left in the [4] Wheel, riſe in their Valuation. They are not of ſo much worth, perhaps, in themſelves, as thoſe which preceded, but we are apt to prize them more, and with Reaſon. I do ſo, my dear Friend, and yet think the moſt precious Minutes of my Life are well employ'd, in reading what you write. But this is a Satisfaction I cannot much hope for, and therefore muſt betake myſelf to others, which are leſs entertaining. Adieu, Dear Sir, and forgive me engaging with one, whom you, I think, have reckoned among the Heroes of the Dunciad. It was neceſſary for me either to accept of his dirty Challenge, or to have ſuffer'd in the Eſteem of the World by declining it. My Reſpects to your Mother; I ſend a Paper for Dean Swift, if you have an Opportunity, and think it worth your while to convey it. My Country at this Diſtance ſeems to me a ſtrange Sight, I know not how it appears to you, who are in the midſt of the Scene, and yourſelf a Part of it; I wiſh you would tell me. You may write ſafely to Mr. Morice, by the honeſt Hand that conveys this, and will return into theſe Parts before Chriſtmas; ſketch out a rough Draught of it, that I may be able to judge, whether a Return to it be really eligible, or whether I ſhould not, like the Chymiſt in the Bottle, upon hearing Don Quevedo's Account [5] of Spain, deſire to be corked up again. After all, I do and muſt love my Country, with all its Faults and Blemiſhes; even that Part of the Conſtitution, which wounded me unjuſtly, and itſelf thro' my Side, ſhall ever be dear to me. My laſt Wiſh will be like that of Father Paul, Eſto perpetua; and when I die at a Diſtance from it, it will be in the ſame manner as Virgil deſcribes the expiring Peloponneſian,

Sternitur, & dulces moriens reminiſcitur Argos.

Do I ſtill live in the Memory of my Friends, as they certainly do in mine? I have read a good many of your Paper Squabbles about me, and am glad to ſee ſuch free Conceſſions on that Head, tho' made with no View of doing me a Pleaſure, but merely of loading another.

I am, &c. FR. ROFFEN.

Biſhop ATTERBURY's VINDICATION.

[6]

I HAVE lately ſeen an Extract of ſome Paſſages in Mr. Oldmixon's Hiſtory of England. The firſt of them is ſaid to be taken from his Preface to that Hiſtory, page 9. and runs in theſe Words.

'I have, in more than one Place of this Hiſtory, mentioned the great Reaſon there is to ſuſpect, that the Hiſtory of the Rebellion, as it was publiſhed at Oxford, was not entirely the Work of the Lord Clarendon; who did indeed write an Hiſtory of thoſe Times, and, I doubt not, a very good one; wherein, as I have been (I believe) well inform'd, the Characters of the Kings, whoſe Reigns are written, were different from what they appear in the Oxford Hiſtory, and its Copy, Mr. Echard's. I ſpeak this by Hear-ſay, but [7] Hear-ſay from a Perſon ſuperior to all Suſpicion, and too illuſtrious to be named, without Leave.'

'I alſo humbly refer it to the Deciſion of another very honourable Perſon, whether there is not, to his Knowledge, ſuch an Hiſtory, in Manuſcript, ſtill extant; and to a Reverend Doctor, now living, whether he did not ſee the Oxford Copy, by which the Book was printed, altered, and interpolated, while it was at the Preſs.'

'To which I muſt add, that there is now in Cuſtody of a Gentleman of Diſtinction, both for Merit and Quality, * a Hiſtory of the Rebellion, of the firſt Folio Edition, ſcored, in many Places, by Mr. Edmund Smith, of Chriſt-Church, Oxon, Author of that excellent Tragedy, Phaedra and Hippolytus; who himſelf alter'd the Manuſcript Hiſtory, and added what he has there marked, as he confeſſed with ſome of his laſt Words, before his Death. Theſe Alterations, written with his own Hand, and to be ſeen by any one that knows it, may be publiſhed, on another Occaſion, with a farther Account [8] of this Diſcovery. In the mean time, for the Satisfaction of the Public, I inſert a Letter, entire, which I received ſince the laſt Paragraph was written.'

To Mr. ********

SIR,

'ACcidentally looking on ſome of the Sheets of your Hiſtory of England, during the Reigns of the Royal Houſe of Stuart, at the Bookſeller's, I find that you mention the Hiſtory of Lord Clarendon, wherein you juſtly queſtion the Genuineneſs of that Book: In order to put the Matter out of doubt, I here ſend you the following Account.'

'Mr. Edmund Smith, a Man very well known to the learned World, came down to make me a Viſit at *** about June, 1710, where he continu'd till he died, about ſix Weeks after.'

'As our Converſation chiefly ran upon Learning and Hiſtory, you may eaſily think that Clarendon's was not forgotten: Upon mentioning that Book, he frankly told me, that there had been a fine Hiſtory [9] written by Lord Clarendon, but what was publiſhed under his Name was only Patchwork, and might as properly be call'd, the Hiſtory of AL-SMALL-and ATTERBURY: For, to his Knowledge, 'twas alter'd; nay, that he himſelf was employ'd by them to interpolate and alter the Original.'

'He then asked me, whether I had the Book by me? If I had, he would convince me of the Truth of his Aſſertion, by the very printed Copy: I immediately brought him the Folio Edition; and the firſt Thing he turned to was the Character of Mr. Hampden, where is that Expreſſion: He had a Head to contrive, a Heart to conceive, and a Hand to execute any Villany. * He then declared, it was foiſted in by thoſe Reverends. Sir, I have only to add this, that he not only underlined this Paſſage, as a Forgery, but gave, during the ſhort Time he lived with me, [10] the ſame Remark to ſome Hundreds more.'

I am, SIR, &c.*
*
Oldmixon.
*
The Words are much ſofter in the Hiſtory, where, inſtead of a Heart to conceive, we find, a Tongue to perſuade; and inſtead of the Word Villany, that of Miſchief; as the Citation is, in another Part of this Extract, truly made. The unknown Writer of this Letter, while he is charging others with the Crime of falſifying Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory, ſhould have taken care to ſtand clear of it himſelf.
*
George Duckett.

In a ſecond Paſſage, ſaid to be taken from page 227. of the Hiſtory itſelf, Mr. Oldmixon is repreſented as expreſſing himſelf thus.

'In the Character of this great and excellent Man, Mr. Hampden, which we could wiſh had eſcaped his (Lord Clarendon's) Drawings, or the Drawings of thoſe clumſey Painters, into whoſe Hands his Work fell, there is ſomething ſo very falſe and baſe, that ſuch Coin could only come from a College Mint. (In a word, what was ſaid of CINNA might well be apply'd to HAMPDEN; he had a Head to contrive, and a Tongue to perſuade, and a Hand to execute any Miſchief. His Death, therefore, ſeemed to be a great Deliverance to the Nation.)'

'There are not Words to expreſs the Infamy of this Slander and Impoſture, nor the unparallel'd Wickedneſs of thoſe Doctors, who foiſted ſo horrid a Reflection into that Character. The Perſon who did it was [11] Mr. Edmund Smith, of Oxford, Author of Phaedra and Hippolytus, a Tragedy; who, at his Death, confeſſed to the Gentleman, in whoſe Houſe he died, that, among a great Number of Alterations and Additions, which he himſelf made, in the Hiſtory of the Rebellion, by Order of Doctor ALDRICH, Doctor ATTERBURY, and Doctor SMALLRIDGE, ſucceſſive Deans of Chriſt-Church, this very ſaying of CINNA, apply'd to Mr. Hampden, was one; and when he read it to one of thoſe Doctors, he clapped him on the Back, and cry'd, with an Aſſeveration, It will do. The Confeſſion Mr. Smith made, and the Remorſe he expreſſed for being concerned in this Impoſture, were his laſt Words.'

A great Part of the firſt of theſe Paſſages, including the Letter, is tranſlated verbatim into French, and publiſhed in a Journal, entitled, Bibliotheque Raiſonnée des Ouvrages des Savans de l'Europe, pour les Mois de Juillet, Aouſt, Septembre 1730. Tome 5me, 1re Partie. A Amſterdam, chez les Weſteins & Smith 1730. Art. 5. Page 154, &c.

After which the Journaliſt adds the following Reflection.

Cette decouverte fait peu d'honneur auxtrois Theologiens qui ſont nommez dans la Lettre, & qui ont pourtant tenu un grand rang dans [12] l'Angleterre, & dans la Republique des Lettres. Comme Mr. ATTERBURY, ci-devant Eveſque de Rocheſter, l'un des trois eſt encore vivant, il ne ſera pas apparemment inſenſible a une accuſation ſi grave; & le Public attend de lui les eclairciſſemens que l'intereſt ſeul de ſa reputation ſemble en exiger. S'il ſe tait, dans cette rencontre, il n'y a point de doute que la falſification eſt prouvée; & quand meſme il ne ce tairoit pas, il faut que les eclairciſſemens ſoient bien forts pour detruire ces faits.

This Diſcovery does little Honour to the three Divines named in the Letter, &c. As Mr. ATTERBURY, heretofore Biſhop of Rocheſter, one of the Three, is ſtill living, he will not probably be inſenſible of ſo grievous an Accuſation; and the Public expects from him ſuch Accounts of it, as even the Intereſt of his own Reputation ſeems to require. If he is ſilent on this Occaſion, there can be no doubt, but that the Falſification is proved; and ſhould he not be ſilent, what he ſhall ſay, to clear up this Matter, muſt be very ſtrong, to deſtroy the Credit of ſuch a Teſtimony.

Being called upon in this public Manner, I myſelf obliged to declare, that the foregoing Account, in all its Parts, as far as I am any ways concerned, is entirely [13] falſe and groundleſs; for I never ſaw my Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory in Manuſcript, either before, or ſince the Edition of it; nor ever read a Line of it, but in Print. It was impoſſible, therefore, that I ſhould deal with Mr. Smith in the Manner repreſented, with whom (as far as I can recollect) I never exchanged one Word in all my Life; and whom I know not that I ever ſaw, till after the Edition of that Hiſtory. If therefore he expreſſed himſelf to this Purpoſe, in his laſt Moments (as I charitably hope he did not) he wronged me extremely, and died with a Lie in his Mouth.

This Vindication of the Truth and myſelf, is neceſſary, ſince I happen to ſurvive the two other worthy Perſons mentioned. Were they alive, they would, I doubt not, be equally able and ready to clear themſelves from ſo foul an Aſperſion. As to one of them, Dr. Smallridge, the late Biſhop of Briſtol, no Suſpicion of this kind can poſſibly reſt on his Memory, becauſe he was not any ways concerned in preparing that Hiſtory for the Preſs; but as much a Stranger to the Contents of it, as I myſelf was, till it came forth in Print. I ſpeak with the more Aſſurance on this Head, becauſe my great Intimacy with him, as my Contemporary, both at Weſtminſter and Chriſt-Church, gave me all the Advantages [14] requiſite towards knowing the Truth of what I ſay: With Dr. Aldrich, the third Perſon accuſed, I was acquainted more at a diſtance: However, being called upon in the Manner I am, I will add alſo what has come to my Knowledge, with regard to the Share He and Others had in the Publication of that Hiſtory.

The Reviſing of the Manuſcript (written, as I have heard, not very correctly) was committed to the Care of Biſhop Sprat, and Dean Aldrich, by the late Earl of Rocheſter, who himſelf alſo aſſiſted in that Reviſal, from the Beginning to the End of the Work: So that any Changes, made in it, muſt have had the Conſent of thoſe three Perſons. They were Men of Probity and Truth, and incapable of conſpiring in a Deſign to impoſe on the Publick. I can cite nothing, that is material in this Point, from the Mouth of the Earl, with whom I rarely converſed; but the Biſhop and the Dean, to whom I ſeverally ſucceeded in the Deaneries of Chriſt-Church and Weſtminſter, and in the See of Rocheſter, have occaſionally more than once aſſured me, that no Additions whatſoever were made to the Manuſcript Hiſtory: And even the Earl, in his Preface to the firſt Volume (for His I take it to be, tho' no Name is affixed to it) has publickly proteſted his Innocence [15] in this reſpect, where he declares, that They who put forth the Hiſtory (he means himſelf and his Brother, as appears from what follows) durſt not take upon them to make any Alterations in a Work of this Kind, ſolemnly left with them to be publiſhed, whenever it ſhould be publiſhed, as it was delivered to them.

Could he, and the two other Perſons by him employed, be ſuppoſed to have made any Additions, notwithſtanding ſuch Aſſurances to the contrary, yet their good Senſe (if not their Integrity) would have prevented, at leaſt, their re-touching thoſe Characters, which are allowed to be the moſt diſtinguiſhed and beautiful Part of the Work, and to have ſomething of Original in them, that is not to be imitated. The After-ſtrokes of any leſs able Pencil, intermix'd with thoſe of the firſt Maſterly Hand, would ſoon be diſcovered: And yet I am perſuaded, the moſt diſcerning Eye can find out no Traces of ſuch a Mixture; no, not in the Character of Mr. Hampden, even in thoſe Words, at the Cloſe of it, againſt which Mr. Oldmixon ſo warmly declaims: They are perfectly in the Style and Manner of my Lord Clarendon; they contain nothing new in them, but only ſum up, in ſhort, what he had ſcattered through different Parts of the two firſt Volumes. Let the Reflections there made be never ſo [16] ſevere, they may naturally be ſuppoſed, in the Warmth of Compoſure, to have come from the Pen of an Hiſtorian, who had himſelf with Zeal oppoſed Mr. Hampden's Meaſures, and both ſeen and felt the ſad Conſequences of them: But that the Editors of his Hiſtory, no ways concerned in thoſe Tranſactions, ſhould, 60 Years afterwards, coolly and deliberately make ſuch a needleſs Inſertion, is not to be imagined.

The Complaint, on this and other Heads, ſhould have been brought againſt theſe Editors, while it was capable of being thoroughly examined; at preſent, it comes a little too late, unleſs it were better ſupported: Their very Characters, to thoſe who knew them, and the Nature of the Evidence, to thoſe who did not, will be judged a ſufficient Confutation of it: For, pray, what is this Evidence? It conſiſts in an Hear-ſay from a Perſon, ſuperior to all Suſpicion, it ſeems, but too illuſtrious to be named: In an Appeal to another very honourable Perſon, to a Reverend Doctor now living, and to a Gentleman of Diſtinction, both for Merit and Quality; none of whoſe Names are thought fit to be owned: The only one produced in the Caſe, is that of Mr. Smith, the Author of an excellent Tragedy; but certainly not an Author of Rank and Weight enough to blaſt the Credit of [17] ſuch an excellent Hiſtory: Of what Uſe can this Teſtimony be to his Purpoſe (even ſuppoſing the Account of it exact) when it is undoubtedly falſe, as to two of the three Perſons it is levelled at, Dr. Smallridge and myſelf: and may therefore be juſtly preſumed alike falſe, as to the third, Dr. Aldrich? Mr. Smith appears to have been ſo little in the Secret of the Edition of that Book, as not to have known even the Hands thro' which it paſſed; and is not therefore to be rely'd upon in his Accounts of any other Circumſtances relating to it, eſpecially with regard to Dr. Aldrich, his Governor at Chriſt-Church; for whom his Perſonal Averſion, and the true Reaſons of it, are too well underſtood to need explaining. I forbear ſaying any thing harſh of one, not able to anſwer for himſelf; but many, now alive, who knew them both, know how improbable, and altogether incredible it is, that Mr. Smith ſhould have had the leaſt Share in Dr. Aldrich's Confidence, on ſo nice, or, indeed, on any Occaſion. The Gentleman, who ſeems to be convinced of the Truth of Mr. Smith's Aſſertions, by his having pointed out and underlined the Paſſages, in Print, which he ſaid he was employ'd (by the three ſucceſſive Deans) to interpolate and alter, in Manuſcript, muſt ſurely have been very willing [18] to be convinced; otherwiſe, he would not have taken a mere Aſſertion for a Proof, in ſuch a Cauſe, and from ſuch a Perſon. The Story of this Death-bed Declaration ſlept for about twenty Years; near thirty have paſſed ſince the Hiſtory of the Rebellion was publiſhed (I mean the firſt Part of it) and not a few, ſince the Death of every Perſon that either was, or is falſly ſaid to have been, concerned in that Publication, myſelf only excepted. I might, probably, at the Diſtance of Montpelier, where I was when Mr. Oldmixon wrote, never have heard of what he lays to my Charge (Intelligence of that kind being, as he knows, not very open to me) or, ſhould it reach me, I might yet, in my preſent Circumſtances, be ſuppoſed not over-ſollicitous to appear in the Diſproof of it. The Delay of the Accuſation therefore, if without Deſign, was not without its Advantages; and had it been deferred a little longer, till I was not only out of the Way, but out of the World, it had had a ſtill fairer Chance towards being uncontradicted, and conſequently credited. I have lived to hear this idle Tale, and to bear witneſs againſt it: There is no Vanity in hoping, that, old as I am, I ſhall outlive the Belief of it. An Holland Journal gave me the firſt Notice how I had been treated, and by that Means [19] an Opportunity of vindicating myſelf; which I was the rather determined not to decline, becauſe I ſuffer'd in Company with others, Men of great Note and Merit, thro' whoſe Sides the Authority of a noble and uſeful Part of our Engliſh Hiſtory was ſtruck at. Where I only am aſperſed and wrong'd, I can, I thank God, more eaſily practiſe Patience, and ſubmit to Indignities and Injuries in Silence. A foreign Writer has uſed me, in this Caſe, with greater Civility, and Temper, than Mr. Oldmixon, whom I know not that I have ever offended. I forgive him his ill Words, and his hard Thoughts, and only deſire him for the future not to indulge himſelf in ill-natur'd Relations of this Kind, without better Vouchers. His Attack on me, and on the Dead, who he thought might be inſulted with equal Safety, is no Proof of a generous and worthy Mind; nor has he done any Honour to his own Hiſtory, by the fruitleſs Pains he has taken to diſcredit that of my Lord Clarendon; which, like the Character of its Author, will gain Strength by Time; and will be in the Hands and Eſteem of all Men, when Mr. Oldmixon's unjuſt Cenſure of it will not be remembered, or not regarded.

FR. ROFFEN.

To *****

[20]
Dear SIR,

YOUR Endeavours, that I may forget my Misfortunes, are truly Noble. It would be to deſerve them to fly from Reſolution. They ſhall not depreſs me, but I muſt help to bear what you tell me lies ſo heavy upon my Friends. I preſerve a Mean, which is the Excellence, Juſtice and Fitneſs of all things in the Moral Syſtem,

Virtue's a Mean, and Vice is an Exceſs,
In doing more than's fit, or doing leſs.

To Poetiſe, my Friend, is no Mark of a depreſſed Fancy or exceſſive Sorrow, but a ſort of a Comical Way of treating things ſerious, not after the ſubtle Faſhions of thoſe you ſpeak of, that would magnify Nature by depreſſing the Deity; who, ſetting forth their neceſſary Agreement, make unneceſſary Strife; with Reverence do I mention theſe things, and know,

How the great Love of Nature fills thy Mind,
And Univerſal Kindneſs to thy Kind.

[21] I am, while thus Juvenile, an Advocate for, and not a Railer againſt Extremes; theſe Symptoms ſtrongly bode a ſecond Youth, that vapours with a feeble and defective Flame; it is the innervated Arm of Priam, impotently raiſed againſt the thundering Rage of youthful Pyrrhus.

However this Epiſtle, my Dear Friend, ſhall not become more tawdry by its not being of a Piece, for I will conclude with anſwering your laſt ſerious Queſtion, with another Scrap of Poetry.

Whate'er the Soul of Nature has deſign'd,
And wrought on Matter, is the Effect of Mind;
The Form of Subſtance, is the Former's Art,
Hence Beauty and Deſign that ſtrike the Heart;
There's nought in ſimple Matter to delight,
'Tis the fair Workmanſhip that takes the Sight.
The beautiful Effect of Mind alone,
Is comely, and in all things comely ſhown.
Where Mind is not, there Horror needs muſt be,
For Matter formleſs, is Deformity.

EXTRACTS of ſeveral ORIGINAL LETTERS, written about the Year 1727, by Biſhop Atterbury, to an ingenious French Gentleman, for whom he had a great Eſteem.

[22]

—THE Book* I now reſtore you, gave me Pleaſure when I read it. The Turn is Natural and Familiar, and there is an Air of Truth in all he ſays; but, I think, not the Hand of a Maſter. He tells his Tale, not like a Man who knows any thing of the Rules of Writing well, but as an eaſy Companion at a Table. I ſay of his Style, what he ſays of his Figure, Ma figure, qui n' êtoit pas déplaiſante, quoique je ne fuſſe pas du premier Ordre des Gens bien faits.... i.e. My Figure, which did not diſpleaſe, tho' I could not be ranked among handſome People of the firſt Claſs. Tho' not of the firſt (or even ſecond) order [23] of good Writers, he is yet agreeable.... I cannot poſſibly digeſt his taking Notice, p. 145. of the Chevalier de Rohan's fine Legs. An Obſervation, that I ſhould have expected rather from the Pen of a fine Lady, and which ſhews that the Marquis was in his Nature a little too intent on ſuch Trifles. He is ſenſible of it, and excuſes himſelf in the Words which follow; but that Excuſe ſerves only to ſhew the Strength of the Impreſſion he was under in this reſpect, ſince he had Judgment enough to ſee the Fault, and commits it notwithſtanding ...... Though I ſee he is manifeſtly piqu'd againſt Lewis XIV. and his Miniſter Louvois, yet I am apt to believe him in all he ſays of both of them. His Reſentment ſeems to carry him no farther than to give him the Privilege of ſpeaking what he knew to be true; and, as the World goes, he that allows himſelf to cenſure the Great even thus far, muſt ſay a great deal of Ill of them... Of ſeveral French Poets he ſpeaks thus.

Rouſſeau appears to me ſtill a greater Poet, the more I conſider him. His Talents are unconfined, and enable him in every ſort of writing to which he turns himſelf equally to excel. But the old hard Words he makes uſe of puzzle me often (who care not to conſult a Dictionary) and chiefly in his Allegories.... Chaulieu, La Fare and [24] Chapelle, have many Graces of the eaſy and natural Style, but I do not think them ſo perfect in their way as Rouſſeau is in his; nor (to tell you the Truth) do I take ſuch Pleaſure in reading them. The Letters particularly of Chaulieu, &c. are not Maſter-pieces in their kind, and many of his little Copies of Verſes have nothing extraordinary in them. The Copy which touched me moſt is the Ode on Fontenay.

Muſes qui dans ce lieu champetre, &c.

I cannot but obſerve, that under all Chaulieu's ſeeming Gaiety, there is an Air of Melancholy which breaks out by Fits, and ſhews he was not at Eaſe in his own Mind. He endeavours to conceal it, and acts the Brave; but his Readers, with a little Penetration, may ſee through the Diſguiſe. The Fears of Death haunt him perpetually, and appear even in thoſe Places, where he ſays, he is not afraid of it. I ſhould be glad to know how he died, whether with the ſame Courage he commends in Lady Mazarine. I ſhould gueſs not, by the Obſervations I have made of him.

After peruſing a Diſſertation of Mr. de Boze, the Biſhop makes the following Remark.

This Book, I find, was written two and thirty Years ago, and therefore it is no wonder [25] that it ſhould not be equal to the later Performances of the ſame Author. One may ſay of it as Tully ſpeaks of his Collection of Paradoxes; Non tale eſt hoc opus ut in arte poni poſſit, quaſi illa Minerva Phidiae; ſed tamen, ut ex eâdem officinâ exiſſe appareat. Though it be not of the ſame Value with his other Works, yet it is ſuch, as that one may perceive the ſame Workman's Hand and Skill in it. He choſe a little contracted Subject; and had not Room therefore to ſhew his Talents at full length in managing it. And yet, narrow and dry as his Subject is, he has, by making ſeveral little Digreſſions, and by taking Occaſion to ſay many things which were not neceſſary to his Point, rendered it, not only inſtructive but entertaining.

In tenui labor, at tenuis non gloria, ſi quem
Numina laeva ſinunt, auditque vocatus Apollo.

Whether his forth Gordean be a Reality or a Phantom; whether he owes his very being to this Gentleman, or is only reſcued from Oblivion, and brought again to Life by him, let the Antiquaries determine: I am ſo eaſy and indolent as not to think it of much Moment, which Way ſuch Facts are ſettled; nor ſhould I have thought what is written on this Point worth reading, if this Author had not writ it. In all [26] he writes, one ſees the ſame Candor and Impartiality; the ſame Learning, good Senſe and Exactneſs. If the Argument he handles be not of Importance, he makes it ſo by his manner of handling it. So that I could wiſh, inſtead of four Books, he had written forty: as old as I am, and as many other things as I have to do, I ſhould read all of them.... I have perus'd (ſays the Biſhop in another Letter) the Book about * Poetry and Painting, with Attention. It is written in a very good Goût, and has excellent things in it. I have been pleaſed with no Book ſo much that has fallen in my way, ſince I came into France. However, I could wiſh thoſe philoſophical Reaſonings had been omitted; they belong rather to a Member of the Academy of Sciences, than to one of the Forty, and perhaps will neither convince nor pleaſe in ſuch a Performance. The Author ſeems to have gone too deep in that ſort of Reflections, and ſometimes not to have gone deep enough in others, which relate more immediately and naturally to his Subject. Forgive this Freedom, but it [27] is my real ſenſe of the Matter. Beſides, there is, I think, a want of Method in the whole*; and the 19th Section, which is ſo long, is to me a little obſcure. The many learned Citations there, do not clear, but cloud the Author's Meaning, I am apt to imagine that in the muſical Part of it, he ſpeaks of what he does not himſelf thoroughly underſtand; for if he does, he would probably have expreſſed himſelf ſo, that his Reader alſo would have underſtood it, which, (as to me at leaſt) is not the Caſe. In one thing I differ from him eſſentially; my fixed Opinion is, that the Reputation of all Books which are perfectly well writ, comes Originally from the Few, and not from the Many; and I think I could ſay a good deal in Defence of that Opinion...... I ſee him here, and every where, under the Image of

.... Urbani parcentis viribus, atque
Extenuantis eas conſultò.

He ſeldom ſpeaks out, where he is likely to offend, but contents himſelf oftentimes rather to infinuate, than affirm; and makes [28] uſe of other Mens Words to expreſs his own Senſe, where he is unwilling too openly to own it, or too ſtrongly to preſs it. Ab arte ſuâ non receſſit, as Tully ſays of Ariſtoxenus. Even in his Judgment of the Belles Lettres he plays the Politician.... I could not but obſerve, how in the laſt Section but one, he has furniſhed Mr. de Voltaire with the Hint of his Poem on the Ligue... Upon the whole, I repeat my Thanks to you for the great Satisfaction which the reading of theſe * two Volumes has given me.... As to Mr. Arnauld's Piece, intitled, Reflexions ſur l'Eloquence, though what he ſays there be ſenſible and juſt; yet I do not ſee much of the great Man in it, and had no great Pleaſure in peruſing it.

The following Remarks are made upon Mr. Fontenelle's Manner of Writing, &c.

I return you, Sir, the two Eloges, which I have peruſed with Pleaſure. I borrow that Word from your Language, becauſe we have none in our own that exactly expreſſes it. By the Account I had of thoſe Pieces, I imagined them very different from what I find them. Mr. Fontenelle's Talents, as to the Knowledge of Nature, Mathematicks, and the Belles Lettres, are ſufficiently underſtood. [29] But I take notice particularly of the Art and Addreſs with which he conducts himſelf in nice Points, and the prudent and political Views by which his Pen is guided; a Quality, that does not often belong to Men who have ſpent ſo much of their time in ſtudying the Arts and Sciences. He has been miſinformed as to one little Particular, in the ſhort Draught he has given us of Sir Iſaac Newton's Figure. The oeil fort vif, & fort perçant, which he gives him, did not belong to him, at leaſt not for twenty Years paſt, about which time I firſt came acquainted with him. Indeed, in the whole Air of his Face and make, there was nothing of that penetrating Sagacity which appears in his Compoſures. He had ſomething rather languid in his Look and Manner, which did not raiſe any great Expectation in thoſe who did not know him. I ſee Mr. Fontenelle ſpeaks warily as to the MSS. relating to Antiquity, Hiſtory and Divinity, which Sir Iſaac left behind him: I wiſh, for the Honour of our Country, that they may be as excellent in their Kind as thoſe he publiſhed. But I fear the Caſe is otherwiſe, and that he will be found to have been a great Maſter only [30] in that one way to which he was by Nature inclined. It is enough for us poor limited Creatures, if we remarkably excel in any one Branch of Knowledge. We may have a Smattering of more; but it is beyond the Lot of our Nature, to attain any Perfection in them. Mr. Fontenelle's Praiſe of Sir Iſaac's Modeſty (and of Modeſty in general) is to me the moſt pleaſing Part of that Deſcription he has given us of him. It is that Modeſty which will teach us to ſpeak, and think of the Antients with Reverence, eſpecially if we happen not to be thoroughly acquainted with them. Sir Iſaac certainly was, and his great Veneration for them was one diſtinguiſhing Part of his Character, which I wonder (or rather, I do not wonder) that Mr. Fontenelle has omitted. His Opinion of them was, that they were Men of great Genius and ſuperior Minds, who had carried their Diſcoveries (particularly in Aſtronomy and other Parts of Mathematicks) much farther than now appears from what remains of their Writings. One may apply to them, what was ſaid by an old learned Man, to one of leſs Knowledge and fewer Years, who inſulted him, I have forgot more Knowledge than ever you had. More of the Antients is loſt, than is preſerved, and perhaps our new Diſcoveries are not equal to thoſe old Loſſes.— [31] But this was not what I had in my Thoughts, when I ſat down to write: my Intention was only to expreſs the Satisfaction I had in the Peruſal of what I return, of which I could ſay more, if the End of the Page did not admoniſh me to tell you how much I am &c.

The Book intitled, Diſſertation ſur la Muſique des Anciens, * I ſend you back, is written in a very ſenſible and agreeable Manner, with a fine Turn of Thoughts and Words, as far as I am able to judge. I could wiſh only that the Writer had been a greater Maſter of his Subject, ſo as to have given us diſtincter and fuller Accounts of it, which would have left no Doubts upon the Minds of his Readers. I am ſatisfied that a Pen like his would have been able to expreſs the moſt nice and difficult Points of which he treats in a Way equally inſtructive and pleaſing, and have opened to us in Dialogue the Myſteries of Muſic, as eaſily and familiarly as Monſieur Fontenelle has done thoſe of Aſtronomy. The Picture of Leontium, with which the Reflections conclude, is exquiſitely drawn; not only con Studio, but con Amore, as the Italians ſpeak of the favourite [32] Pieces of their beſt Maſters. One would think the Book was written on purpoſe for the ſake of the Character at the End of it: as the moſt material Part of a Letter is ſometimes careleſly thrown into a Poſtſcript...... I dare ſay Madamoiſelle Lenclos was of the Author's Acquaintance. Hear-ſay could not have furniſhed him with ſo lively a Deſcription of her. There is ſomething in the Picture, that ſhews, it was painted by the Life, and not copied from another.... One thing he ſays of her, P. 9. (pardon the Remark) ſeems in ſome degree applicable to himſelf. His Words are very good, and therefore I tranſcribe them.

Son gout en le conduiſant de fleur en fleur, comme les Abeilles, lui fait courir indifferemment tous les pays, & tous les ſiecles. Mais ces ſortes d'imaginations, ſi legeres & ſi brillantes, a dedaignent pour l'ordinaire le travail d'attention. Un eſprit né pour les agremens, & qui n'a jamais ſacrifié qu'aux Graces, n'a garde de s'aſſujetir à la patience qui ſeroit neceſſaire pour comparer les beautés d'un tems avec celles d'une autre, pour étudier les rapports & les oppoſitions qui ſont entre elles, pour les tourner de tous les ſens, dont on peut les enviſager; [33] enſin, pour y rapporter la triſte & penible exactitude que demande une parallele. i.e.

His Taſte guiding him from Flower to Flower, like the Bees, makes him rove indiſcriminately through all Countries and all Ages. But theſe kind of very ſprightly and ſhining Imaginations, generally diſdain a Labour that requires Attention. A Genius born for Charms, and which has never ſacrificed but to the Graces, can never ſubject itſelf to the Patience that would be neceſſary in order for comparing the Beauties of one Age; with thoſe of another; to ſtudy the Relations and Oppoſitions that are between them; to view them in all the Lights in which they can be conſidered; in ſine, to beſtow upon them the melancholy and painful Exactneſs, which is requiſite for the forming of a Parallel.

Let me ask you for my own Information, whether tourner de tous les ſens, be a proper Phraſe in that Caſe. To me it ſeems to ſpoil the Metaphor. He cites ſome Authorities, which I am at a Loſs to explain; particularly p. 58. that of Varro de Repub. Rom. L. 1. C. 1. Sure he does not mean the antient Varro, who wrote nothing that I know of, under that Title. He is beholden, I find, to the long Chapter of Abbé du Bois, where the antient Authorities, relating to his Subject, are collected; and he has [34] made a free Uſe of them. But my Intention was, to tell you rather what pleaſed me in the Book, than what I diſliked.

From what I have read (in theſe Books) and other Pieces, ſince I came on this ſide of the Water, I have conceived a much greater Opinion of the Biſhop of Meaux, than I had while in England, and give him readily the Preference to all thoſe Writers of the Church of France which I am acquainted with. He is an univerſal Genius, and manages every thing he takes in Hand, like a Maſter. Good Senſe, and ſound Reflections attend all he ſays; which is expreſſed in the moſt agreeable and beautiful Manner, without any of the Pomp or Paint of falſe Oratory. He has particularly the Secret of knowing, not only what to ſay, but what not to ſay; the hardeſt Taſk even of the moſt exact and excellent Writers! ... But you know him, Sir, better than I; and I ſhould be to blame therefore in attempting any Part of his Character, did not Gratitude forbid me to return your Books, without giving you an Account of the Pleaſure I had in peruſing them. Even the Lady's Memoirs relating to our Engliſh Princeſs, gave me a good deal; particularly that Part of them, where the Story of her Death is told, in as natural and affecting a Manner, [35] I think, as is poſſible. It has ſuch a melancholy Air of Truth in it, as, at the ſame Time that it gives Conviction, moves Compaſſion; and one can no more read it, than one could have been preſent at the ſad Scene of it, without Tears. I really prefer the Biſhop of Meaux's Funeral Oration, to thoſe of Flechier or Bourdaloüe; tho' I think he would have wrote ſtill better, had he imitated them leſs; for, by that means, he now and then heightens his Expreſſion a little too much, and becomes unnatural. I gave you one Inſtance of that when I ſaw you laſt.

The more I read of the Biſhop of Meaux, the more I value him, as a great and able Writer, and particularly for that Talent of taking as many Advantages of an Adverſary, and giving him as few as any Man, I believe, that ever entered the Liſts of Controverſy. There is a ſerious Warmth in all he ſays, and his manner of ſaying it, is noble and moving; and yet I queſtion, after all, whether he ſometimes is in good Earneſt. Pardon that Freedom, Sir, I have read him with Attention, and watched him narrowly. I have read all the Biſhop of Meaux's Pieces that have been procured for me: and will wait for the reſt, till I can have them from your Hands. In the mean time, I will read [36] worſe Books, that I may reliſh his the more, when I return to them; tho', to ſpeak the Truth, I know no Writer in your Tongue, that has leſs need to have his Reader ſo prepared for him. Do you hear nothing from your Friend Voltaire? Is England as well pleaſed with him, as it was? And is he as well pleaſed with England? Or, does the Satisfaction on one ſide abate, in Proportion as it leſſens on the other? When will the ſecond Edition of his Henriade come out? Will it afford us a better Monument to the Memory of that Prince, and a nobler Likeneſs, than the Statue on Pont-neuf? It will, if it be as well finiſhed as it ſhould be. For

Non magis expreſſi vultus per ahenea ſigna,
Quàm per vatis opus mores animique virorum
Clarorum apparent.

But the Spirit of Pedantry is coming upon me, and it is time therefore that I tell you, I am &c.

I find the very laſt Works of that great Man, the Biſhop of Meaux are inferior to the reſt; but, nevertheleſs, I would be Maſter of all he certainly wrote. It is uſeful to obſerve even the Defects of Firſt-rate Writers, as well as their Excellencies. There is an ill-natured Pleaſure in [37] finding, that, as far exalted above us as they are, they ſometimes ſink down to our Level. The Biſhop of Meaux ſtudied Critical Knowledge late, with reſpect to the Interpretation of Scripture; and was never therefore ſo true a Maſter of it, as he was of the Way of interpreting it by the Stream of Tradition. But the older he grew, the more admired he was; and that led him to think himſelf equal to every Man, in every thing; and particularly to write Books in Latin, and Comments on Scripture, in both which ways I find him unequal to himſelf; and I dare ſay, that is the Opinion of candid and judicious Perſons in your Communion.

Our Friend, Father Courayer, has been purſued with Mandements, Cenſures and Arrêts; nor have they, I fear, yet done with him. I am concerned for the Fate of ſo valuable a Man, and ſo excellent a Writer, whoſe Views, I am perſuaded, were innocent and good, however in the Manner of executing them, he comes to have given ſo much Offence. The twenty Biſhops that have cenſured him, ſeem to decline that Part of the Diſpute which relates to the Validity of our Engliſh Ordinations. However, they have not ſpared the Church of England, on other Accounts, but have repreſented her [38] in a more diſadvantageous Light than ſhe deſerves; purely, I ſuppoſe, for want of knowing her. They cite the Biſhop of Meaux, and cite thoſe Works of his, which were written expreſly againſt us; which ſurely is a very odd Way of repreſenting our Sentiments; juſt as if I ſhould quote Monſieur Claude's Words, from any Pieces of his written againſt the Church of France, to prove what ſhe held in any Doctrine of Importance. I ſhould think it became me rather to produce the Writers of that Church, and the Acts and Monuments of it, for my Vouchers. The twenty Biſhops have taken this Method, once or twice; and if they had taken it always, they would have been leſs liable to Miſtakes in their Repreſentations of us. What the Biſhop of Meaux ſays, with regard to our Polity and Affairs, is not always to be rely'd on; for he was not a Maſter of that Subject. He was a very great Man; nor would he have leſſened his Character, not to have aimed ſometimes at ſeeming to know, what he really did not, in Matters that lay a little out of his Compaſs. Excuſe the Freedom I take with the Cenſurers, and the Authority on which they build, in relation to our Matters; becauſe I have good Reaſon to think, that they have paid a Deference to it, at the Expence of Truth. My Knowledge [39] is very limited; and yet it would be no Preſumption in me to ſay, that I know better than the Biſhop of Meaux did, what is the Conſtitution, and what are the Principles and Tenets of the Church of England. But enough of theſe Reflections, into which the Mention of Father Courayer has led me.

FR. ROFFEN.
[40]

This great Man ſuffered the Rigours of his Exile by Study, and Converſation with Men of Learning, and kept a conſtant Correſpondence by Letters, with the moſt eminent Scholars and Perſons of Genius.

He tranſlated Virgil's Georgics into Engliſh, and wrote an Harmonia Evangelica in a New and more perſpicuous Method than any yet extant. He ſent his Verſion of the Georgics, to a Friend with the following Verſes, viz.

—Haec ego luſi
Ad Sequanae ripas, Thameſino à flumine longè,
Jam ſenior, fractuſque ſed ipſâ morte, meorum,
Quos colui, patriaeque memor, neque degener uſquam.

Which have been thus Paraphraſed,

Thus where the Seine thro' Realms of Slav'ry ſtrays,
With ſportive Verſe I wing my tedious Days;
Far from Britannia's happy Climate torn,
Bow'd down with Age and with Diſeaſes worn;
Yet e'en in Death I act a ſteady Part,
And ſtill my Friends and Country ſhare my Heart.

HORACE, Ode 9. Book III.
A Dialogue between Horace and Lydia.

[41]
Horace.
WHILST I was fond, and you were kind,
Nor any dearer Youth, reclin'd
On your ſoft Boſom, ſought to reſt,
Phraates was not half ſo bleſt.
Lydia.
Whilſt you ador'd no other Face,
Nor lov'd me in the ſecond Place,
My happy celebrated Fame
Outſhone ev'n Ilia's envy'd Flame.
Horace.
Me Chloe now poſſeſſes whole,
Her Voice and Lyre command my Soul:
Nor would I Death itſelf decline,
Could her Life ranſom'd be with mine.
Lydia.
[42]
For me young lovely Calais burns,
And Warmth for Warmth my Heart returns.
Twice would I Life with Eaſe reſign,
Could his be ranſom'd once with mine.
Horace.
What if ſweet Love, whoſe Bands we broke,
Again ſhould tame us to the Yoke;
Should baniſh'd Chloe ceaſe to reign,
And Lydia her loſt Power regain?
Lydia.
Tho' Heſp'rus be leſs fair than he,
Thou wilder than the raging Sen,
Lighter than Down, yet gladly I
With thee would live, with thee would die.

HORACE, Ode 3. Book IV.
To his Muſe, by whoſe Favour he acquires immortal Fame.

[43]
HE, on whoſe Birth the Lyric Queen
Of Numbers ſmil'd, ſhall never grace
The Iſthmian Gauntlet, nor be ſeen
Firſt in the fam'd Olympick Race.
He ſhall not after Toils of War
And taming haughty Monarch's Pride,
With lawrell'd Brows conſpicuous far,
To Jove's Tarpeian Temple ride.
But him the Streams, that warbling flow
Rich Tybet's flowery Meads along,
And ſhady Groves, (his Haunts) ſhall know
The Maſter of the Aeolian Song.
The Sons of Rome, majeſtic Rome!
Have fix'd me in the Poet's Choir,
And Envy now, or dead, or dumb,
Forbear to blame what they admire.
Goddeſs of the ſweet-ſounding Lute,
Which thy harmonious Touch obeys,
Who canſt the finny Race, tho' mute,
To Cygnet's dying Accents raiſe;
Thy Gift it is, that all with Eaſe
My new unrival'd Honours own;
That I ſtill live, and living pleaſe,
O Goddeſs! is thy Gift alone.

In OBITUM Egregii Juvenis ***** SHIRLEY.

[44]
I.
DUM te canorae turba ſciens lyrae,
Urgent adeptum flebilibus modis,
Hoc, dulcis Umbra, ne recuſes
Officium tenuis Camaenae.
II.
Cui ſi favebit Phoebus amicior,
Tot illa Famae, chare Puer, tuae
Apponet annos, quot caducae
Mors adimit properata vitae.
III.
Non hic fideles quod bene feceris,
Chartae ſilebunt, te Pudor & Fides,
Commendat, integrique mores,
Et decorans benè nata virtus.
IV.
Praeſens fugacem ſiſtere ſpiritum
Heu! nulla Virtus, nec Pietas moram,
Pudorve, febri luctuoſae
Attulit indomitaeque morti.
[45]V.
Quid illa velox profuit indoles
Aut mens virilis? Omnium breve,
Virtutis aevum! praecociſque
Ingenii fragiles honores.
VI.
Sic mille flores inter amabiles
Narciſſus horti gloria, verticem
Attollit altè, mox reclinem
Sternit humi pluvialis Auſter.

EPIGRAM, written on a White Fan belonging to the Lady whom he married.

FLavia, the leaſt and ſlighteſt Toy
Can with reſiſtleſs Art employ:
This Fan in meaner Hands would prove
An Engine of ſmall Force in Love;
Yet ſhe, with graceful Air and Mein,
Not to be told, or ſafely ſeen,
Directs its wanton Motions ſo,
That it wounds more than Cupid's Bow;
Gives Coolneſs to the matchleſs Dame;
To ev'ry other Breaſt a Flame.

ORATIO Viri Reverendi Franciſci Atterbury, S.T.P.
Habita Oxonii die Admiſſionis ad Decanatum, Aedis Chriſti, An. Dom. MDCCXI.

[46]

GRatiſſimus eſt mihi, Juvenis Eximie, tuus in Atrii hujuſce Veſtibulo occurſus, gratiſſima Oratio; quâ non tam me quàm Aedem hanc, quae bonorum ſemper ingeniorum nutrix habita eſt; ornari gaudeo. Facile adducer ut credam; caeteros qui tuae Aetati ſuppares ſunt, Alumnos, tibi eſſe quam ſimillimos. Ea ſi me haud fefellerit ſpes, vos ego viciſſim omnia quaecunque a me proficiſci poterint ſtudiorum veſtrorum hortamenta ac proemia, fidenter ſperare jubeo.

Eò mihi jucundior eſt tua, tuorum (que) lectiſſime Baccalauree, ſodalium Gratulatio, quod ab iis profecta ſit, quorum jam ad maturitatem quandam adoleſcunt ingenia, [47] praeceptis inſtitutiſ (que) Philoſophiae, ac multiplici doctrinarum genere, aucta at (que) exculta. Utinam is eſſem omnino quem, te authore, ab illis me haberi intelligo! Is certè ſum, qui literatam juventutem ad optima quaeque feliciter nitentem ſumma cum voluptate intueri ſoleam, quique adeo creſcenti indies veſtri ordinis laudi impensè faveam. Multa de mirifico veſtro erga Artes reconditas amore, de laudabili ſtudiorum curſu, ac progreſſione diſcendi a Viro Optimo, Aedis hujuſce Sub-Decano digniſſimo me auditurum confido, cujus quidem Vigilantiae at (que) Induſtriae ſiqua etiam a nobis ſubſidia poſſint offerri habebit ille me curarum ſuarum omnium ac Conſiliorum Socium, & non inertem, ubi opus eſt, Adjutorem.

Parem te quidem Muneri illi tuo, quod jam per annos aliquot ſuſtinuiſti, facundiſſime Rhetorices Praelector, oſtendis, cum exile nactus argumentum uberrimâ id verborum copiâ ſummâ Eloquentiae vi auges at (que) amplificas. Quantum ab his abſim laudibus, & egomet mihi ſatis ſum conſcius, & te utcun (que) de me magnifica praedicantem, minimè latet. Sed tu quâ mente, qui modeſtiâ es, quùm apertis mecum monitis agendum eſſe non exiſtimes, ab illa Artis tuae Praecepta decurris, quae Hortationem tunc optimè inſtitui aiunt, eum cum laudes, [48] quem cohortere. Si quis ita (que) tuo hoc dicendi artificio deceptus, meas eſſe putet, quae a te percenſentur, virtutes, mea quae celebrantur praeconia, nolo illum in tanto errore verſari; alia tibi erat Ratio, aliud longè conſilium, ut tuo ſcilicet dum fungereris Officio, mihi interim meum ſubindicares, & in id totus incumberes, ut intelligant qui te perorantem audiunt, non quis ego ſim, ſed cujuſmodi is eſſe debeat, qui florentiſſimae huic Aedi cum dignitate praeſideat, qui tam numeroſo aut doctorum aut diſcentium Gregi Cuſtos admotus, tuendae Religioni, excolendis Moribus, Literis promovendis ritè invigilet. Arduum ſanè opus! cui tamen proficiendo in promptu erant quae ſumeris. Jam enim in uniuſcujuſ (que) noſtrum animis inhaeret Excellentium Virorum, qui me in hoc munere praeiverint, memoria, quam quidem ſtudiosè recolenti facile tibi erat ea exinde omnia delibare quaecunque ad exprimendam perpoliendam (que) Viri ſummi & ſcientiſſimi Rectoris imaginem pertinerent.

Utcunque me de implendâ hâc quae mihi obtigit Provinciâ cogitantem, meaſ (que) vires aeſtimantem, ſubortus illicò conturbet metus, obruat pudor; nunquam tamen animo ſum demiſſiore, nunquam mihi magis diſpliceo, quam cum Fellum & Aldricium, duo illa Reipublicae noſtrae Literariae Lumina, [49] mente contempler. Quis enim non jure reformidaverit, illorum veſtigiis inſiſtere; qui optimis Naturae donis praediti, magnâ artium varietate inſtructi, longo rerum Academicarum uſu exercitati, Aedem hanc nunquam gloriae expertem, nunquam non Doctrinae laude illuſtrem, ad ſummum ſplendoris at (que) amplitudinis faſtigium perduxere.

Inerat utri (que) literarum flagrans ſtudium, propenſiſſima liberalium artium cultores voluntas; inerat eximius ingenii candor, omnia quae aliquam boni ſpeciem prae ſe ferent amplectentis; omnia de quibus ambigi poſſit, in mitiorem ſemper partem interpretantis; Inerat eximius, liber, excelſus, nullâ divitiarum, nullâ honorum cupiditate correptus, rei privatae negligens, ad publicam unicè attentus. Nemo unquam Familiam ſuam ardentius dilexit, benignius fovit, quam eorum uter (que) hanc Domum; nemini unquam ſuae carior erat Patriae, quam illis haec Academia. Rem Typographicam ſuo labore, ſuis ſumptibus augere, noſtra haec moenia inſtaurare, condere, id iis curae ſemper, id voluptati fuit; his cogitationibus, his ſtudiis occupati vixere, his etiam ne quidem ad extremum vitae ſpiritum intermiſſis, ſunt immortui.

Nota vobis ac perſpecta penitus loquor; quae tamen in auribus at (que) in oculis veſtris [50] utcun (que) haereant infixa, juvat uſ (que) repetere at (que) ipsâ hominum omni laude praeſtantium jucundiſſima recordatione mentem paſcere ac conformare. Nunquam mihi aut vobis excidet ex animis Viri illius humaniſſimi atque optimi Imago, cujus morte, tanquam, Parente ſuo orbata, jam luctu ac moerore jacuit haec domus. Faxit Deus, ut adventu tandem meo, aliquâ ex parte aliquando refici poteſt, ac recreari! Nihil illi defuit, quod ad Literas promovendas atque ornandas cuiquam unquam mortalium indulſit natura; nihil, quod eorum quibus praefuit, aut Amorem, aut Admirationem poſſit excitare. Quae illi mentis acies, quae vis, quae volubilitas, in omnes omnigenae doctrinae partes celerrimè ſe verſantis, in quamcunque ſcientiae oram delata eſſet, nuſquam rudis, nuſquam hoſpitis. Quicquid in arte aliquâ elaboratum proferret, quicquid moliretur, aut inveſtigaret, ad id illum quod quidem ageret, agendum unicè natum eſſe diceres, in eo omnem operam ſuam atque aetatem contriviſſe. Seu ſtudia graviora perſequeretur, ſeu levibus ſe oblectaret, ſeu res humanas, ſeu divinas ſuſciperet tractandas; an his, an illis aptior eſſet atque accomodatior, multum dubitares. Jam vero in aditu atque ſermone, in otio, in negotiis, quae illi morum facilitas, quam ſimplex & [51] aperta mens! quae in vita integritas, in verbis fides? quae frontis modeſtia, quae oris dignitas? His ille naturae muneribus ornatus, quod in percipiendis ſeverioribus diſciplinis, aſperum plerum (que) & triſte viſum eſt, miro quodam lepore ſolitus eſt mitigare, ita ut Tyronum animos non praeceptis ſolum aut hortationibus, ſed vultu ipſo atque congreſſu, ad amorem literarum, ad omnem humanitatis laudem fingeret at (que) erudiret.

Multa in hoc Viro admiranda erant, multa praeclara, nihil tamen praeclarius, quam quod Beatiſſimi Felli memoriam ſingulari quodam cultu ac veneratione ſemper proſequeretur, quod illum tanquam certiſſimum rerum pulchrè gerendarum ducem atque auctorem, optimum inſtituendae regendae (que) juventutis magiſtrum, intermiſſae apud nos luctuoſiſſimis temporibus diſciplinae vindicem, hujus deni (que) ampliſſimi domicilii ſtatorem ſuſpiceret ſemper ac praedicaret. Et ſanè, ex quo verae Religioni boniſ (que) literis, ad ſuas unde expulſae ſunt, ſedes patuit reditus, quicquid artibus juvandis, aut pietati augendae, quicquid in Reipublicae aut Eccleſiae uſus contulerit haec Aedes, id omne ex ſanctiſſimi illius Praeſulis, Laboribus, Curis, Conciliis profluxit. Ab illo jacta ſunt fundamenta laudum noſtrarum, ab illo ſparſa virtutis, [52] Induſtriae, Doctrinae ſemina, quae etiamnum vigent, quaeque illo & ſuperſtiti & extincto, in uberem multoties meſſem laetam (que) maturuere.

Hunc ita (que) Alumnorum Chorum, hanc Domum Felli ad huc inſtitutis florentem, quoties intueor, videre mihi videor celebrem illum agrum, diligenter conſitum, quem Lyſandro olim oſtendit Cyrus; ubi mirari libet Arborum (ut ita dicam) proceritates & ordines rite diſpoſitos, humum etiam ſubactam at (que) puram & ſuavitatem Odorum, qui quidem afflentur è Floribus, potiſſimum vero diligentiam & ſolertiam ejus a quo ſunt iſta dimenſa at (que) deſcripta. Foelix ille noſter Agricola, cui fas erat cum Cyro; dicere, Ego iſta omnia ſum dimenſus, mei ſunt Ordines, mea Deſcriptio, multae etiam iſtarum Arborum mea manu ſunt ſatae, & huic & alteri fortaſſe ſaeculo profuturae.

Mihi ita (que) qui in obeundo hoc munere viris talibus tantiſ (que) (felicitati dicam, an fato quodam meo?) proximus ſuccedam, quid reſtat, niſi ut earum, quibus inclaruerint virtutum memoriam languentem me diffidentem viribus meis erigam atque incendam, niſi ut optimis iiſdem, quibus uſus ſum, dum viverent Magiſtris, utar & mortuis, eorum (que) ad exemplum, qua licet qua poſſim cunque via, me totum componam?

[53] Magnis quidem illi atque eximiis quibuſdam animi Bonis hoc aſſecuti ſunt, ut poſſent vobis inſigniter prodeſſe. Iſtorum quem nihil ad me pertineat, ſatis intelligo. Unum tantummodo mihi ut cum illis commune exiſtimetur contendo; Benevolentiae, at (que) amoris incredibilis quaedam vis, qua in aedem hanc feror, qua vos, veſtraſ (que) res omnes complector, & in qua nequidem ab ipſis illis Anteceſſoribus meis (quibuſdam nulla alia in re ſum conferendus) ſuperatum me iri confido.

N.B. Biſhop Atterbury died at Paris the 15th of February 1732, and his Body was brought to England, and interred on the 12th of May following, in his Vault in Weſtminſter Abbey. His Bowels were in an Urn, thus inſcribed, In hac Urnâ depoſiti ſunt cineres FRANCISCI ATTERBURY Epiſcopi Roffenſis.

TO His Excellency the Right Honourable THOMAS Lord PARKER, Lord High Chancellor of GREAT-BRITAIN, one of his Majeſty's Lords Juſtices. LONDON.

[54]
MY LORD,

I Taking London in my Way between Lewes and Kingſton, came to your Lordſhip's Houſe the Morning before I went to Kingſton, but your Lordſhip was then ſitting. I did then intend to have informed your Lordſhip of what occurred in the Circuit thitherto, relating to the Publick, eſpecially in Kent: and after I came from Kingſton, I found your Lordſhip was gone out of Town; and before your Return I ſet out for my Country-concerns here in Shropſhire, 'till near next Term; ſo that what Account I give your Lordſhip muſt be by Letter.

Tho' your Lordſhip has heard how the Verdict went in the Tryal at Rocheſter, * [55] yet perhaps it may not be unacceptable to your Lordſhip, to have ſome Abſtract of the Matter ariſing in it. I began at ſix in the Morning, by my Appointment, and held till twelve. The Court was very full of Clergymen, and a great Auditory; and I gave both Sides Liberty to expatiate as they pleaſed, eſpecially the Defendants, that they might not ſay but that they had a full and fair Tryal. Moſt of the Witneſſes for the Proſecution were unwilling, and did prove the Facts but meanly; but afterwards the Witneſſes for the Defendants did, upon queſtioning, prove all the Facts very fully upon all the Defendants, viz. Hendley the Preacher, the School-maſter and the two Collectors, being all who were ſerved with Proceſs. Serjeant Comins, Sir Conſt. Phipps and Mr. Blunden, Defendants, after an Harangue upon the Vertue of Charity, and how eſſential to Chriſtianity (tho' I thought the Texts they cited proved another ſort of Charity, viz. Good-Nature and Good-Neighbourhood, but I thought it not proper then to take Notice of the Diſtinction) they inſiſted chiefly,

1. That it would diſcourage all Charity, and Charity-Schools, which would thus be in Danger of Subverſion.

[56] 2. That every Parſon might order Collections, in his own Pariſh, for what Charities he pleaſe, eſpecially if approved of by the Biſhop.

3. That the Rubrick in the Communion Service, a Common-Prayer Book being produced in Court, does imply that the Parſon and the Biſhop are intruſted in Collections of Charity in the Church; for it ſays, that if the Parſon and Church-wardens diſagree in the Diſtribution, the Biſhop ſhall determine.

4. That the Parſon of the Pariſh, and alſo the Biſhop of Rocheſter, did give Hendley Leave to preach this Sermon, for this Purpoſe.

5. That tho' the Sermon was done, yet the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church at the Communion Table was not quite finiſhed, as were not alſo the Sentences for exciting Charity, when Mr. Farrington, the Juſtice of Peace, interrupted the Collection.

6. That the two preſent Archbiſhops have preached Charity-Sermons, in London, for the Children of other Pariſhes there.

7. That there is no Precedent of ſuch an Indictment ever before.

Too much Time was ſpent on both Sides, relating to what Power the Biſhops had antiently in the Diſtribution even of [57] Tythes and Profits relating to the Church, and their Rights to licence Preaching, and to direct what is to be done in Churches, and that Laymen are not to intermeddle there.

Serjeant Darnel, Mr. Baines and Mr. Marſh were pro Rege. The Subſtance of what they all ſaid is herein mentioned, intermixed with my own Thoughts in my ſumming up to the Jury.

I firſt ſaid, that there were three Things much inſiſted on by the Defendants Counſel, and anſwered by the Counſel on the other Side, which I thought ought to be pared off and put out of the Caſe, viz.

1. All Jealouſy of diſcouraging all Charity and Charity-Schools; for that they remained juſt as they were before, as long as they kept within the Bounds of their proper Pariſhes. But tho' this Caſe was quite of a different Nature, relating to arbitrary Collections, and that in other Pariſhes, and the coming of fifty Boys and Girls together begging for that Purpoſe; and if this was practiſed, it might do more Harm to Charity-Schools, by making them odious to their Pariſhes, whoſe Poor would be injured, by leſſening the Charity to them.

2. It ought to be put out of the Caſe, whether Mr. Hendley was authorized to preach there, or not; for that I thought [58] it the ſame Caſe if the Parſon of the Pariſh himſelf had then preached, [It was at my Tongue's End, if the Biſhop himſelf had preached, as indeed it was the ſame; but I thought it better not to heat the Queſtion by a Suppoſal of the Biſhop's preaching] for that the Preaching was not the Point, being uſed only to excite giving; but the true Point was, whether the Collection was without lawful Authority; and therefore the Collecting of it in the Church is not a Jot better, in Point of Law, than if the fifty Boys and Girls had ſtood at the Market-place, and the Collectors had there received the Charity of whom they could aſſemble about them.

3. Another Matter I thought proper to be pared off (tho' ſo much debated on both Sides) whether it was a Crime (I ſuppoſe the Crime ſuggeſted in the Biſhop of Rocheſter's Court) to interrupt the Collection before the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church, and the Sentences for Charity, were fully read, ſince they thought, that if ſuch Collecting is an unlawful Act, the proper Time to ſtop it is juſt when it begins, or ſoon after, as here was done by Mr. Farrington; for otherwiſe Common-Prayer, or a Sermon might be uſed to juſtify and give a Sanction to any unlawful Act, and this Stop might as well have [59] been in the Middle of the Common-Prayer, or of the Sermon, in caſe the unlawful Collection had then begun: ſo that the true Point is, whether the Collection was unlawful; and upon that all the Caſe depends.

As for the Aſſertion, that every Parſon of a Pariſh may order Collections, in his Pariſh for Charities, when and for what he pleaſes; I declared my Opinion, that he could not; it not being any Part of his Function, like reading Prayers, Preaching, Chriſtening, Burying, &c. [...]nd I knew not how he was made Judge of the Times and Objects of all Charities within his Pariſh, tho' he might preach as much as he pleaſed upon the general Duty of Charity.

As to the Rubrick in the Communion Service, I ſaid, I thought that was to be taken ſecundum ſubjectam materiam, viz. the ordinary Collection at the Communion, which is ever then uſed to be made for the Poor of that Pariſh, but ſhould not extend to every Collection the Parſon ſhould appoint for any foreign Charity, and that I did not till now hear that the Clergy did claim ſuch a Power. And farther I ſaid, that I thought thoſe Words of the Rubrick did not imply ſuch a Power in the Parſon; for the Words being [the Money given at the Offering ſhall be diſpoſed of to ſuch [60] pious and charitable Uſes as the Parſon and the Church-wardens ſhall think fit, wherein if they diſagree, it ſhall be diſpoſed of as the Ordinary ſhall appoint.] Such a Power of appointing a Collection at Pleaſure is as much implied in the Church-wardens as in the Parſon, for they have as much Liberty to diſagree from the Parſon in the Diſtribution, as the Parſon has to diſagree from them; and ſo the Church-wardens might alſo appoint Collections for what Charities they pleaſed: but that I thought that the Parſon and Church-wardens, either jointly or ſeverally, could not appoint any Collection for Charity otherwiſe than in common Form for the Poor of their own Pariſh, and that thoſe are the charitable Uſes intended by the Rubrick, and particularly at the Communion, to the Service of which thoſe Words of the Rubrick are ſubjoined. [I hope your Lordſhip, on reading that Part of the Rubrick at the End of the Communion Service will be of my Opinion, which I then ſuddenly declared, as to the Implication, and do not ſince alter, unleſs otherwiſe convinced.]

As to what was mentioned of the two preſent Archbiſhops, it was for the Poor of the ſame Town, tho' of a different Pariſh: and all the Circumſtances of thoſe [61] Caſes do not now appear, nor were they litigated, as this Caſe is.

As to the Objection, that there is no Precedent of ſuch an Indictment ever before.

Sol.—There never was ſuch an Attempt before, that fifty Boys and Girls ſhould go into another Pariſh, in another County, and make a kind of Migration in ſuch a Body, really begging, tho' with great Formality. And tho' much might be ſaid (as the Counſel for the King inſiſted) to bring them within the Statute of Vagrants, eſpecially ſeeing the Stat. of 39. Eliz. C. 4. Paragr. 2. ſays, That all Perſons calling themſelves Scholars, going about begging, ſhall be accounted Vagrants: yet I judged it not proper to put the Caſe upon that Point, when I thought it ſo clear otherways, and fit ſo to be mentioned.

I alſo told the Jury, that this Caſe did conſiſt of two Parts: the firſt but particular, and the other very general.

As to the particular, it is relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, which is not of a Spiritual Nature, but a mere Lay-Concern, and relating to the Civil Government; and the ſeveral Acts of Parliament do plainly eſteem it as ſuch, by ordering the Rates and Collections for the Poor, and [62] putting the whole Managment into the Lay Hands of the Juſtices of the Peace, and the Over-ſeers of the Poor, who are to be nominated by the Juſtices of the Peace, and accountable to them, and by their Directions to ſet the Poor at Work, if they thought proper; and therefore a Juſtice of Peace, being then in the Church, might well take it to be a Matter within his Juriſdiction, and that he might ſtop ſuch a new and extraordinary Proceeding, newly begun among the Clergy, relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, and a Collection made by Strangers, without the Conſent or Aſſiſtance of the Church-wardens or Over-ſeers of the Poor of that Pariſh.

But this Caſe, if under a general Conſideration, is of a vaſt Extent, and mighty Conſequence to the King and the People, and at which the very Legiſlature may take great Umbrage. The levying of Money is the tendereſt Part of our Conſtitution, and if it may be done arbitrarily, under the Shew and Form of Charity, (which may comprize all good Works and all good Intentions) it cannot be ſaid whither it may go, any more than it can be ſaid whither theſe fifty Boys and Girls may go: for as, by the ſame Reaſon, they may go into all the Pariſhes in England, [63] ſo Collections, as for Charities, may be ſet up in all the Churches in England by the Clergy, as often as they pleaſe: and tho' it be ſaid, it is all but Voluntary giving, yet it is a ſort of Compulſion, by the Solemnity in the Church, and vying with others, and being marked out, if refuſing, or giving meanly.

In the Time of Charles I. the Parliament took great Offence at ſome Attempts for free Gifts to the Crown; and we hear that Cardinal Alberoni is now ſetting up the like all over Spain.

But beſides, here in England no Collection, even for Charity (unleſs for the Poor of the ſame Pariſh) is, by Law, to be made, but by the Leave and Permiſſion of the King, gathering of Money being ſo nice a Matter, that it muſt not be done, even for Charity, without his Leave, in the moſt compaſſionate Caſes; and thence the antient Method of Briefs, under the Great Seal, has been uſed, even upon extreme great Loſſes by Fire. And the Stat. of 4 and 5 of Anne, have put the whole Management of Briefs under the Regulation of the Court of Chancery, and impower the laying great Fines upon the Offenders. But this Method were giving a Go-by to all Royal Licences, and putting it in the Power of the Clergy to do all Acts of Charity of [64] themſelves at the Expence of the People, and to be ſole Judges of the Occaſions, and to make what Application and Account they pleaſe.

I told the Jury, that I was very clear of Opinion, in Point of Law, this was a Caſe of dangerous Conſequence, and was an Invaſion not only on the King's Prerogative, but alſo upon the Legiſlature, and that I thought the Defendants Guilty.

The Jury ſtayed out but a little while and brought them in all Guilty. I then told the Defendants Counſel, that if they did not like my Opinion, in Point of Law, they might bring their Writ of Error; and the Indictment being ſo ſpecial, it did equal a ſpecial Verdict, and they might have the Opinion of a ſpecial Court, if they pleaſed.

I then ſet a Fine of a Noble upon each Defendant, I ſaying, it was ſo ſmall only becauſe it was made a Queſtion; but now that a Verdict had ſettled it, there would be very heavy Fines upon thoſe who ſhould preſume to offend in like Manner hereafter. Yet I heard that ſome Gentlemen in the Town had thereupon ſaid, that I had been too favourable to them by ſo ſmall Fines: but it was far from my Intention of any Favour to them, but of Service to the King; whereas, if great, it might have been ſaid, [65] that, while they were proſecuted for levying Money on the People, the Proſecution was only to levy Money upon them, when it was really to ſettle the Point: and great Fines might have raiſed Compaſſion, and perhaps a Collection for them. It would be great Satisfaction to me if your Lordſhip be of the ſame Opinion with me, as to the Smallneſs of the Fines; I am ſure I intended it for the beſt.

I gave Mr. Woodford a News-Paper, wherein was an Advertiſement, which I thought very fit to be ſhewed to Superiors: that the Biſhop of London had iſſued a Circular Letter, to all his Clergy, to collect Charities in their Pariſhes for the poor Vicarages in England, which I thought much of a Kin to the late Collection in Kent, or rather more dangerous, not only by raiſing a vaſt Sum of Money (if the like in all Dioceſes) but alſo by marking out People how far affected to the Church throughout England, and caſting ſome Reflection upon Queen Anne's Bounty, and upon a beneficial Explanation after by his preſent Majeſty, yet as if to be ſupported by begging: and this done in a Time of Taxes, which muſt appear the more heavy after ſuch Collections; and the Clergy would thus gain a Power of raiſing Money as they pleaſe, and applying it as they pleaſe. How [66] this Project goes on I know not; but ſure it ought to be ſtopped: and for that Purpoſe, a Thing very appoſite was mentioned in the Debate of the late Tryal in Kent, That commonly about Chriſtmas, when it is hard with the Poor for want of Work, in great Froſt and Snow, then the Biſhop of London does ſend a Circular Letter, to the Pariſhes within the Bills of Mortality, to make Collections for the Poor, to be put into the Hands of the Lord Mayor. But it was alſo alledged in the ſame Tryal, that, pre-cedent to ſuch Circular Letter, of that Biſhop, the King ſends a Letter, under his Sign Manual, to that Biſhop, authorizing and requiring him ſo to do. This deſerves to be inquired into, and, if true, it is a Caſe in Point againſt this new Letter of the Biſhop of London, if without the King's Licence.

A Man of Rocheſter, worth nothing, was convicted before me of drinking the Pretender's Health. I ordered him to be whipped, in open Market, twice, till his Back was bloody, with a Month between the firſt and ſecond Whipping.

And at Lewes, a Man of Rye was convicted before me for drinking the Health of King James the Third, and ſaying, he knew no ſuch Perſon as King George. He had run out a good Eſtate by Looſeneſs, and [67] had nothing left but an Annuity of thirty Pounds per Annum, for his Life. I fined him a hundred Pounds, and committed him till paid, and that he ſhould find good Sureties for his good Behaviour for three Years next after the Payment of the Fine. I told him, that by his paying a hundred Pounds to King George, he would certainly know there is ſuch a Perſon.

Your Lordſhip's Notion, againſt ſetting a State Offender in the Pillory, was certainly very right, and did ſo convince me, that I have ever ſince ordered corporal or pecuniary Puniſhments upon them, as having a better Effect upon ſhameleſs People, and without giving the Mob an Opportunity to be troubleſome.

I declared in all my Charges in this Circuit, as I did the two laſt Terms at Weſtminſter, that the Number of baſe Libels, and ſeditious Papers, is intolerable, and that now a quicker Courſe will be taken about them; for that now the Government will not be ſo much troubling itſelf to find out the Authors of them, but as often as any ſuch Papers are found on the Tables of Coffee-Houſes, or other News-Houſes, the Maſter of the Houſe ſhall be anſwerable for ſuch Papers, and ſhall be proſecuted as the Publiſher of them, and let him find out the Author, Letter-Writer, or Printer, and [68] take Care, at his Peril, what Papers he takes in.

This laſt was a Maiden Home-Circuit, which had not been known before, and is to be attributed to the late good Law of Tranſportation, which is well put in Execution in the Counties near London, whence Tranſporting is eaſy, but not ſo well in other Parts of England. The Treaſury would ſave much Money, partly by paying fewer Rewards of forty Pounds, and partly by not long maintaining Fellows in Gaol, if ſome Rates were agreed to be given to Merchants to carry them off ſpeedily.

Your Lordſhip's Order of Notification, to the Juſtices of Peace, had a very good Effect, for they appeared much better this Circuit than formerly, eſpecially in Surrey, where I told them, that I would requeſt your Lordſhip, that you would pleaſe to acquaint his Majeſty, at his Return, how very well, in particular, his Juſtices of Peace in Surrey had appeared, upon his Pleaſure being notified to them for that Purpoſe.

I did, in all my Charges, inform the Audience of the Occaſion and Neceſſity of that Notification, for that there was grown a Sort of general Neglect, all over England, of the Appearance of the Juſtices of Peace [69] at the Aſſizes, when the Judges had often Matters to inform them of, by Command of his Majeſty; and Trials of Felons were often imperfect, by the Non-attendance of the committing Juſtice of Peace; and that their Attendance was a Reſpect due to the King and his Government, upon thoſe ſolemn Occaſions: and that it is no Hardſhip upon them; there being three Excuſes, which will be readily admitted, if, upon the Call, mentioned to the Court, barely upon the Word of ſome other Juſtice, or Proof upon Oath by ſome other Perſon. viz. 1. If not fit to travel, by Age or want of Health. 2. If living out of the County. 3. If then actually out of the County. But if Juſtices of Peace ſhall remain at home, about their private Affairs, or to avoid the Trouble of a Journey to the Aſſizes, it ought to be looked on as a Neglect of the Duty of their Office: for they are not called only to notify to the People, that they are in Commiſſion, but to anſwer to their Names in Perſon.

Many of thoſe in Commiſſion do not act, and have not taken the Oath of Office: whereupon I ordered, in open Court, each Clerk of the Peace, againſt next Term, to tranſmit to your Lordſhip a Liſt of ſuch as reſide in the County, and refuſe to act; yet that he does, in the mean time, [70] know of them, if they perſiſt in ſuch Refuſal; that ſo it may be their own doing if they are put out of the Commiſſion, after his Majeſty's Favour to them in being put in.

I fear I have tired your Lordſhip with this long, tho' abridged, Account: but your Lordſhip's Pardon will be an Addition to all your former Favours, to

My Lord,
Your Lordſhip's Moſt Faithful and Moſt Humble Servant, LITTLETON POWYS.

ABSALON ET ACHITOPHEL.
Carmine Latino Heroico.*

[]
COgnovere pias nondum pia ſecula fraudes
Arte ſacerdotum, nondum vetuere maritos
Multiplici celebrare jugo connubia leges;
Cum Vir ſponſarum numeraverat agmen, & uni
Non ſervire toro, ſato adverſante, coactus
Plurima fertilibus produxit ſtemmata lumbis;
Cum ſtimulos Natura daret, nec legibus ullis
Et ſponſae & lenae vetitum eſt commune cubile:
Tunc Iſraelis, coelo cedente, Monarcha
Concubitu vario vernas, nuptaſque fovebat:
Quáque erat Imperii limes, ibi meſſe feraci
Tranſcripta Archetypi ſparſim generatur imago.
Ornavit Regale caput Diadema Michalis;
[72] Cultori ingratum, vel quod ſterileſceret, arvum:
Non aliud par hujus erat; nam plurima mater
Jam pridem multos utero ſatis ubere natos
Jeſſidi peperit. Sed ſacra cubilia vernae
Cum premerent, ſoboles obliquo tramite Sceptrum
Arripuit, ſpurioque fuit de ſanguine Princeps.
Has inter ſtirpes eluxerat Abſalon, ipſâ
Nec formâ inferior, ceſſit virtute nec ulli.
An magè divino Pater inſpiratus amore
Ipſum progenuit majore libidinis aeſtro
Praecocis ing'nii, vel quòd bene conſcia fata
Felicem dederint ad Sceptra virilibus anſam
Formae ornamentis, & iter proclive parâſſent,
Huic Fama in campis ſonuit matura remotis
Invictumque Ducem agnorant ſocialia Regna:
Pace minas oculis, animoque excuſſerat arma
Quaelibet, ut natus tantum videatur amori.
Siquod agat, mentes adeò mulcebat, ut ipſum
Juſſerit, aut ſaltem docuit Natura placere:
Quicquid agit, genio peragi ridente videtur,
Et vultu amotis rugis afflabat amores.
Laetitiâ hunc tacitâ fovet indulgentia Patris,
Qui quaſi bis natum ſe viva in imagine vidit:
Nil inconceſſum voto ſitiente rogavit,
Annabal at thalamo ceſſit ſocianda jugali.
Crimina ſiqua, Pater (quis enim ſine crimine vivit?)
Non potuit, lippis vel ſaltem aſpexit ocellis.
Quoſdam, quêis mirè lex blanda pepercerat, aeſtus
Impete commotos nimio dixere Juventam,
Fermento tantum quae deſaecanda, calenti.
[73] Impia & Amnonis ſpecioſo nomine caedes
Juſta obtrectatae famae vindicta vocatur.
Sic inconcuſſâ regeret dum pace Sionem
Rex David, juvenis laudatur, & unus amatur.
At rarò fauſtae ſeries manet integra vitae,
Dii poenâ pravos urgent, tentamine juſtos.
Judoei, populus rigidae cervicis, & aſper
Moribus, & querulus; Gens nulla procacius illâ
Vim velut extremam eſt Divini experta favoris;
Gens adamata Deo, nimiâ laſciva quiete,
Impatiens Regis, placandaque Numine nullo:
(Numina nam variae molis, variaeque figurae.
Quae faber ex ſacro potuit procudere ferro,
Aut pius Antiſtes effingere mente, probâſſet)
Egregiè ſapiens populus, nimiumque beatus
Somniat heu! juſtae ſe libertatis egenum.
Et cum per terras uſquam Gens nulla reperta eſt,
Quae magis arbitrio vixit, vel lege ſoluta,
Moxanimum ad ſylvas flectit, nemorum (que) receſſus,
Et proeter Satyros omnes ſervire putabat.
Qui poſt funebrem Sauli ſine vulnere pompam
Isboſet inſulſum Diadema odiſſe coegit;
Cujus ope ad ſolium David redit exul ab Hebron,
Rexque inter medios uno velut ore triumphos
Saepe ſalutatur plauſu reſonante catervae.
Ipſi hi Judoei, vel tum cùm ſumma profeſſi,
Non Regi obſequium, aſt animi ſua vana ſequacis
Arbitria oſtentant, & jam mirantur ad annos
Factitium tanto colerent quid honore Monarcham.
Quem manibus fecêre ſuis, fas tollere credunt,
[74] Aut titulo donare mero, quo Regia tantum,
Aureus ut quondam vitulus, coleretur imago.
Ventilat haec obiter tumida plebecula bile,
In ſcelus, aut quaeſtum nondum coaleſcere coepit,
Optima pars populi Judoei, & criminis expers
Dulcia tranquilli bene noverat otia Regni;
Seclaque reſpiciens cauto terrore relapſa,
Vulnera conſpexit malè ſarta, & turpia viſu.
Cumque cicatrices grumoſo ſanguine plenas
Viderit, execrata memor civilia bella eſt.
Quorum animus nimiâ tunc non excanduit irâ
His moti, poſitâ dubiae libramina lancis
Mole premunt, vigiliſque ſagax clementia Regis
Suſtulit optatam populis diſcordibus anſam.
Cum tamen in vetitum genio labente feramur,
Providus hamatam Satanas mox projicit offam,
Et quaſi nequitioe leno mala praebet amata.
Jam conjurati malefidae Foederis artes
Erupere, Bonâ Cauſâ veterique jubente.
Vera, an falſa licèt, nam Conjuratio Regum
Excidium eſt, ipsâque trahit Reſpublica vitam.
Antiquam Solymam Jebuſito ſemine nati
Incoluere viri, traxit urbs nomen ab illis;
Jus His nativum fuerat—
Cùm tamen Electus geminatis viribus arma
Moviſſet populus, Jus ipſum evaſit iniquum:
Et quo plura mali tulerat diſpendia fati
Incola, cenſetur magè diſplicuiſſe Tonanti.
Viribus effoetis, aut fractis hinc Jebuſitoe
[75] Vellent, an nollent, Jeſſidem agnoſcere Regem
Coguntur, facti extorto moderamine ſervi,
Auctaque cùm victâ ſolvunt tellure tributa.
Et quod vix animo humano tolerabile, ſalfis
Luduntur probris, vilique oequalia ligno
Numina vulgari crepitant combuſta favillâ.
Moverat hoc rapidam Pagani Antiſtitis iram:
Ambit idem in varia nam Relligione Sacerdos.
Qualiſcunque ſui fuerit proſapia Divi,
Seu lapide, aut trunco, tenui vel origine nati,
Ipſum defendunt parili virtute miniſtri,
Tanquam explorato genus enumeraſſet ab auro.
Atque haec Rabbinis, quamvis hoſtilibus ipſos.
Inceſſant odiis, ſolers prudentia viſa eſt.
Nam Gens obſtrictos credit pietate togata
Det vitae quicunque penu commune tueri.
Hinc ortum duxit Patrioe communis * Erinnis,
Re mala, ſed ſpecie nova conjuratio pejor.
Exceſſu laudata pari, & traducta, probata
Jurantum verbis, morientum voce negata.
Non excuſſa vagae penſo libramine plebis,
Indigeſta tamen, maſsâque abſorpta recenti.
Quaedam vera tulit, ſed cum farragine mirâ
Falſorum mixta, & mendacibus abdita larvis,
Subtili ingenio paradoxa, crepundia craſſo.
Qui nullis, facilemve dedit omnibus olim
Traditur aequali ſibi delirâſſe furore.
[76] Ritibus Aegyptis fatuus Jebuſita colendis
Se devovit, ubi commendat Numina Guſtus.
Numina nec dubium eſt, cùm non inſulſa, placere,
Quae ſimul in Divos cultori & pabula cedent.
Vi potuit nullâ ſpretos obtrudere Divos
(Nam binis impar fuit & Tyrinthius Heros.)
Hinc placuit tentare dolos (Antiſtitis artes)
Nam ſtolidos ſuaſu citius quàm robore vinces.
Judoeos tandem facto velut agmine coetus
Clamoſi invadunt praefrictâ fronte magiſtri,
Fautoreſque ſui cultus ſcrutantur in Aula,
Atque ipſum alliciunt ad pulpita ſacra lupanar.
Quod tulit Hebroeus non aequâ mente Sacerdos,
Balantem quòd lana gregem ſua jure ſequatur.
Perſuaſum eſt aliis intenta pericula Regi
Bombardis olim per ſecula longa repertis.
Non hoc jurabit vates, ſed Daemone junctus
Quis novit quantum poterit Jebuſita cruentus?
Hoc, quod vulgari tantum ſtrategemate fultum
Sperato nunquam ſucceſſu Foedius egeret,
Omen, & occulti dederat praeſagia damni.
Nam velut accenſus cùm corda per intima flagrat
Febre cruor, celeri ſtagnum delabitur undâ
Protinus, & peccans citò quilibet aeſtuat humor,
Qui prius innocuas lambit ſine murmure ripas:
Sic cùm diviſum eſt ſtudia in contraria vulgus,
In ſpumam fervet parilem, Regnoque minatur.
Quidam judicio facilis cenſentur amici,
Sed plures ſapuiſſe ſuo, & velut obice jacto
Imperio, fruſtrâ quod captavêre, reſiſtunt.
[77] Quoſdam Aulae immeritus favor inſignivit, at illinc
Ejecti, Lemurum ritu, obdurantur in ipſis
Flagitiis. Alios ad munera publica Regni
Affines ſolio, condonatoſque rebelles
Fatali extulerat Rex manſuetudine David.
(Arcta quidem vincla, ingratos ſi vincla ligârint,)
Achitophel fallax horum vetus agmina duxit
Signifer, exoſum ventura in ſecula nomen.
Conſiliis promptus vafris, verſutiùs illo
Occultos ageret nemo cum fraude cunîclos.
Turbidus ingenii, capitis ſubtilis & audax,
Judicii nullo conſtans dictamine, nullâ
Sede, ſed imperio fremit indignatus in omni,
Dedecus incenſum, velut unguis in ulcere, torquet.
Ignea mens latè dum ſeſe expandere niſa eſt,
Pygmaeam ſenio quaſi molem attrivit edaci
Corporis, obducens limoſa habitacula formâ.
Rebus in anguſtis audax Nauclerus & idem
Exultans ipſis, dum ſaeviat unda, periclis.
Tempeſtate frui gaudet, pelagoque ſereno
Iratus brevia, & ſcopulos accedere geſtit,
Ut tantùm oſtentet, quantum ſcirà arte valeret.
Ingeniis certè comes eſt dementia ſummis,
Atque horum tenui diſtat diſcrimine limes.
Aut hic divitiis, tituliſque onoratus honoris,
Sedata effaetae cur deneget otia vitae?
Torqueat & carnis ficcam inſatialibus offam?
Quae quamvis fundo quaſi ſuſpirârit in imo
Exhaurique timet, tranquillae eſt prodiga vitae.
Totus & hic ſudor tanto ut conamine partis
[78] Filius iſte, bipes, animalque implume, fruatur.
Qui confuſa vagae eſt inter phantaſmata mentis
Editus, informis moles, rudis inſtar Anarchae.
Infidus fidis, & inexorabilis irâ,
Aut geret Imperii, penitúſve excindet habenas.
Hic triplici rupit ſocialia foedera nodo,
Ut prope divulſis tremeret quaſſata columnis
Ipſa ſalus populi; ſub quo cervice paratâ
Longinquo ſervire jugo ſterit Incola Judae.
Hunc famae ambitio cepit terroribus actum
Grata, nec erubuit patriae pater ipſe vocari.
Tam facile eſt animis ſaevit cùm mobile vulgus,
Si Commune Bonum ſpecie ſimuliter inani,
Crimina fucatâ privata recondere larvâ.
Quàm ſacra nequitia, & tutò Catilina rebellat!
Quà nemo in blandam poterit delinquere plebem.
Crimina quà ſpectat nictanti vulgus ocello,
Culpa nec ulla patet, quia quo delicta videntur
Alterius, ſpeculo ſua contemplatur eodem.
At meritae famae nec perfidus invidet hoſtis,
Quòd fora clamoſis moderator litibus orba
Fecerit, & trutinâ juſtum deciderit aequâ;
Sed vix Patricium merito dignamur honore.
Juſtior Abbethdin Iſraelitica nunquam
In fora deſcendit, neque jura latentia lotis
Purior explicuit manibúſve intactior auro.
Sponte, & judiciis miſeros protexit inemptis,
Acceſſu facilis, ſuccinctae ad munera curae.
O! Sibi ſi Regem meritis obſtringere tantùm
Aemulus ambiret ſola exercendo Togatae
[79] Munera militiae, vel ſi non nobile ſemen
Ingrata lolio, & ſterili premeretur avenâ:
Huic David Lyricas pulſaret pollice chordas,
Aeternoque uno caruiſſet carmine coelum.
Ambitio at properat praeceps ad lubrica, in uno
Neſcia ſtare loco, ſolida tellure gravatur
Compingi; at gaudet glaciali tramite duci
Achitophel, juſtae famae pigreque beatae
Pertaeſus vitae jam faſtidivit onuſtos
Fructibus auratis impune excerpere ramos,
Brachia ſed cupido dedit auxiliaria vulgo,
Regia quêis fructus concuſſet remitteret arbor,
Jam detecta ſuum vulpecula vafra reatum,
Qui quodam latuit foetante reconditus ovo,
Praedicat, in ſtratam Regemque laceſſit arenam.
Jus contra Regem Cauſae popularis aperto
Defendit clypeo & poſtico crimine leges
Perſequitur. Poſthac ſperatam Foederis anſam
Arripit horrendi, quod tam praegnante receptum
Ingenio plura eduxit, majoraque factis.
Hince mala ſecretis refert inventa ſuſurris
Neſcio quae, capiti timidae impendentia plebis.
Mox tamen arbitrio ſobolet tractanda meraco
Imperia, & Regem Jebuſitam detegit ipſum.
Argumenta quidem delumbia, ſed bene novit
Quam facilè his capitur populis proclivis ad arma
Sponte ſua, Dominae namque ad ludibria Lunae
Judaei rapti motus imitantur eoſdem:
Et poſt luſtra (ferunt ut Scribae) quatuor ipſo
Naturae inſtinctu Dominum mutare docentur.
[80] Achitophel frendebat adhuc Ducis indigus apti;
Abſalon hinc placuit, caput inſuperabile bello:
Non quòd tergeminis optaret honoribus ipſum
Tollere (Patricius nam raro flagrat amore
Aut odio) titulo, ſed quòd cognoverit orbum
Et juſto mancum, cogi dare vela favori
Plebeio, ut regum velut expirante ſupremam
Majeſtate Animam tandem delata Poteſtas
Ad plebem, & populi faeces, Regalia ferret,
Compoſitis mulcere dolis hunc tentat, & acre
Effeundens viris verborum, talia fatur.
Anguſtiſſime Princeps!
In natalia cujus
Regale Auſtrali pollebat in aethere ſydus;
Deliciae, patriaeque idem redamantis Adonis:
Et Tutelari trepidam qui protegis igne,
Obſcuraeque die defendis tegmine nubis.
Tu Moſes alter cujus vibrata marinos
Virga ſecat fluctus, ſanctae confinia terrae
Oſtendens, cujus ſurgentem in quolibet aevo
Lucem inſpirato cecinit ſacra ore propheta.
Optantis populi votum, laetabile vatum
Augurium, juvenum demiſſum coelitus aeſtrum;
Religioſa ſenes de Te ſua ſomnia fingunt.
Conſcia Gens omnis Te, Te [...] ſatetur,
Omen & aſpectu nunquam ſaliata precatur.
Sic non quoeſitis celebrat veſtigia pompis;
Nomen & Infantes lingua titubante docentur
Balbutire Tuum, blaeſaque extollere Voce.
[81] Quid tantâ ſuſpenſa morâ communia differs
Gaudia? jejunae tanquàm moderamine gentis
Defraudes genium, peragiſque inglorius annos.
Ecce! pie ſtupidus vento paſcêris inani
Virtutis, donec quae jam Tua gloria fulget,
Palleat, & fiat repetito evanida viſu.
Crede mihi, extenſâ ſubitò, ſtirps Regia, dex
College maturum, aut putreſcet in arbore fructus.
Aut ſerò aut citius coeleſti lege jubentur
Fauſta repentinae fortunae emergere fata;
Quêis benè ſi vigili velut inſidiamur ocello,
Artis ope (Humano nam res humana regenda eſt
Arbitrio) tanquàm clivo delabitur aequo
Fortuna, & primo reſumit ab impite vires.
Indeprenſa tamen celeri velocior aurâ
Evolat, & rictu ſtupidos inhiante relinquit
Mirantes ad terga fugax, jam jam tibi palmâ
Inſigni occurrit, dumque exagitata volatu
Feſtinat, pandit laxos in fronte capillos.
Si David, cujus genitali enaſcere lumbo,
Sceptra recusâſſet fortunâ oblata ſecundâ,
Exul perpetuus Gathi maniſiſſet, & unctus
Incaſſum coeleſti oleo diadema petîſſet.
Erigat objectam ſpem fortunata juventus,*
Sed defecturae vites exempla Senectae.
Aſpicis occiduo dùm mergitur aequore Phaebus
Creſcit ut elatis extenſa vaporibus umbra.
[82] Non jam qualis erat Jordani in littore quondam
Ad vada cum populus grege confertiſſimus uno
Applauſu reboans ſtetit, & laetante propinquum
Prae turba obductum latuit caligine littus:
Sed velut Angelicus Princeps è culmine lapſus,
Contractâ praeceps deſcendit ad Infima luce,
Quem fatuum Foedus populari prodidit irae
(Solus ab exoſo reditu ſucceſſus) adunco
Undi (que) Plebs naſo, ſalibuſ (que) illudet amaris.
Grex hominum, qui quondam uno quaſi faſce ligatus
Difflatus tenus ſparſim rareſſet ab aurâ.
Viribusille Tuis quibus obluctabitur armis,
Hoſtibus aſſiduis ſeptus, nudatus amicis?
Ancipitem Pharaonis opem ſi poſceret, illo
Judaeam auxilio magis irritaverit iram.
Auxiliatricem Aegyptus ſimularet amicam,
Et non ſuppetiis Regem, ſed fomite bellum
Promotura novo; nec Regi aſtricta fidelis
Pars populi Ogygiis Jebuſitae aſſiſteret armis.
Si tamen aſſiſtat, Jeſſidem in viſa poteſtas
Franget, auxiliis magis enervabitur auctis:
Dum Gens tota meâ Reges feliciter arte
Deteſtata ſuos miſeri Jeſſidis iniquum
Imperium excutiat. Nam jam clamantur ad omnes
Relligio, Libertas, & Reſpublica vicos.
Publicus ipſe pugil dignum Te vindice nodum
Si ſolvas, titulum & regalem inſignibus addas,
Quid non Iſrael ſperet? Praeconia quanta
Talis, & ob talem dux Ipſe merebere Cauſam?
Non laudis ſonitu, aut vacuâ celebrabere famâ,
[83] Quae fatuis ſola eſt blandita, ut Tulipa, formâ,
Aſt erit imperium ſolido tibicine fultum;
Limite nobilior juſtoque incluſa poteſtas,
Dilectae unanimi Patriae Tibi tradita voto eſt,
Quàm longâ titulus ſerie, & caligine multâ,
Semeſuſque ſitu Sacrâ direptus ab Arco.
Quid non Laus animis generoſis imprimet?
Ambitio quos caeca rapit, palpantque ſalaces
Blanditiae. Sitis Imperii vapidiſſima terrae,
Noxiaque herba ſoli coeleſti ſemine nata eſt;
Gloria dicta Dei: Sed cùm Natura laborat
Hâc humana ſiti, praecordia mollia tantùm,
Coeligenae nimiùm torret ſcintillula flammae
Pruritu imperii, famoeque libidine vanae.
Turgidus Angelicâ Juvenis nimis indole, captus
Illecebris Virtutis iter malè ſedulus erro
Deſeruit. Bibulas ſic blandus inebriat aures *
Applauſus, ſic laude ſatur vitiatur adeptâ.
Diſſentire malo, nec conſentire gravatus
(Nam vel adhuc tumidae Regali ſanguine venae
Fervebant) ſic effatur—
—Quo publica Gentis,
Jam mihi praetextu libertas ſuggerit arma?
Indubiâ Genitor populum ditione coercet,
Deliciae Humani Generis, fideique columna
Antiquae, comis, legum obſervantior ipſâ
Plebe ſuâ, & multis coeleſtia Numina miris
[84] Suſceptae partes egêre faventia cauſae.
Cui mala curriculo regni diſpendia toto
Intulit? Incaſſum vel quis Regale tribunal
Adfugit? venia quot mille beaverat hoſtes,
Juſta implicatae quos ultio tradidit irae?
Humanus, facilis, noſtrae utilitatis avarè
Aemulus, & clemens, fundendo in ſanguine parcus.
Candida Judaea malè ſi cervice feratur
Manſuetudo, Dei eſt ipſius amabile crimen.
Proderit infido populum quid fallere fuco,
Arbitrióve mero jus inviolabile regni
Commutare ſui; Pharaoh moderamine tali
Dicat frugifero verba execrantia Nilo,
Servilique jugo paret: At Jeſſidis amaena
Si nimis ingratam moveant moderamina bilem
Judaeis, illo premit aegra Canicula morbo.
Cur igitur pravos preſſis calcaribus urgens
Inſanire juvet motis populariter armis?
Si ſua crudeli vexâſſe tyrranide regna,
Aut Jebuſitaeis cuperet ſuccurrere turmis,
Non indigna querar; ſed nexa ligamine ſacro
Compeſcat motus Natura, manúſque retardet.
Arma quidem populus pro libertate moveret;
Sed quod jus illi tribuit, mihi crimen habetur.
Feſtinus mihi nulla favos optanda relinquit,
Auxius at tardis properat praecurrere votis.
Dum ſpirat David quid plura rapaciùs optem?
Omnia, regali excepto diademate, cedit.
Atque hoc—Tunc aegro ducens ſuſpiria corde,
Devotum eſt meliùs caput inſignire merentis.
[85] Nam cùm tranſactae Genitor poſt taedia vitae
Serus ad aethereas fato properaverit auras,
In ſolio ſtirps vera ſuo dominabitur: expers
Hujus, in * agnato deſcendet tramite, ſceptrum,
Invidiâ quamvis populari oppreſſus, at audax
Frater, jura tenens certo pendentia fato,
Omne quod incoctum eſt generoſo pectus honeſto
Subjecit, vel charus adhuc, quêis vita fideſque
Inculpata manet. Stabili pronuntiat hoſtis
Virtute infractum, fidum profitentur amici,
Obſequium Princeps, famam teſtabitur orbis.
Hujus & indigno parcet clementia vulgo,
Namque indulgenti certè eſt à ſtemmate natus.
Cur adeò decreta querar nimis improba coeli
Quòd geſtanda mea non det regalia dextra?
O! mihi ſi flatu ſpirantia fata ſecundo
Nobiliúſve Genus, mentémve ad ſordida pronam
Contulerint, animam mihi tantorumque capacem
Non tam plebeiâ miſceri ſorde dediſſent.
Sentio, jam ſpirant altos proecordia motus
Maternuſque movet Patri faſtidia venter.
Natali arctatus tenui quid origine claudor?
En! Anima irridet mea tali affinia nexu,
Et dictat tacitis ſceptro prognata ſuſurris,
Magnorum coeleſte famem fore nobile crimen.
Sic dum Tartareo Juvenis mangone vacillans,
Et niſa imbelli Virtus munimine preſſa eſt
[86] Hic nova ſemicremis fomes incendia lignis
Subjicit, & tales emiſit pectore voces.
En! Deus aeternus, qui prudentiſſimus idem,
Optimus haec Genio non eſt largitus inani
Eventu miranda Tuo tot dona: beatum
Quot reddent Veſtrum miracla recondita regnum?
Ipſa Tua, inviti licet, argumenta probârunt,
Te tantum ſolio dignum, ſceptrumque mereri.
Non mihi quod ſannas moveat Clementia Patris,
Sed magis exornat virtus diadema virilis.
Vera loquor, lenis populo concedit hianti
Quicquid avet, fortè & votis non debita juſtis.
Sed favor imbellem teſtatur prodigus, & non
Ingenii, blandae ſed verior indolis index.
Quò populus vinêlis ſpatiari in compita ruptis
Certaret, niſi ſub diſtracto, & deſide Rege?
Concedat, donec ſua concedendo fatiſcat;
Pauperiem frugi Sanhedrim ſufferre docebit:
Quilibet & ſiclus,, fixa quem clauſerit arca,
Abraſoe pretio quaſi majeſtatis emetur.
Inſidiis vexare novis mihi provida cura
Incumbit, rigidive malis immergere belli,
Quod multis opibus conſtabit, ſanguine multo.
Dum velut exhauſtis infirma oeraria venis
Deficiant, juriſque inopes regalis eodem
Relliquioe pretio curti centuſſis emantur.
Omnibus imponam Jebuſitae nomen amicis,
Aut de Niliaco ſtipendia principe dicam
Venali data ferre ſide; quos noſtra revulſos
Extorſit rabies cùm tutelaribus ulnis
[87] Criſpata vulgi ſuſpenſum nare relinquam.
Imperii, quem jam tremebundus abominor, haeres
Proximus, invidice noſtrâ comtemptior arte
Proſtat & ex ipſâ traxit virtute ruinam;
Me duce preſbyteris & publicus audiit hoſtis.
Pignore depoſiti primo licitabimur auri
Jus ejus, donec fixâ venale ſub haſtâ eſt:
Dum laris incerti titulum reſcindere lege
Jeſſidem duris urgens in rebus egeſtas
Conſtringat, det juſque Tibi. Sed nolle putemus;
Et populi reges regnant, & jure creantur.
Imperium tantum eſt fidei commiſſa poteſtas,
Quae domino ſubſtracta ſemel, non amplius aequa eſt.
Communi ſancita bono ſucceſſio, Gentem
Conſenſu invitam diſpendia ferre tenebit?
Si populum ſeries querulum mutata levârit,
Unum pro populo dabitur caput.
Judaeis vis nota ſua eſt, moderamina Saulo
Cum nondum commiſſa truci, ſub Numine Rege
Vivebant, ipſumque auſi detrudere regno.
Dic mihi quà Pietas? Nati quà nomen? & aequum
Jus patris? & famae manet anxia cura futurae?
Haec commune bonum (cui coelum paruit ipſum,
Vox Populi) rapido quaſi diſſipat omnia vento.
Non mentitus amor generoſae faſcina menti
Injiciat. Natura ſuum genus arte propagat.
Indulgens Genitor, fata etſi ſera peroſus,
Diligit in vivâ ſe prolis imagine tantum.
Emicet aut factis favor exploratus amicis,
Deſinat aut natum praetextu eludere vano.
[88] Dilexiſſe Tuum Patrem Deus ipſe fatetur,
Veracemque dato (Ratio ſolidiſſima) regno
Se probat, indicium nec erat fallacis amoris
Paſtorique gregem & conferre peculia tanta.
Dilectum David Te vellet Adonida credi?
Cur capiti ignoto diademata regia tradat?
Quo vultu, nomenque Pii quo vendicet ore?
Diis placet haeredem ſtructa deludere fraude?
Aemulus Hic ſummo cumulat moderamine fratrem hymnos,
Sed ſterilis legata ſoli tibi perdita tradet.
Fortè Lyram Antiquam, veteres quâ obmurmurat
Quaedam inſulſa Tuas Hebraea aut cantica laudes.
Proximus hinc haeres, princeps auſterus & acer,
Jamjam zelotypo ſpectat Te lumine, ſpectat
Ille doloſque Tuos raro velamîne textos;
Obſervat quali praecordia decipis eſcâ
Humana, ingentes quantumvis murmure luctus
Strangulet interno: Nam ſiqua injuria quaeſtu
Non patet introrſum meditans vindicta rependet.
Qualiter hirſutus Lybicis dormitat in arvis,
Aut inhians praedae ſimulat Leo ducere ſomnos,
Dum luſtra incaute ſecurus obambulate hoſtis
Rugitu preſſo, contractoque excubat ungue;
Maturo tandem juvat inſanire furore
Terribilique feris celer exilit ore latebris:
Iratuſque licet, proſtrato ignoſcere vulgo
Geſtit, at indomitae poſt flagra reciproca caudae
Pinguefacit tremulo ſe venatore triumphans.
Res Tua conſiliis tardis nec lenibus upta eſt;
Stet tibi ſeu fato vinci, vel acuminis enſe
[89] Laetiferi victâ de gente referre triumphos:
Quem, cum vita Tibi ſtatuatur palma, relaxa
Vagina incluſum; Nam cum Natura vocarit,
Te primogenita mandat quaſi lege tueri.
Nec ſemel incenſam ſine deferveſcere plebem,
Audiat infandum nè juſta Rebellio crimen.
Ipſe datam capias, quaecunque extenditur, anſam,
At tituli aethereâ Genitor dum veſcitur aura
Jus inquire Tui, nullaque ut imagine ſumi
Arma putent, capta in tutelam Principis ede,
Cui ſecreti hoſtes, ficti inſidiantur amici.
Et Jeſſidaeae quis tum penetralia mentis
Rimari poterit? Nimiâ formidine forſan
Exuat ingenium ſuſpecti affabile damni.
Quid? quamvis natum propter ſponſale jugalis
Connubii votum, ſerâque ſolubile lege,
Depereat; toto metuit ſed pectore fratrem.
Haec ita? ſperatae vi ſe ſubmittere flagrat,
Utque ſalax mulier, tantum ut videatur iniquo
Conſtringi fato, & rapido torrente referri.
Nec metuas, miſtâ ſi cum ſubriſerit irâ,
Optatum gratâ diadema auferre rapinâ.
Sed patrocinium capto ſine Principe cauſae
Enerve eſt, captum Regem nam jura ſequuntur.
Dixerat arecta magis auſcultaverat aure
Abſalon his, vitae (tantum ambitione remotâ)
Integer, immani nunquam feritate notatus,
Nec fauſtus tumuit veſicâ inflatus inani.
Quàm felix eſſet ſi provida fata dediſſent,
[90] Aut non tam dignis, aut nobilioribus ortum
Stemmatibus! ſolium juſte Tua Regia virtus
Aſſereret; Gens quaeque Tuo, niſi Patria, felix
Viverit influxu: tamen incantamina ſummi
Cum pauci Imperii rigida cervice recuſent
Non agimus ſontem, ſed lamentamur ineptum.
Spes intenſa fuit rivalia viribus arma
Frangendi oppoſitis, dubium populique favorem
Captandi blandis (merces viliſſima!) verbis.
Sic dum zelotypâ caluit plebecula flamma,
Hic conjuratum populari efferre boatu
Molitur Foedus, quem providus agmine juncto
Incitat Achitophel, ſtudiis diſcordibus actâ
Stipatus turbâ, quam conglutinavit in omne
Concordem facinus ſubtili callidus arte.
Optima Pars regni, numeroſaque principe multo
Cenſuit imperio nimio regnare Monarcham.
Rerum ignara cohors, Patriam quae pectore caeco
Deperiit, ſeducta malâ, non impia, fraude.
Impulſa Haec Proprio, velut elatere premente
Fune nimis tenſo contorſerat omnia (tantus
Error erat) Regni crepuit dum machina laxi.
Civiles alii lucro movere tumultus,
Tam vili Officium nè ſit venale tributo.
Judaeis expoſta foris Regalia vendunt,
Communiſ (que) boni proprium ſub imagine quaerunt.
Credebant alii grave pondus, inutile, Reges,
Qui quanti ſteterant, nullo cum foenore ſolvunt.
Hi ſtuduêre merâ Jeſſidem expellere ſorde,
Ut frugi, & parcè fierent impendia regni.
His latus adjunxit coetus clamoſus, & omnes
[91] Qui meritâ ſperant tolli ad faſtidia linguâ.
Proxima turba quidem gemino diſcrimine terret,
Nec tantum Jeſſidem, at Regem infeſtius odit.
Gens Solymaea, pios olim benè docta tumultus
Moliri, motis in ſeditionibus audax:
Victoris gladio perculſa & territa, Regi
Legitimoque minax, reſtauratoque ſuperba.
Viderat inviſum Pagani Foederis ortum,
Indignata ſuas Jebuſitae cedere palmas.
Duxerat hanc Levita furens, divulſus ab Arca,
(Quam, dum Judicibus pareret Juda, tenebat,)
Mugitus iterare novos per compita coepit,
Et clamore pio Regem ſibi poſcere Numen.
Sub quo cum ſacro * Sanhedrin antiſtite Gentem
Expilent, ipſoque probent afflamine juſtum.
Nam jus ad ſceptrum dederit ſi Gratia, regnum
Quis melior Princeps Aaronis prole meretur?
Dux gregis Haec fuerat, quamvis & naris obeſae,
Imperium ſed latratu majore laceſſit.
Poſt hanc Sanctorum ſequitur numeroſa propago,
Obſtipo capite, & defigens lumina terrae,
A cunis ipſis divino afflata furore.
Huic rerum forma, & compoſtus diſplicet ordo:
Chaos antiquum placet, indigeſtaque moles
Imperii. Emicuit ſed grex numeroſior horum
Qui blaterant multa, & meditantur paucula, ſolo
Inſtinctu, genibus flexis, & poplite curvo
[92] Majorum ignari numen, Propriumque colebant.
Qui caeco ejuſdem Jebuſitam munere fati
Daemonaque oderunt, licèt invitique ſaluti
Devoti aeternae coeli natalibus ipſis,
Non poſſunt quia vera fide non vana fateri.
Machina quanta virum quiſ (que) horum! at turba relicta
Majori numero ſeu caeſa repullulat Hydra.
Imperii quidam Proceres, quos emicat inter
Dux primus Zimri, vento inconſtantior ipſo,
Et vernis levior foliis, videatur ut eſſe
Non homo, at humani generis compendia ſolus.
Dogmatis uſque tenax, ductuſque errore perenni,
Subſultim quaſi quaeque, diu ſed nulla profeſſus;
Nam dum praeſcriptum Nova luna recurreret orbem,
Idem & Patricius, Citharaedus, Scurra, Chymiſta.
Nunc lenae, rythmi, commercia laeta bibonum
Picturaeve placent, praeter phantaſmata mille
In meditabundâ ſecùs expirantia mente.
O felix demens! dederat cui quaelibet hora
Aut nova quae cuperes, quibus aut fruerêre cupitis.
Laudibus aut probris vulgari calluit uſu
Afficere, & nimiùm (ſapere ut videatur) utriſque
Exceſſu urbanus tanto, tanto efferus, omnis
Ut Deus, aut Daemon, cum fratre audiret * Eraſmo.
Exhaurire levi patrimonia noverat arte,
Omne data, praeter meritum, mercede rependens.
[93] Fortunis ipſi miſerè emunxere choraebi,
Utque joco frueretur inops patrimonia ſolvit.
Exploſit ſeſe Regali ſubdolus Aulâ,
Dividit hinc facilem ſtudia in contraria plebem,
At nequiit praeferre facem; Namque Abſalon (illo
Invito) & juncta curarum mole premuntur
Achitophel: animo tantùm ſic improbus Ille,
Suppetiis nudus, non ſeditioſa malorum
Deſeruit conventa, ſed eſt deſertus ab illis.
Sed Titulos Procerum, vel honorem carminis infra
Nominaque, ambages nimis eſt prolixa referre.
Quos juvat ingenium vivax, Reſpublica, Bellum,
Optima pars; blandi ſed caetera turba mariti
Cenſentur, Satrapaeque meri. Craſſae ergo Minervae
*Nomine, ſis Balaam, cum magno elate deunce,
Unciolaeque Tuae cum pondere frigide Caleb,
Intracti Satyra; & memori de pectore Nadab
Excidat aeternum, licèt ad ſuggeſta remugit,
Paſcalique olim nova juſcula coxerat agno.
Abſcondet quaedam ſecreta nomina larva
Foedus amicitiae, meritorum fama ſuorum
His munimen erit, contemptus proteget illos.
Non locus hic vili vulgo, cui gratia coeli
Nulla datur, tribuunt cui nulla inſignia Reges.
Nec Jonae, cujus palearia pendula colli
[94] Turgeſcunt, tortâ potuit qui lege rebelles,
Civiliſque faces motus, defendere jure.
Hunc tamen inſequitur preſſo pede nequior alter,
Quem Deus unxiſlet diris feralibus auſus
Sectari Shimei, cujus matura juventus
Praedixit ſuperis zelotem, & regibus hoſtem.
Ingentis caute ſumptus peccata peroſus,
Nec niſi pro modico violabat Sabbata quaeſtu.
Non mordax quenquam Stygiis inceſſere diris
Traditur, imperio niſi quòd fortaſſe reclamet.
Sic ſibi theſauros notis ſatis artibus inter
Judaeos, precibus multis & fraude, recondit.
Mox odium in dominum digna quo dote rependat
Urbs obſtricta pium, dederat cum faſce ſecures.
Juſtitiae tenuit vibrata inſignia dextra,
Aurea pendebant ſudante monilia collo.
Dum tulit hic fraenos, impune & vindice nullo
Oppetitur Princeps, tota è Beliale propago
Laſcivit, feſtoſque dies genialiter egit.
Nam Shimei, quamvis rerum non prodigus, aequo
Vicini ſcelus & ſeſe dilexit amore.
Nam conſpiraſſent uno ſi foedere pauci
Contra Judaeum probra effutire Monarcham
Perpetuus medio Shimei conſederat horum
Dictator petulans, & ſi maledicta caterva
Evomat in Regem, ne diſplicuiſſe tacendo
Credatur miſſis palpat commercia diris.
Inſimulare reos quis ſeditionis amicos*
[95] Auderet? Cenſura fori duodena paratur
Ex tot Judaeis, animoque & diſpare cultu,
Quae fratres impunè pios à verbere legis
Eximet humanae. Poenam nam publica Jura
In fidos Regi ſtatuunt, Solioque tuentur
Infeſtos. At ſi majora negotia Regni
Forte vacâſſe darent (quia perdita luditur hora,
Nec ſine peccato, qua nulla negotia tractat)
Tentabat populum ſcriptis impellere chartis,
Ut credat vanos Reges, & inutile pondus
Affore Mechanicae (tantum proſpexerat!) arti.
Scriptorumque gravis ſtylus ut limatior eſſet
Fumantes calices Rechabitâ impenſiùs odit.
Intemerata cadis cellaria; ſpreverat urbis
Praepinguem luxum ſua menſa duumque-viralis,
Segnitie longa coquus obliviſcitur artis,
Inque caput domini migravit flamma culinae.
Frugalem hanc curam monſtrato Zoilus ungue
Rideat, at certe populus Judaeus egebat.
Oppida ſuppoſitis nam ſi ſemel ignibus ardent
His merito faſces tradunt, qui cautius iram
Coeleſtem ſuccenſo iterum non igne laceſſent.
Pabula jejunis ſat ſpiritualia ſervis
Praebuit, at carnis parcus, quia Juda rebellis
Hac erat, & pluris pendet Moſaica Jura
Monte quod in ſacro lux quadrageſima vidit
Jejunum. Sed cuncta loqui, quae digna raceri,
Foederis infidi teſtem laſſaret anhelum.
At tenebris Te nulla tegent oblivia, Corah
Effer Te ſolido monumentum erectius oere
[96] Altius elato parilis Serpente metalli,
Dum Tutelaris Gentes tua protegat umbra.
Quid ſi naſcatur vili? Terrena Cometae
Materia eſt tantâ fulgentis in aethere luce.
Prodigioſa pari proles textoria famâ
Geſta patret, quam ſi Thuſco de ſtemmate natus.
Teſtantum Hi facile Princeps excuſſerat uno
Hoc facto veteres vili de ſanguine faeces.
Quis dubitat Teſtes proavis clareſcere, quorum
Martyrio Stephanum pia juramenta bearunt?
Noſter erat Levita, utque inſcia credidit aetas,
Tota tribus divinus erat famulatus Olympi.
Huic oculi latuêre cavi, vox rauca ſonanſque,
Indica irati nunquam, aut manifeſta ſuperbi.
Ingenium pendens mentum ſubtile probavit;
Ore tenus rubuit ſacro, quaſi Moſis adinſtar
Fulgeret facies radiis circundata lucis.
Abdita mirando proſpexit acumine fata,
Humanamque fidem ſuperantia Foedera novit:
Quae malè cenſeret petulans mendacia livor,
Nam mens ſingendis humana eſt talibus impar.
Vera refert quaedam cauto ventura libello,
Aſt ubi dicipitur Teſtis, dat verba Propheta.
Ante oculos quaedam, totidem quaſi phaſmata ludum,
Spiritus hunc rapuit, quo neſcio, turbinis inſtar,
Rabbinique gradu, intutuloque ornavit honeſto,
Quem non ulla tamen longinqua Academia novit.
Judicium aſt animo memori praeſtabat acutum
Tam bene quod Teſtis verba indigeſta reſarcit:
Concinne Sêcli genio quadraverat ipſi
[97] Tunc Jebuſitaei ſceleris ſub mole gementis.
Suſpiciat temerè coeleſti voce citatum,
Atque antiquatum putet oſtentare libellum.
Qui mala Judaeis vovet, aſt injuria tanta
Decreta eſt poenis, & vindice lege rependi:
Nam tollit vitam, qui ſubdolus involat artem.
Ipſe ego ſi ſimili, Corae vice teſtis, honore
Dignaret, ſiquis tam durae frontis inurat
Stigmate me tanto, quamvis ſemel immemor eſſem,
Obtuſam exacuam mentem, chartâque recenti
Illo reſcribam ſceleratum appendice Foedus.
In Coelum zelus Regem perſtringere ſannis
Impulit, & juſtae tenebras offundere famae.
At zelo, tanquam genuino jure, malignis
Indulta eſt verbis, & mira licentia factis.
Et tali Corah caeſum mandaret Agagum,
Increpuit quali Saulum ſermone * Propheta.
Vi junctâ quicunque fidem fovêre labantem
Teſtis (& hi quales precibus quaeruntur, & aere)
Cum Cora unanimes in claſſe locantur eadem;
Nam reſonant omnes communi nomine Teſtis.
Cinctus Amicorum variâ miſer inde farina
Abſalon, eluſus Regalem deſerit Aulam;
Spe tumidâ praegnans, vano ſtimulatus honore,
Atque inflammatus viſu propiore Coronae.
[98] Laetitiâ tacitâ ſeſe in ſpectacula praebet,
Undique ſubmiſsè populari poplite flexus,
Compoſito geſtu, vultu, & ſermone facetus.
Sic bene natura inſtructus, limatus & arte
Labitur ignoto per pectoris intima motu.
Tum blando aſpectu comis, gemituque loquaci
Et lachry mas ſuadente prius, quam verba profatur;
Pauca refert, grato ſed demulcentia ſenſu,
Dulcius Hyblaeo & levius ſtillantia melle.
Conqueror, Indigenae Patrii, deperdita fata,
Praevertendi impar. En! hic miſerabilis Exul
Crudeli inſidiis ego praeda tyrannide Legum
Exponor veſtrâ Causâ, tamen O mihi ſoli
Contigerit periiſſe! mihi ſi ſola fuiſſet
Jactura Imperii, natuſque nec amplius eſſem!
Sed ſpolia, & fractâ de libertate triumphos
Quiſque refert veſtrâ, Tyrus ac Aegyptia tellus
Praecidunt artis quaeſtus, Jebuſitaque ſacros
Invadit ritus. Genitor (cui dignor honorem
Dum loquor) ignavâ capitur torpedine famae
Securus, minimique lucro corrumpitur auri,
Et Bathſhebaeis ſenuit mollitus in ulnis.
Evehit ad faſces hoſtes, confundit amicos
Ille ſuos, ſecum commiſſis dimicat armis.
Cedit, juſque meum longaeva in ſecula cedat,
Sed proprium, ac Veſtrum ſumpto quid proderet auro?
Hic tantum, Hic Genti poterit pertundere venas
[99] Solus, & ultrices impunè elabitur iras.
Ergo meas lachrymas (madidoſque abſterſit ocellos)
Excipite, his tantum nunc auxiliaribus armis
Inſtruor, haec nullus carpet Paraſiticus Aulae
Delator, cum Jura ſinant aſperrima natum
His uti in Patrem: votiſque ardentius opto,
Ut ſub venturi moderamine Succeſſoris
Non alius juſtè miſer Iſralita quaeratur.
Raro lite cadunt Facundia, Forma, Juventus,
Sed Commune Bonum nullo non praevalet aevo.
Nec Populus moeſto miſereri deſinet ore
Publica miſcentis proprio infortunia fato.
Plebs (quae continuâ regnare tyrannide Reges
Cogitat) elatis Juvenilem carmine palmis
Meſſiam celebrat, qui pompâ inſtructus equeſtri
Propoſitum jam pergit iter ſtipante caterva;
Solis ad occaſum radios diſfundit ab ortu,
Cumque illo luſtrat Promiſſam lumine Terram.
Illi Fama loquax, quaſi Phoſphorus, alitè penna
Praecurrit, laetiſque ſonis tremit aether ovantûm
Eminus, Hoſpitio ſecum tulit Ille Penates
Quo fruitur, ſacriſque dicat quâcunque moratur
Aede diu; at lautae propter convivia menſae
Dives in occiduis, famaeque per oppida notae,
Partibus, Iſſacharus digno celebratur honore.
Haec oculos populi quae mobilis oblinit Aula
Praetulit & pompam, mentitâ abſcondita larvâ eſt.
Struxerat Achitophel tacitos ut ubique receſſus
Secretaſque dolo poterat noviſſe latebras
[100] Pectoris humani: verum haec diſtinxit amicum
Teſſera, ut expenſae vires in bella paterent.
Omnia nam pulchro latuerunt abdita fuco
Dum ſpecioſus amor, Regique obtenditur ardens
Obſequium. Miſeris iterata voce Levamen
Aerumnis petitur regni, & ſolennia ſacra
Relligionis agi nuſquam cum pace quaeruntur;
(His ſemper capimur, ſemper mulcemur & eſcis)
Et Regem dubio poſitum in diſcrimine vitae
A Fratre, & Sponſâ. Sic Conjuratio pompâ
Fingitur ingenti, & bellum larvale videtur
Pax ipſa. O vecors, nec damnis cautior ullis
Iſrael! eſcâ deludere ſemper eâdem?
An quiquam vegetae ſteterant dum corpore vires
Vexatum miſeriſe finxit imagine morbi,
Contemnens placidae, quae jam trahit, otia vitae?
Anxius ardebat mala praeſagire futura?
Regibus Haeredes, decreta imponere coelo?
Quid? Poterit populus ſua, natorumque ſuorum,
Imperia invitis nativa remittere natis?
Cuilibet expoſiti domino, rabidoque Neroni
Effraenis cui ſtat ſua pro ratione voluntas,
Tunc eſſent, juriſque baſes condantur inanes
Principibus ſi impune datur reſcindere leges.
At ſi quid juſtum eſt ſtatuatur judice plebe
Et regum fidei tantum commiſſa tenentur
Imperia, hoc pactum revocans concredita jura
Rex iniit primus, vel in omne abrumpitur aevum.
Si qui ſceptra darent propriis obſtringere factis
[101] Non poterant natos, ſeros quo jure Nepotes
Et Genus Humanum peccando obſtrinxit Adamus?
Et cur Juſtitiâ Coeli damnemur ad Orcum
Qui lapſum voto non ſuſſragante Paternam
Laudamus? domiti juga tum ſervilia Reges
Suppoſito ferrent collo, populique favore
Emendicato ſibi tradita regna capeſſant.
Adde quod ignarâ poſita eſt in plebe poteſtas
Quâ Proprium pendat. Nam quis privata tueri
Jura poteſt, victâ de Majeſtate triumphet
Si vis effraenis, ſolioque exturbet avito?
Omnia nec dubio populi ſuffragio vero
Semper egent, multi paucis ſed craſſius errent.
Clamoſis vulgi Princeps ululatibus inſons
Audiat Oppreſſor, Peſtis ſcelerata, Tyrannus.
Quae fixa inſtabili vulgo menſura ruenti
Continuo fluxu, & celeri magis impete metae
Quo propior? Nec plebs vertigine ſola laboret
Lunari hâc, Sanhedrim ſed corripiatur eâdem;
Cum ſeclo poſſit ſimul inſanire rebelli,
Mentiteque reos delicti excindere Reges.
At ſi det quodcunque libet, cuicunque placebit,
Non tantum Reges (ſimulachra expreſſa Deorum?)
Sed quaſi ſubductis ruet ipſum imbelle columnis
Imperium, regnumque vetus Natura relapſum
Reſtituet, quo cuncta licent & omnia jus eſt.
Fingere tamen Reges populo omnipotente creatos,
Quis benè conſtructo ſolium fundamine fixum
[102] Evertat? ſeries nam qualiſcunque malorum
Prima fuit, nullum eſt poenae lenimen aſello*
Tot dominis ſervire novis: Reſpublica tantùm
Erratis aliis agitatur, at improba fata
Laethali, cum regna novant, ea verbere caedunt.
Fabrica ſi nutet vetus impendente ruinâ,
Maenia qui fulcit, rimaſque obducit hiantes,
Officium praeſtat; tamen hic ponenda labori
Meta ſuo, & ſiquis fixi pomaeria finis
Tranſiliat praeſcripta vagus, det ſanguine poenas,
Seu temeris manibus Sacram contingeret Arcam.
Qui ſtudet injuſtis, & in improba dirigit arcum,
Fundamenta novis modulis aptare vetuſta
Nititur, humanas Sacraſque refringere leges
Totiuſque gravi partes ſarcire ruinâ.
Maxima pars hominum nimiâ ſic ſedula curâ
Elicuit morbum morbo graviore minorem.
Jam quibus auxiliis poterit ſuccurrere David?
Quàm Regi fatale nimis candore benigno
Indulgere ſuis! Paucos numeravit amicos
Et, furor huc crevit, talem quicunque vel auſus
Dicere ſe ſprevit populus cane pejus, & angue.
Aſt aliquos etiam vel ſecula peſſima norant
Quos repetam, & tantum repeto dum nomina, laudo.
[103]
Hoc prior exiguum Barzillai duxerat agmen,
Barzillai, claruſque annis, & honore ſenilis.
Ultra Jordanum vaſtis regionibus olim
Fregerat oppoſitis Hic arma rebellia turmis.
In regni columen, tunc triſtia fata luentis,
Infauſti domini nimis infoelicitur audax.
Maeſtus in exilio Sacro cum Principe conſors
Vivebat, miſerique tulit diſpendia fati
Expulſo pro Rege, comes redeuntis & idem.
Huic Aula, at vafrâ placuit non Aulicus arte,
Dives opum, aſt animi theſauris ditior amplis.
Qui bene praecautâ ſibi legerat optima curâ,
Militiaeque ſagum, & ſcribentes geſta Camaenas.
Jactabat multa foecunda cubilia prole,
Nominis at pluſquam jam decurtata Paterni.
Vox reſonat. Primum lecti ſponſalis amaenum
Pignus Ego luctu (mandant ita fata) perenni
Deploro, ſemperque colam, quod flore juventae
Inviſis fatis, & coeli crimine raptum eſt.
Nec prius abſceſſit ſummam poſuiſſet honori
Quam metam, natuſque patri, regique fidelis
Subditus, obſequii ſignis eluxerat arcti:
Curriculum vitae celer, at breve temporis egit.
Circule proh! parve, & ſpatio anguſtare minuto,
Sed vis divinae, & ſumme perfecta figura.
Per mare, per terras, omnes Tua fama vagata eſt
Non aequanda, Tuum, bellum fuit; Arma, voluptas;
Vis Tua ſuffulxit Tyrios infuſa labantes,
[104] Te ſenſit Pharaoh properam velut obice ſiſti
Fortunam tumidus, laus O! antiqua, manuſque
Invicta! indemnis cui nunquam obvenerat hoſtis.
Sed tamen Iſrael non tanto nomine dignus:
* Immodicis brevis eſt aetas, & rara ſenectus.
Decreviſſe Dei quoddam fatale videntur,
Fortunam mentique parem donare nec auſi.
Nunc Anima, excuſſâ terrenâ mole, relata eſt
Ad ſuperos, nubes ſtellataque regna reliquit.
Affines illinc legiones mille reducas
Quae Tutelari poterunt ſuccurrere Regis
Uſque Tui genio, junctoque umbone tueri.
Laſſa fatigatas hic Muſa ſed exue pennas;
Coeli aeterna domus nullis attingitur alis.
I, dic Barzillai Tibi defeciſſe loquelam,
Quod priùs in tenues foret exhalanda vapores
Dic Animaeque Tuae. Tamen expiraverat unà,
Atque haec defuncti tumulo ſcribenda reliquit
Carmina Patroni. Sed jam deſcende ſupernis
E coelis praeceps, licèt accenſâque lucernâ
Terris quaere parem, ſi par tamen emicat uſquam.
Hunc ſequitur, preſſoque legit veſtigia paſſu,
Antiſtes Zadoc, qui dedignatus honores
Ambiit immeritum ſubmiſſâ mente favorem
[105] Davidis. Huic comes eſt Sagan Solymaeus opimo
Hoſpitio, & longo proavorum ſtemmate clarus
Tellure occiduâ, cujus divinus ab ore
Senſus & appoſitis manat facundia dictis.
Hoc monſtrante viam Gens tota prophetica paret
Regibus, ingenuas diſcitque fideliter artes.
Nam ſtant munificis Collegia fulta Monarchis,
Et bellum Muſis prius indixere rebelles,
Quàm Regi. Legum ſunt proxima turba columnae,
Quae dirimit lites, cauſaſque diſertiùs orat.
Hanc ſequitur Procerum Regi devincta fideli
Nexu turma, ſagax Adriel, Muſiſque benignus,
Ipſe etiam vates—Qui, cùm fremuiſſet iniquis
Conſiliis Sanhedrim, Regi fidiſſimus haeſit,
Nec tamen imperio ſervit; cui David amicus
Contulit effraeni direpra inſignia nato.
Vividus ingenio Jotham, & limante Minervâ
Acrior, imbutus Naturâ, atque arte politâ
Suadendi inſtructus, qui deterioribus actus
Pauliſper ſtudiis * tandem meliora ſequutus.
Nec tantum ſequitur, poſito ſed pondere lancem
Depreſſit dubiam, & trutinam libravit iniquam.
Rebus in anguſtis Regi addictiſſimus Huſhai,
Pertulit adverſas immotâ mente procellas
Publica quas rabidi excivit dementia vulgi.
Hic Jeſſidaeae prudens elementa juventae
[106] Erudiit, Pactis longinqua per aequora notis,
Nativoque ſuo non experientia vero
Defuit. Hic ſolium parcâ ditavit egenum
Sedulitate, manu at ſua praebuit omnia largâ.
Cum turget pleno cumulata pecunia fiſco
Res tractare leve eſt, ſed deficiente crumenâ
Artis opus. Depreſſa nimis, nimiúmve ſuperbit,
Vendere Majeſtas, cum Plebs emiſſe, coacta eſt.
Laſſa lyram digito ſaliente repercute Muſa
In laudes Amielis ovans; quo carmine dignus
Non Amiel? veterum qui nobilitate parentum
Illuſtris, meritiſque ſuis illuſtrior extat,
Nobilis abſque novo titulo, vel nomine clarus.
Inſanos aequâ Sanhedrin compreſſit habena
Dux gregis Ille diu, & ratione coercuit aeſtus.
Tam benè defendit Regalia nemo, fideli
Nec pro Gente loqui potuit formatior ullus.
Utque tribus uno Solymaeas turba maniplo
Haec retulit, ſic ille repraeſentaverat Ipſam.
Jam tamen Aurigae currus temerarius urgent,
Quorum teſtatur laxis nimis effera fraenis
Vis artem veteris. * Quippe hi, Phaethontis adinſtar,
Invertunt annum, tritoque è calle vagantur;
Anxia dum placidus Sanhedrim deliria ridet,
Et ſecurus agit tranquillae Sabbata vitae.
[107]
Obtinuit primas Haec parva, at turma fidelis
Heroüm, impavidum ſteterat laethalis Hiatus
Illa Satellitium, ſtrictaſque retuderat haſtas,
Et rabiem unitam fuit auſa laceſſere Gentis.
Undique baliſtas vidit gemebunda paratas,
Imperium Regale ſolo quae impulſibus aeqent.
Seditione potens ficto ut terrore caterva
In Sanhedrim vero Regem deglubere jure
Eniſa eſt, regni Succeſſor ut exul ab Aulâ,
Et conductitio mala conjuratio teſte
Creverat, aſpexit; Pietas ut juſſerat ipſa
Oſtenditque ſuo laethalia vulnera Regi.
Nunquam conceſſos vulgo placuiſſe fovores
Indicat, at ſtabilem foverunt lenia morbum.
Abſalon interea, Sceptri quem prona libido
Concitat, elato populum ſeducere palpo
Calluit; Achitophel odio ſtimulatus iniquo
Sub conjurati ſpecioſa Foederis umbra
Communi impetiit Sacra & Civilia fato.
Concilii magna eſt, Plebis vecordia major,
Et Shimei diras Solymam eructare docebat.
Quem preſſit tantâ cumulata injuria mole
Eventus rerum meditanti corde volutat.
Cum tandem laſſata foret patientia, David
Erexit ſolio ſeſe divinus avito,
Et coeli afflatu profert haec dicta, loquente
Turma Creatorem in domino reverentior audit.
[108]
Hactenus indociles Ego manſuetudine Gentes
Nativâ rexi, ſimulatâ concitus irâ
Aſpexi, & tardo pede damna illata rependi.
Tam facilè ingrato peccata remitteret aevo;
Mulcebat tanto Genitor lenimine Regem.
At jam tam vili proſtat Clementia noſtra,
Jus audent ipſi veniae perquirere ſontes.
Unum pro multis clamant ab origine natum;
Natus at imperio eſt, haec (que) ultima meta Monarchae.
Appellant Timidum, rarò quia ſanguine poenas
Exigo, tot Genium quantumvis probro virilem
Affligunt levius, plagiſque minoribus urgent.
At cum nativo deducant tramite, lenem
Me non invito, Geniove obſtante, docebo.
Subditus elatâ quae fert opprobria criſtâ
Non Regem, at dignâ laſſarent mole Camelum.
Si meus obtento juvenilis Jure Columnam
Concuteret Sampſon, pereat conſorte ruinâ.
Aſt O poeniteat ſcelerum, moreſque retractet!
Quàm mala condonant faciles faciles ingrata parentes!
Quàm paucis lachrymis veniam mereatur Adonis
Ille meus, cujus partes Natura tuetur!
O Juvenis miſerande! meâ provecte paternâ
Fabrica quanta levis tulit ad faſtigia curâ
Si natum Imperio voluiſſent fata, ſereno
Donâſſet terrenam Animam magis igne Prometheus.
Ingenti capitur Patriotae nomine, qui jam
Nil niſi conſcriptâ juſtum qui lege Monarcham
[109] Opprimeret, ſolióque ſuo depelleret, audit.
Grandiloquus vani populi Thraſo, machina cauti
Patricii, nunquam craſſi Patriota cerebri
Non fuit. Unde tamen, quod Relligione tuente,
Et patrocinio Legum majore, Paternam
Abſalon explodat Cauſam? Direpta magiſtro
Cum nondum antiquo fuerant inſignia, nunquam
Coeleſtis tantâ cumulari dote favoris
Traditur. O Superi, quali Patriota colore
Pingitur, indomitas cum Plebs ardeſcit in iras?
Quem populus trepidante colit pietate, rebellis
Ille mihi. Obtruſus tot ſuffragantibus haeres
Aſcendet ſolium? Sanhedrim ſua munera diſcat
Largiri. Saltem diviſo Jure coercet
Imperium Princeps, vincet neque calculus ullus
Si non communem meus immittatur in urnam.
Me Princeps votis non ſubſcribente legetur?
Jus tacitum confert praeſentem expellere Regem.
Electum impreſſo ſed confirmare ſigillo
Supplicat, at Jacob (cutis eſt cui laevis) Eſavi
Non manus hirſutis bene convenit hiſpida villis.
Vota pii coelo pro noſtra aeterna ſalute
Subjecti fundunt, ſitque ut diſcriminis expers
Imperio nudant. A ſeditione latente,
Conſutiſque dolis, Superi defendite ſalvum:
Sed mihi * Mendicam praeſertim avertite turbam;
[110] Non uterus ſterilis, tumulúſve rapacius ambit,
Largiri nequit ipſe Deus ſibi quanta rogabit.
Quid ſupereſt? vigili Juris Regalis ocello
Quàm quaſi relliquias, minima & fragmenta, caverem,
Lex erit Imperii directrix regula noſtri,
Coget & infractos eadem parere Rebelles.
Non jam continuo legum tibicine niſum
Vota, quibus totum minus unâ parte probatur,
Imperium, quacun (que) volunt, dominantia flectent.
Non accuſantum fidos garritus amicos
Damnabit, noto nec plebs ſine crimine poenas
Infliget. Famulos namque in diſcrimine nullâ
Dii Regeſque ſuos non ſedulitate tuentur.
O ſi praeſcripto Salvandi limite tantùm
Clauderer? Heu! coelo ſimilis, cur mente coactâ
Invito poenas genioque repoſcere dignas
Impellor? Nudo tandem mucrone ferire
Juſtitiae cogor? Fatum proh Legis iniquum!
Quam malè perpendunt animo clemente timorem!
Praemoneo, non laeſa fremit patientia ſaevit.
Expoſcunt Legem? quaeſitâ Lege fruantur.
His quaſi monſtrato placuit non Gratia tergo,
Sed ſacram inſpiciunt audaci lumine frontem,
Atque ipſo intuitu pereunt. Nec juſtior ulla
Lex eſt, quàm propriâ artifices necis arte perire.
In ſe jurabunt per conſcia ſydera Teſtes,
Dum, velut eroſis depaſta eſt vipera matris
Viſceribus, parili ſic Conjuratio fato
Haec materna ruat, plenoſque voraciter hauſtus
[111] Sanguinis epotent, primoevoe alimenta juventoe.
Belzebub cum fratre ſuo * fera bella movebit,
Vindictâ hoſtili ſic caſtigabitur hoſtis.
Nec deſperatur certus ſucceſſus, in ipſo
Effera Plebs aditu namque irruit impete toto.
Deinde frui campo da liberiore, recede,
Elude intentas obliquo corpore plagas.
Sed preme pectoribus cum reſpirarit anhelis,
Et pete laſſatas geminato robore vires.
Semper enim injuſtae ſupereminet aequa Poteſtas,
Pulſa diu & fixâ tandem ſtatione quieſcet.
Dixerat; Omnipotens conſenſerat indice natu,
Propitioque gravem tonitru tremefecit Olympum.
Fauſta novâ ſerie poſthac effluxerat aetas,
Feſtinis laeti fugerunt paſſibus anni.
Jeſſides iterum ſolio conſedit avito,
Et promptae agnôrant dominum ſine murmure gentes.

Extracted from the Regiſtry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

[112]
IN the Name of God. Amen.

I Francis Atterbury, ſome time Biſhop of Rocheſter in England, and now reſiding at Paris, being of Health in Body, and of ſound and diſpoſing Mind and Memory, but conſidering the Certainty of Death, and the Uncertainty of the Time when, do make and publiſh this my Laſt Will and Teſtament, in Manner following,

Imprimis, I recommend my Soul to Almighty God, hoping for Salvation through the alone Merits and Mediation of JESUS CHRIST, in a firm Belief of whoſe Religion, as profeſſed in the Church of England, and in ſtrict Communion with that Church, I reſolve, by God's Grace, to live and die.

And as to ſuch Perſonal Eſtate as I ſhall die poſſeſſed of, or any ways intereſted in, I give and deviſe the ſame unto my only Daughter Mary Morice, Wife of William Morice, Eſq And I alſo give unto her the [113] ſaid Mary Morice, her Executors, Adminiſtrators, and Aſſigns, all my Goods, Chattles, Plate, Ready Money, Houſhold Stuff, and Utenſils of Houſhold, and all other my Perſonal Eſtate whatſoever and whereſoever, To have and to hold to her, her Executors, Adminiſtrators, and Aſſigns, for ever: And I do hereby revoke, annul, and make void all former and other Wills by me made, and do declare this to be my laſt. And I do conſtitute and appoint my Son William Morice, and my ſaid Daughter Mary, his Wife, Executors of this my Will. In Witneſs whereof I have hereunto ſet my Hand and Seal, this Thirty-firſt Day of December, One thouſand Seven hundred and Twenty-five.

FRANCIS ATTERBURY, Epiſcopus Roffenſis.
Signed, Sealed, Publiſhed, and Declared by the ſaid Teſtator, as and for his laſt Will and Teſtament, in the Preſence of us, who at his Requeſt, and in his Preſence, and in the Preſence of each other, have ſubſcribed our Names as Witneſſes,
  • Red. Everard.
  • F. Panton.
  • K. Panton.
  • Wm. Walker.
  • Joane. Jamſſon.
[114] Probatum fuit hujuſmodi Teſtamentum, apud London' decimo die menſis Maii, Anno Domini Milleſimo Septingenteſimo Triceſimo Secundo, coram venerabili viro Gulielmo Strahan, Legum Doctore, Surrogato, & Juramento Gulielmi Morice, Arm' Executoris Superſtitis in dicto Teſtamento Nominat' cui, &c. de bene, &c. Jurat'
Deputy Regiſters,
  • W. Legard,
  • P. St. Eloy,
  • H. Stevens,
[115]

SWAFHAM, in Norfolk,

Mr. Curll,

I HERE tranſmit for your Second Volume of Literary Correſpondence, &c. the Religious Remains of Peter le Neve Eſq and am,

Your Humble Servant, PHILALETHES.*

EPITAPHIUM.

[116]
Siſte gradum Lector et perlege
Hic jacet quem credas haud bene meruiſſe
De Trinitate
Quia noluit unicum Deum Omniſcientem / Omnipotentem &c.
In Tres dividi Perſonas.
De Eccleſia Anglicana
Quia omnes credebat Religiones Dei permiſſione
Origines habuiſſe.
De Rege Gulielmo
Quia nihil ſibi utrum ipſe vel Jacobus Gubernator.
De Patria
Quia nunquam intelligebat Dulce eſt pro Patria Mori.
De ſuperiori Domo Parliamenti
Quia Cauſae in Eà non ſecundum Juſtitiam
Sed intereſſe Partium terminatae.
De Inferiori Domo
Quia Feodas omnium aliarum Curiarum examinari
Curaverunt, non tamen extorſiones Prolocutoris
Domus, Clerici, Servientis ad Arma, et aliorum
Servor' ſuorum.
[117]
De Curijs Municipalibus
Quia Eae ex Vociferationibus Cauſidicorum
Et nequitijs Attornatorum compoſitae.
De Cancellaria
Quia per futiles rationes Communis Legis non
Secundam Conſcientiam et Leges Gentium ſicut
Olim gubernantur.
De Collegio Heraldorum
Quia inveniebat Socios inter ſe diviſes,
Et ſic reliquit.
De Amicis
Quia nunquam deflebat mortem alicujus.
De Foeminis
Quia nullam niſi ipſo momento deamabat.
De uxore
Quia Leges Matrimoniales haud una vice flectebat.
Nec de Seipſo
Quia per nimiam parſimoniam negligebat
Curam Feſtulae ex qua correptus ſuit.
Hic fuit, dum fuit, Petrus Le Neve Gen'
Unius dudum ex Vice-Camerarijs Curiae Receptorum
Scaccarij et Proſecutor Armorum a Rubra
à Cruce vulgo Rouge-Croix nuncupatus.
Poſtea Richmondiae Heraldus et demum
Norroy Rex Armorum, Avus Firmianus
[118] Le Neve de Rougland in Com: Norff' Gen'
Avia Maria filia Thomae Cory Norwicenſis,
Pater Franciſcus Civit: Londinenſis, Mater
Amia filia Petri Wright Mercatoris Londinenſis
Frater unicus, junior et haeres ex Aſſe Petri
Fratis ſui Olivarius Le Neve de Wichingham
Magna in Norff' Armiger. Uxor Prudentia
Filia Johannis Hughes de Briſtol filij Meredith
Hughes de Clairwall Agri Radnor-ſenr. ex
Prudentia Uxore ſuſcepit Gemellas vidlt
Elizabetham et Annam, mortuas in primo
Aetatis Menſe, quia dicas Canis peſſimae
Ne Catulum eſſe relinquendum; Obijt Petrus
Die Menſis Anno Juliani Calendarij
Dic nunc Lector quid ſim,
Et eris mihi magnus Apollo.
Haec ipſe Petrus inſcribi curavit,
Quia ſemper Adulatores odio habuit, et
Adulatoribus odioſus fuit.
[119]

This Indenture, made the firſt Day of Eternity, between Peter Le Neve, one of the Inhabitants of the little Part of the Terreſtrial Globe, called the Earth, and one of the Subjects of the Lord-Grim-Death, of the one Part; and the ſaid Right Dreadful Lord-Grim-Death, Lord of Black-Caſtle, with all the other Towns, Hamlets, Counties and Provinces of the vaſt Kingdom of Darkneſs, of the other Part; Witneſſeth,

That the ſaid Peter Le Neve doth hereby Covenant, Grant, and Agree to, and with, the ſaid Right Dreadful Lord-Grim-Death, to Surrender and Yield up into the Hands and Power of the ſaid Dreadful L—* the whole, and every Particle of the Terrene Carcaſe of the ſaid Peter Le Neve, whenſoever he ſhall be thereto lawfully ſummoned, by any Diſeaſe, his Meſſenger; whether it be in Church, or Church Yard, Garden, High-Way, or any other Ground, Hallowed or Profane, Part of the Territories of the ſaid Lord, and to be devoured by Maggots [120] Worms, or any other Vermin, his Servants, in order to its Annihilation.

Provided always, that it ſhall and may be lawful, to and for the Almighty-One, Maker and Profeſſor of the vaſt Regions of Light, and Lord Paramount of the ſaid Kingdom of Darkneſs, to diſpoſe of, and convey from, and out of the ſaid Poſſeſſion of the ſaid Lord Death, at the ſame Inſtan of Time, the better-part of the ſaid Peter Le Neve, commonly called the Soul, into any of his ſaid Manſions of Light, there to remain in Infinitum, according to his unbounded Will and Pleaſure; into whoſe Power and Poſſeſſion the ſaid Peter Le Neve, with moſt profound Reverence and Humility, aſſigns his ſaid Soul, though unworthy to be received by Him; In Conſideration whereof, the ſaid Lord Death, doth Covenant and Agree with the ſaid A. O.* that it ſhall and may be lawful, to and for the ſaid Peter Le Neve to diſpoſe of, and aſſign, to any other Perſon, or Perſons, Subjects of the ſaid Lord, and Inhabitants of the ſaid Terreſtrial Globe, the Portion, or any Part, or Parts, of his worldly Goods, with which it hath pleaſed the Almighty-One to endow him, by [121] his laſt Will and Teſtament in Writing made, or to be made, in Manner and Form following, viz.

In Witneſs thereof, to one Part of theſe Preſents, the ſaid Peter Le Neve hath put his Seal; and the Sealing and Confirming the other Part thereof, is deferred to the Time when the ſaid Peter enters the Kingdom of Darkneſs.

My CREED.

[122]

I Believe in One God, Omniſcient, Omnipotent, All-Merciful; and that Creator whoſe Name is Bleſſed, is One, and there is no Unity like His; who alone Was, Is, and Will be my God. Who by his Almighty Power in one Moment created the Heaven and Earth; whoſe ſecond Thoughts cannot be more perfect than his firſt; and, therefore,

I Believe that He, the Same Inſtant He, repleniſhed the World with Human Creatures, Male and Female; as well as with Beaſts of the Earth, and Fowls of the Air; and that his Mercy on his poor Creatures is ſo great, that he ordained none of them to feel the Fury of his Wrath.

I Believe his Wiſdom to be ſo great, that He contrived at that Inſtant the Frame of all Things ſo wiſely, that on no Manner of Event, or Accident whatſoever, he will alter his firſt Deſign of Nature, to produce that which is called a Miracle.

I Believe him ſo powerful, that without the Aſſiſtance of Angels, Devil, or any [123] other inferior Beings, He is able to puniſh the Evil and reward the Good done by us Mortals; and that the ſame Breath of his Noſtrils can annihilate all which He created: But, if it ſo pleaſe Him, it may be as much to his Glory to have the World endure to Eternity.

I Believe the Hiſtorical Books (Part of the Old Teſtament) to be wrote, as other Books are, by faithful Hiſtorians; and that they contain certain ſelect things worthy of Obſervation, and for Inſtruction, in order to the directing our Affairs in this World, and the Adoration of one God. And for the reſt, which contain the Propheſies of ſeveral Perſons, they were wrote according to the Style of the Eaſtern Nations, to reduce the Jews to good Living, and from the Idolatry and evil Cuſtoms of their Neighbour-Nations; and ſee no Reaſon why ſome of thoſe Books called Apocrypha, ſhould not be admitted into the ſame Authority with the reſt; ſince they contain as good Precepts, and the Hiſtorical Parts better confirmed by the Roman Authors of the ſame Time.

As for them of the New-Teſtament, I Believe they were wrote by the Followers of a Great Man, to make the reſt of the World believe what they, through their Zeal and Love for his Perſon, ſaw through a [124] Magnifying Glaſs, and for ſo much thereof as relates to Precepts of Life and Converſation, very good.

I Believe Chriſt to have been a great and good Man; conceived, born, died, and was buried as other Holy-Men. For I cannot think him God Omniſcient, ſince he Himſelf ſaith, that he did not know the time of the Day of Judgment, but the Father only. (Mark, Cap. 13. v. 32.)

I Believe he may be preferred to a nearer Participation in the Beatific Viſion of God, than the reſt of good Men, to incline them to live peaceably and inoffenſively in this World, and to the Adoration of an Eternal Being.

I Believe the ſeveral Religions of this World, ſo far as they center in the Worſhip of his Holy-Name, and conduce to well Living, to be equally acceptable to him.

I Believe no Perſon hath Power to remit Sins but God himſelf.

I think the Mercy of God ſo much a greater Attribute than his Juſtice, that he will not puniſh eternally for a temporary Fault; ſince moſt Tranſgreſſions againſt the Law of Nature, meet with ſome Part of their Puniſhment in this World, and that there cannot be a Rational Being, who can deny a Deity and the Providence thereof.

Extracted from the Regiſtry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

[125]
In the Teſtamentor, or laſt Will of Peter Le Neve, late of Great Wychingham in the County of Norfolk Eſq deceas'd, bearing Date the Fifth Day of May, in the Year of our Lord 1729, now remaining in the Regiſtry of this Court, amongſt other things therein, is contained as follows, to wit.

MEmorandum, This Fifth Day of May, in the Year One thouſand ſeven hundred and Twenty-nine, I Peter Le Neve of Great Wychingham in the County of Norfolk, Eſq Norroy King of Arms, and late one of the under Chamberlains of the Court of Receipts in the Exchequer at Weſtminſter, Son and Heir of Francis Neve, alias Le Neve, late Citizen and Draper of London, Son of Fermian Neve, alias Le Neve, late of Ringland in the County of Norfolk, Gent. both long ſince deceas'd, being ſomewhat indiſpoſed in Body, but of a ſound and diſpoſing Mind and Memory (praiſed be the Almighty-One, God) and knowing I muſt go hence and be no more [126] ſeen, do make and ordain this my laſt Will and Teſtament, in manner following, viz. Firſt, As to my putrid Carcaſe, I Will, that it ſhall be depoſited in the Chancel of the Church of Great Wychingham, and be carryed down thither in an Hearſe, my own Coach, and one other Coach only to follow: I Will no Mourning to any of my Relations, or others, excepting to my Wife, Ten Pounds; to my three Nieces hereafter mentioned, Ten Pounds apiece; and to ſuch Servants only, whom my Wife ſhall think fit to continue in her Service, Four Pounds apiece for Mourning; the reſt of my Servants to be diſmiſs'd as ſoon as poſſible after my Deceaſe, with their Wages only. No Rings to be given to any Perſon, no Room hung with Black, no Undertaker of Funerals, alias Cold Cooks, no Upholders Company, nor Smith in Cockey-Lane, Norwich, to intermeddle in the Direction or Management of my Funeral. I would have ſome few Eſcutcheons on Silk upon the Pall, with the Arms of my Office, without the Crown impaled with the Arms of my Family, which to be quartered with the Coat of Corey of Norfolk (the which I have a Right to quarter, all the Iſſue of my Grandmother's Brothers being deceaſed without Iſſue) and of my Grandfather Peter Wright, of London, Merchant. No Funeral Oration. Let a plain Marble [127] Stone be ſet up in the Church Wall, on the Inſide thereof, over-againſt my Grave, ſignifying that my Body lies thereabouts.

Quibus, &c. de bene, &c.
Jurat' Deputy Regiſters,
  • W. Legard,
  • P. St. Eloy,
  • H. Stevens,
[128]

CASTRATIONS made by the EDITOR of Mr. POPE's Letters to HENRY CROMWELL, Eſq

POSTSCRIPT.

I HAVE not heard theſe two Months from Mr. Wycherley, tho' I have written to him twice. I am ſince told he has been ill, which I am very much concerned for, and fear is the Occaſion of his Silence ſince his laſt Letters, which were the kindeſt in the World. If you happen at your Return to find him in Town, it will be very obliging to let me know of it; in the mean time a Letter from you, will make me the beſt Amends for my Solitude. *

*
This Poſtſcript of Mr. Pope's, to his Letter to Mr. Cromwell of Aug. 29, 1709. is omitted. See Vol. I.

EXTRACT from Mr. POPE's Letter to Mr. CROMWELL, of Dec. 21, 1711.

[129]

—I AM at this Inſtant plac'd betwixt two ſuch Ladies, that in good Faith 'tis all I'm able to do to keep myſelf in my Skin. He! Monſieur Cromvell! Entendez vous bien. And now (ſince you find what a bleſſed Diſpoſition I am in)

Tell me, by all the melting Joys of Love,
By the warm Tranſports and intrancing Languors,
By the ſoft Fannings of the wafting Sheets,
By the dear Tremblings of the Bed of Bliſs,
By all theſe tender Adjurations tell me,
Am I not fit to write a Tragedy?

And would not theſe Lines ſound admirably in the Mouth of Wilks, eſpecially if he humour'd each Period with his Leg, and ſtamp'd with juſt Alacrity at the Cadences?*

AN Epiſtle to Henry Cromwell, Eſq *

[130]
Dear Mr. Cromwell,
May it pleaſe ye!
Sit ſtill a Moment; pray be eaſy—
Faith 'tis not five; no Play's begun;
No Game at Ombre loſt or won.
Read ſomething of a diff'rent Nature,
Than Ev'ning Poſt, or Obſervator;
And pardon me a little Fooling,
—Juſt while your Coffee ſtands a Cooling.
Since your Acquaintance with one Brocas,
Who needs will back the Muſes Cock-horſe,
I know you dread all thoſe who write,
And both with Mouth and Hand recite;
Who ſlow, and leiſurely rehearſe,
As loath t' enrich you with their Verſe;
[131] Juſt as a Still, with Simples in it,
Betwixt each Drop ſtays half a Minute.
(That Simile is not my own,
But lawfully belongs to Donne;
You ſee how well I can contrive a
INTERPOLATIO FURTIVA)
To Brocas' Lays no more you liſten
Than to the wicked Works of Whiſton;
In vain he ſtrains to reach your Ear,
With what it wiſely, will not hear:
You bleſs the Powers who made that Organ
Deaf to the Voice of ſuch a Gorgon,
(For ſo one ſure may call that Head,
Which does not Look, but Read Men dead.)
I hope, you think me none of thoſe
Who ſhew their Parts, as Pentlow * does;
I but lug out to one or two,
Such Friends, if ſuch there are, as You,
Such, who read Heinſius and Maſſon,
And as you pleaſe to paſs their Doom,
(Who are to Me both Smith and Johnſon)
So ſeize them Flames, or take them Tonſon.
[132]
But, Sir, from Brocas, Fowler, Me,
In vain you think to 'ſcape Rhyme-free,
When was it known one Bard did follow
Whig Maxims, and abjure Apollo?
Sooner ſhall Major-General ceaſe
To talk of War, and live in Peace;
Yourſelf for Gooſe reject Crow Quill,
And for plain Spaniſh, quit Braſil;
Sooner ſhall Rowe lampoon the UNION,
Tydcombe take Oaths on the Communion;
The Granvilles write their Name plain Greenfield,
Nay, Mr. Wycherley ſee Binfield.
I'm told, you think to take a Step, ſome
Ten Miles from Town, t' a Place call'd Epſom,
To treat thoſe Nymphs like yours of Drury,
With—I proteſt, and I'll aſſure ye;—
But tho' from Flame to Flame you wander,
Beware; your Heart's no Salamander!
But burnt ſo long, may ſoon turn Tinder,
And ſo be fir'd by any Cinder-
(Wench, I'd have ſaid, did Rhyme not hinder.)
[133] Shou'd it ſo prove, yet who'd admire?
'Tis known, a Cook-maid roaſted Prior, *
Lardella fir'd a famous Author,
And for a Butcher's well-fed Daughter
Great Dennis roar'd, like Ox at Slaughter.
(Now, if you're weary of my Style,
Take out your Box of right Braſil,
Firſt lay this Paper under, then,
Snuff juſt three Times, and read again.)
I had to ſee you ſome Intent,
But for a curſt Impediment,
Which ſpoils full many a good Deſign,
That is to ſay, the Want of Coin.
For which, I had reſolv'd almoſt,
To raiſe Tiberius Gracchus' Ghoſt;
To get, by once more murd'ring Caius'
As much as did Septimuleius;
But who ſo dear will buy the Lead,
That lies within a Poet's Head,
As that which in the Hero's Pate
Deſerv'd of Gold an equal Weight?
[34]
Sir, you're ſo ſtiff in your Opinion,
I wiſh you do not turn Socinian;
Or prove Reviver of a Schiſm,
By modern Wits call'd Quixotiſm.
What mov'd you, pray, without compelling,
Like Trojan true, to draw for Helen:
Quarrel with Dryden for a Strumpet,
(For ſo ſhe was, as e'er ſhow'd Rump, yet
Tho' I confeſs, ſhe had much Grace,
Eſpecially about the Face.)
Virgil, when call'd Phaſiphae Virgo
(You ſay) he'd more good Breeding; Ergo
Well argu'd, Faith! Your Point you urge
As home, as ever did Panurge:
And one may ſay of Dryden too,
(As once you ſaid of you know of who)
He had ſome Fancy, and cou'd write;
Was very learn'd, but not polite—
However from my Soul I judge
He ne'er (good Man) bore Helen Grudge,
But lov'd her full as well, it may be,
As e'er he did his own dear Lady. *
You have no Cauſe to take Offence, Sir,
Z—ds, you're as ſour as Cato Cenſor!
[135] Ten times more like him, I profeſs,
Than I'm like Ariſtophanes.
To end with News—the beſt I know,
Is, I've been well a Week, or ſo.
The Seaſon of Green Peaſe is fled,
And Artichoaks reign in their Stead.
Th' Allies to bomb Toulon prepare;
G—d ſave the pretty Ladies there!
One of our Dogs is dead and gone,
And I, unhappy! left alone.
If you have any Conſolation
T' adminiſter on this Occaſion,
Send it, I pray, by the next Poſt,
Before my Sorrow be quite loſt.
The twelfth or thirteenth Day of July, *
But which, I cannot tell you truly.
A. POPE.
[136]

VERSES
To be prefix'd to Bernard Lintot's New Miſcellany.

SOME Colinaeus praiſe, ſome Bleau,
Others account 'em but ſo, ſo;
Some Plantin to the reſt prefer,
And ſome eſteem Old-Elzevir;
Others with Aldus wou'd beſot us;
I, for my part, admire Lintottus
His Character's beyond Compare,
Like his own Perſon, large and fair—
They print their Names in Letters ſmall,
But LINTOT ſtands in Capital:
Author, and He, with equal Grace,
Appear, and ſtare you in the Face,—
Stephens prints Heathen Greek, 'tis ſaid,
Which ſome can't conſtrue, ſome can't read;
But all that come from Lintot's Hand
Ev'n Rawlinſon * might underſtand—
[137] Oft in an Aldus, or a Plantin,
A Page is blotted, or Leaf wanting;
Of Lintot's Books this can't be ſaid,
All fair, and not ſo much as read.—
Their Copy coſt 'em not a Penny
To Homer, Virgil, or to any,
They ne'er gave Six-pence for two Lines,
To them, their Heirs, or their Aſſigns;
But Lintot is at vaſt Expence,
And pays prodigious dear for Senſe.—
Their Books are uſeful but to few,
A Scholar, or a Wit or two;
Lintot's for gen'ral Uſe are fit,
For, ſome Folks read, but all Folks ſh—

To a fair LADY ſinging to her LUTE.
In Imitation of Mr. Waller.

[138]
FAIR Charmer ceaſe, nor make your Voice's prize,
A Heart, reſign'd the Conqueſt of your Eyes.
Well might, alas! that threatned Veſſel fail,
Which Winds and Lightning, both at once aſſail:
We were too bleſt, with theſe inchanting Lays,
Which muſt be heav'nly when an Angel plays:
But killing Charms, your Lover's Death contrive,
Leſt Heav'nly Muſick ſhou'd be heard alive.
ORPHEUS cou'd charm the Trees, but thus, a Tree,
Taught by your Hand, can charm no leſs than he,
A Poet made the ſilent Wood purſue,
This vocal Wood had drawn the Poet too.

The TRANSLATOR.

[13]
OZELL at Sanger's* Call, invok'd his Muſe
For who to ſing for Sanger cou'd refuſe?
His Numbers ſuch as Sanger's ſelf might uſe.
Reviving Perault, murd'ring Boileau, he
Slander'd the Antients firſt, then Wycherley;
Which yet not much that old Bard's Anger rais'd,
Since thoſe were ſlander'd moſt, whom Ozell prais'd.
Nor had the gentle Satire caus'd complaining,
Had not ſage Rowe pronounc'd it entertaining:
How great muſt be the Judgment of that Writer,
Who the Plain-Dealer damns, and prints the Biter!

TO Lady MARY WORTLEY MONTAGUE.

[140]
I.
IN Beauty, or Wit,
No Mortal as yet
To queſtion your Empire has dar'd;
But Men of Diſcerning,
Have thought that in Learning,
To yield to a Lady was hard.
II.
Impertinent Schools,
With muſty dull Rules,
Have Reading to Females deny'd,
So Papiſts refuſe
The BIBLE to uſe,
Leſt Flocks ſhou'd be wiſe as their Guide.
[141]III.
'Twas a WOMAN at firſt,
(Indeed ſhe was curſt)
In Knowledge that taſted Delight,
And Sages agree,
The Laws ſhou'd decree,
To the firſt Poſſeſſor the Right.
IV.
Then bravely, fair Dame,
Reſume the old Claim,
Which to your whole Sex does belong,
And let MEN receive,
From a Second bright EVE,
The Knowledge of Right, and of Wrong.
V.
But if the Firſt EVE
Hard Doom did receive,
When only One Apple had She,
What a Puniſhment New,
Shall be found out for You,
Who Taſting, have robb'd the whole Tree.

A Verſion of the firſt PSALM. For the Uſe of a Young Lady.

[142]
I.
THE Maid is bleſt that will not hear
Of Maſquerading Tricks,
Nor lends to wanton Songs an Ear
Nor ſighs for Coach and Six.
II.
To pleaſe her ſhall her Husband ſtrive
With all his Main and Might,
And in her Love ſhall exerciſe
Himſelf both Day and Night.
III.
She ſhall bring forth moſt pleaſant Fruit,
He Flouriſh ſtill, and Stand,
Even ſo all Things ſhall proſper well,
That this Maid takes in Hand.
[143]IV.
No wicked Whores ſhall have ſuch Luck,
Who follow their own Wills,
But purg'd ſhall be to Skin and Bone,
With Mercury and Pills.
V.
For why, The Pure and Cleanly Maids,
Shall All, good Husbands gain;
But Filthy and Uncleanly Jades
Shall Rot in Drury-Lane.

TO THE Ingenious Mr. MOORE, AUTHOR of the Celebrated WORM-POWDER.

[144]
HOW much, Egregious Moore, are We
Deceiv'd by Shows, and Forms?
Whate'er we think, whate'er we ſee,
All human Race are Worms.
Man, is a very Worm by Birth,
Proud Reptile *, vile and vain,
A while he crawls upon the Earth,
Then ſhrinks to Earth again.
[145]
That Woman is a Worm, we find,
E'er ſince our Grannum's Evil;
She firſt convers'd with her own Kind,
That Ancient Worm, the Devil.
But whether Man, or He, God knows,
Foecundified her Belly,
With that pure Stuff from whence we roſe,
The Genial Vermicelli.
The Learn'd themſelves, we Book-Worms name,
The Block-head is a Slow-Worm;
The Nymph, whoſe Tail is all on Flame,
Is aptly term'd a Glow-Worm.
The Fops are painted Butter-Flies,
That flutter for a Day;
Firſt from a Worm they took their Riſe,
Then in a Worm decay.
The Flatterer an Ear-wig grows,
Some Worms ſuit all Conditions;
Miſers are Muck-Worms, Silk-Worms, Beaus,
And Death-Watches, Phyſicians.
[146]
That Stateſmen have a Worm is ſeen,
By all their winding Play;
Their Conſcience is a Worm within,
That gnaws them Night and Day.
Ah, Moore! thy Skill were well employ'd,
And greater Gain would riſe,
If thou could'ſt make the Courtier void
The Worm that never dies.
O Learned Friend of Abchurch-Lane,
Who ſett'ſt our Entrails free,
Vain is thy Art, thy Powder vain,
Since Worms ſhall eat e'en Thee.
Thou only canſt our Fate adjourn,
Some few ſhort Years, no more;
E'en Button's Wits to Worms ſhall turn,
Who Maggots were before.

EPITAPH, At Stanton-Harcourt in Oxfordſhire.

[147]
Near this Place lie the Bodies of
JOHN HEWETT and MARY DREW,
An induſtrious young Man and
Virtuous Maiden, of this Pariſh,
Who being at Harveſt-Work,
(With ſeveral others)
Were in one Inſtant killed by Lightening,
The laſt Day of July, 1718.
Think not by rig'rous Judgment ſeiz'd,
A Pair ſo Faithful cou'd expire;
Victims ſo Pure, Heav'n ſaw, well pleas'd,
And ſnatch'd them in Coeleſtial Fire.
Live well, and fear no Sudden Fate;
When God calls Virtue to the Grave,
Alike 'tis Juſtice, ſoon or late,
Mercy alike, to Kill or Save.
Virtue unmov'd, can hear the Call,
And face the Flaſh, that melts the Ball.

Mr. POPE's ANSWER To the following QUESTION of Mrs. HOWE.

[148]
WHAT is Prudery? 'Tis a Beldam,
Seen with Wit and Beauty ſeldom.
'Tis a Fear that ſtarts at Shadows,
'Tis (no, 'tis n't) like Miſs Meadowes.
'Tis a Virgin hard of Feature,
Old, and void of all Good Nature;
Lean and fretful, wou'd ſeem wiſe,
Yet plays the Fool before ſhe dies.
'Tis an ugly envious Shrew,
That rails at dear L'epell and You.

THE LOOKING-GLASS.

[149]
WITH Scornful Mein, and various toſs of Air
Fantaſtic, Vain, and Inſolently Fair.
Grandeur Intoxicates her giddy Brain,
She Looks Ambition, and ſhe Moves Diſdain.
Far other Carriage, grac'd her Virgin Life,
But charming G—'s loſt, in P—'s Wife.
Not greater Arrogance in Him we find,
And this Conjunction, ſwells at leaſt her Mind:
O could the Sire, renown'd in Glaſs, produce
One faithful Mirrour for his Daughter's Uſe,
Wherein ſhe might her haughty Errors trace,
And, by Reflexion, learn to mend her Face
The wonted Sweetneſs to her Form reſtore
Be what She was, and charm Mankind once more.

THREE LETTERS FROM THE Abbe C—n to ** at St. OMERS.

[150]

IF obliging Expreſſions, fine Wit, and noble Sentiments can tempt; you have the moſt infallible Way of compelling your Friends to write to you, of any body I know; yet ſhould my Ignorance in the Modes of writing cauſe you to eſteem me leſs, I ſhall repent my having learnt to write.

Your excellent Judgment, and the Diffidence I juſtly bear to my own Abilities, always put a Check to that ſincere and honeſt Warmth I am impatient to addreſs you with: But when I reflect on your many Friendly Indulgencies, and ſee two kind Letters of yours now before me (both unanſwer'd) I plunge in Ink, leſt my Silence ſhould be more criminal than Impertinence itſelf. Remember, however, it is in compliance to your Requeſt, and no fancied Skill of mine, in drawing Characters. You are [151] very ſingular in your Inquiry after Mr. *** Morals; ſuch Queſtions are very uncommon here.

—De moribus ultima fiet
Quaeſtio—

Ought I not, my Friend, to be cautious in diſcovering the Blemiſhes and Defects of this my native Spot, to One ſo reſolutely determined to Publiſh all the Truths he knows of it, even the worſt, with the Sincerity and Juſtice of an unconcerned Hiſtorian. Now, methinks, I ſee you ſmile, and ask me, What is it you thus endeavour to conceal? Is not the Fidelity of your Iſland become a Proverb; your Policy a Jeſt; your Politeneſs, Wantonneſs and Mimickry; your Commerce, a Combination of protected Thieves, the Bane of Induſtry and Trade? Nor is there any other Sign of Divinity or Liberty remaining with you, except the opening of your Churches and the Courts of Juſtice; in a Word it is become the Characteriſtic of the Engliſh; that they account it leſs Glorious to act wiſely, than to defend the doing otherwiſe. Yes, there is too much Truth in your Remarks, the Remembrance of Virtue is almoſt loſt, and if any retain Sentiments of Honeſty and Religion they muſt be very ſecret, if they would eſcape the [152] Public Laughter. This may be an Excuſe for the Son of your Friend; he came Green upon the Stage, was hurried into the Triumph of Vice, and bore down by the Torrent of Corruption, his Beauty and Comelineſs of Parts

—Rara eſt adeo concordia Formae,
Atque Pudicitiae—

Were no ſmall Temptation to engage him with the Vain, the Gay, and the Vicious. They were the prevailing Party, in whoſe Society he ſquander'd an Eſtate diſhonourably, and now (I had almoſt ſaid deſervedly) ſeeks a ſervile Maintenance from that Sink—a Court—his fall occaſioned this Reflection of mine on Beauty; with which I'll conclude.

Beauty doth recommend, the Bearer to
Our Notice; and works a kind Impreſſion
On all Spectators, in its own Behalf.
But if it bring not Matter of more Worth,
As Wiſdom, Reaſon, and the Charms of Virtue,
It is the worthleſs Owner's Brand of Shame,
And makes the ſtalking Idiot more our Scorn.

LETTER II.

[153]
SIR,

ALL the Books which have been Publiſhed here, worthy Notice, I have conſtantly ſent as you directed; if I have with-held my Opinion of their Merit, as you complain, it was for many Reaſons I judged it unneceſſary. Why do you ſo continually attack my Vanity, by the Compliments you pay my Judgment? But ſince you ſeek ſome Particulars of Mr. Pope, whoſe Writings I profeſs, amongſt Thouſands, to be an Admirer of, as I have often intimated; I will take this Occaſion to inform you what I know concerning him. Many Pieces of his, The Eſſay on Criticiſm. The Rape of the Lock. The Eſſays and Diſſertations on Homer, have appeared in your Parts: and one Proof of their Excellency, is their being naturalized by Perſons of very eminent Ability and Rank*. Other Languages are inrich'd [154] with theſe and others of his Works; yet, would you believe it, He has tranſlated Homer, preſerved the Sublimity, Strength, Harmony, Cloſeneſs, and every other Excellence of that venerable Poet, without knowing a Syllable of Greek; and with an abſolute Ignorance of the Engliſh. His Eſſay on Criticiſm, is a ſmooth Repetition of Vida's Nonſenſe. His Paſtorals are no Paſtorals. Nor is he a Poet. Theſe things are brayed about our Street. The Aſinorum crepitus, the Din of Grubſtreet, Pretenders to Poetry, and falſe Critics, have aroſe to poiſon our Judgments; ſome ſay he is too little to write Well; others that he has only a Knack of writing, and theſe Wretches all write themſelves, to convince us it is without a Knack; Cellars are full of their Murmurings, where, like ſo many mercileſs Chymiſts, they violently rack and torture Nature to confeſs ſome Worth ſhe has not in her. Mr. Pope is accounted by thoſe, not his Enemies, of over-much Borrowing; this you will rather praiſe then diſapprove, when you ſhall know, that the fineſt Thoughts of the beſt Writers were never made uſe of by him, till he had improved and made them better. View him in his Public Character, he is an Honour to our Nation; the Good and Wiſe rejoice, that ſuch and ſo notable a Genius is manifeſted amongſt us; he has [155] the Satisfaction of not having lived in vain, and has obliged the valuable Part of Mankind, and is beloved by all the Learned, Good, and Wiſe. View him in Private Life, there is nothing more amiable and endearing. He is an Example of the Duty we owe our Parents, and the Love we ought to bear our Friends. There is no Truth, if what I tell you is not true, no Friendſhip if I am not your Friend.

LETTER III.

[156]
SIR,

FORGIVE me, if I obtrude my Advice; think not of Publiſhing, as yet. Your Works, like fine Painting and Wine, will ripen into more Worth by Age; you ſhould certainly complete the Cataſtrophe. I rejoice you have reſiſted the Temptation offer'd; it would be Madneſs to throw an Appearance of Partiality on the Face of your Performance, which you have ſo bravely avoided in every other Part. The Devil is black enough in his real Character; the truer you can paint him, the more damnable he will appear. I can but laugh to ſee what an Appearance Kings, and Miniſters, (the Guardians of Kings) make, when they are ſhewn in Hiſtory, ſtrip'd of Courtiers and Attendants. If in their Lives they had few ſure Friends, after their Deaths they ſhall have fewer. It is then that are Glory is taken from their Heads, and their Pride trampled on. Are they not [157] deceived, my Friend, who think by Power to bury in Oblivion the ill Actions they are guilty of; or to keep Poſterity from the Knowledge of their Vices? I was the other Day at a Great Man's Levée; it made me ſhudder: He was corpulent and groſs of Body; and ſeem'd to me as if Fatning for ſome Sacrifice. I then thought a corrupt Miniſter, ſurrounded by his Creatures and Mercenaries, like the Man, who by unlawful Practices had obtained the Services of evil Spirits, and thinks it noble to be attended on by Friends, but yet expects in the End, that they will tear him to Pieces.86

E.C.

AN EPISTLE FROM Dr. LITTLETON at Cambridge, To his Friend at Eton.

[158]
YOU ſee, dear Sir, that I've found time,
T' expreſs my Sentiments in Rhime;
For why, my Friend, ſhould diſtant Parts,
Or Time, disjoin united Hearts.
What, tho' by intervening Space,
Depriv'd of ſpeaking Face to Face,
By faithful emiſſary Letter
We may converſe as well, or better;
And, not to ſtretch my narrow Fancy,
To ſhew what pretty Things I can-ſay,
Add Butler's Rhymes to Prior's Thoughts,
And chuſe to mimic all their Faults;
By Head and Shoulders bring-in-a-Stick,
To ſhew my Knack at Hudibraſtick.
I'll tell you, as a Friend and Crony,
How here I ſpend my Time and Money.
[159] No more Majeſtic Virgil's Flights,
Or Tow'ring Milton's loftier Heights,
Or Courtly Horace's Rebukes,
Who banters Vice, with Friendly Jokes,
Or Cowley's Wit, or Congreve's Fire,
Or all the Beauties that conſpire
To place the greeneſt Bays upon
Th' immortal Brows of Addiſon,
Or Prior's inimitable Eaſe,
Or Pope's harmonious Numbers pleaſe;
For I to Phoebus bid adieu,
When laſt I took my Leave of you.
Now Algebra, Geometry,
Arithmetic, Aſtronomy,
Optics, Chronology, and Statics,
All tireſome Parts of Mathematics,
With twenty harder Names than theſe,
Diſturb my Brains, and break my Peace.
All ſeeming Inconſiſtencies,
Are nicely ſolv'd by A's and B's.
Should you the Poker want, and take it
When it looks hot as Fire can make it,
And burn your Finger, or your Coat,
They'll ſtiffly tell you, 'tis not Hot.
The Fire, they ſay, has in't, 'tis true,
The Power of cauſing Pain in you;
[160] But not more Heat in Fire that heats you,
Than there is Pain in Stick that beats you.
And thus Philoſophers expound
The Names of Smell, and Taſte, and Sound.
Thus when the fam'd Fauſtina ſings,
Or Handel tunes the trembling ſtrings,
The Voice, they ſay, is untun'd Air,
And all the Muſic's in the Ear.
There's not a Man of us can tell
That we have either Taſte or Smell.
I hope, in a ſhort time, to know
Whether the Moon's a Cheeſe, or no;
Whether a Man's in't, as ſome tell ye,
Who ſtuffs, with Powder'd Beef, his Belly.
No more—This, due to Friendſhip, take,
Not barely writ for writing ſake,
For he who his Invention ſtrains,
To ſhew his Wit, and cracks his Brains,
Merits his Madneſs for his Pains.

[1]THE NEGOTIATIONS OF Matthew Prior, Eſq

[]

J. Clark sculp. 1722

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

My Lord,

I Can now acquaint your Lordſhip, that I arrived here the 5th, and the next Day I ſent a Compliment to Monſieur Saintot, * who immediately waited on me, and gave me to underſtand that Monſieur de Torcy was expected in Town. Mr. Prior wrote to him, and he appointed the Afternoon to ſee me. Your Lordſhip [2] knows the uſual Ceremonies on ſuch Occaſions—

I am obliged to your Lordſhip for letting me have your Houſe, which I like extremely; though my Equipage not being come from Rouen puts me under ſome Difficulties: but with the Help of Mr. Prior all Things are made eaſy. He has delivered your Lordſhip's Letter to Monſieur de Torcy, and he took Notice to me how well Mr. Prior has behaved himſelf during his Stay here, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

My Lord,

I Am now entering upon a troubleſome Part of my Buſineſs, the King having appointed to morrow for an Audience at Verſailles. I cannot tell whether Monſieur and Madame will be there. Mr. Prior intends to ſet out for Loo as ſoon as theſe Audiences are over, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[3]
My Lord,

I Did not trouble you by laſt Poſt, not being then able to give a very good Account of myſelf; which I can do now, having had the Honour of a very long and particular Audience of his Majeſty this Morning; the Effect of which is, that he knows all I was able to inform him of in Relation to the preſent State of our Affairs in the Kingdom where you are, and that I am ordered to go from hence to morrow Morning for the Hague, to receive what Orders his Majeſty may ſend me, and to wait there till his farther Pleaſure be known.

Your Excellency ſees by the incloſed Memoir the Caſe of one Girard, a Miniſter of Neufchattel, whom his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty will protect againſt what Madame de Nemours, the lawful Soveraign of the Place, deſigns to do in Relation to her own Subject. His Majeſty commands me to intimate to your Excellency, That it is his Pleaſure, that you concert with Monſieur Fribergen upon [4] this Subject, and uſe your beſt Endeavours with the Court of France, that they ſhould let the Matter be examined and decided by its competent Judges, according to the Senſe of the incloſed Memoir, of which Monſieur Fribergen has likewiſe a Copy.

You will have heard of the King of Denmark's Death before this reaches you, ſo that as to public News I ſhall not trouble you.

As to more private Affairs, Obrian is taken up at Bruſſels, ſo your Excellency muſt get Bayly to tell you the Particulars of what he knows relating to that Man, and what he thinks would be beſt to do that his being taken up may be ſerviceable to his Majeſty's Intereſts.

I write this Letter incloſed to Bayly upon this Head: the Account he gives your Excellency you will be pleaſed to ſend directly to Mr. Blathwayt.

I take this Opportunity, my Lord, to repeat my Thanks to you for your Favours to me while I ſtayed with you at Paris; and to aſſure your Excellency, that in all Places and Stations I continue with great Reſpect, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[5]
My Lord.

I Have the Honour of your Excellency's Letters, that of the 5th, which came ſtrait hither, and that of the 30th paſt by Way of England, and returned thence. I underſtand by the Gentleman, nothing can be done ſo ſoon as we wiſh: but as I have ſpoken to the Perſons concerned here, in a little Time I ſhall be able to give him a better Anſwer than I can at preſent. It is thought proper that Bayly be continued in ſtatu quo. Mr. Yard has let my Lord Jerſey know what he has done in Relation to the Anſwer which Couchman brought. This, at preſent, my Lord, is all I can ſay upon this Subject in general; as ſoon as we can get together in England, I hope to be more particular upon it, and more ſatisfactory to the Gentlemen concerned.

We expect the King here to morrow Night for certain, and about Saturday following we ſhall be wiſhing the Wind fair. Obrian is by this Time on board, in order to his going for England. The [6] other Perſons ſeized this Summer, about Loo, are ſtill in Cuſtody at Arnheim.

I trouble Mr. Stanyan with what is leſs material, and detain your Excellency no longer than to repeat to you the Aſſurances of my being, with Zeal and Reſpect,

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

My Lord,

I Am to acquaint your Lordſhip, that Bryerly, one of the Aſſaſſinators, who had formerly ſome Thoughts of going into England, and diſcovering what he knew, in Hopes of obtaining his Pardon, and getting a Recompenſe, continues ſtill in great Neceſſity, and is ſaid to be in the ſame Reſolution. Some Steps were made by Mr. Prior in that Matter, when he was here, of which he can inform your Lordſhip; and in caſe it may be judged for his Majeſty's Service to have him come over, I am ſure the Promiſe of a Pardon and ſome Reward will tempt him. I therefore deſire your Lordſhip would ſend me his Majeſty's Directions thereupon, which I ſhall contrive to perform [7] in the ſafeſt Manner for him, and the Perſon who is to go between us.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

SIR,

I Shall now begin to trouble you often, believing you are ſettled in the Office, which will be another Sort of Life than that in France; but when I conſider you have ſo worthy a Perſon, and ſo good a Friend to act under, I then think nothing can ſtand in Conpetition with it. I ſhall be every Day more ſenſible of the Loſs of you here, which I hope you will make up to me, by letting me hear often from you. I have acquainted my Lord Jerſey with what paſſed in Relation to me and the Portugal Embaſſador in the Apartment of Monſieur de Torcy. He is going away, elſe it would be impoſſible but there muſt be farther Diſputes of that Nature. The firſt Opportunity I have, I ſhall certainly return his Rudeneſs. When you can do it conveniently, put my Lord Jerſey in [8] Mind of what we have often diſcourſed about, in Relation to the Affairs of France, and what he was ſo kind as to ſay he would prevent, if poſſible, when I had the Honour of ſeeing him laſt. You can eaſily imagine I ſhall not be able to obtain any Thing of this Court, if Matters of Moment muſt be only tranſacted by Monſieur de Tallard. Not that I am deſirous of knowing more than what he would think proper, in the Poſt I am in. I need not tell you that as a great Expence is neceſſary here, ſo an Eſteem for the Perſon is as much; and I flatter myſelf I) ſhall not forfeit it, unleſs this Court finds I am only here to make a Show.

Monſieur de Tallard is daily expected, and it may be will ſtill make his Complaints, as formerly, of the Delays he meets with in England. If ſo, I can now anſwer him much better, by what I have ſeen ſince my coming here.

The Day of Parade is near, and, with the Help of the Advice you give me, it will go well. The Calaſh is done, and I like it; though I aſſure you the Coaches I brought from England do exceed it in gilding, painting and carving. All who ſee it do own, and the French confeſs, they cannot come up to our gilding, though they pretend theirs will laſt longer. I [9] wiſh you was to be here for a few Days. The beſt Apartment is now a la Françoiſe, Velvet and Damaſk Chairs with Gold Galoon, the Frames gilded, Marble Tables, with large Looking Glaſſes, and I found it was abſolutely neceſſary, and when I was doing it I would do it well. The Chapel, which I have inlarged into the Garden, looks very handſome.

I cannot finiſh this without my Wiſhes that you may ſucceed in all Things for your Advantage, &c. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

I Have received your Lordſhip's Letter of the 28th of October. Before you receive this Mr. Prior will be with you. It is his Majeſty's Deſire that you diſcourſe the Buſineſs of the Partition Treaty with Mr. Prior, who has already Knowledge of it; and according to the Account your Lordſhip gives next of it, you ſhall receive his Majeſty's farther Directions. [10] What elſe your Letters contain, I muſt beg Leave to put off the anſwering it to another Time. I am, &c.

JERSEY.

N.B. The Earl of Mancheſter's to the Earl of Jerſey [Paris. Nov 6, 1699.] begins thus;

My Lord,

Mr. Prior informed your Lordſhip, by Wedneſday's Poſt, of his Arrival here. He having explained to me the Subject upon which he was ſent, I wrote to Monſieur de Torcy, &c.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

I Arrived here on Friday Night, and every Body confeſſes that Roger is fitter than I to be ſent Expreſs: On Saturday Morning my Lord Jerſey carried me to the King. I firſt read to his Majeſty what your Lordſhip ſaid to the King of France, and what the King anſwered thereupon, and then I explained to his [11] Majeſty the Subſtance of the whole that had paſt during my being in France. His Majeſty is ſatisfied with every Step your Excellency made; and, in one Word we did as we ought to do. His Majeſty aſked me a great many Queſtions about your Entry. You will eaſily believe I was glad, on that Occaſion, to do you Juſtice. Hi [...] Majeſty aſked me about the Rank which Monſieur de Torcy's Coach had; and in all this Affair I can aſſure your Excellency he is very well ſatisfied. I have ſeen as well Charles as James Erby, and Chriſtopher Montague. I have been aſked ten thouſand Queſtions, and gave them the News of my Lord Mandevil being to arrive at Paris within theſe ſix Months; for which we wiſh all very heartily. I contracted a Cold in the Voyage, and wiſely increaſed it by running about theſe two Days. I am blooded and keep my Chamber to-day, which is the Reaſon of my uſing another Hand: I hope your Excellency will excuſe it. The King dined to-day with my Lord Rocheſter at his Houſe near Richmond; my Lord Jerſey is gone to dine with him. Whig and Tory are, as of old, implacable. Dr. D'Avenant is coming out with another Book, in which he attacks the Grants, and is (as I am told) very ſcurrilous [12] againſt my Lord Chancellor,* and our dear Friend Charles. This, I think, is all the News I have known ſince my Arrival. I have only to add my great Thanks to your Excellency for your Hoſpitality and Kindneſs to me in France, and wiſh you Succeſs in every Thing there, with all poſſible Zeal and Sincerity. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

My Lord,

I Shall always diſcharge his Majeſty's Orders with all Secrecy and Care imaginable; and I am apt to think this Occaſion will make Monſieur de Tallard take Care how he behaves himſelf; for he was not very eaſy when he found Mr. Prior was come, and that I was to have an Audience. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

[13]
SIR,

I Could wiſh this Court was ſo well inclined as to grant any Favour in Relation to the French Proteſtants; but at preſent I cannot ſee any Inclination, neither can I hope ever to have ſuch Credit with Monſieur de Torcy as on my Account to perſuade him: if at any Time I ſee a Probability, I ſhall not fail to act as is deſired. I have not yet made all my Viſits of Ceremony; and this Day I am going to the Arſenal You will be ſo kind as to make my Excuſe to Lord Jerſey, having nothing at preſent to acquaint him with, only that King James continues ſtill ill. His Diſtemper is Boils in his Backſide. I do not hear there is much Danger, unleſs it ſhould turn to a Fiſtula. In a little Time you ſhall hear more. Monſieur de Tallard could not be ſo ſoon with you as he intended, becauſe the Wind continued ſome Days againſt him, and obliged him to ſtay at Calais. I am glad to hear our Proceedings were approved of, and I am impatient to know [14] the Succeſs of that Matter, though it may be I ſhall hear it firſt from Monſieur de Torcy. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Rt. Hon. CHA. MONTAGUE, Eſq Extract.

SIR,

MR. Prior's coming here, and the private Audience I had of the King the Day of my Entry, occaſioned much Diſcourſe, and did me Service with the Miniſters, for now they ſee the King does not wholly rely on Monſieur de Tallard—King James, upon Mr. Prior's coming hither, believed I was to be recalled, and he to be left here; which, for ſome Time, gave him great Satisfaction. It is not agreeable to them to ſee me live in ſuch a Manner, that none of the Engliſh come to Paris but they addreſs themſelves to me. &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[15]
My Lord,

THough I have written to You by my Lord's Order,* that is his Letter; I am to add a Word from myſelf.

You ſee by the News, which accompanies this Letter, what was done in both Houſes Yeſterday. In the Upper-Houſe, the Biſhop of St. David's Buſineſs was thrown out; and in the Other Houſe, Proceedings in Relation to Kidd's Matter came to nothing: ſo that we gained two Triumphs that Day. Oh! ſi ſic omnia. The Commons Addreſs you will obſerve to be ſomewhat high; but the Moderation and Wiſdom of the King's Anſwer is thought, even by his Enemies, to be inimitable.

D'Avenant has printed his Book againſt Grants,§ which I take to be a ſcandalous Libel againſt the Government: I will [16] ſend it you when we employ a Meſſenger; for I think it would coſt you too dear if it came by the Poſt.

Smith, * who was a Sort of Diſcoverer of the Plot, and printed a Book laſt Year reflecting upon the Duke of Shrewſbury, has printed another now to the ſame Tune. O Tempora! O Mores! Every Man ſays and writes what he will. Next Week I intend to come out myſelf with a Panegyric upon the King. I am ever, my Lord, with all imaginable Reſpect, &c.

M. PRIOR.
[17]

P.S. I do not write to Stanyan; for he has not a Park, nor a Doe* in the World: I mean a Doe fit for a Paſty.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

My Lord,

MR. Prior, may remember that I talked to him, when he was here laſt, about taking up one Claude, a Frenchman, as he ſays he is, who ſerved the late Lord B—l, in order to exchange him for Pierre Perault, or Arnold. If your Lordſhip be of that Mind, he is almoſt every Day at the Dog-Tavern in Drury-Lane, and Couchman, the Meſſenger, will be a proper Perſon to apprehend him, becauſe he was acquainted with him when he was at Paris. This Claude was very much at St. Germains while he ſtayed in France, and endeavoured to ſeduce ſeveral Engliſh thither: but that which will be a better Reaſon for ſeizing him is, his having attended Richardſon, one of the Aſſaſſins, while he lay concealed in the late Lord B—l's Houſe, which I [18] am told he bragged of, when he was here laſt, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

SIR,

HAving writ ſo lately, by Mr. Stanhope, to the Earl of Jerſey, I do not trouble him now. I muſt deſire you to make my Excuſe, and acquaint him with the Contents of this. There is nothing at preſent acting at St. Germains, King James being not well, and wholly giving himſelf up to Devotions and Prayers. The Wound, which was very large, is healed; but it is thought they have done it too ſoon, becauſe the ſame Humours run all over his Body, ſometimes in his Stomach, Legs, &c. He is extremely broke, and moſt Men are of Opinion he cannot recover, though he may go on ſome Time as he is. Father Coſme is run away with fifty thouſand Livres, which he had in his Hands, and which he was to diſtribute among the Iriſh. They think he may be gone for England, ſince he cannot be ſafe in any other Place. [19] If I learn any Thing of him you ſhall hear from me: nevertheleſs it may not be improper to make ſome Inquiry after him; and you will find by my former Accounts where his Acquaintance live in London. I was Yeſterday at Verſailles, where I made a Compliment to the King and the reſt of the Court, it being New-Years Day. I dined with Monſieur de Boufflers. I find them all very civil; but how long it will laſt you can beſt judge. I wonder my Servant has not been with you: the Buck-Seaſon muſt make it up. We want two Poſts, having had no Letters ſince the 31ſt of December laſt. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

WE have this Morning two Poſts from France, of the 20th and 23d. My Lord Jerſey commands me to acknowledge your Letter to him; and to tell you, that the Houſe of Lords ſitting ſo late, and he being obliged, after [20] its riſing, to go to Kenſington, is the Reaſon why he does not write to you. You will ſee, by the Incloſed, what a Day's Work has been performed in the Houſe of Commons; the Iriſh Grants to be reaſſumed, and not even the third Part of them to be reſerved to the King; and the Miniſtry, ſome of our Friends particularly, meaned and aimed at in the latter Part of their Vote. This all comes like a Torrent; and the few who would, cannot. In the Houſe of Lords, the King is a little more civilly uſed. As to the Buſineſs of Darien, his Majeſty is at leaſt juſtified in his Letters to the Governors of the Plantations. Thus we are, my good Lord, ſcrambling, and doing our beſt on one Side againſt the other, who are very troubleſome, not to ſay dangerous.

We hear of the Complaints you make from Monſieur de Tallard, and prepare to redreſs them as well as we can. As to the Perſons mentioned in your Letter, Care will be taken.

The King has not yet ſeen Lord Bazil, or any Addreſs from him. I do not hear that this Lord's Countrymen are quieter: I know not how far your Houſe's Reſolution of to Day will go towards calming them. I am ever, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER. Extract.

[21]
My Lord,

I Do not find the King willing to be at a great Expence about the Perſonne dont il ſ'agit, * without having ſome Aſſurance of the Service he can do. Mr. Prior has been ill, which is the Reaſon I have not been able to know of him in what this Perſon can be moſt uſeful. I deſire your Lordſhip will, in the mean Time, keep this Matter on foot, and let me know your Opinion as to the Expence and Advantage we may have by it, &c.

JERSEY.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

MY Lord Jerſey gives me in Charge to own the Receipt of your Letters, of the 16th and 17th, the Subſtance [22] of which my Lord will lay before his Majeſty the firſt Opportunity.

If you hear no more of the great Affair, it is becauſe nothing is tranſacted in it farther than when your Excellency was laſt adviſed of it; conſequently Roger is not yet diſpatched.

I muſt congratulate your Happineſs, that you are out of this Noiſe and Tumult, where we are tearing and deſtroying every Man his Neighbour. To-Morrow is the great Day when we expect that my Lord Chancellor* will be fallen upon, though God knows what Crime he is guilty of, but that of being a very great Man, and a wiſe and upright Judge. Lord Bellemont, you will read in the Votes, was fallen upon to-Day; thus every Day a Miniſter, till at laſt we reach the King. By next Poſt I ſhall, I preſume be able to write to you what relates to Matters on your Side: I am heartily tired with them on our Side. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[23]
My Lord,

I Have no particular Commands from your Lordſhip, ſo can only acknowledge the Receipt of the French Letters of the 24th and 27th. The great Affair was tranſacted this Morning, though I believe Count Tallard will not be able to ſend his Expreſs away theſe two or three Days. My Lord Jerſey ſtill keeps his Bed, his Gout had a Fever which accompanied it; but God be thanked both thoſe Diſtempers abate, and I hope by next Poſt he will tell you ſo in his own Hand. In the mean Time, we take what Care we can about the Contents of your laſt Letter to my Lord; though God knows all the Care we take ſignifies little, conſidering how we are reſtrained as to the taking any Body, though the Informations given make it highly neceſſary for the public Good: but you know England well enough in this Point my Lord.

The Speaker's Illneſs gives the Houſe of Commons Leave to play till Monday. The Addreſs they preſented Yeſterday to [24] the King, he anſwered very civilly, but ſmartly: I have not yet the Words, but ſhall ſend them with the firſt. The Senſe was, That he was ſenſible the Nation lay under great Taxes; that he had and would contribute to the eaſing them by every Way which was juſt; that he thought he had the Power of gratifying ſome who had been actually in the Reduction of Ireland, out of what was his.

I had written your Lordſhip a long politic Letter, for I thought that Roger would have been diſpatched to you; but ſince there are no Particularities in the Affair I have ſpoke of, I have ſent Word to Mr. Woolaſton, that Roger may ſtay to go over with the Midwife for my Lady: Quod felix fauſtum (que) ſit, &c.

If I might ſpeak my particular Sentiments concerning la Perſonne dont il ſ'agit, I would have him well ſifted and tried if he means to act in Earneſt, and is really diſpoſed to the Thing; otherwiſe we may be bantered, to ſay no worſe of it: but this is only to yourſelf, my Lord, and from him who is eternally, with great Reſpect, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[25]
My Lord,

FOr above theſe two Months paſſed I have not had an Opportunity of ſending over a Horace, which we printed at Cambridge, and which my Lord Duke of Somerſet, our Chancellor, preſents to the King of France's Library, with a Letter which his Grace writes on that Subject to the Abbé de Louvois: but I have at laſt ſent them by a Footman who quitted my Service. The Book and Letter will be, or are already, delivered to Mr. Stanyan, and the Favour we beg of your Excellency is, that you would honour this Book with a Word, by which the Court of France, and particularly the Archbiſhop of Rheims and Abbé Louvois may take Notice, that the Univerſity of Cambridge would eſtabliſh a fair Correſpondence with the Learned on your Side. By next Poſt, I ſhall write ſomething to the Soubibliothecaire, * Monſieur Clermont, concerning the Greek Cyphers we would buy of them: in this I muſt likewiſe deſire your Lordſhip's Good Offices, ſince [26] without your appearing concerned in it we ſhall hardly make our Matters bear as we deſire. Monſieur Vrybergen came on Friday. I have not yet ſeen him, I am &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

HAving written for my Maſter, I have very little to add for myſelf; except that I am very glad my Lord Mandeville is come to Town, and hope he will ſtay long with us. I am glad he is born at Paris, for had he been born here, he would have liked living among us ſo little, that I queſtion whether he would have thought it worth his while to have Sucked. The Votes of to Day pretty well explain what I mean. God knows how the Buſineſs will turn, or where this Violence of the Houſe of Commons will end. The Lords ſeem as yet to adhere to their Point: On Wedneſday we expect the Iſſue of all this. Seymour * plainly ſaid to Day, That the Original [27] of all this proceeded from the Miniſters, and from the chief of them, the Chancellor. Many other angry Sayings of this Kind have been vented; and in the Heat of this Hurry Kidd is arrived, and ſent up for, with his Papers, by an Order from the Admiralty. Our Friend* has ſaid nothing of late in the Houſe of Commons. My Lord Chancellor is very ſick. This is the Abbregé of our Caſe, I think no very good one. I am going to Kenſington the Moment after I have told you that I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

OUR long Seſſion is this Day, God be thanked, finiſhed; the Iriſh Grants reſumed, and the Commons ſatiſfied, at leaſt for ſome Time. Yeſterday was indeed a great Criſis, from the Morning, when it was doubtful if the Lords would adhere to their Amendments or no; the Commons fell directly upon Impeaching. The Perſons they named were my [28] Lords Portland and Albemarle, the Articles upon which they were going, for procuring for themſelves exorbitant Grants. In this State the Affair laſted till after the ſecond Conference with the Lords; and immediately upon the Managers returning from the Conference, the Houſe, though they thought the Lords would recede, locked themſelves up till ten at Night, of which you ſee the good Effects in the Votes. They threw Fire about at every Body, had a great Mind to fling at our Friend Charles; * you ſee what they would have done to my Lord Chancellor, and how Duke Schomberg and Lord Portland ſuffer in their Addreſs, that Strangers ſhall not be Privy-Counſellors. God knows whither this Heat would have gone, if it had not been timely diſpatched by every Body's ſtriving to come in, ſo this Bill paſſed: Upon the Main, we have Life for ſix Months longer, and alors comme alors.

The Affair upon which I came into France, will be quite ended to Night. Your Lordſhip will pretend, in any Diſcourſe you may have on that Subject, to think it was quite ended three Weeks ſince, or at leaſt, that you heard nothing to the contrary. I hope my Lord Mandeville [29] is well, and his beautiful Mother, whom the French Ladies will talk to Death, unleſs you get your Doors locked up, like thoſe of the Houſe of Commons.

My Lord* commands me to acknowledge yours of the 17th, and ſays, the perpetual Hurry in which we have been muſt ſerve for a Reaſon that, as yet he has not ſpoke to the King to be your Goſſip: But this, my Lord ſays is a Favour which he doubts not but the King will grant, and he will tell you ſo himſelf next Poſt. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

OUR Parliament Affairs being at length finiſhed, we have a little Time to think of our private Devoirs. I muſt therefore beg your Excellency (if you have not done it already) to give the Horace, and the Duke of Somerſet's Letter, to Abbé de Louvois, making the Archbiſhop of Rheims acquainted with the Duke's Preſent, and the Deſire we [30] have to correſpond with the Learned at Paris. I have written to Mr. Clement what the Univerſity deſires, as to the procuring us ſome Greek Types. If your Excellency expends the Money, and are pleaſed to draw upon me, I will anſwer the Bills: I ſhould be glad they could be got ready ſoon. I ſhould not dare to trouble your Excellency, but that your Protection to the Univerſity is abſolutely neceſſary in this Occaſion.

His Majeſty goes to Morrow to Hampton-Court, and will ſtay there, we ſay, theſe ſix Weeks. At the End of a Seſſion of Parliament, you know, we always talk of a Change in the Miniſtry. We do ſo at preſent, but upon what Ground I know not. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To Mr. PRIOR.

SIR,

THe Court being at Marly, Monſieur de Torcy will not be in Town till to morrow; ſo I muſt make my Excuſe to my Lord Jerſey by you, for my not writing. My Wife lays all the Fault on [31] you, that we have not yet heard, if we may give the Little-one the King's Name, and I dare not venture without knowing that poſitively: ſo that, at preſent, you are a little out of Favour, and will be ſo, unleſs we hear by the next Letters.

I ſhall do all I can to ſerve the Univerſity, and ſhall take Care about the Horace, when I have it. Mr. Stanyan will acquaint you how that Matter ſtands, and how this Book is ſeized at Diepe. I have not ſeen the Archbiſhop of Rheims for ſome Time, and I believe he is gone to his Dioceſe.

Several of the Great Men here will dine with me to-morrow, and among them the Mareſchal de Villeroy. He will certainly aſk after you, as he often does: The little Hopes our Friends at St. Germains have left, is in Scotland, and if that fails, all Things will be quiet till the next Meeting of the Parliament. I think inſtead of a Change in the Miniſters, we ſhould have a new Parliament. that would be more for the King's Service. Not much Good can be expected from a laſt Seſſion. We hear the King intends to go for Holland next Summer. When that is certain, pray let me know it, which will oblige, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

[32]
My Lord,

I Am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of the 8th. I do not believe, there will be Occaſion for Roger's Stay. As the Affairs of Sir William, &c. has gone through the Hands of the Church, ſo it is convenient that it ſhould ſo continue: and as to the great Affair, I ſhall take Care to manage it as you have already done, in Relation to that Perſon's knowing it. whom you mention in your Letter. The Thing itſelf cannot, I think, in its own Nature, be long a Secret: God only knows what Effect it may have when it comes out, ſo ſtrange a People are we, and ſo reſolved not to be pleaſed with any Thing. I ſhall be able, in a Poſt or two, to ſend Brocard ſome Money, out of which your Excellency will repay yourſelf what you have expended, before you give or order him the reſt: I believe, there is no great Matter to be known; but ſuch as it is, he muſt be encouraged.

[33] I have only in Charge, from my Lord Jerſey, to own the Receipt of yours of the 8th, and to tell your Lordſhip, that he will anſwer you by ſending away your Expreſs with the firſt Opportunity. My Lord Chief-Juſtice Holt having been here to-day, and with the King in private, has given People Occaſion to ſay, that he has refuſed the Seals: if it be ſo, or not, I cannot ſay; but as yet the Seals are not diſpoſed of. The King, God be thanked, is well, which is all the News I can ſend you from this Place. I dined to-day with Mr. Montague here, and drank my Lord Mancheſter's Health. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To Mr. PRIOR.

SIR,

I Do not write by this Poſt to my Lord Jerſey, becauſe Mr. Stanyan intends to ſet out on Friday next, and by him I will let his Lordſhip know what occurs.

I find by yours, of the 13th Inſtant, O.S. that there are not to be any Changes. By this I ſee the Town follows its [34] old Cuſtom of placing and diſplacing ſeveral. As for my own particular, I ſhall never like France ſo well as not to wiſh to be at Home. You know the French very well, and I believe you find the Diverſions at Hampton-Court, where I hear you are often, more to your Satisfaction than any Thing here.

The News we have at preſent is, that the Pope has made a Promotion for the Crowns, viz. the Archbiſhop of Paris (who was Yeſterday at Verſailles to thank the King) for France; the Biſhop of Paſſaro, for the Emperor; and Borgia, a Canon of Toledo, for Spain. There are ſtill two in Petto. We have ſometimes Reports here of the King's being indiſpoſed; but I hope it is not true, I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

SIR,

I Was very ſorry to hear my Lord Jerſey had quitted the Office, and much more ſo becauſe you alſo leave it. I ſuppoſe you have long foreſeen this, and [35] cannot but have taken Care of yourſelf, being upon the Place: for you often ſaid, Men were forgot when abroad. The Hopes you give, that I am to correſpond with Mr. Vernon, makes me more eaſy than I ſhould have been.

The Embaſſador of Savoy was with me, to let me know, that the Duke his Maſter had ordered Monſieur de la Tour, who was formerly his Envoy in England, to return thither with the ſame Character. This will cauſe a great Diſcourſe, becauſe he was his chief Miniſter: but the Reaſon why he comes is not hard to gueſs. I was in Hopes to have heard ſomething concerning Sir, &c. whoſe Letter I ſent lately to England. As ſoon as I hear from my Lord Jerſey, I ſhall not fail to congratulate with him, I am &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

I Am indebted to my good Lord Mancheſter for two or three Letters; and it would be unreaſonable, if I did not [36] take the Opportunity of Mr. Chetwynd's Return, to tell your Lordſhip what I know of the State of Things here. That we ſhall have a new Parliament is, I think, certain; at leaſt as far as I can ſee into the Matter. What Sort of Parliament it may prove, I cannot any Ways foreſee; but ſure there never was ſo much Work, as at preſent, in ſecuring Parties and bribing Elections. Whig and Tory are railing, on both Sides, ſo violent, that the Government may eaſily be over-turned by the Madneſs of either Faction. We take it to be our Play to do nothing againſt common Senſe or common Law, and to be for thoſe who will ſupport the Crown, rather than oblige their Party; and in order to this, Men are preferred who are looked upon to be honeſt and moderate. In this Number (whether with Reaſon or not, Time muſt decide) we comprehend our Lord-Keeper and our new Secretary. Lord Rocheſter and Lord Godolphin are in the Cabinet-Council; the latter is at the Head of the Treaſury; the former (we take it for granted) is to go Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, though it be yet a Secret. The two Companies are to be brought to an Agreement. (if poſſible) and Mr. Montague's being made a Peer (we take for granted) may contribute [37] to this Union, ſince, being in the Houſe of Commons, he would make an ill Figure, if he either declined to ſupport the new, or ſhould find too great an Oppoſition in his endeavouring ſo to do. As to the Great Affair, I preſume the King will wholly defer it to the Parliament, and act conjointly with their Conſent, which I take to be the only Method. All that I can ſay more on this Head is, that I take it to be happy for the King, that the Will is preferred, by the French, at a Time when every Body was peeviſh againſt the Court (though with Reaſon God knows) about the Treaty. Count Tallard makes a fooliſh Figure here: I do not know, as yet, what he ſays to the King on this Occaſion; but every Body obſerves his Excellency to be very melancholy and deſponding, and one may judge he has Reaſon to be ſo, as to his own Particular, concerning the Part he has been made to act, however his Country in general may approve their Monarch's Breach of Truth and Treaty. This I think is the preſent Figure of our Affairs, which I am glad to write to ſo good a Friend as my Lord Mancheſter, though to moſt of the World here, I am of Opinion that to ſay leaſt is to do beſt. Your Friend my Lord Jerſey grows very much [38] a Miniſter, and is in a fair Way of being very great. As to my own Affairs, I have a great many Friends who would ſet me up at Cambridge: I know I ſhall find great Oppoſition from Mr. Hammond's Party there, and great Trouble, in caſe I ſhould throw him out, from thoſe Men, who will never be ſatisfied, let me act as I will or can. If your Lordſhip thinks it convenient, I know you will not refuſe me your Letter to the Univerſity. My Lord Sandwich is gone to Hinchinbrook, I hear, in order to ſet up Charles Boyle againſt Mr. Wortley Montague's Intereſt at Huntington: Vive la Guerre, whoſoever is choſen or caſt out, or on what Side ſoever Things turn. I am, moſt truly, &c.

M. PRIOR.

P.S. Though I am no longer in a Secretary's Office, Veniſon would not poiſon a Commiſſioner of Commerce, and Does are now in Seaſon; which may be uſeful to inform Mr. Woolaſton when next your Lordſhip writes to him.

[39]

N.B. It has been thought proper to accompany Mr. PRIOR's Negociations with the following Letter of the Immortal King WILLIAM III. as the Baſis upon which they were founded.

His Majeſty's Letter to Lord SOMERS.

I Imparted to you before I left England that in F. * there was expreſſed to my Lord P. ſome Inſinuation to come to an Agreement with us, concerning the Succeſſion of the King of Sp. § Since which C. Tall. has mentioned it to me, and has made Propoſitions, the Particulars of which my Lord P. will write to Vernon, to whom I have given Orders not to communicate them to any other beſides yourſelf, and to leave to your Judgment whom elſe you ſhould think proper to impart them; to the End that I might know your Opinion upon ſo important an Affair, and which requires [40] the greateſt Secrecy. If it be fit this Negociation ſhould be carried on, there is no Time to be loſt; and you muſt ſend me the full Powers, under the Great Seal, with the Names in blank, to treat with C. Tall. I believe this may be done ſecretly, that none but you and Vernon, and thoſe to whom you ſhall have communicated it, may have Knowledge of it: ſo that the Clerks who are to write the Warrant, and the full Powers, may not know what it is. According to all Intelligence, the King of Sp. cannot out-live the Month of October, and the leaſt Accident may carry him off every Day. I received your Letter of the 9th. Since my Lord Wharton cannot at this Time leave England, I muſt think of ſome other to ſend Embaſſador into Sp. If you can think of any one proper, let me know it, and be always aſſured of my Friendſhip.

W.R.

His Lordſhip's ANSWER.

[41]

HAving your Majeſty's Permiſſion to try if the Waters would contribute to the Re-eſtabliſhment of my Health, I was juſt got to this Place when I had the Honour of your Commands. I thought the beſt Way of executing them would be to communicate to my Lord Orf. Mr. Mont. and the D. of Shrew. (who before I left London had agreed upon a Meeting about that Time) the Subject of my Lord P's Letters, at the ſame Time letting them know how ſtrictly Your Majeſty required, that it ſhould remain an inviolable Secret.

Since them Mr. M. and my Secretary are come down hither; and, upon their whole Diſcourſe, three Things have principally occurred, and are humbly ſuggeſted to your Majeſty.

1. That the entertaining a Propoſal of this Nature ſeems to be attended with very many ill Conſequences, if the F. did not act a ſincere Part. But we were ſoon at Eaſe as to any Apprehenſion of this Sort; being fully aſſured Your Majeſty [42] would not act but with the utmoſt Nicety in an Affair wherein the Glory, and the Safety of Europe were ſo highly concerned.

2. The ſecond Thing conſidered was, the very ill Proſpect of what was like to happen upon the Death of the King of Sp. in Caſe nothing was done, previouſly, towards the providing againſt that Accident, which ſeemed probably to be very near; the King of F. having ſo great a Force, in ſuch a Readineſs, that he was in a Condition to take Poſſeſſion of Sp. before any other Prince could be ready to make a Stand. Your Majeſty is the beſt Judge, whether this be the Caſe, who are ſo perfectly informed of the Circumſtances of Parts abroad. But ſo far as relates to England, it would be Want of Duty not to give Your Majeſty this clear Account, That there is a Deadneſs and Want of Spirit in the Nation univerſally, ſo as not at all to be diſpoſed to the Thought of entering into a new War, and that they ſeemed to be tired out with Taxes, to a Degree beyond what diſcerned, till it appeared upon the Occaſion of the late Elections. This is the Truth of the Fact, upon which Your Majeſty will determine what Reſolutions are proper to be taken.

[43] 3. That which remained was, the Conſideration what would be the Condition of Europe, if the Propoſal took Place. Of this we thought ourſelves little capable of judging: But it ſeemed, that if Sicily was in the Hands of the F. they would be entirely Maſters of the Levant Trade; that if they were poſſeſſed of Final, and thoſe Ports on that Side, whereby Milan would be intirely ſhut out from Relief or any other Commerce, that Duchy would be of little Signification in the Hands of any Prince; and that if the King of F. was in Poſſeſſion of any Part of Guipuſcoa, which is mentioned in the Propoſal, beſides the Ports he would have in the Ocean, it does ſeem he would have as eaſy a Way of invading Sp. on that Side, as he now has on the Side of Catalonia. But it is not to be hoped, that F. will quit its Pretences to ſo great a Succeſſion, without conſiderable Advantages; and we are all aſſured your Majeſty will reduce the Terms as low as can be done, and make them as far as is poſſible in the preſent Circumſtances of Things, ſuch as may be ſome Foundation of the future Quiet of the Kingdom; which all your Subjects cannot but be convinced is your true Aim. If it could be brought to paſs, that England [44] might be ſome Way a Gainer by this Tranſaction, whether it was by the Elector of Bavaria (who is the Gainer by your Majeſty's Interpoſition in this Treaty) his coming to an Agreement to let us have ſome Trade to the Spaniſh Plantations, or in any other Manner, it would wonderfully indear your Majeſty to your Engliſh Subjects.

It does not appear, in Caſe this Negociation ſhould proceed, what is to be done on your Part, in Order to make it take Place; whether any more be required than that the Engliſh and Dutch ſit ſtill, and F. itſelf is to ſee it executed; and if that be ſo, what Security ought to be expected, that, if our being nearer the French be ſucceſsful, they will confine themſelves to the Terms of the Treaty, and not attempt to make farther Advantages of their Succeſs.

I have put the Seal to the Commiſſion, without expecting the Return of the Warrant. The Commiſſion is written by Mr. Secretary, and no Creature has the leaſt Knowledge of any Thing, beſides the Perſons already named. I pray God give your Majeſty Honour and Succeſs in all your Undertakings.

[45] I am, with the utmoſt Duty and Reſpect, SIR,

Your MAJESTY's Moſt Dutiful and moſt obedient Subject and Servant, SOMERS.

Mr. Secretary ADDISON's Negociations being at the ſame Period with thoſe of Mr. Secretary Harley; we have thought proper to ſubjoin them.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

My Lord,

I Am very ſorry the ill State of my Health rendered me ſo unfortunate as not to find your Lordſhip at your own Houſe, and that I was not in a Condition to receive your Excellency, when you did me the Honour to call at mine, before you left the Town. I thought I ſhould not have had Occaſion to give you any Trouble ſo ſoon, more than to wiſh your Excellency a happy and proſperous [46] Journey: but this Morning, Monſieur Vryberge, the Envoy of the States-General, delivered a Memorial to her Majeſty, a Copy whereof the Queen has commanded me to tranſmit to your Excellency, that you may ſee the Opinion of the States upon that Affair in Italy, in which her Majeſty does intirely concur: And therefore you will pleaſe, both at Vienna, and all other Places where you ſhall think it neceſſary, to expreſs her Majeſty's Sentiments upon that Affair, and do your utmoſt to prevent any Alteration of the Project which has been agreed with Prince Eugene for carrying the War into France, under Pretence of taking Naples and Sicily; which are Views no Ways to be brought into Compariſon with the other Deſign. I am, with the greateſt Reſpect, &c.

RO. HARLEY.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

SIR,

LAſt Night I came to this Place, where I received the Favour of yours, of the 18th Inſtant, with a Copy [47] of the Memorial of Monſieur Vryberge. I have ſince waited on the Penſionary, to acquaint him that her Majeſty did intirely concur with the States-General in that Affair, and that I had Orders to uſe what Diligence I could for Vienna, in Order to prevent any Alteration of the Project, concerted with the Duke of Savoy, for carrying the War into France, on that Side. I found, by the Advices he had received from Vienna, that he is apprehenſive that the Imperial Court may have a particular View towards Naples, which is certain will be of fatal Conſequence. Beſides, the Manner of evacuating all the Places by the French Troops in Italy, without the leaſt Notice of it, either to the Queen or to the States-General, gives them ſome Reaſons to miſtruſt the Intentions of that Court. He tells me, that they have received an Anſwer from Monſieur Amelot, and that the Elector Palatine will order the Recruits he is to ſend for Italy. I hope I ſhall be able to ſet out for Duſſeldorp in a few Days, and then nothing will, I hope, prevent my being ſoon at Vienna, where I ſhall execute her Majeſty's Commands, to the utmoſt of my Power. I ſhall [48] continue to ſend you an Account how I proceed, as often as I can. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

SIR,

I Had not Time to write to you from Duſſeldorp, neither was their any Thing material that required Haſte. I came thither on the 4th, about Noon; and I had an Audience of the Elector this Evening: where, after a Compliment in the Name of her Majeſty, I acquainted him with my Orders, in Relation to his Intereſts at the Court of Vienna; and that the Queen's Miniſter, who was going to reſide there, would have the ſame Inſtructions. He expreſſed a very great Senſe of her Majeſty's Goodneſs to him, and he did enter into the whole Matter of his Right to the Upper-Palatinate, with ſome Warmth, complaining of the Uſage of that Court. He mentioned, beſides his ſeveral Titles, alſo a Treaty between the late Emperor and him, wherein it is agreed, that he ſhall be put in Poſſeſſion: [49] which is ſince renewed by the preſent Emperor. I told him, it was of the laſt Importance, that his Troops in Italy ſhould be immediately recruited; that her Majeſty did not doubt but he had put it in ſuch a Method as that I might find them ſo at my Arrival in Italy. I muſt confeſs that I very much fear it, though I am perſuaded he will do all that is poſſible, for he ſeemed not to diſguiſe the Difficulties he was under; as that his Officers were but lately arrived from Italy, and that the laſt Accounts he had, were that his Troops were at the Blockade of Cremona; that he was buying a Battalion at Onſpach, and that nothing ſhould be wanting that was in his Power to do. As to the Affair on the Upper-Rhine, he ſays, there will be an Army of 60,000 Men; that the Emperor will make his 12,000; the Circles have agreed on 20,000. This, with the Reſt who are there, and will be there, makes up the Number: That there was alſo Care taken for a ſufficient Quantity of Ammunition, &c. His two chief Miniſters were to ſee me, and I did find them agree in every Thing the Elector had told me. I did preſs them alſo about the Recruits in Italy. The next Day I had an Audience of the Electoreſs, and in the Evening I took [50] Leave of both them. I need not mention the Expreſſions they both made Uſe of in Relation to her Majeſty, and how great a Senſe they ſhould ever have of it. The Electoreſs recommended to me the Intereſt of their Houſe, and alſo that of Florence. I found by the Elector, that the Great Duke had agreed to pay 100,000 Piſtoles; but that the Imperial Court inſiſted on 300,000, which he thought very extravagant, and which they ſeemed to own at Vienna, but that they thought it juſt, ſince he contributed, and was one of the chief Inſtruments in procuring the Will in Favour of the Duke of Anjou. That they threatened to ſend Troops thither, as alſo to Genoua, in Caſe they would not pay what was demanded. I cannot tell what may be the Conſequence, in Caſe the Imperial Court ſhould carry this Matter too far. But if theſe Sums are actually employed in carrying on the War in Italy, we have no great Reaſon to complain. The Elector of Mayence being at Bamberg I ſhall not wait on him, but to-morrow I ſhall ſet out for Vienna, where I ſhall certainly be in ten Days. I ſuppoſe the Wind has been contrary, for I have received no Letters, nor ſhall I now till I come to Vienna, where I ſhall purſue my Inſtructions, and acquaint you how I find Matters there. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

[51]
SIR,

I Arrived here on the 21ſt, and had been here ſooner, had I not met with contrary Winds on the Danube; though I find it would have been much the ſame Thing; for this Week every one is in Devotion. I have nevertheleſs ſeen Monſieur Zinzendorf, and Monſieur Wratiſlaw, and did not fail to take the firſt Opportunity to ſhew them the ill Conſequence to the intended Deſign of proſecuting the War into France, ſhould they firſt undertake that of Naples; and I did acquaint them with the Orders I had received from her Majeſty. As for Count Zinzendorf, he was not ſo poſitive as the latter; but they both agreed in this; that it would not in the leaſt prejudice that Undertaking: for, ſince the French were intirely out of Italy, there were Troops ſufficient for both: that Prince Eugene was to ſtay, though his Preſence would have been of very great Conſequence: that they had given their Reaſons to Monſieur Dopf, which they hoped would ſatisfy her Majeſty, as [52] alſo the States-General. I had a great Deal of Diſcourſe on that Subject, with the latter, who I fear has no great Opinion of the Project, concerted with the Duke of Savoy. When I preſſed that Matter, he did ſay, that, by the grand Alliance, that of Naples was firſt to be undertaken, and that the Emperor was not able to ſuſtain this War with ſome Aſſiſtance of that Nature: that every Thing was ready here, and they had Reaſon to believe they ſhould ſucceed with a ſmall Number of Troops. I do not doubt but her Majeſty is already informed of the Reaſons they alledge, and I cannot but think, though they do not poſitively own it, that the Orders are already gone to Italy. I have not as yet ſeen the Prince of Salms, he being indiſpoſed. I believe I ſhall have my Audience of the Emperor in a few Days. I fear the Duke of Marlborough is ſtill in England, for there are now three Poſts wanting here. I have received none from England ſince I left the Hague. I hope by the next Poſt to give you a farther Account, and I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

[53]
SIR,

BY the laſt Poſt I acquainted my Lord Sunderland with my Proceedings here; and I have every little to add. The Emperor returns from Luxenburg to-day, and I ſuppoſe I ſhall have my Audience of the Empreſs to-morrow. That of the Empreſs Dowager is over. Here are no Letters yet from England, ſo that I continue, as often as I ſee the Miniſters, to perſuade them to lay aſide the Expedition to Naples, which I believe they will do, unleſs it be approved of by her Majeſty. What makes them more zealous in that Matter is, the Apprehenſion that, in Holland, they might be brought to conſent to the diſmembering it from the Spaniſh Monarchy; and if once they are in Poſſeſſion of it, England will never conſent to it. They flatter themſelves that, upon their appearing, the People will declare. As to the intended Expedition into France, it is certain that this Court has ſent the Recruits they promiſed, as alſo the Mounting for [54] their Horſe. They alſo aſſure me, that they are doing what is neceſſary in Relation to their Magazines: but I am confident that, in this, they will fall ſhort; and I can eaſily perceive, that their Meaning is only till their Troops can enter into France, and then they muſt ſubſiſt themſelves, or we muſt do it; which I find is the true Reaſon which makes them ſay, that of Provence is moſt practicable, becauſe, as I ſuppoſe, they think they can be ſubſiſted by our Fleet. They aſſure me, that what is agreed on will be performed. They wait, with a great Deal of Impatience the Succeſs of the Duke of Marlborough. Count Piper did deliver a Memorial to the Emperor's Miniſters, in Relation to the Battalion of Muſcovites, in ſuch Terms that he could not receive it. They did afterwards make ſome Alterations, but in Subſtance it is the ſame. You will ſoon ſee the true Intentions of this Court, in Relation to the Malecontents; for they have ſeemed of late to deſire an Accommodation; but it was on ſuch Terms that they might eaſily judge were impoſſible. So that Matter is at an End, and they have procured a Bull, from the Pope, for the excommunicating of Prince Rogotzky, and the Reſt of the conſiderable Men of the Catholics. [55] Whether it goes ſo far as to all who adhere to them, I cannot tell. This is at preſent a Secret, but I ſuppoſe it will ſoon be otherwiſe, if they intend it ſhall have any Effect. I ſhould imagine that they will not find their Account in it. It may be the Means to exaſperate them, and it may poſſibly induce them to quit that Religion.

I am doing all I can in the Affair of the Duke of Savoy: I hope I ſhall ſoon bring it to ſome Concluſion. I wait to ſee what Orders I ſhall receive, for I believe there are ſome to come which do not pleaſe this Court. After that I ſhall go to Turin. I find they intend to ſend Count Galas for the Hague, and Count Queſtenberg for England. This is what Monſieur Galas does not like, and his Gentleman of the Horſe is come here on that Account. I have ſeen him who is intended for England, and he ſeems to own it. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER

[56]
My Lord,

I Received this Morning the Honour of your Excellency's Letter of April 30. I am heartily glad your Excellency has had ſo much Succeſs as to ſhake that Court from their ſpeculative Expedition againſt Naples: but I am very ſorry, that the Misfortune of our Army in Spain is an irreſiſtible Argument to lay aſide wholly that Project. The Accounts we have of this Diſaſter are only got from France; yet they bring too many Marks of Truth not to be credited, ſo far as that we have received a very great Loſs there. The Queen has done all that is poſſible on the ſudden Event; and, in this great Uncertainty, Orders are gone, this Night, to encourage the King of Portugal to keep firm to the Alliance, and likewiſe to Holland, to conſult with them the beſt Way to recover the Blow: But all this will be to no Purpoſe, unleſs the Emperor will exert himſelf on this Occaſion, not only to lay aſide the Expedition to Naples, to puſh vigorouſly into France, but alſo to [57] act offenſively upon the Rhine. Theſe are Points which the Queen hath ſo much at Heart, that her Majeſty hath written to the Emperor, with her own Hand. It follows this which I incloſe herewith to your Excellency, that you may pleaſe to deliver it with all poſſible Speed, and that you may be the better apprized of it. I incloſe alſo a Copy for your own Peruſal. Your Excellency will inforce it with ſuch Arguments as you will find, according to your own Sagacity, may beſt incline H. I. M.* to comply with ſo reaſonable a Deſire; and you will be pleaſed alſo to preſs the Emperor to ſend his Brother, the King of Spain, ſome Troops; without that, it will be hard for her Majeſty to prevail with the States-General to join with her in ſending more Troops. I hope my Lord Rivers will be prevailed with to return immediately to Spain: It would be a very ill Return, if her Majeſty's Zeal ſhould occaſion a Coldneſs in the Court of Vienna. I am, with the greateſt Reſpect, &c.

RO. HARLEY.

Her MAJESTY's Letter to the EMPEROR. From the French.

[58]
SIR, my BROTHER,

THE Advantage, which the Enemy has now obtained in Spain, might have ſuch diſmal Conſequences, that I could not forbear to tell you that it is of the utmoſt Importance, that all your Troops which are in Italy ſhould be employed to make an Invaſion into France, and that, at the ſame Time, the Army in the Empire ſhould act with Vigour on the Rhine. Spain is ſo far from the Countries in which my Troops and thoſe of the States-General are, that there is no Remedy ſo quick, nor ſo powerful, as that of making this Invaſion. Your Majeſty is too well informed, to amuſe yourſelf with a little Expedition, for ſome Member or Dependency of that Kingdom, when the noble and principal Parts of the Monarchy in Queſtion, the Honour and Welfare of my Brother, the Catholick King, are concerned. I promiſe myſelf therefore, from your Prudence, that you will think only on the Re-eſtabliſhment of the Affairs of that Prince, by obliging [59] his Enemies to recall their Troops for the Defence of their own Dominions. I am,

Your MAJESTY's Moſt Affectionate Siſter, ANNE R.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

SIR,

I Have taken my Leave of this Court, and have but this Day obtained the Anſwer in Relation to the Duke of Savoy. I have had a good Deal of Difficulty to bring them to this, which is far ſhort of what the Miniſters of the Duke of Savoy in England expected. It is certain that their Intention here is, to delay all the farther Execution of the Treaty till after the Peace, and I ſuppoſe I ſhall find his R.H. not in the leaſt ſatisfied. I have not been wanting to preſs this Matter, and I have been here a Month. Tomorrow I ſet out for Turin. They do aſſure me I ſhall find every Thing ready for the Expedition of France. The Detachment for Naples is now advanced to [60] Bologna, and in about a Month more they will be in the Kingdom of Naples. They think themſelves ſure of Succeſs. I have incloſed the Emperor's recredential Letter, and have nothing farther to add, but that I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

SIR,

I Received here the Honour of yours of the 6/13 of May, with her Majeſty's Letter to the Emperor. I do find they had at Vienna the Notice of our Misfortune in Spain on the 18th, which was the Day before I left that Pla [...], by an Expreſs from Prince Eugene, which they did not think fit to communicate to me, and that, at the ſame Time, Mr. Chetwynd had given me an Account of that Matter, and directed it to the Dutch Envoy, in Caſe I was gone; which Letter that Envoy received ſome Time after by the Poſt. I am ſenſible that, had I ſtayed, there was no Poſſibility of ſtopping the Detachment for Naples; for they have [61] ſince ſent a poſitive Order to Prince Eugene, and threatened him if they did not proceed. What they alledge ſince is, that our Fleet being not come, they may be imbarked as well from thence, in Caſe it is thought proper; but, I fear, the Court of Vienna will not be very ready to ſend any of their Troops to Spain. I have incloſed her Majeſty's Letter; and I do not doubt but Sir Philip Meadows, who I underſtand is on his Way to Vienna, will have the neceſſary Orders. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

N.B. We are obliged to break off our Political Correſpondence, till the Publication of our Third Volume, by Reaſon ſeveral valuable Letters of Mr. Prior, Mr. Secretary Harley, and Mr. Secretary Addiſon are expected, as promiſed, from Abroad.

A LETTER of ADVICE to a Young LADY, who had married above herſelf, grew vain, and deſpis'd her Huſband.
By the Rev. Dr. *****

[]
Madam,

GIVE me Leave to ſpeak my Mind to you a little; ſure you will, becauſe you know whatever I ſhall ſay, proceeds from my Value for you. Conſider that a Surgeon muſt probe a Wound if he would make a perfect Cure; and give Pain to give Health. Would a Perſon in his Sences, whom I ſhould ſave from drowning, by pulling him out by the Hair, quarrel with me for hurting him, when he is ſafe out of the Water; therefore ſay, down, down Self, and read what follows.

Chriſtianity, common Humanity, and my Profeſſion obliges me to do every Body all the real Service I can; but the Civility, the kind and friendly Welcome, which you have always received me with, does more particularly oblige me to do all I can to promote your Satisfaction; therefore let me put you in a Way to be [63] eaſy in this World, and happy in the next. Don't imagine now that you are fated to be unhappy: There's no ſuch Thing: God puts it in all our Powers to be happy; it is we make ourſelves miſerable: The Reaſon we don't find Happineſs, is, that we ſeek it without us, and would rather bring Things to agree with our Humour, than ſuit our Humour to what happens. Let us do as Mahomet did, when he called to the Mountain to come to him, to ſhew a Miracle to his gaping Diſciples, and the ſullen Mountain did not ſtir: He ſaid to them, with all the Chearfulneſs in the World, ſince the Mountain will not come to Mahomet, Mahomet ſhall go to the Mountain; and ſo climbing up he pleaſed the People, and was perfectly ſatisfied himſelf. Since therefore Happineſs is to be found only within, give me Leave to draw your Picture, by ſetting the Mirror of Truth before you; which if you view attentively, and without Partiality, you'll find your Happineſs and lay hold of it: I don't mean your outward Form; or what fluttering Fellows call Roſes, Lillies, Diamonds, Pearls, Balls of Snow, and Bowers of Bliſs; ſhould I attempt it I might do you as much Wrong as the Painter has done: I don't mean what may be ſeen or [64] felt, but what may be heard or underſtood: Your Inſide therefore is doubly, compoſed of Soul and Self, which God having made, united together like Man and Wife: Now they can never be parted from one another whilſt Life continues, and yet they often jar by the Devil's ſubtle Arts, who continually endeavours to ſet them at Variance; in which when he ſucceeds he makes a Perſon miſerable: But when Soul and Self go Hand in Hand, Soul, like a good Huſband, by his ſtrong Reaſon, governing with eaſy Sway, and Self, diffident of her own Strength, gladly ſubmitting to be governed; how bleſs'd are both! Guardian Angels attend to protect them, and nothing from without can diſturb their Happineſs: But if Soul happens to be puſillanimous or tyrannical; or if Self gets it in her Head to wear the Breeches, then all the Guardian Angels leave Self, and the Devil ſends Evil Genii to take Poſſeſſion, and ſtir up all the Paſſions to become Tormentors of Self, which before that, were all her Servants very ſubmiſſive and uſeful when Soul helped to keep them under. On the other Hand, the Evil Genii are ſo continually contending with harraſſing Soul's Guardians, that they grow tired, and ſoon ſleep, regardleſs of [65] their Charge; then does Unhappineſs fill the whole mortal Frame; then it is we feel all the Racks and Tortures poſſible; and if we are now and then eaſy, it is when we are in moſt Danger; it is then the black Genii have put on the Apparel of the ſleeping Angel, and makes us miſtake Evil for Good: This is my poor Friend's Caſe at preſent; but Soul has ſtill Force enough left to overcome Self, and Reaſon to bring it to a right Temper, if we can but rouſe Soul's Guardians to our Aſſiſtance, which we will do, by drawing Self's Picture as it is at preſent; but I am afraid you'll ſcarce know or own it, on Account of its Deformity: But if you do know it, and bring it to an Examen, a little Converſation with Soul will ſtrangely mend it, and then Reaſon will make the Colours have a quite contrary Effect to Sir Godfrey Kneller's; for they will brighten and beautify by Time, and the Picture which was ſhocking will become the Admiration of all Beholders. I have been thus long before I begin to draw, to prepare you; and in Order to make you read with Patience, I promiſe you that Soul's Picture which follows after this, will pleaſe better.

[66] Firſt then, Self is plaguy forgetful ſhe does not remember that ever ſhe was younger or handſomer; ſhe does not remember that ever ſhe was worſe in Circumſtances, and much unhappier than ſhe is at preſent; ſhe does not remember the Time when ſhe was much leſs reſpected than ſhe is at preſent; ſhe does not remember that ſhe was taught, and ſhould believe, that Religion is the moſt uſeful Thing in Life; and I am afraid poor Self has forgot to ſay her Prayers.

Secondly, Self is very vain and arrogant; for Self does not attribute her good Succeſs to the Bleſſing and unbounded Mercy of Providence, but fancies that all is owing to Wit and Beauty, and a fine Voice; but to ſnow you how much Self is miſtaken, tho' you may have theſe Qualities, remember, that the Captain is no Judge, and all is a Gift from Heaven: It is a Sign of too much Arrogance in Self, to let the World, and every new Acquaintance ſee, that ſhe manages All, by too often expoſing the Weakneſs of her Conſort; for tho' ſome may praiſe that Spirit which conquers a Man, others will put wrong Conſtructions upon it, not only reflecting upon Self's Choice, which calls her Judgment in Queſtion, but ſay hard Things, tho' very undeſerved; [67] and Self wont believe it without ſhe hears it; however, when Soul gets the Management again, Self will only do it in Caſes of Neceſſity, and before particular Friends.

Thirdly, Self is very ſhort-ſighted, and a little Duſt, called Praiſe, thrown into her Eyes, makes her quite blind; for otherwiſe ſhe would not do the very ſame Thing ſhe blames and diſlikes in Others: Self will often ſwallow down a Heap of Flattery offer'd by Sneerers, drink Poiſon becauſe ſweeten'd with Honey, and believes the Givers to be ſincere, tho' the next Moment they expoſe the Credulity of the Perſon who they here have been praiſing: If they call her a Goddeſs, ſhe believes herſelf Divine, and expects to be worſhipped; if the next that comes pays no Homage, but is more ſincere, and gives Advice or Reproof, he is called an Enemy, or at leaſt ſaid to be very ill bred; and if any comes to mortify her with direct Contradiction, ſhe could cruſh him to Atoms, and if ſhe has no Power to hurt him, ſhe will tear and pinch her own Fleſh. Tho' it was ridiculous in Teague to ſay, Arra Faith my Maſter, was my very good Friend and a Man of Senſe, and I am a very honeſt Man; and in ſomebody elſe to ſay, Do you know what it is to affront one of [68] my Character, I am a S—; yet if Self could remember, ſhe often ſays the very ſame Things in other Words. But when Soul teaches, Self, even as a Dart thrown from an Enemy that wounds, may be made uſeful; if the Point be taken off, it will prove a good Walking-Cane to help Self to go upright.

Fourthly, Self is very paſſionate, and therefore cannot bear to be controul'd; ſhe thinks him an Enemy that does it in Earneſt, and believes he can be no Friend that does it in Jeſt: She miſcalls her Paſſions, not to part with them; Rage ſhe calls High-Spirit and Courage; and filling in with her Humour, True Friendſhip; but ſhe is a great Coward; tho' ſhe can ſcratch and tear: If I miſtake not, Self is terribly afraid of Self, and the Thoughts of being alone is a moſt uncomfortable Proſpect: To have One that we can unboſom to without Reſerve or Fear, may be called having a Friend; but it is not natural Friendſhip to have One that ſhall love where we love, and hate becauſe we hate, without any Regard to the Unreaſonableneſs of every Paſſion, or the Juſtice or Injuſtice of Affection and Reſentment; this is by no Means to be called Friendſhip; it is only a Union of Intereſt; God forbid that [69] ſhould be called Friendſhip. Can Highwaymen be called Friends? Yet they do all this, they ſing together, they kill together, they eat, drink, and whore together; but as they don't act upon Principle, upon the leaſt Jar, or falling out, they hang one another. Friendſhip is a Virtue, and nothing of Crime can be conſiſtent with it: Follies and Weakneſſes we cannot be without in this L ſe; but a true Friendſhip is to pity and forgive, not to encourage them: It is having a Slave and fawning Paraſite, not a Fri [...]nd, to have ſuch a One as Self calls ſo: A True Friend will adviſe, and repro [...] and condemn Self for the Sake of Soul, even to the Hazard of diſobliging Self: A Friend muſt help us to curb our Paſſions, refuſe Aſſiſtances in Things unjuſt, endeavour to engage Heaven in our Cauſe, when juſt, and never let us alone till we apply alſo to the Almighty Power, and make Him our common Friend: In a Word, Friendſhip is directed by Right Reaſon, and cannot conſiſt without Chriſtianity.

Fifthly, Self is a great Fop and agreat Slattern: Soul has given her very good Cloaths, fine Ornaments, plain and neat, but Self either leaves them, like a Slut, in every Corner of the Houſe; or [70] when ſhe puts them on, ſhe does bedizen them with Lace and Embroidery, Fringes and Ruffles, Patches, and Powder, that you can hardly ſee enough of the Garment to diſtinguiſh the excellent Stuff which it is made of: Soul has given her a fine Gown, called Good Humour, whoſe Outſide was a celeſtial Blue, called Meekneſs, Lin'd with a white Perſian, called Humility; what does Self, but throws off the Outſide, ſaying it was fooliſh Stuff, and tramples the Lining under Foot, ſo that one could ſcarce know it: Soul had given her a Stomacher, called Sincerity, and charg'd her to wear it only on Sundays and Holy-Days, and never to put it on without ſerpentine Lace, called Diſcretion, with a Charge to let other People diſcover it, and not do as Court Ladies commonly do by their Cloaths, that is, ſhew them to all their Acquaintance as ſoon as they get them; but the giddy Thing wears it every Day, loſes her Lace, and, as Children do, cries every Moment, who ſee my fine Stomacher; ſo that it muſt be a diſcerning Eye that knows it to be genuine: Soul gives her a fine Snuff-Box, in the Shape of a Heart, full of plain Spaniſh Snuff; Self throws it out, and fills it with Gunpowder and Hellebore: Soul gives her a Cenſor full of [71] Balm, called Gratitude, charging her to turn the Pipe of it upwards, and ſet it on Fire twice a Day, to make the Smoke of it riſe up to Heaven; aſſuring her, that ſhe would then find ſuch a Fragrancy ſpread around, that would cure all Diſtempers of Mind, and eaſe all bodily Pain; but poor Self ſaid there was too much Trouble in the Management of it; that ſhe had forgot her Inſtructions, and the Book was too big that gave an Account of it; that there was indeed a Place where People met to uſe their Cenſors, but ſhe had more Inclination to ſleep, than manage her Cenſor, when ſhe came there; and therefore thought it better to ſtay at Home: Since that, Self has never been rightly eaſy.

SOUL's PICTURE in MINIATURE.

SOUL is honeſt, generous, grateful, unwilling to do, but unwilling to bear Wrong; ſincere and open, but wants Help to diſtinguiſn and correct the Faults of Self, and has not enough been uſed to reaſon and reflect, which makes us ſometimes miſtake Right for Wrong; but let him put on Paſſions and Conſideration, and once rouſe his good Qualities, and Self will be reformed and re-united; the [72] Angels will reſume their Charge; Hell will be baffled, Heaven will rejoice, and Earth will honour and admire: If Soul will learn to forgive, he will learn to be eaſy; and ſuch is the Pleaſure of the Victory over Self, in that Caſe, that it is worth all the Pains, and none know but thoſe who have felt it: It is of the Nature of Generoſity, but far ſuperior; without Forgiveneſs here, there is no Forgiveneſs in Heaven, with it there is endleſs Joy, and Humility is the Way to Exaltation here and hereafter: To become Good, conſider how many you may ſee excel you in Goodneſs, on whom Heaven has not beſtowed the Tenth Part of what you enjoy, to make yourſelf happy; nor can you murmur, when you conſider how many, far more deſerving than yourſelf, in every Reſpect, are infinitely more miſerable than ever you was in your Life. I don't doubt but the good Senſe you are Miſtreſs of, will make you know, when you read, and conſider what I have ſaid; and I hope you will believe I wiſh you as well, and am as much Your Friend, as any one living.

I am, Madam, Your, &c.

Appendix A A KEY To the FIRST VOLUME of Mr. POPE's Literary Correſpondence.

[]

IN the Year 1727 Mr. Curll purchaſed a Collection of Mr. Popes's Letters to Henry Cromwell, Eſq written between the Years 1708, and 1711. Theſe Letters Mr. Pope in his Remarks on the Dunciad * ſays, were procured by one Mrs. Thomas, while he was almoſt a Boy, which the Author was aſhamed of as very trivial Things; full not only of Levities, but of wrong Judgments of Men and Books, and only excuſable from the Youth and Inexperience of the Writer.

We deſire the Reader to obſerve, That Mr. Pope being born on the 8th of June 1688, and the laſt of his Letters to Mr. Cromwell, bearing Date December 21 1711, proves Him to have been in the 23d Year of his Age. How inexperienced a Writer he was at that Time, we [74] ſhall not determine, but in the Year 1728 Mr. Pope himſelf publiſhed ſome Letters, which he wrote to Mr. Wycherley, before he was 17 Years of Age: So that his Experience, like a Crab, goes backwards: Monſtrous Abſurdity!

The Letters between Mr. Wycherley and Mr. Pope, open our Literary Correſpondence, about which there has been ſuch an Eclat. There is little more to be ſeen in theſe Letters, but that Mr. Pope rubs the old Bard's Back, and he in return chucks our young Poetical Saplin under the Chin.

In Mr. Pope's Account of Mr. Lintot's Journey with him to Oxford, ſpeaking of Mr. Oldiſworth, I loſt, ſays Mr. Lintot, by his Timothy's. This alludes to a Book intituled, A Dialogue between Timothy and Philatheus, &c. written againſt the Rights of the Church.

  • LETTERS of Mr. Pope to H.C. Eſq from 1708 to 1711, i.e. to Henry Cromwell, Eſq and where-ever in the ſaid Letters Mr. C. is mentioned, Mr. Cromwell is meant.
  • LETTERS to ſeveral LADIES.
  • LETTER IX. Read the Beginning thus, I will not deſcribe Bl— (that is) [75] Bleinheim near Woodſtock, the Seat of the Ducheſs of Marlborough.
  • LETTER X. Mrs. B— and Mrs. L—, i.e. Mrs. Bellenden, and Mrs. Lepell. Mrs. H—, i.e. Mrs. Howe. B— Park, i.e. Buſhey Park, near Hampton-Court, the Seat of the Earl of Halifax.
  • LETTER XI. At Lord H—'s, i.e. Lord Harcourt's Seat, viz. Stanton-Harcourt, in Oxfordſhire.
  • LETTER XVI. Mr. C—, i.e. Mr. Carol. Ibid. The Duke of B—m, i.e. the Duke of Buckingham.
  • LETTERS to the Honourable Edward Blount, Eſquire.
  • Mr. D— in Letter of March 20, 1715/16, i.e. Mr. Dodwell.
  • LETTER of June 27, 1723, The Chriſtian Biſhop therein mentioned, i.e. Biſhop Atterbury.
  • LETTERS of Mr. Pope to Mr. Gay, from 1712 to 1730.
  • LETTER, Dec. 24, 1712. The Ducheſs, i.e. the Ducheſs of Queenſberry. Ib. He who does what Chaucer ſays—for Suſtenance. (i.e. Swive)
  • [76] LETTER of Aug. 23, 1713. Mr. J—s, i.e. Mr. Jarvas the Painter.
  • LETTER, May 4, 1714. Breathing in Smoke, Walking in Crouds, and making fine Pictures of this Way of Life, &c.

    This is a Compliment to Mr. Gay, upon his Poem called Trivia, or the Art of walking the Streets of London, Octavo. Ibid. the Dean, i.e. Swift. In the next Letter, T—g, i.e. Dr. Edward Young, Author of Buſiris a Tragedy. Ibid. The Cloſe of this Letter, viz. I am, Divine Bucoliaſt, Thy Loving Countryman, i.e. a Compliment paid by Dean Parnel to Mr. Gay, upon his Paſtorals, intituled, The Shepherd's Week.

  • LETTER of Nov. 8, 1718. Mr. Gay's Letter to Mr. Lowndes, therein mentioned, alludes to a Poem in his Works, thus inſcribed;
  • To my Ingenious and Worthy Friend, William Lowndes, Eſq Author of that Celebrated Treatiſe in Folio, called, The Land-Tax Bill.
  • WHEN Poets print their Works, the ſcribling Crew,
    Stick the Bard o'er with Bays like Chriſtmas Pew:
    [77] Can meagre Poetry ſuch Fame deſerve?
    Can Poetry; that only writes to ſharve?
    And ſhall no Laurels deck that ſamous Head,
    In which the Senate's Annual Law is bred?
    That hoary Head, which greater Glory fires,
    By nobler Ways and Means true Fame acquires.
    O had I Virgil's Force to ſing the Man,
    Whoſe learned Lines can Millions raiſe per Ann.
    Great Lowndes's Praiſe ſhould ſwell the Trump of Fame,
    And Rapes and Wapentakes reſound his Name.

    N.B. The Remainder of this fine Piece of Humour may be found in Mr. Gay's Life, Printed for Mr. E. Curll.

  • LETTER ibid. Mr. Pope thus writes to Mr. Gay; Her Grace the Ducheſs of Hamilton has won in a Raffle a very fine Tweezer-Caſe; at the Sight of which, my Tweezer-Caſe, and all other Tweezer-Caſes on the Globe, hide their diminiſh'd Heads. Query, Whether Mr. Pope might not have ſpoke plainer, and ſaid his P—.
  • LETTER of Septemb. 11, 1722. Lady Ducheſs of M. i.e. Ducheſs of Marlborough. Mrs. A—'s Navel, Mrs. Arbuthnot's Navel.
  • [78] LETTER Beginning Dear Gay, the Dean therein mentioned, i.e. Swift.
  • LETTER of 18 Aug. 1727. Mr. Pope ſays, I now Honour Sir Robert Walpole, &c. This is arrant Sneer, for it can be proved, that altho' this Gentleman has done Mr. Pope ſome ſignal Favours, yet he wrote the Character of The Norfolk Steward in the Craftſman, to abuſe him. Ibid. Dr. A—, i.e. Dr. Arbuthnot. Ibid. The Dean, i.e. Swift. Ibid, Old Ducheſs of M. i.e. of Marlborough.
  • LETTER of Sept. 18, 1730. The Sink of Human Greatneſs at W—r, i.e. the Royal Family and Court at Windſor. Ibid. Mrs. B. i.e. Mrs. Blount of Peterſham in Surrey.

Appendix C THE Firſt SATIRE of the Second Book of HORACE, Imitated.
In a Dialogue between Mr. ALEXANDER POPE, and the ORDINARY of Newgate. *

[82]
Nox & Via Lethi.
POPE:
THERE are (whate'er you think, Sir) I am told,
Wretches as bad as me, and full as bold,
Who libel all Mankind with Satire rough,
And never think they're diſſolute enough.
[83]
Oft has my Verſe been lame, I can't but ſay,
Like Ward, I've ſpun a Thouſand in a Day!
Tim'rous by Nature, of the Bench in Awe,
I come to you in Goſpel skill'd, and Law;
You'll give me, like a Friend, both ſage and free,
Ghoſtly Advice, (as wont) without a Fee.
ORDINARY.
I'd write no more.
POPE.
Not write? But then I THINK,
And for my Sins I cannot ſleep a Wink,
I nod in Company, I wake at Night,
Spleen fills my Heart and Head, and ſo I write.
ORDINARY.
You could not do a worſe Thing for your Life *.
Why if the Nights ſeem tedious—take a Wife;
[84] Or rather truly, if your Point be Reſt,
Of Opium take a Doſe; Probatum eſt.
Talk with your 'Pothecary, he'll adviſe,
This or ſome other Thing to cloſe your Eyes.
Or if you needs muſt write, write Hymns of Praiſe *;
And ſing Jehovah in ſeraphic Lays.
POPE.
What, like old Herbert then, muſt I adviſe?
A Verſe may find, him who a Sermon flies
With Emblematic Quarles ſhew Human Life
Is but a Vapour, and a Scene of Strife.
ORDINARY.
Yes. All your Muſe's Art-Divine diſplay,
With holy David touch a tuneful Lay,
With his Repentance lull th' harmonious Nine,
Let great Jeſſides in thy Numbers ſhine.
POPE.
[85]
Alas! ſuch Verſe with Stateſmen find no Grace,
They ſcarce can bear a Church, but for a Place.
Superior is our Court to David's Days,
Quadrille *, than Pſalms is fitter for my Lays.
ORDINARY.
Better be BLACKMORE, I'll maintain it ſtill,
Than blaſpheme David , or adore Quadrille,
Patients, Sir Richard got, by pious Metre,
And Gold, as Gay ſays, makes the Verſe run ſweeter.
Ev'n thoſe you touch not, hate you.
POPE.
What ſhould ail 'em?
ORDINARY.
They ſay you're like the Aſs that ſpoke to Balaam:
[86] The fewer Folks you Name, you wound the more;
J—y's but one, but M—ue's a Score.
POPE.
Each Mortal has his Pleaſure: None deny;
Budgell his BEE, or Two-Penny Lamb-Pye;
P—y the Senate loves, Sutton * his Brother,
Like in all elſe, as one Egg to another.
I love to pour out all myſelf, PROFANE,
And mock the SCRIPTURES in Heroick Strain.
In me what Spots (for Spots I have) appear,
Will fully prove the Medium can't be clear,
In a falſe partial Light my Muſe intends,
Fair to ſet forth myſelf, and foul my Friends;
T'expoſe the preſent Age, but where my Text
Is Virtue's Cauſe, reſerve it for the next:
Both High and Low wiſh me the ſhorteſt Date,
I've not one Friend who will lament my Fate.
[87]
My Head and Heart thus flowing thro' my Quill,
Verſe-Man or Proſe-Man, term me which you will,
Papiſt or Proteſtant, or both between,
Like Lucifer, mine's an infernal Mean,
I cannot boaſt of any Party's Glory,
Tho' Tories call me Whig; and Whigs a Tory.
Satire's my Weapon, I'm ſo indiſcreet,
To run a Muck, and tilt at all I meet:
I'm only fit to herd with Drury's Hectors,
Thieves, Supercargoes, Sharpers, and Directors.
Sink but our Army! O could I incruſt
Swords, Pikes, and Guns, with everlaſting Ruſt.
Miſchief's my dear Delight,—not Satan's more:
But touch me, and no Stateſman is ſo ſore.
[88] I rave, I foam, my utmoſt Venom hurl,
And in the Grubſtreet-Journal libel Curll.
By Popiads, Keys, Court-Poems, I'm become
Of Ridicule, his univerſal Drum;
And ſhall continue thus my whole Life long'
The grievous Burthen of his merry Song.
Slander or Poiſon's dreaded from my Rage,
And hang'd I ſhall be, if my Judge be P—
It's proper Pow'r to hurt, each Creature feels,
Bull aim their Horns, and Aſſes lift their Heels;
'Tis a Bear's Talent not to kick, but hug,
And wond'rous is it to be ſtung by Pug*
Then, Rev'rend Sir! (to cut the Matter ſhort)
Whate'er my Fate, or well, or ill in Court,
Whether old Age, with dire Rheumatick Ray,
Attends to Pain the Ev'ning of my Day,
[89] Or Lord-Mayor's-Officers will me invade,
And ſee me wrapt in Death's eternal Shade;
Whether my darken'd Cell to Muſe invite,
Or whiten'd Wall provoke the Skewer to write,
In durance in the Fleet, King's-Bench, or Mint,
Like EUSTACE,* any Man may Rhime and Print.
ORDINARY.
Alas, young Man! your Days can ne'er be long,
In Flow'r of Age you'll dangle for a Song.
Ralph, Cooke, Concanen, Henley, and his Wife,
Will club their Teſters, now, to take your Life!
POPE.
Vengeance purſu'd me, when I took the Pen,
To brand with Calumny induſtrious Men.
I was ambitious of a gilded Car,
Hated the Miniſter that wore a Star.
[90] Now will I bare myſelf, and ſhew the Knave,
Un-penſion'd, and un-worthy of a Grave.
If I muſt fall in ſuch a flagrant Cauſe,
Hear this and tremble! you, who break the Laws:
Sworn Foe to Virtue, and to all her Friends,
The World knows this, and therefore none commends.
Nor Bolts, nor Bars, can me in Safety keep;
Methinks I feel the Bow-String in my Sleep.
My Twick'nam Cott, the worſt Companion's Grace,
Attainted Peers, Commanders out of Place,
And un-hang'd Savage, with his rueful Face,
Saint John of Burnt-Gin-Punch accepts my Bowl,
And dictates Treaſon with a Flow of Soul:
And HE, whoſe Light'ning pierc'd th' Iberian Lines,
Now ſnuffs my Candles, and now cuts my Vines;
Or Stubs the Weeds from out the walking Plain,
Almoſt as quickly as he conquer'd Spain.
[91]
Envy'd I've always liv'd among the Great,
Tho' I've been Pimp, and often Spy of State *;
My Eyes pry ev'ry where, my Tongue repeats
The falſeſt Slanders; I foment all Heats,
Help no Man's Wants, in Wickedneſs excel;
This, all who know me, know, and truly tell:
My own black Deeds defame me, I ſhall be
Leſs pity'd then Jack Shephard at the Tree.
This is my Caſe, how runs the Engliſh Laws;
What thinks my Rev'rend Father of my Cauſe?
ORDINARY.
Your caſe is bad. Be not in Court ſevere,
Laws are explain'd by Judges,—have a Care.
It ſtands on Record, that in ancient Times.
Poets were hang'd for very honeſt Rhimes.
Conſult the Statute: Quart. I think it is,
Edvardi ſext. or prim. & quint. Eliz.
[92] See Libels, Satires;—there you have it—read.
POPE.
Libels and Satires,—lawleſs Things indeed!
Had I been juſt, ſet Virtue's Deeds to Light,
Such as a King might read, a Biſhop write,
Such as Sir Robert would approve—
ORDINARY.
Indeed?
Alter'd had been your Caſe:—But to proceed.
Fatal is now your Doom, you will be Caſt,
And your firſt Pſalm, I fear, will be your laſt.
Be comforted my Son, I'll ſtand your Friend,
John Applebee and I, will both attend,
GUTHRY.

Appendix D THE CONTENTS OF This VOLUME.

[]
  • I. THE Fox Unkennelled: Being a true Narrative of the Methods by which Mr. Pope's Letters have been publiſhed.
  • II. The Initial Correſpondence: Or, Anecdotes of the Life and Family if Mr. Pope.
  • III. The 17th Epode of Horace imitated. A Palinody to Mr. Pope. By one of the Heroes of the Dunciad. Occaſioned by his Epiſtle to Dr. Arbuthnot. Sent in a Letter to Mr. Curll.
  • IV. Stanzas, intitled, Curll Triumphant, and Pope Outwitted.
  • Seven Letters from Mr. Pope to Henry Cromwell, Eſq From Page 1. to p. 17
  • [] Mr. Steele to Mr. Lintot, p. 17
  • Mr. Pope's Submiſſion to Mr. Dennis, p. 18
  • Mrs. Thomas to Mr. Curll, p. 19
  • Letters of Mr. Dryden and his Son to Corinna, p. 21
  • Letters of Mr. Secretary Addiſon to ſeveral Perſons, p. 29
  • Mr. Billers's Letter to Mr. Turner at Bath, p. 37
  • A Letter from Norwich to Mr. Curll, with an Imitation of the Feaſt of Trimalchio, from Petronius Arbiter, p. 41
  • Letters to Colonel William Stanhope, now Lord Harrington. By Major Pack, p. 52
  • A Letter to a Young Lady, with a Soldier's Prayer. By Major Pack, p. 54
  • A Letter from Goodwood in Suſſex, the Seat of his Grace the Duke of Richmond: With The THIRD HOLE. A Ballad. To the Tune of Packington's Pound. By Mr. Hill, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, p. 58
  • Mrs. Long's Cabinet Unlock'd, p. 66
VOLUME II. PART II.
  • Letters of Biſhop Atterbury to Mr. Pope, &c. p. 1
  • Poetical Miſcellanies, &c. by the ſame, p. 41
  • Oratio Viri Reverendi Franciſci Atterbury, S.T.P. Habita Oxonii Die Admiſſionis [] ad Decanatum Aedis Chriſti, An. Dom. 1711. p. 46
  • A Letter from Judge Powys to Lord Parker, p. 54
  • ABSALON & ACHITOPHEL, Carmine Latino Heroico. F. Atterbury, p. 71
  • The laſt Will and Teſtament of Biſhop Atterbury, p. 112
  • The Remains of Peter Le Neve, Eſq p. 116
  • Caſtrations made by the late Editors, P.T. R.S. or A.P. of Mr. Pope's Letters to Henry Cromwell, Eſq p. 128
  • An Epiſtle from Mr. Alexander Pope to Henry Cromwell, Eſq with ſome Poetical Miſcellanies, p. 130
  • Several Pieces of Mr. Pope and Dean Swift, not printed in their joint Miſcellanies, p. 136
  • Letters from the Abbe C—n, to **** at St. Omers, p. 156
  • A Letter from Dr. Littleton at Cambridge, to his Friend at Eton, p. 158
VOLUME II. PART III.
  • The Negotiations of Matthew Prior, Eſq p. 1
  • A Letter from KING William III. to Lord Somers, p. 39
  • [] His Lordſhip's Anſwer, p. 41
  • Letters of Mr. Secretary Harley, p. 45
  • A Letter of Advice to a Young Lady. By Dr. ***** p. 62
  • A Key to Mr. Pope's Literary Correſpondence, p. 73
  • Deſcription of his Gardens, Statues, and Inſcriptions, p. 78
  • The Firſt Satire of the Second Book of Horace, imitated, p. 82

Appendix E ERRATA to VOL. II. PART II.

Page 25. Line 20. for forth, read fourth. p. 40. l. 1 for ſuffered, read ſoftened. p. 125. l. 3. for Teſtamentor, read Teſtament.

FINIS.
Notes
*
See his Eſſay on Deformity.
*
Evidenced by my Letter of the 22d of March laſt.
*
See the 2d. Volume of Mr. Pope's Letters, &c. Printed by Mr. Curll.
*
Bolingbroke (Attainted) Oxford (Impeached) &c. vid. your Epiſtles.
Your Bookſellers ab origine are indeed pretty numerous, viz. J. Tonſon, W. Lewis (who ſold your Eſſay on Criticiſm to B. Lintot,) L. Gilliver, B. Motte (a Printer) J. Brindley, O. Payne, T. Boreman, and C. Corbet (all Hereditary Bookbinders) to whom you ſold, by Agency, your Sober Advice from Horace, as will be prov'd, notwithſtanding you are reſolved ſtill to deny it.
*
It would have a better Air in him (Curll) to own the Printing as well as Publiſhing, of Mr. Pope's Letters, &c. But he the ſaid Curll was of a different Opinion.
See the Beginning and End of the Eſſay on Man.
*
See the Notes Variorum on the Dunciad. Page, 121.
*
Mr. Pope's Gardener at Twickenham.
*
Kneller, Richardſon, Jarvas, Rijsbrack, and my Sign Painter.
*
Mr Pope is the Son of a Trader, and ſo is Mr Curll—par nobile.
Theſe Letters were a free Gift; ſo that there was not any Occaſion to aſk the Conſent of either of thoſe Parties. Mr Curll purchaſed them as juſtly as Mr Lintot did the Copy of Mr Pope's Homer, &c.
This is a notorious Falſhood, for it will be proved that the Books ſold by R.S. to Mr Curll, were printed at Mr Pope's Expence.
*
This is another Falſhood, Mr Curll only gave a Copy of this Pamphlet to R.S. to ſhew P.T. that he had reprinted thoſe Letters which came out in 1728, and corrected the Errata therein.
Falſhood the Third. Mr Curll defies any Man living to produce any ſuch Advertiſement.
None can be more a Scoundrel than the Writer of this Narrative, as the many Falſhoods detected in it will prove.
Stupid Impertinence! what has Mr Curll to do with Dean Smedley's Book called Gulliveriana? or with the Conduct of any other Perſon? nor was Mr Curll any ways concern'd in printing Gulliveriana.
**
A greater Favour than Mr Pope deſerved at his Hands.
*
Doubtleſs that was Mr Curll's Intent, or he need not have acquainted Mr Pope with his Deſign of printing a new Edition.

Falſhood the Fourth. One hundred Guineas ſhall be paid to this Narrative-Writer if he can produce any ſuch Advertiſement of Mr Curll's. This is founded on a merry Story, and the Fact as follows, viz.

Mr Henry Hoare, eldeſt Son of Sir Richard Hoare, came to Mr Curll and told him, that Dr Robinſon, then Biſhop of London, heard he was concern'd in printing an Edition of the Earl of Rocheſter's Poems. Mr Curll told Mr Hoare, that he was, among other Bookſſellers and Printers, (viz. Mr Darby, in Bartholomew-Cloſe, Mr Betteſworth, in Pater-noſter-row, Mr Rivington, in St Paul's Church-yard, Mr Pemberton, in Fleet-ſtreet, &c.) concerned in an Edition of that Nobleman's Works. But likewiſe told Mr Hoare, that he would get a Book interleav'd for my Lord Biſhop, and whatever his Lordſhip ſaw amiſs, if he would be pleaſed to ſtrike out any Lines, or Poems therein, ſuch Leaves ſhould be re-printed, and render'd conformable to his Lordſhip's Opinion. Away goes Mr Hoare, overjoy'd with this Meſſage from Mr Curll, with a tender of his Duty to the Biſhop, and opens his Credentials; upon hearing which the Biſhop ſmil'd, and made the following Reply to Mr Hoare. Sir, I am told that Mr Curll is a ſhrewd Man, and ſhould I reviſe the Book you have brought me, he would publiſh it as approv'd by me. This no doubt Mr Curll might juſtly have done, for whatever is not condemn'd is approv'd; a Standing-Maxim This, in Civil, Canon, and Common Law.

It was univerſally allow'd to be a very pertinent one.
This is falſe: E.P. is a Nobleman, P.T. is a Scrub.
*
For Curll had ſaid in his Advertiſement, that he wrote to Mr P. By Direction, and another of his drawing up of Mr Pope's Life, began thus, By Direction. N.B. This was true, E. Curll.
Falſe. It is not Half; ſee the Initial Correſpondence hereto ſubjoined.
*
This is likewiſe a flagrant FALSHOOD.
{inverted †}
Mr Curll was reſolved not to put on that Air of Lying P.T. adviſed, but told the Lords ſtrict Truth; which occaſioned the Breach (not Quarrel) between them.
*
Which he has done, in the Initial Correſpondence, with ſeveral others.
Mr Curll knows of no Quarrel, but much Roguery.
Biſhop Atterbury's Letters, &c. are in Mr Curll's Hands, which he is ready to produce.
*
Falſe. The Advertiſement did not ſay there were any Peers Letters in the Book.
Falſe again. Mr Curll ſhewed the Letter at Large, not the Extract herein recited.
This is falſe, R.S. having before contracted with Mr Curll for 600 Books, and given him a Receipt for 300, but deliver'd only 240, and thoſe all imperfect.
*
Mr Pope is no more a Gentleman than Mr Curll, nor more eminent as a Poet, than he as a Bookſeller.
T. Cooper's Edition is the pirated one, and which all honeſt Bookſellers, and the Public, have agreed to diſcourage.
Mr Curll never pretended to have any more Letters of Mr Pope's, than he produced to the Lords in Committee.
Mr Pope well knows that theſe Letters now appear as he directed them to be printed; which will hereafter be made more fully appear.
*
The Author of ſome Anecdotes of the Life of Mr Tho. Hearne of Edmund Hall, Oxon.
*
See Jacob's Lives of the Poets, 8vo. pag. 145.
See his Letters to Henry Cromwell, Eſq
*
See the Appendix No. I. and II.
a
Of all mad Creatures, if the learn'd are right
It is the Slaver kills, and not the Bite.
Ep. to Dr Arb. L. 101.

In my Edition of The Works of the Learned, I find it is not the fawning Slaver, but the furious, that kills.

b
'Tis ten Times worſe if they repent.
Ibid. L. 104.
c
See Pope's Works, Vol. II. Quarto, pag. 13.
d
Three Hours after Marriage.
e
Epiſt. to Dr Arb. line 289.
f
i.e. The Craftſman.
*
Mrs Sally Salisbury.
g
Dunciad paſſim.
h
Happy to catch me juſt at Dinner Time.
Ep. to Dr Arb. L. 14.
i
Shut, ſhut the Door, good John—
Ibid. L. 1.
k
Lull'd by ſoft Zephyrs thro' the broken Pane.
Ibid. L. 42.
l
Eſſay on Man.
*
See, Sober Advice from Horace, to the young Gentlemen about Town. This Profane and Lewd Satire is the Production of Mr P. and was by ſold to four Bookſellers for ſixty Guineas, as can be proved. E.C.
m
Epiſt. to Dr Arb. line 300.
n
Ibid. line 299.
o
Epiſt. line 314.
p
Ibid. L. 299.
q
Ibid. line 100.
One Flatt'rer's worſe than all
Lin. 102. It is the Slaver kills.
r
Ibid. line 298. This Bugg with gilded Wings.
*
Remarks on the Eſſay on Criticiſm.
*
Of the Frenzy of Mr Den—A Narrative written by Mr Pope. See his Letter to Mr Addiſon, of July 30, 1713, in Vol. I.
Remarks upon CATO.
*
Theſe Books were intituled, Original Letters, Familiar, Moral, and Critical. In two Volumes 8vo. Printed by E. Curll for Mr Dennis; for whoſe Benefit only they were ſubſcribed at one Guinea a Set. Mr Dennis died 1733, and was buried at St. Martin's in the Fields, London.
If Mr Pope will not allow this to be called his Recantation, I know not what Submiſſion of any kind can be ſo termed.
*
Mrs Elizabeth Thomas, jun.
A Paſtoral hereafter mentioned.
*
The celebrated Mrs Catherine Philips.
She lived with her Mother in Dyott-Street.
*
A Tranſlation of the entertaining Hiſtory of the Count de GABALIS, by Mr. Ozell, is printed by E. Curll. Price 1 s. 6 d.
*
Mr Creech's Tranſlation of Theocritus is printed for E. Curll, Pr. 2s. 6d.

1. A Paſtoral Elegy, to the Memory of the honourable Cecilia Bew.

2. The Triple League, to Mrs Suſan Dove; written in Imitation of Mrs Behn.

*
Fables, Ancient and Modern, tranſlated into Verſe, from Homer, Ovid, Boccace and Chaucer: With Original Poems. N.B. Mr Dryden Died, 1700.
*
Son of Mr Dryden, he was unfortunately drowned in ſwimming at Windſor, 1704.
*
The Right Noble and Honourable WILLIAM Duke of Devonſhire, to whom Mr Hobbes was Tutor.
*
The Rt. Hon. Thomas Lord Wharton.
Mr John Tutchin, Author of that Paper, did, in King James's Reign, petition to be hanged.
*
The Duke of Marlborough.
*
Mr Joſ. Turner. It was printed in Fol. 1732.
*
Mr Alderman Vere, Member of Parliament for Norwich.
*
Now Earl of Harrington.
*
Here mention thoſe Sins to which you are moſt ſubject by Nature, or evil Cuſtom.
*
Mr Tho. Hill, Fellow of Trin. Coll. Camb.
*
At Goodwood, the Seat of his Grace the Duke of Richmond.
*
A Dutch Commentator would have ſpelt ſitting with an h.
*
The following Papers are publiſhed from the Cabinet of Mrs. Anne Long, of Draycot in Wiltſhire.
*
Theſe Verſes were written by the late Earl of Wharton, (in the Year 1703) round one of the Toaſting Glaſſes of the Kit-Cat-Club.
Fill the Glaſs; let Hautboys ſound,
Whilſt bright Longy's Health goes round:
With eternal Beauty bleſt,
Ever blooming, ſtill the beſt;
Drink your Glaſs, and Think the reſt.
It was this Lady, who occaſioned the Dean's Poem, intitled CADENUS and VANESSA.
*
Beau Litton.
*
Sir W. Trumbull, who was Embaſſad;r at the Ottoman Porte, &c. See VOL. 1.
*
The Grand Signor.
††
Sent by Dean Swift to Mr. Pope.
*
Salary.
Sorrel.
Time.
Parſley.
*
Copper.
*
His Name.
*
The Eſſay on Man.
*
George Duckett, Eſq one of the Commiſſioners of the Exciſe.
*
Memoirs & Reflexions, Sur les principaux Evenemens du Regne de Louis XIV.
*
This is the Work intitled, Reflexions critiques ſur la Poeſie & la Peinture, by Abbé du Bos. A new Edition of it, with Corrections and Additions, has been publiſhed by the Author, ſince the writing of this Letter.
*
The Author has changed the Order and Diſpoſition of his Work, in the laſt Edition of it.
*
The laſt Edition is in Three Volumes.
The very lively and piercing Eye.
*
By the Abbé de Chateneuf.
A celebrated French Actreſs.
*
Occaſioned by a Charity-Sermon preached there, by one Hendley of Iſtington. He died not long after.
*
At two Years ſtanding, 1682, Francis Atterbury, of Ch. Ch. tranſlated, from Engliſh into Latin, Abſalom and Achitophel. Athen. Oxon. p. 1064. Vol. II.
*
Virgil.
*
Ejus.
*
Vid. Juv. Sat. xi. v. 114.
*
Collaterari.
Ejus.
*
Inſpirato.
*
Nota ſatis fabula eſt, viz. Aut Deus, aut meus Eraſmus.
*
Juv. Sat. 1 v. 40.
*
Ejus.
*
Samuel.
*
Vid. Fabulam de Aſino & Fullone.
Ut Remus.
*
Martial.
Diogenes.
*
Partium.
*
Aurigae.
*
Petitioners.
*
Beliale.
*
The Papers which came with this Letter, were very defective, but I have obtain'd a perfect Copy of my very Worthy Friend John Weld, Eſq of Axe-Yard, Weſtminſter.
*
Lord.
*
Almighty-One.
*
Theſe Paſſages are likewiſe omitted. See Vol. I.
*
The Author's Age 19.
Commonly call'd Bean Brocas.
*
A Gameſter remarkable for his Virile Parts, which he uſ'd to be fond of Shewing.
Bays's two Friends in the Rehearſal.
His PASTORALS.
*
One of Mr. Prior's Does was of that Vocati [...]n.
*
Mr. Dryden married Lady Elizabeth Howard.
*
1707.
*
Thomas Rawlinſon, Eſq eldeſt Son of the Lord Mayor
*
Egbert Sanger ſerved his Apprenticeſhip with Jacob Tonſon, and ſucceeded Bernard Lintot in his Shop at the Middle-Temple Gate, Fleetſtreet.
Mr. Lintot printed Ozell's Tranſlation of Perault's Characters, and Sanger his Tranſlation of Boileau's Lutrin, recommended by Mr. Rowe, Anno 1709.
*
Mr. Pope took this Hint from Homer.
O Son of Tydeus, ceaſe! be wiſe and ſee
How vaſt the Diff'rence of the Gods and Thee,
Diſtance immenſe; between the Pow'rs that ſhine
Above, Eternal, Deathleſs, and Divine,
And mortal Man! a Wretch of humble Birth,
A ſhort-liv'd Reptile in the Duſt of Earth.
See Apollo's Speech to Diomede, Book 15.
*
See our former Volume.
They have been tranſlated both into French and Italian.
86
N.B. Here I ſtrongly ſmell another Plot, and Abbe C—n, certainly lives at Twickenham. By the Help of Fortunatus's Cap, Mr. POPE has made the Tour of St. Omers, in order, 1. to ſatyrize the Conduct of the preſent Miniſtry; 2. to whitewaſh himſelf; and, 3. to compliment his Friend Mr. Gay, to whom the Three foregoing Letters were written, as ſurely as thoſe in the former Volume: For the Works of his Friend, and the Cataſtrophe of his Play, evidently allude to the Beggars Opera.
*
Maſter of the Ceremonies.
*
Lord Somers and Haliſax.
*
i.e. The Earl of Jerſey.
Dr. Watſon, who was accuſed of Simony.
Relating to the Caſe of Pyracy.
§
Intitled, An Eſſay upon Grants and Reſumptions. Octavo.
*

In the Characters of the Engliſh and Scots Nobility, drawn up at the Requeſt of the Princeſs Sophia, by John Macky, Eſq which were publiſh'd by his Son, 1733, Octavo. In the Character of Lord Peterborough, p. 64, has this remarkable Paragraph, viz.

‘"His promiſing Sir John Fenwick his Life, if he would accuſe the Duke of Shrewsbury, and the Lord Orford, to have a Deſign to bring in King James; and his writing a Book by the Aſſiſtance of Dr. D'Avenent, and putting one Smith's Name to it, againſt that Duke, loſt him with all honeſt Men; the Houſe of Commons having voted the One a ſcurrilous Deſign to make a Difference between the King and his beſt Friends; and the Houſe of Peers having ordered the Second to be burnt by the Hands of the common Hangman."’

This Book was intitled, Memoirs of Secret Service. By Matthew Smith, of the Inner Temple, Eſq Octavo, 1699.

*
Mr. Prior is waggiſh here. Theſe Gentlemen called their Miſtreſſes their Does.
*
The Perſon who is to ſerve us.
*
Somers.
*
Under-Librarian.
*
Sir Edward Seymour.
*
Late Earl of Halifax.
*
Late Earl of Halifax.
Then as before.
*
The Earl of Jerſey.
*
France.
Portland.
§
Spain.
Count Tallard.
*
Her Imperial Majeſty.
*
BOOK II. Verſe 66.
*
See his Letter to Mr. Blount, Vol. I. Dated June 2, 1725.
*
It is hoped the Reader will compare this Parodie, with Mr. Pope's Imitation of this Satire. E. CURLL.
*
How ten low Words here creep in one dull Line!
*
See MESSIAH. An Imit. of Virgil. See Eſſ. on Crit.
See The TEMPLE. Sacred Poems. By Herbert.
*
See the RAPE of the Lock.
See Mr. Pope's Verſion of the firſt Pſalm.
*
The Prize-Fighter.
*
i.e. Pope's Dunciad.
i.e. Juſtice-Hall in the Old Bailey.
*
Budgell.
Mr. Pope was born 1688.
i.e. Sus per Coll.
*
For Mr. P—y; and writing ſeveral Craftſmen againſt the Court and Miniſtry.
Distributed by the University of Oxford under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License

Zitationsvorschlag für dieses Objekt
TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3659 Mr Pope s literary correspondence Volume the second With letters to and from Lord Somers Lord Harrington pt 2. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5F88-1