A True NARRATIVE of the Method by which Mr Pope's Letters have been publiſhed.
[]IT has been judged, that to clear an Af⯑fair which ſeemed at firſt ſight a little my⯑ſterious, and which, tho' it concerned only one Gentleman *, is of ſuch a Con⯑ſequence, as juſtly to alarm every Perſon in the Nation, would not only be ac⯑ceptable as a Curioſity, but uſeful as a Warning, and perhaps flagrant enough as an Example, to induce the LEGISLATURE to prevent for the future, an Enormity ſo prejudicial to every private Subject, and ſo deſtructive of Society itſelf.
This will be made ſo plain by the enſuing Papers, that it will ſcarce be needful to attend them with any Reflexi⯑ons, more than what every Reader may make.
In the Year 1727, Edmund Curll, Bookſeller, publiſh⯑ed a Collection of ſeveral private Letters of Mr Pope to Henry Cromwell, Eſq which he obtained in this Manner.
Mr Cromwell was acquainted with one Mrs Thomas, to whom he had the Indiſcretion to lend theſe Letters, and who falling into Misfortunes ſeven Years after, ſold them to Mr Curll, without the Conſent either of Mr Pope or Mr Cromwell †. [See the Letters in the Preface to Vol. I.]
This Treatment being extreamly diſagreeable to Mr Pope, he was adviſed to re-call any Letters which might happen to be preſerved by any of his Friends, particularly thoſe written to Perſons deceaſed, which would be moſt ſubject to ſuch an Accident. Many of theſe were returned him.
Some of his Friends adviſed him to print a Collection himſelf, to prevent a worſe; but this he would by no means [ii] agree to †. However, as ſome of the Letters ſerved to revive ſeveral paſt Scenes of Friendſhip, and others to clear the Truth of Facts in which he had been miſrepreſented by the common Scriblers, he was induced to preſerve a few of his own Letters, as well as of his Friends. Theſe, as I have been told, he inſerted in Two Books, ſome Originals, others Copies, with a few Notes and Extracts here and there added. In the ſame Books he cauſes to be copied ſome ſmall Pieces in Verſe and Proſe, either of his own, or his Correſpondents; which, tho' not finiſhed enough for the Public, were ſuch as the Partiality of any Friend would be ſorry to be deprived of.
To this Purpoſe, an Amanuenſis or two were employed by Mr Pope, when the Books were in the Country, and by the Earl of Oxford, when they were in Town.
It happened ſoon after, that the Poſthumous Works of Mr Wycherley were publiſhed, in ſuch a Manner, as could no way increaſe the Reputation of that Gentleman, who had been Mr Pope's firſt Correſpondent and Friend; and ſeveral of theſe Letters ſo fully ſhewed the State of that Caſe, that it was thought but a Juſtice to Mr Wycherley's Memory to print a few, to diſcredit that Impoſition. Theſe were accordingly tranſcribed for the Preſs from the Manuſcript Books above-mentioned.
They were no ſooner printed but Edmund Curll looked on theſe too as his Property; for a Copy is extant, which he corrected in order for another Impreſſion, interlin'd, and added marginal Notes to, in his own Hand*.
He then advertiſed a-new the Letters to Mr Cromwell, with Additions, and promis'd Encouragement to all Per⯑ſons who ſhould ſend him more‖.
This is a Practice frequent with Bookſellers, to ſwell an Author's Works, in which they have ſome Property, with any Traſh that can be got from any Hand; or where they have no ſuch Works, to procure ſome. Curll has in the ſame manner ſince advertiſed the Letters of [iii] Mr Prior, and Mr Addiſon. A Practice highly deſerving ſome Check from the Legiſlature; ſince every ſuch Adver⯑tiſement, is really a Watch-word to every Scoundrel ‖ in the Nation, and to every Domeſtic of a Family, to get a Penny, by producing any Scrap of a Man's Writing, (of what Nature ſoever) or by picking his Maſter's Pocket of Letters and Papers.
A moſt flagrant Inſtance of this kind was the Adver⯑tiſement of an intended Book, called Gulliveriana Secunda; where it was promis'd, ‘"that any Thing, which any Body ſhould ſend as Mr Pope's, or Dr Swift's, ſhould be printed and inſerted as Theirs."’
By theſe honeſt means, Mr Curll went on increaſing his Collection‡; and finding (as will be ſeen hereafter) a farther Proſpect of doing ſo, he retarded his Edition of Mr Cromwell's Letters, till the 22d of March, 1734-5, and then ſent Mr Pope the following Letter, the firſt he ever received from him**.
TO convince you of my readineſs to oblige you, the Incloſed is a Demonſtration. You have, as he ſays, diſobliged a Gentleman, the initial Letters of whoſe Name are P.T. I have ſome other Papers in the ſame Hand re⯑lating to your Family, which I will ſhow you if you de⯑ſire a Sight of them. Your Letters to Mr Cromwell are out of Print, and I intend to print them very beautifully in an Octavo Volume. I have more to ſay than is proper to write, and if you'll give me a Meeting, I will wait on you with Pleaſure, and cloſe all Differences betwixt you and your's
E. CURLL.
Roſe-ſtreet, 22 March, 1735.
P.S. I expect the Civility of an Anſwer or Meſſage.
[iv] The Incloſed were two Scraps of Paper, ſupposed to be P.T.'s (a feigned Hand) the firſt containing this Adver⯑tiſement.
‘LEtters of Alexander Pope, Eſq and ſeveral eminent Hands. From the Year 1705, to 1727. Contain⯑ing a Critical, Philological, and Hiſtorical Correſpon⯑dence, between him and Henry Cromwell, Eſq William Wycherley, Eſq William Walſh, Eſq William Congreve, Eſq Sir William Trumbull; Sir Richard Steele; E. O— Mr Addiſon; Mr Craggs; Mr Gay; Dean Swift, &c. with ſeveral Letters to Ladies; to the Number of Two hundred. N.B. The Originals will be ſhewn at E. Curll's when the Book is publiſh'd.’
The other Paper was a Scrap of ſome Letter in the ſame Hand, which expreſſed ‘"a Diſſatisfaction at Curll for not having printed his Advertiſement."’—What more cannot be ſeen, for the reſt is cut off cloſe to the Writing.
Mr Pope's Friends imagin'd that the whole Deſign of E. Curll was to get him but to look on the Edition of Cromwell's Letters, and ſo to print it as revis'd by Mr Pope *, in the ſame manner as he ſent an obſcene Book to a Reverend Biſhop, and then advertis'd it as corrected and revis'd by him†. Or if there was any ſuch Propoſal from [v] P.T. Curll would not fail to embrace it, perhaps pay for the Copy with the very Money he might draw from Mr P— to ſuppreſs it, and ſay P.T. had kept another Copy. He therefore anſwer'd the only way he thought it ſafe to correſpond with him, by a public Advertiſement in the Daily Poſt-Boy [Daily Journal, and Grub-ſtreet Journal].
E. Curll return'd an impertinent Anſwer‖ in the ſame Paper the next Day, denying that he endeavour'd to corre⯑ſpond with Mr P. and affirming that he wrote by Directi⯑on, but declaring that he would inſtantly print the ſaid Col⯑lection. In a few Days more he publiſh'd the Advertiſe⯑ment of the Book as above, with this Addition, ‘"E.C. as before in the like Caſe, will be faithful."’
He now talk'd of it every where, ſaid ‘"That P.T. was a LORD‡, or a PERSON of CONSEQUENCE, who printed the Book at a great Expence, and ſought no Profit, but Revenge on Mr Pope, who had offended him:"’ particularly, ‘"That ſome of the Letters would be ſuch as both Church and State would take Notice of; but that P.T. would by no means be known in it, that he never would once be ſeen by him, but treated in a very ſecret Manner."’ He told ſome Perſons that ſifted him in this Affair, ‘"That he had convers'd only with his Agent, a Clergyman of the Name of Smith, who came, as he ſaid, from Southwark."’ With this Perſon it was that Curll tranſacted the Affair, who before all the Letters of the Book were deliver'd to Curll, in⯑ſiſted on the Letters of P.T. being return'd him, to ſe⯑cure him from all poſſibility of a Diſcovery, as appears from a following Letter.
Mr Pope, on hearing of this Smith, and finding when the Book came out, that ſeveral of the Letters could only have come from the Manuſcript Book before-mentioned, publiſh'd this Advertiſement.
‘WHEREAS a Perſon who ſigns himſelf P.T. and another who writes himſelf R. Smith, and paſſes for a Clergyman, have tranſacted for ſome time paſt with [vi] Edm. Curll, and have in Combination printed the Private Letters of Mr Pope and his Correſpondents [ſome of which could only be procured from his own Library, or that of a Noble Lord, and which have given a Pretence to the pub⯑liſhing others as his which are not ſo, as well as interpo⯑lating thoſe which are;] This is to advertiſe, that if either of the ſaid Perſons will diſcover the whole of this Affair, he ſhall receive a Reward of Twenty Guineas; or if he can prove he hath acted by * Direction of any other, and of what Perſon, he ſhall receive double that Sum.’
Whether this Advertiſement, or the future Quarrel of Curll and Smith about Profits produced what followed, we cannot ſay, but in a few Days the enſuing Papers, being the whole† Correſpondence of P.T. and Edm. Curll, were ſent to the Publiſher, T. Cooper, which we ſhall here lay before the Reader.
There appear but two Letters from P.T. till one of April the 4th, which muſt be in 1735, as it relates plain⯑ly to Mr Pope's Advertiſement in anſwer to Curll's Letter to him of March 22d.
I.
I Saw an Advertiſement in the Daily Advertiſer, which I take to relate to me. I did not expect you of all Men would have betray'd me to 'Squire Pope; but you and he both ſhall ſoon be convinc'd it was no Forgery. For ſince you would not comply with my Propoſal to adver⯑tiſe, I have printed them at my own Expence, being ad⯑vis'd that I could ſafely do ſo. I wou'd ſtill give you the Preference, if you'll pay the Paper and Print, and allow me handſomely for the Copy. But I ſhall not truſt you to meet and converſe upon it [after the Suſpicion I have of your Dealings with Maſter P.] unleſs I ſee my Adver⯑tiſement of the Book printed firſt, within theſe four or five Days. If you are afraid of Mr P. and dare not ſet your Name to it, as I propos'd at firſt, I do not inſiſt thereupon, ſo I be but conceal'd. By this I ſhall de⯑termine, [vii] and if you will not, another will. It makes a Five Shilling Book. I am
II.
I Should not deal thus cautiouſly or in the Dark with you, but that 'tis plain from your own Advertiſement, that you have been treating with Mr Pope.
III.
I Still give you, Sir, the Preference. If you will give me 3 l. a Score for 650 [each Book containing 380 Pages 8vo.] and pay down 75 l. of the ſame, the whole Impreſſion ſhall be your's, and there are Letters enough remaining (if you require) to make another 30 Sheets 8vo. a Five Shillings Book. You need only anſwer thus in the Daily Poſt, or Advertiſer, in four Days—[E.C. will meet P.T. at the Roſe Tavern by the Play-Houſe at ſeven in the Evening, April 22d.] and one will come and ſhow you the Sheets.
Mr CURLL's Anſwers.
I Have not ever met with any thing more inconſiſtent than the ſeveral Propoſals of your Letters. The firſt bearing Date Oct. 11th, 1733, gives ſome Particulars of Mr Pope's Life, which I ſhall ſhortly make a public Uſe of, in his Life now going to the Preſs.
The ſecond of your Letters of Nov. 15th, 1733, in⯑forms me, That if I would publiſh an Advertiſement of a Collection of Mr Pope's Letters in your Cuſtody, the Originals ſhould be forthwith ſent me, and for which you would expect no more than what would pay for a Tran⯑ſcript of 'em.
In your third Letter of the fourth Inſtant, you ground⯑leſsly imagine I have attempted to betray you to Mr Pope; ſay, you have printed theſe Letters yourſelf, and now want to be handſomely allow'd for the Copy, viz. 3 l. a Score, which is 2 l. more than they coſt printing; appoint a Meeting at the Roſe on the 22d Inſtant, where I was to [viii] ſee the Sheets, dealing thus, as you truly call it, in the Dark.
April 21, You put off this Meeting, fearing a Surprize from Mr Pope. How ſhould he know of this Appoint⯑ment, unleſs you gave him Notice? I fear no ſuch Be⯑ſettings either of him or his Agents. That the paying of Seventy five Pounds would bring you to Town in a Fortnight, would I be ſo ſilly as to declare it. By your laſt Letter, of laſt Night, a Gentleman is to be at my Door at 8 this Evening, who has full Commiſſion from you.
You want ſeventy five Pounds for a Perſon you would ſerve; that Sum I can eaſily pay, if I think the Purchaſe would be of any Service to me. But in one Word, Sir, I am engaged all this Evening, and ſhall not give myſelf any further Trouble about ſuch jealous, groundleſs, and dark Negotiations. An HONOURABLE and OPEN DEALING is what I have been always uſed to, and if you will come into ſuch a Method, I will meet you any where, or ſhall be glad to ſee you at my own Houſe, other⯑wiſe apply to whom you pleaſe.
Your's, E.C.
For
P.T. or the Gentleman who comes from him at eight this Evening.
This appears to be the firſt time Curll had any perſonal Conference with R. Smith the Clergyman.
To the Reverend Mr *** (Smythe.)
I Am ready to diſcharge the Expence of Paper, Print, and Copy-Money, and make the Copy my own, if we agree. But if I am to be your Agent, then I inſiſt to be ſolely ſo, and will punctually pay every Week for what I ſell, to you.
Anſwer to P.T's of May 3.
YOU ſhall, as all I have ever had any Dealings with, have, find a JUST and HONOURABLE Treatment from me. But conſider, Sir, as the Public, by your Means [ix] entirely, have been led into an Initial Correſpondence be⯑twixt E.C. and P.T. and betwixt A.P. and E.C. the Secret is ſtill as recondite as that of the Free-Maſons. P.T. are not, I dare ſay, the true Initials of your Name; or if they were, Mr Pope has publickly declar'd, That he knows no ſuch Perſon as P.T. how then can any thing you have communicated to me, diſcover you, or expoſe you to his Reſentment?
I have had Letters from another Correſpondent, who ſubſcribes himſelf E.P. which I ſhall print as Vouchers, in Mr Pope's Life, as well as thoſe from P.T. which, as I take it, were all ſent me for that Purpoſe, or why were they ſent at all?
Your Friend was with me on Wedneſday laſt, but I had not your laſt till this Morning, Saturday, 3d May, I am, Sir,
P.S. What you ſay appears by my Advertiſement in relation to Mr Pope, I faithfully told your Friend the Cler⯑gyman. I wrote to Mr Pope, to acquaint him that I was going to print a new Edition of his Letters to Mr Crom⯑well, and offer'd him the Reviſal of the Sheets, hoping likewiſe, that it was now time to cloſe all Reſentments, which, on HONOURABLE TERMS, I was ready to do. I told him likewiſe I had a large Collection of others of his Letters, which, from your two Years Silence on that Head, I thought was neither unjuſt nor diſhonourable.
—I Cannot ſend the *Letters now, becauſe I have them not all by me, but either this Evening or To-mor⯑row, you ſhall not fail of them, for ſome of them are in a Scrutore of mine out of Town, and I have ſent a Meſſenger for them, who will return about three or four this afternoon. Be not uneaſy, I NEVER BREAK MY WORD, and as HONOURABLE and JUST Treatment ſhall be ſhewn by me, I ſhall expect the ſame Return.
[x]The Eſtimate and Letters you ſhall have together, but I deſire the Bearer may bring me fifty more Books. Pray come to Night if you can.
I am faithfully your's, E. CURLL.
For the Rev. Mr
Smythe, (half an Hour paſt Ten.)
* P.T.'s Letters to Curll.
Curll was now ſo elated with his Succeſs, the Books in his Hands, and, as he thought, the Men too, that he raiſed the Style of his Advertiſement, which he publiſh⯑ed on the 12th of May, in theſe Words in the Daily Poſt-Boy.
‘THIS Day are publiſhed, and moſt beautifully printed, price five Shillings, Mr Pope's Literary Correſpon⯑dence for thirty Years; from 1704, to 1734. Being a Collection of Letters, regularly digeſted, written by him to the Right Honourable the late Earl of Halifax, Earl of Burlington, Secretary Craggs, Sir William Trumbull, Honourable J.C. General ****, Honourable Robert Digby, Eſq Honourable Edward Blount, Eſq: Mr Addi⯑ſon, Mr Congreve, Mr Wycherley, Mr Walſh, Mr Steele, Mr Gay, Mr Jarvas, Dr Arbuthnot, Dean Berkeley, Dean Parnelle, &c. Alſo Letters from Mr Pope to Mrs Arabella Fermor, and many other Ladies. With the reſpective Anſwers of each Correſpondent. Printed for E. Curll, in Roſe-ſtreet, Covent-Garden, and ſold by all Bookſellers. N.B. The Original Manuſcripts (of which Affidavit is made) may be ſeen at Mr Curll's Houſe by all who deſire it.’
And immediately after he writes thus to Smith.
YOUR Letter written at two Afternoon on Saturday, I did not receive till paſt ten at Night. The Title will be done to Day, and according to your Promiſe, I fully depend on the Books and MSS. to-morrow. I hope you have ſeen the Poſt-Boy, and * approve the Man⯑ner of the Advertiſement. I ſhall think every Hour a long [xi] Period of Time 'till I have more Books, and ſee you, be⯑ing, Sir,
Sincerely your's, E. CURLL.
(For the Reverend Mr
Smythe,)
* By this it appears, it was of Curll's own drawing up, which he deny'd before the Lords. [This is Falſe. Mr Curll told the Lords he copied the Ad⯑vertiſement, and returned the Original. This R.S. knows to be True.]
But the Tables now begin to turn. It happened that the Bookſeller's Bill (for ſo it was properly called, tho' inti⯑tuled, An Act for the better Encouragement of Learning) came on this Day in the Houſe of Lords. Some of their Lordſhips having ſeen an Advertiſement of ſo ſtrange a Nature, thought it very unfitting ſuch a Bill ſhould paſs, without a Clauſe to prevent ſuch an enormous Licence for the future. And the Earl of I—y having read it to the Houſe, ob⯑ſerved further, that as it pretended to publiſh ſeveral Let⯑ters to Lords, with the reſpective Anſwers of each Corre⯑ſpondent, it was a Breach of Privilege, and contrary to a ſtanding Order of the Houſe. Whereupon it was order'd that the Gentleman-Uſher of the Black Rod do forthwith ſeize the Impreſſion of the ſaid Book, and that the ſaid E. Curll, with J. Wilford, for whom the Daily Poſt-Boy is printed, do attend the Houſe to-morrow. And it was al⯑ſo order'd that the Bill for the better Encouragement of Learning, be read a ſecond time on this Day Sevennight. By THIS INCIDENT THE BOOKSELLERS BILL WAS THROWN OUT *.
May 13, 1735.
The Order made Yeſterday upon Complaint of an Adver⯑tiſement in the Poſt-Boy, of the Publication of a Book in⯑tituled Mr Pope's Literary Correſpondence for thirty Years paſt, being read, Mr Wilford the Publiſher, and Mr E. Curll, were ſeverally called in and examined, and being withdrawn,
Order'd, That the Matter of the ſaid Complaint be refer'd to a Committee to meet to-morrow, and that E. Curll do attend the ſaid Committee. And that the Black Rod do attend with ſome of the ſaid Books.
May 14. P.T. writes to Curll, on the unexpected Incident of the Lords, to inſtruct him in his Anſwers to their Examination, and with the utmoſt Care to con⯑ceal himſelf, to this effect.
[xii] ‘THAT he congratulates him on his Victory over the Lords, the Pope, and the Devil; that the Lords could not touch a Hair of his Head, if he continued to behave boldly; that it would have a better Air{inverted †}in him to own the Printing as well as the Publiſhing, ſince he was no more puniſhable for one than for the other; that he ſhould anſwer nothing more to their Interrogatories, than that he receiv'd the Letters from different Hands; that ſome of them he bought, others were given him, and that ſome of the Ori⯑ginals he had, and the reſt he ſhould ſhortly have. P.T. tells him further, That he ſhall ſoon take off the Mask he complains of; that he is not a MAN OF QUALITY (as he imagined) but one converſant with ſuch, and was con⯑cern'd particularly with a noble Friend of Mr Pope's, in preparing for the Preſs the Letters of Mr Wycherley; that he cauſed a Number over and above to be printed, having from that time conceived the Thought of publiſhing a Volume of P's Letters, which he went on with, and order'd, as nearly as poſſible, to reſemble That Impreſſion. But this was only in ordine ad, to another more material Vo⯑lume, of his Correſpondence with Biſhop Atterbury, and the late Lord Oxford and Bolingbroke. And he confeſſes he made ſome Alterations in theſe Letters, with a View to thoſe, which Mr Curll ſhall certainly have, if he behaves as he directs, and every way conceals P.T.’
We have not this Original Letter, but we hope Mr Curll will print it*; if not, it can only be for this Reaſon, That it preceeded their Quarrel but one Day†, it proves the Letters of Biſhop Atterbury, Lord Bolingbroke, &c. cannot be in Curll's Hands, tho' he has pretended to ad⯑vertiſe them‖.
The next Day Curll anſwers him thus.
[xiii]For the Reverend Mr Smythe.
Thurſday 9 Manè, 15th May, 1735.
Dear Sir,
I Am juſt again going to the Lords to finiſh Pope. I de⯑ſire you to ſend me the Sheets to perfect the firſt fifty Books, and likewiſe the remaining three hundred Books, and pray be at the Standard Tavern this Evening, and I will pay you twenty Pounds more. My Defence is right, I only told the Lords, I did not know from whence the Books came, and that my Wife received them. This was ſtrict Truth, and prevented all further Enquiry. The Lords declar'd they had been made Pope's Tool. I put my⯑ſelf upon this ſingle Point, and inſiſted, as there was not any Peer's Letter in the Book, I had not been guilty of any Breach of Privilege.—Lord DELAWAR will be in the Chair by ten this Morning, and the Houſe will be up before three.—I depend that the Books and the Im⯑perfections will be ſent, and believe of P.T. what I hope he believes of me.
The Book was this Day produc'd, and it appearing that, contrary to the Advertiſement*, there were no Let⯑ters of Lords contained in it, and conſequently not falling under the Order of the Houſe, the Books were re-deliver'd.
At the ſame time Curll produc'd, and ſhew'd to ſeve⯑ral of the Lords the foregoing Letter of P.T. † which ſeems extraordinary, unleſs they had begun to quarrel a⯑bout Profits before that Day. But after it, it is evident from the next Letter, that they had an Information of his Willingneſs to betray them, and ſo get the whole Impreſ⯑ſion to himſelf‖.
To the Reverend Mr Smythe.
Roſe-Street, paſt three, Friday 16 May, 1735.
SIR,
1. I Am falſely accus'd, 2. I value not any Man's Change of Temper; I will never change MY VERACITY for Falſhood, in owning a Fact of which I am innocent. [xiv] 3. I did not own the Books came from a-croſs the Water, nor ever nam'd you, all I ſaid was, that the Books came by Water. 4. When the Books were ſeiz'd I ſent my Son to convey a Letter to you, and as you told me every body knew you in Southwark, I bid him make a ſtrict Enquiry, as I am ſure you wou'd have done in ſuch an Exigency. 5. Sir I HAVE ACTED JUSTLY in this Affair, and that is what I ſhall always think wiſely. 6. I will be kept no longer in the dark: P.T. is Will o' the Wiſp; all the Books I have had are imperfect; the firſt 50 had no Titles nor Prefaces, the laſt five Bundles ſeiz'd by the Lords contain'd but 38 in each Bundle, which amounts to 190, and 50, is in all but 240 Books. 7. As to the Loſs of a future Copy, I deſpiſe it, nor will I be concern'd with any more ſuch dark ſuſpicious Dealers. But now, Sir, I'll tell you what I will do; when I have the Books per⯑fected which I have already receiv'd, and the reſt of the Impreſſion, I will pay you for them. But what do you call this Uſage? Firſt take a Note for a Month, and then want it to be chang'd for one of Sir Richard Hoare's—My Note is as good, for any Sum I give it, as the BANK, and ſhall be as punctually paid. I always ſay, Gold is better than Paper, and 20 l. I will pay if the Books are perfect to-morrow Morning, and the reſt ſent, or to Night is the ſame thing to me. But if this dark Converſe goes on, I will inſtantly reprint the whole Book, and as a Supplement to it, all the Letters P.T. ever ſent me, of which I have exact Copies; together with all your Originals, and give them in upon Oath to my Lord-Chancellor. You talk of Truſt; P.T. has not repos'd any in me, for he has my Money and Notes for im⯑perfect Books. Let me ſee, Sir, either P.T. or your⯑ſelf, or you'll find the Scots Proverb verify'd:
Your abus'd humble Servant, E. CURLL.
P.S. Lord O—, and Lord Delaware, I attend this Day. I'll Sup with you to Night. Where Pope has one Lord, I have twenty *.
* This P.S. as Cooper printed it, contradicts itſelf. Mr Curll called at Lord Delawar's Houſe, and found him and Lord Cowper gone to Holland. And that Evening Mr Curll had the Honour to ſpend with Lord Haverſham. As to Lords, Mr Curll might have double his Number.
[xv] Mr Curll, juſt after, in the London Daily Poſt: or, Gene⯑ral Advertiſer, printed an Advertiſement, that he would publiſh all the Letters ſent him by E.P. P.T. and R.S.
To which in two Days his Correſpondents return'd the following Anſwer:
TO manifeſt to the World the Inſolence of E. Curll, we hereby declare that neither P.T. much leſs R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give any Title whatever in Mr Pope's Letters to the ſaid E. Curll, and he is hereby challeng'd to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatſoever.—We help'd the ſaid E. Curll to the Letters, and join'd with him, on condition he ſhould pay a certain Sum for the Books as he ſold them; accordingly the ſaid E. Curll received 250 Books which he ſold (Perfect and Imperfect) at five Shillings each, and for all which he never paid more than ten Guineas, and gave Notes for the reſt which prov'd not Negotionable. Beſides which, P.T. was perſuaded by R.S. at the In⯑ſtigation of E. Curll, to pay the Expence of the whole Impreſſion, viz. 75 l. no part whereof was re-paid by the ſaid Curll. Therefore every Bookſeller will be indemni⯑fy'd every way from any poſſible Proſecution or Mo⯑leſtation of the ſaid E. Curll, and whereas the ſaid E. Curll threatens to publiſh our Correſpondence, and as much as in him lies, to betray his Benefactors, we ſhall alſo publiſh his Letters to us, which will open a Scene of Baſeneſs and foul Dealing, that will ſufficiently ſhow to Mankind his Character and Conduct†.
† To this Mr Curll replied, in the Daily Poſt-Boy of May 27, viz. Gen⯑tlemen, The Scurility of your Advertiſement I deſpiſe; Falſhood under your own Hands I ſhall here prove upon you; and as to your Scandal in affirming that my Notes proved not Negotiable, I will take proper Meaſures. It is de⯑clared, that neither P.T. much leſs R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give, any Title whatever, in Mr Pope's Letters to Mr Curll, and he is challenged to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatſoever. P.T. in his firſt Letter to Mr Curll, writes thus; To ſhew you my Sincerity and deter⯑minate Reſolution, theſe Letters ſhall be ſent you, they will make a four or five Shilling Book, yet I expect no more than what will barely pay a Tranſcriber, that the Originals may be preſerved in your Hands to vouch the Truth of them. Your's, P.T. P.S. I would have you add to them what you formerly printed of thoſe to Mr Cromwell. In a Letter from R.S. to Mr Curll, he thus writes. Sir, my Couſin (P.T.) deſires you will get 600 of the Titles printed with all Expedition; and aſſures you, that no Man whatſoever ſhall vend a Book but yourſelf, for you ſhall have the whole Impreſſion to be ſure. I ſhall leave it to your Generoſity to conſider me for the Copy. I am, your Friend and Servant, R.S. On Monday the 12th Inſtant, Mr Curll, publiſhed theſe Letters, tho' he had but 50 Books, and thoſe wanting Titles and Prefaces: But the ſame Day at Noon R.S. ſent for Mr Curll to the Standard Tavern in Leiceſter-Fields, where Mr Curll paid him 30 l. (in Caſh 10 l. by a negotiable Note, payable in a Month, 15 l. and a conditional Note for 5 l.) for which R.S. gave a Receipt to Mr Curll in full for 300 Books, delivering then by two Porters, five Bundles of 38 Books in each, making 190, which he ſaid came by Water, and they were ſent to Mr Curll's Houſe, and his Wife received them in his Abſence. Mr Curll having had in all but 240 Books, tho' a Receipt given for 300, and the laſt 190 all delivered imperfect. I therefore deſire to know, if this does not open a Scene of Baſeneſs and foul Dealing, that ſufficiently ſhew to Mankind the Cha⯑racters and Conduct of P.T. and R.S.? I ſhall ſay no more till I publiſh the whole of their Tranſactions upon Oath. E. Curll.
[xvi]The Effects of this Quarrel has been the putting into our Hands all the Correſpondence above; which having given the Reader, to make what Reflections he pleaſes on, we have nothing to add but our hearty Wiſhes, (in which we doubt not every honeſt Man will concur) that the next Seſſions, when the BOOKSELLERS BILL ſhall again be brought in, the Legiſlature will be pleas'd not to extend the Privileges, without at the ſame time reſtraining the Licence, of Bookſellers. Since in a Caſe ſo notorious as the printing a Gentleman's PRIVATE LET⯑TERS, moſt Eminent*, both Printers and Bookſellers, conſpired to aſſiſt the Pyracy†, both in printing and vending the ſame.
P.S. We are inform'd, that notwithſtanding the Pre⯑tences of Edmund Curll ‖, the Original Letters of Mr Pope, with the Poſt-Marks upon them, remain ſtill in the Books from whence they were copy'd, and that ſo many Omiſſions and Interpolations have been made in this Publication, as to render it impoſſible for Mr P. to own them in the Condition they appear ‡.
[]LETTERS OF Biſhop ATTERBURY TO Mr. POPE.
[]Paris Nov. 23, 1732.
Dear SIR,
YOU will wonder to ſee me in Print; but how could I avoid it? The Dead and the Living, my Friends and my Foes, at home and abroad, call upon me to ſay ſomething; and the Reputa⯑tion of an Hiſtory, which I, and all the World value, muſt have ſuffered, had I continued ſilent. I have printed here, in hopes that ſomebody afterward may venture to reprint in England, notwithſtanding thoſe two frightening Words at the Cloſe of it.* [2] Whether that happens or not, it is fit you ſhould have a Sight of it, who I know will read it with ſome degree of Satisfaction, as it is mine, tho' it ſhould have (as it really has) nothing elſe to recommend it. Such as it is, Extremum hoc munus morientis habeto; For that may well be the Caſe, conſidering that within a few Months I am entring in⯑to my Seventieth Year; after which, even the Healthy and the Happy cannot much de⯑pend upon Life, and will not, if they are wiſe, much deſire it. Whenever I go, you will loſe a Friend, who loves and values you ex⯑tremely, if in my Circumſtances I can be ſaid to be loſt to any one, when dead, more than I am already whilſt living. I expected to have heard from you by Mr. Morice, and wondered a little that I did not; but he owns himſelf in a Fault, for not giving you due Notice of his Motions. It was not amiſs that you forbore writing to me on a Head, wherein I promis'd more than I was able to perform. Diſgraced Men fancy ſometimes, that they preſerve an Influence, where, when they endeavour to exert it, they ſoon ſee their Miſtake. I did ſo, my good Friend, and acknowledge it under my Hand. You ſounded the Coaſt and found out my Error, it ſeems, before I was aware of it; but enough on this Subject.
[3] What are you doing in England to the Ho⯑nour of Letters? and particularly what are you doing? Ipſe quid audes? Quae circum⯑volitas agilis Thyma? Do you purſue the moral Plan* you marked out, and ſeemed ſixteen Months ago ſo intent upon? Am I to ſee it perfected ere I die? And are you to enjoy the Reputation of it while you live? Or do you rather chuſe to leave the Marks of your Friendſhip, like the Legacies of a Will, to be read and enjoy'd only by thoſe who ſurvive you? Were I as near you as I have been, I ſhould hope to peep into the Manuſcript before it was finiſhed. But alas! there is and will ever probably be, a great deal of Land and Sea between us. How many Books have come out of late in your Parts, which you think I ſhould be glad to peruſe? Name them: the Catalogue, I believe, will not coſt you much Trouble. They muſt be good ones indeed to challenge any Part of my Time, now I have ſo little of it left. I, who ſquandred whole Days heretofore, now huſ⯑band Hours, when the Glaſs begins to run low, and care not to miſ-ſpend them on Trifles. At the End of the Lottery of Life, our laſt Minutes, like Tickets left in the [4] Wheel, riſe in their Valuation. They are not of ſo much worth, perhaps, in them⯑ſelves, as thoſe which preceded, but we are apt to prize them more, and with Reaſon. I do ſo, my dear Friend, and yet think the moſt precious Minutes of my Life are well employ'd, in reading what you write. But this is a Satisfaction I cannot much hope for, and therefore muſt betake myſelf to others, which are leſs entertaining. Adieu, Dear Sir, and forgive me engaging with one, whom you, I think, have reckoned among the Heroes of the Dunciad. It was neceſſary for me either to accept of his dirty Challenge, or to have ſuffer'd in the Eſteem of the World by declining it. My Reſpects to your Mother; I ſend a Paper for Dean Swift, if you have an Opportunity, and think it worth your while to convey it. My Country at this Di⯑ſtance ſeems to me a ſtrange Sight, I know not how it appears to you, who are in the midſt of the Scene, and yourſelf a Part of it; I wiſh you would tell me. You may write ſafely to Mr. Morice, by the honeſt Hand that conveys this, and will return into theſe Parts before Chriſtmas; ſketch out a rough Draught of it, that I may be able to judge, whether a Return to it be really eligible, or whether I ſhould not, like the Chymiſt in the Bottle, upon hearing Don Quevedo's Account [5] of Spain, deſire to be corked up again. After all, I do and muſt love my Country, with all its Faults and Blemiſhes; even that Part of the Conſtitution, which wounded me un⯑juſtly, and itſelf thro' my Side, ſhall ever be dear to me. My laſt Wiſh will be like that of Father Paul, Eſto perpetua; and when I die at a Diſtance from it, it will be in the ſame manner as Virgil deſcribes the expiring Peloponneſian,
Sternitur, & dulces moriens reminiſcitur Argos.
Do I ſtill live in the Memory of my Friends, as they certainly do in mine? I have read a good many of your Paper Squabbles about me, and am glad to ſee ſuch free Conceſ⯑ſions on that Head, tho' made with no View of doing me a Pleaſure, but merely of loading another.
Biſhop ATTERBURY's VINDICATION.
[6]I HAVE lately ſeen an Extract of ſome Paſſages in Mr. Oldmixon's Hiſtory of England. The firſt of them is ſaid to be taken from his Preface to that Hiſtory, page 9. and runs in theſe Words.
'I have, in more than one Place of this Hiſtory, mentioned the great Reaſon there is to ſuſpect, that the Hiſtory of the Rebellion, as it was publiſhed at Oxford, was not entirely the Work of the Lord Clarendon; who did indeed write an Hi⯑ſtory of thoſe Times, and, I doubt not, a very good one; wherein, as I have been (I believe) well inform'd, the Characters of the Kings, whoſe Reigns are written, were different from what they appear in the Oxford Hiſtory, and its Copy, Mr. Echard's. I ſpeak this by Hear-ſay, but [7] Hear-ſay from a Perſon ſuperior to all Su⯑ſpicion, and too illuſtrious to be named, with⯑out Leave.'
'I alſo humbly refer it to the Deciſion of another very honourable Perſon, whe⯑ther there is not, to his Knowledge, ſuch an Hiſtory, in Manuſcript, ſtill extant; and to a Reverend Doctor, now living, whether he did not ſee the Oxford Copy, by which the Book was printed, altered, and interpolated, while it was at the Preſs.'
'To which I muſt add, that there is now in Cuſtody of a Gentleman of Di⯑ſtinction, both for Merit and Quality, * a Hiſtory of the Rebellion, of the firſt Folio Edition, ſcored, in many Places, by Mr. Edmund Smith, of Chriſt-Church, Oxon, Author of that excellent Tragedy, Phaedra and Hippolytus; who himſelf al⯑ter'd the Manuſcript Hiſtory, and added what he has there marked, as he confeſ⯑ſed with ſome of his laſt Words, before his Death. Theſe Alterations, written with his own Hand, and to be ſeen by any one that knows it, may be publiſhed, on another Occaſion, with a farther Ac⯑count [8] of this Diſcovery. In the mean time, for the Satisfaction of the Public, I inſert a Letter, entire, which I received ſince the laſt Paragraph was written.'
To Mr. ********
'ACcidentally looking on ſome of the Sheets of your Hiſtory of England, during the Reigns of the Royal Houſe of Stuart, at the Bookſeller's, I find that you mention the Hiſtory of Lord Claren⯑don, wherein you juſtly queſtion the Ge⯑nuineneſs of that Book: In order to put the Matter out of doubt, I here ſend you the following Account.'
'Mr. Edmund Smith, a Man very well known to the learned World, came down to make me a Viſit at *** about June, 1710, where he continu'd till he died, about ſix Weeks after.'
'As our Converſation chiefly ran upon Learning and Hiſtory, you may eaſily think that Clarendon's was not forgotten: Upon mentioning that Book, he frankly told me, that there had been a fine Hi⯑ſtory [9] written by Lord Clarendon, but what was publiſhed under his Name was only Patchwork, and might as properly be call'd, the Hiſtory of AL-SMALL-and ATTERBURY: For, to his Knowledge, 'twas alter'd; nay, that he himſelf was employ'd by them to interpolate and alter the Ori⯑ginal.'
'He then asked me, whether I had the Book by me? If I had, he would con⯑vince me of the Truth of his Aſſertion, by the very printed Copy: I immediately brought him the Folio Edition; and the firſt Thing he turned to was the Cha⯑racter of Mr. Hampden, where is that Expreſſion: He had a Head to contrive, a Heart to conceive, and a Hand to execute any Villany. * He then declared, it was foiſted in by thoſe Reverends. Sir, I have only to add this, that he not only under⯑lined this Paſſage, as a Forgery, but gave, during the ſhort Time he lived with me, [10] the ſame Remark to ſome Hundreds more.'
* The Words are much ſofter in the Hiſtory, where, in⯑ſtead of a Heart to conceive, we find, a Tongue to perſuade; and inſtead of the Word Villany, that of Miſchief; as the Citation is, in another Part of this Extract, truly made. The unknown Writer of this Letter, while he is charging others with the Crime of falſifying Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory, ſhould have taken care to ſtand clear of it himſelf.
In a ſecond Paſſage, ſaid to be taken from page 227. of the Hiſtory itſelf, Mr. Old⯑mixon is repreſented as expreſſing himſelf thus.
'In the Character of this great and ex⯑cellent Man, Mr. Hampden, which we could wiſh had eſcaped his (Lord Cla⯑rendon's) Drawings, or the Drawings of thoſe clumſey Painters, into whoſe Hands his Work fell, there is ſomething ſo very falſe and baſe, that ſuch Coin could only come from a College Mint. (In a word, what was ſaid of CINNA might well be ap⯑ply'd to HAMPDEN; he had a Head to con⯑trive, and a Tongue to perſuade, and a Hand to execute any Miſchief. His Death, therefore, ſeemed to be a great Deliverance to the Nation.)'
'There are not Words to expreſs the Infamy of this Slander and Impoſture, nor the unparallel'd Wickedneſs of thoſe Doctors, who foiſted ſo horrid a Reflection into that Character. The Perſon who did it was [11] Mr. Edmund Smith, of Oxford, Author of Phaedra and Hippolytus, a Tragedy; who, at his Death, confeſſed to the Gen⯑tleman, in whoſe Houſe he died, that, among a great Number of Alterations and Additions, which he himſelf made, in the Hiſtory of the Rebellion, by Order of Doctor ALDRICH, Doctor ATTERBURY, and Doctor SMALLRIDGE, ſucceſſive Deans of Chriſt-Church, this very ſaying of CINNA, apply'd to Mr. Hampden, was one; and when he read it to one of thoſe Doctors, he clapped him on the Back, and cry'd, with an Aſſeveration, It will do. The Confeſ⯑ſion Mr. Smith made, and the Remorſe he expreſſed for being concerned in this Impoſture, were his laſt Words.'
A great Part of the firſt of theſe Paſſages, including the Letter, is tranſlated verbatim into French, and publiſhed in a Journal, entitled, Bibliotheque Raiſonnée des Ouvrages des Savans de l'Europe, pour les Mois de Ju⯑illet, Aouſt, Septembre 1730. Tome 5me, 1re Partie. A Amſterdam, chez les Weſteins & Smith 1730. Art. 5. Page 154, &c.
After which the Journaliſt adds the fol⯑lowing Reflection.
‘Cette decouverte fait peu d'honneur auxtrois Theologiens qui ſont nommez dans la Let⯑tre, & qui ont pourtant tenu un grand rang dans [12] l'Angleterre, & dans la Republique des Let⯑tres. Comme Mr. ATTERBURY, ci-devant Eveſque de Rocheſter, l'un des trois eſt encore vivant, il ne ſera pas apparemment inſenſible a une accuſation ſi grave; & le Public at⯑tend de lui les eclairciſſemens que l'intereſt ſeul de ſa reputation ſemble en exiger. S'il ſe tait, dans cette rencontre, il n'y a point de doute que la falſification eſt prouvée; & quand meſme il ne ce tairoit pas, il faut que les eclair⯑ciſſemens ſoient bien forts pour detruire ces faits.’
‘This Diſcovery does little Honour to the three Divines named in the Letter, &c. As Mr. ATTERBURY, heretofore Biſhop of Rocheſter, one of the Three, is ſtill living, he will not probably be inſenſible of ſo grievous an Ac⯑cuſation; and the Public expects from him ſuch Accounts of it, as even the Intereſt of his own Reputation ſeems to require. If he is ſilent on this Occaſion, there can be no doubt, but that the Falſification is proved; and ſhould he not be ſilent, what he ſhall ſay, to clear up this Matter, muſt be very ſtrong, to deſtroy the Credit of ſuch a Teſtimony.’
Being called upon in this public Man⯑ner, I myſelf obliged to declare, that the foregoing Account, in all its Parts, as far as I am any ways concerned, is entirely [13] falſe and groundleſs; for I never ſaw my Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory in Manuſcript, ei⯑ther before, or ſince the Edition of it; nor ever read a Line of it, but in Print. It was impoſſible, therefore, that I ſhould deal with Mr. Smith in the Manner repre⯑ſented, with whom (as far as I can recol⯑lect) I never exchanged one Word in all my Life; and whom I know not that I ever ſaw, till after the Edition of that Hi⯑ſtory. If therefore he expreſſed himſelf to this Purpoſe, in his laſt Moments (as I charitably hope he did not) he wronged me extremely, and died with a Lie in his Mouth.
This Vindication of the Truth and my⯑ſelf, is neceſſary, ſince I happen to ſurvive the two other worthy Perſons mentioned. Were they alive, they would, I doubt not, be equally able and ready to clear themſelves from ſo foul an Aſperſion. As to one of them, Dr. Smallridge, the late Biſhop of Briſtol, no Suſpicion of this kind can poſſibly reſt on his Memory, becauſe he was not any ways concerned in preparing that Hiſtory for the Preſs; but as much a Stranger to the Contents of it, as I myſelf was, till it came forth in Print. I ſpeak with the more Aſſurance on this Head, be⯑cauſe my great Intimacy with him, as my Contemporary, both at Weſtminſter and Chriſt-Church, gave me all the Advantages [14] requiſite towards knowing the Truth of what I ſay: With Dr. Aldrich, the third Perſon accuſed, I was acquainted more at a diſtance: However, being called upon in the Manner I am, I will add alſo what has come to my Knowledge, with regard to the Share He and Others had in the Publi⯑cation of that Hiſtory.
The Reviſing of the Manuſcript (writ⯑ten, as I have heard, not very correctly) was committed to the Care of Biſhop Sprat, and Dean Aldrich, by the late Earl of Ro⯑cheſter, who himſelf alſo aſſiſted in that Re⯑viſal, from the Beginning to the End of the Work: So that any Changes, made in it, muſt have had the Conſent of thoſe three Perſons. They were Men of Probity and Truth, and incapable of conſpiring in a De⯑ſign to impoſe on the Publick. I can cite nothing, that is material in this Point, from the Mouth of the Earl, with whom I rarely converſed; but the Biſhop and the Dean, to whom I ſeverally ſucceeded in the Deaneries of Chriſt-Church and Weſt⯑minſter, and in the See of Rocheſter, have occaſionally more than once aſſured me, that no Additions whatſoever were made to the Manuſcript Hiſtory: And even the Earl, in his Preface to the firſt Volume (for His I take it to be, tho' no Name is af⯑fixed to it) has publickly proteſted his In⯑nocence [15] in this reſpect, where he declares, that They who put forth the Hiſtory (he means himſelf and his Brother, as ap⯑pears from what follows) durſt not take upon them to make any Alterations in a Work of this Kind, ſolemnly left with them to be pub⯑liſhed, whenever it ſhould be publiſhed, as it was delivered to them.
Could he, and the two other Perſons by him employed, be ſuppoſed to have made any Additions, notwithſtanding ſuch Aſſu⯑rances to the contrary, yet their good Senſe (if not their Integrity) would have pre⯑vented, at leaſt, their re-touching thoſe Characters, which are allowed to be the moſt diſtinguiſhed and beautiful Part of the Work, and to have ſomething of Ori⯑ginal in them, that is not to be imitated. The After-ſtrokes of any leſs able Pencil, intermix'd with thoſe of the firſt Maſterly Hand, would ſoon be diſcovered: And yet I am perſuaded, the moſt diſcerning Eye can find out no Traces of ſuch a Mixture; no, not in the Character of Mr. Hampden, even in thoſe Words, at the Cloſe of it, againſt which Mr. Oldmixon ſo warmly de⯑claims: They are perfectly in the Style and Manner of my Lord Clarendon; they contain nothing new in them, but only ſum up, in ſhort, what he had ſcattered through different Parts of the two firſt Volumes. Let the Reflections there made be never ſo [16] ſevere, they may naturally be ſuppoſed, in the Warmth of Compoſure, to have come from the Pen of an Hiſtorian, who had himſelf with Zeal oppoſed Mr. Hampden's Meaſures, and both ſeen and felt the ſad Conſequences of them: But that the Edi⯑tors of his Hiſtory, no ways concerned in thoſe Tranſactions, ſhould, 60 Years after⯑wards, coolly and deliberately make ſuch a needleſs Inſertion, is not to be imagined.
The Complaint, on this and other Heads, ſhould have been brought againſt theſe Editors, while it was capable of be⯑ing thoroughly examined; at preſent, it comes a little too late, unleſs it were better ſupported: Their very Characters, to thoſe who knew them, and the Nature of the Evidence, to thoſe who did not, will be judged a ſufficient Confutation of it: For, pray, what is this Evidence? It conſiſts in an Hear-ſay from a Perſon, ſuperior to all Suſpicion, it ſeems, but too illuſtrious to be named: In an Appeal to another very honour⯑able Perſon, to a Reverend Doctor now liv⯑ing, and to a Gentleman of Diſtinction, both for Merit and Quality; none of whoſe Names are thought fit to be owned: The only one produced in the Caſe, is that of Mr. Smith, the Author of an excellent Tra⯑gedy; but certainly not an Author of Rank and Weight enough to blaſt the Credit of [17] ſuch an excellent Hiſtory: Of what Uſe can this Teſtimony be to his Purpoſe (even ſuppoſing the Account of it exact) when it is undoubtedly falſe, as to two of the three Perſons it is levelled at, Dr. Small⯑ridge and myſelf: and may therefore be juſtly preſumed alike falſe, as to the third, Dr. Aldrich? Mr. Smith appears to have been ſo little in the Secret of the Edition of that Book, as not to have known even the Hands thro' which it paſſed; and is not therefore to be rely'd upon in his Ac⯑counts of any other Circumſtances relating to it, eſpecially with regard to Dr. Aldrich, his Governor at Chriſt-Church; for whom his Perſonal Averſion, and the true Reaſons of it, are too well underſtood to need ex⯑plaining. I forbear ſaying any thing harſh of one, not able to anſwer for himſelf; but many, now alive, who knew them both, know how improbable, and altoge⯑ther incredible it is, that Mr. Smith ſhould have had the leaſt Share in Dr. Aldrich's Confidence, on ſo nice, or, indeed, on any Occaſion. The Gentleman, who ſeems to be convinced of the Truth of Mr. Smith's Aſſertions, by his having pointed out and underlined the Paſſages, in Print, which he ſaid he was employ'd (by the three ſucceſ⯑ſive Deans) to interpolate and alter, in Ma⯑nuſcript, muſt ſurely have been very wil⯑ling [18] to be convinced; otherwiſe, he would not have taken a mere Aſſertion for a Proof, in ſuch a Cauſe, and from ſuch a Perſon. The Story of this Death-bed Declaration ſlept for about twenty Years; near thirty have paſſed ſince the Hiſtory of the Re⯑bellion was publiſhed (I mean the firſt Part of it) and not a few, ſince the Death of every Perſon that either was, or is falſly ſaid to have been, concerned in that Publica⯑tion, myſelf only excepted. I might, pro⯑bably, at the Diſtance of Montpelier, where I was when Mr. Oldmixon wrote, never have heard of what he lays to my Charge (Intel⯑ligence of that kind being, as he knows, not very open to me) or, ſhould it reach me, I might yet, in my preſent Circumſtances, be ſuppoſed not over-ſollicitous to appear in the Diſproof of it. The Delay of the Accuſation therefore, if without Deſign, was not without its Advantages; and had it been deferred a little longer, till I was not only out of the Way, but out of the World, it had had a ſtill fairer Chance to⯑wards being uncontradicted, and conſe⯑quently credited. I have lived to hear this idle Tale, and to bear witneſs againſt it: There is no Vanity in hoping, that, old as I am, I ſhall outlive the Belief of it. An Holland Journal gave me the firſt Notice how I had been treated, and by that Means [19] an Opportunity of vindicating myſelf; which I was the rather determined not to decline, becauſe I ſuffer'd in Company with others, Men of great Note and Merit, thro' whoſe Sides the Authority of a noble and uſeful Part of our Engliſh Hiſtory was ſtruck at. Where I only am aſperſed and wrong'd, I can, I thank God, more eaſily practiſe Patience, and ſubmit to Indignities and Injuries in Silence. A foreign Wri⯑ter has uſed me, in this Caſe, with greater Civility, and Temper, than Mr. Oldmixon, whom I know not that I have ever offended. I forgive him his ill Words, and his hard Thoughts, and only deſire him for the fu⯑ture not to indulge himſelf in ill-natur'd Relations of this Kind, without better Vouchers. His Attack on me, and on the Dead, who he thought might be inſulted with equal Safety, is no Proof of a generous and worthy Mind; nor has he done any Honour to his own Hiſtory, by the fruit⯑leſs Pains he has taken to diſcredit that of my Lord Clarendon; which, like the Character of its Author, will gain Strength by Time; and will be in the Hands and Eſteem of all Men, when Mr. Oldmixon's unjuſt Cenſure of it will not be remembered, or not regarded.
To *****
[20]YOUR Endeavours, that I may for⯑get my Misfortunes, are truly Noble. It would be to deſerve them to fly from Reſolution. They ſhall not depreſs me, but I muſt help to bear what you tell me lies ſo heavy upon my Friends. I preſerve a Mean, which is the Excellence, Juſtice and Fitneſs of all things in the Moral Syſtem,
Virtue's a Mean, and Vice is an Exceſs,
In doing more than's fit, or doing leſs.
To Poetiſe, my Friend, is no Mark of a depreſſed Fancy or exceſſive Sorrow, but a ſort of a Comical Way of treating things ſerious, not after the ſubtle Faſhions of thoſe you ſpeak of, that would magnify Nature by depreſſing the Deity; who, ſet⯑ting forth their neceſſary Agreement, make unneceſſary Strife; with Reverence do I mention theſe things, and know,
How the great Love of Nature fills thy Mind,
And Univerſal Kindneſs to thy Kind.
[21] I am, while thus Juvenile, an Advocate for, and not a Railer againſt Extremes; theſe Symptoms ſtrongly bode a ſecond Youth, that vapours with a feeble and de⯑fective Flame; it is the innervated Arm of Priam, impotently raiſed againſt the thun⯑dering Rage of youthful Pyrrhus.
However this Epiſtle, my Dear Friend, ſhall not become more tawdry by its not being of a Piece, for I will conclude with anſwering your laſt ſerious Queſtion, with another Scrap of Poetry.
Whate'er the Soul of Nature has deſign'd,
And wrought on Matter, is the Effect of Mind;
The Form of Subſtance, is the Former's Art,
Hence Beauty and Deſign that ſtrike the Heart;
There's nought in ſimple Matter to delight,
'Tis the fair Workmanſhip that takes the Sight.
The beautiful Effect of Mind alone,
Is comely, and in all things comely ſhown.
Where Mind is not, there Horror needs muſt be,
For Matter formleſs, is Deformity.
EXTRACTS of ſeveral ORIGINAL LETTERS, written about the Year 1727, by Biſhop Atterbury, to an ingenious French Gentleman, for whom he had a great Eſteem.
[22]—THE Book* I now reſtore you, gave me Pleaſure when I read it. The Turn is Natural and Familiar, and there is an Air of Truth in all he ſays; but, I think, not the Hand of a Maſter. He tells his Tale, not like a Man who knows any thing of the Rules of Writing well, but as an eaſy Companion at a Table. I ſay of his Style, what he ſays of his Fi⯑gure, Ma figure, qui n' êtoit pas déplaiſante, quoique je ne fuſſe pas du premier Ordre des Gens bien faits.... i.e. My Figure, which did not diſpleaſe, tho' I could not be ranked among handſome People of the firſt Claſs. Tho' not of the firſt (or even ſecond) order [23] of good Writers, he is yet agreeable.... I cannot poſſibly digeſt his taking Notice, p. 145. of the Chevalier de Rohan's fine Legs. An Obſervation, that I ſhould have expe⯑cted rather from the Pen of a fine Lady, and which ſhews that the Marquis was in his Nature a little too intent on ſuch Trifles. He is ſenſible of it, and excuſes himſelf in the Words which follow; but that Excuſe ſerves only to ſhew the Strength of the Im⯑preſſion he was under in this reſpect, ſince he had Judgment enough to ſee the Fault, and commits it notwithſtanding ...... Though I ſee he is manifeſtly piqu'd againſt Lewis XIV. and his Miniſter Louvois, yet I am apt to believe him in all he ſays of both of them. His Reſentment ſeems to carry him no farther than to give him the Privilege of ſpeaking what he knew to be true; and, as the World goes, he that al⯑lows himſelf to cenſure the Great even thus far, muſt ſay a great deal of Ill of them... Of ſeveral French Poets he ſpeaks thus.
Rouſſeau appears to me ſtill a greater Poet, the more I conſider him. His Talents are unconfined, and enable him in every ſort of writing to which he turns himſelf equally to excel. But the old hard Words he makes uſe of puzzle me often (who care not to conſult a Dictionary) and chiefly in his Allegories.... Chaulieu, La Fare and [24] Chapelle, have many Graces of the eaſy and natural Style, but I do not think them ſo perfect in their way as Rouſſeau is in his; nor (to tell you the Truth) do I take ſuch Plea⯑ſure in reading them. The Letters particu⯑larly of Chaulieu, &c. are not Maſter-pieces in their kind, and many of his little Copies of Verſes have nothing extraordinary in them. The Copy which touched me moſt is the Ode on Fontenay.
Muſes qui dans ce lieu champetre, &c.
I cannot but obſerve, that under all Chaulieu's ſeeming Gaiety, there is an Air of Melancholy which breaks out by Fits, and ſhews he was not at Eaſe in his own Mind. He endeavours to conceal it, and acts the Brave; but his Readers, with a little Pe⯑netration, may ſee through the Diſguiſe. The Fears of Death haunt him perpetually, and appear even in thoſe Places, where he ſays, he is not afraid of it. I ſhould be glad to know how he died, whether with the ſame Courage he commends in Lady Mazarine. I ſhould gueſs not, by the Obſervations I have made of him.
After peruſing a Diſſertation of Mr. de Boze, the Biſhop makes the following Remark.
This Book, I find, was written two and thirty Years ago, and therefore it is no wonder [25] that it ſhould not be equal to the later Per⯑formances of the ſame Author. One may ſay of it as Tully ſpeaks of his Collection of Pa⯑radoxes; Non tale eſt hoc opus ut in arte poni poſſit, quaſi illa Minerva Phidiae; ſed tamen, ut ex eâdem officinâ exiſſe appareat. Though it be not of the ſame Value with his other Works, yet it is ſuch, as that one may per⯑ceive the ſame Workman's Hand and Skill in it. He choſe a little contracted Subject; and had not Room therefore to ſhew his Talents at full length in managing it. And yet, narrow and dry as his Subject is, he has, by making ſeveral little Digreſſions, and by taking Occaſion to ſay many things which were not neceſſary to his Point, rendered it, not only inſtructive but entertaining.
In tenui labor, at tenuis non gloria, ſi quem
Numina laeva ſinunt, auditque vocatus Apollo.
Whether his forth Gordean be a Reality or a Phantom; whether he owes his very being to this Gentleman, or is only reſcued from Oblivion, and brought again to Life by him, let the Antiquaries determine: I am ſo eaſy and indolent as not to think it of much Moment, which Way ſuch Facts are ſettled; nor ſhould I have thought what is written on this Point worth read⯑ing, if this Author had not writ it. In all [26] he writes, one ſees the ſame Candor and Impartiality; the ſame Learning, good Senſe and Exactneſs. If the Argument he handles be not of Importance, he makes it ſo by his manner of handling it. So that I could wiſh, inſtead of four Books, he had written forty: as old as I am, and as many other things as I have to do, I ſhould read all of them.... I have perus'd (ſays the Biſhop in another Letter) the Book about * Poetry and Painting, with Attention. It is written in a very good Goût, and has ex⯑cellent things in it. I have been pleaſed with no Book ſo much that has fallen in my way, ſince I came into France. How⯑ever, I could wiſh thoſe philoſophical Rea⯑ſonings had been omitted; they belong ra⯑ther to a Member of the Academy of Sci⯑ences, than to one of the Forty, and per⯑haps will neither convince nor pleaſe in ſuch a Performance. The Author ſeems to have gone too deep in that ſort of Refle⯑ctions, and ſometimes not to have gone deep enough in others, which relate more immediately and naturally to his Subject. Forgive this Freedom, but it [27] is my real ſenſe of the Matter. Beſides, there is, I think, a want of Method in the whole*; and the 19th Section, which is ſo long, is to me a little obſcure. The many learned Citations there, do not clear, but cloud the Author's Meaning, I am apt to imagine that in the muſical Part of it, he ſpeaks of what he does not himſelf tho⯑roughly underſtand; for if he does, he would probably have expreſſed himſelf ſo, that his Reader alſo would have underſtood it, which, (as to me at leaſt) is not the Caſe. In one thing I differ from him eſ⯑ſentially; my fixed Opinion is, that the Re⯑putation of all Books which are perfectly well writ, comes Originally from the Few, and not from the Many; and I think I could ſay a good deal in Defence of that Opinion...... I ſee him here, and every where, under the Image of
.... Urbani parcentis viribus, atque
Extenuantis eas conſultò.
He ſeldom ſpeaks out, where he is likely to offend, but contents himſelf oftentimes rather to infinuate, than affirm; and makes [28] uſe of other Mens Words to expreſs his own Senſe, where he is unwilling too openly to own it, or too ſtrongly to preſs it. Ab arte ſuâ non receſſit, as Tully ſays of Ariſ⯑toxenus. Even in his Judgment of the Belles Lettres he plays the Politician.... I could not but obſerve, how in the laſt Section but one, he has furniſhed Mr. de Voltaire with the Hint of his Poem on the Ligue... Upon the whole, I repeat my Thanks to you for the great Satisfaction which the reading of theſe * two Volumes has given me.... As to Mr. Arnauld's Piece, intitled, Reflexions ſur l'Eloquence, though what he ſays there be ſenſible and juſt; yet I do not ſee much of the great Man in it, and had no great Pleaſure in peruſing it.
The following Remarks are made upon Mr. Fontenelle's Manner of Writing, &c.
I return you, Sir, the two Eloges, which I have peruſed with Pleaſure. I borrow that Word from your Language, becauſe we have none in our own that exactly expreſſes it. By the Account I had of thoſe Pieces, I imagined them very different from what I find them. Mr. Fontenelle's Talents, as to the Knowledge of Nature, Mathematicks, and the Belles Lettres, are ſufficiently under⯑ſtood. [29] But I take notice particularly of the Art and Addreſs with which he con⯑ducts himſelf in nice Points, and the pru⯑dent and political Views by which his Pen is guided; a Quality, that does not often belong to Men who have ſpent ſo much of their time in ſtudying the Arts and Sciences. He has been miſinformed as to one little Particular, in the ſhort Draught he has given us of Sir Iſaac Newton's Figure. The † oeil fort vif, & fort perçant, which he gives him, did not belong to him, at leaſt not for twenty Years paſt, about which time I firſt came acquainted with him. In⯑deed, in the whole Air of his Face and make, there was nothing of that penetra⯑ting Sagacity which appears in his Compo⯑ſures. He had ſomething rather languid in his Look and Manner, which did not raiſe any great Expectation in thoſe who did not know him. I ſee Mr. Fontenelle ſpeaks wa⯑rily as to the MSS. relating to Antiquity, Hiſtory and Divinity, which Sir Iſaac left behind him: I wiſh, for the Honour of our Country, that they may be as excellent in their Kind as thoſe he publiſhed. But I fear the Caſe is otherwiſe, and that he will be found to have been a great Maſter only [30] in that one way to which he was by Na⯑ture inclined. It is enough for us poor limited Creatures, if we remarkably excel in any one Branch of Knowledge. We may have a Smattering of more; but it is beyond the Lot of our Nature, to attain any Perfection in them. Mr. Fontenelle's Praiſe of Sir Iſaac's Modeſty (and of Mo⯑deſty in general) is to me the moſt pleaſing Part of that Deſcription he has given us of him. It is that Modeſty which will teach us to ſpeak, and think of the Antients with Reverence, eſpecially if we happen not to be thoroughly acquainted with them. Sir Iſaac certainly was, and his great Veneration for them was one diſtinguiſhing Part of his Character, which I wonder (or rather, I do not wonder) that Mr. Fontenelle has omitted. His Opinion of them was, that they were Men of great Genius and ſuperior Minds, who had carried their Diſcoveries (particularly in Aſtronomy and other Parts of Mathematicks) much farther than now appears from what remains of their Wri⯑tings. One may apply to them, what was ſaid by an old learned Man, to one of leſs Knowledge and fewer Years, who inſulted him, I have forgot more Knowledge than ever you had. More of the Antients is loſt, than is preſerved, and perhaps our new Diſco⯑veries are not equal to thoſe old Loſſes.— [31] But this was not what I had in my Thoughts, when I ſat down to write: my Intention was only to expreſs the Satisfa⯑ction I had in the Peruſal of what I re⯑turn, of which I could ſay more, if the End of the Page did not admoniſh me to tell you how much I am &c.
The Book intitled, Diſſertation ſur la Mu⯑ſique des Anciens, * I ſend you back, is writ⯑ten in a very ſenſible and agreeable Manner, with a fine Turn of Thoughts and Words, as far as I am able to judge. I could wiſh only that the Writer had been a greater Maſter of his Subject, ſo as to have given us di⯑ſtincter and fuller Accounts of it, which would have left no Doubts upon the Minds of his Readers. I am ſatisfied that a Pen like his would have been able to expreſs the moſt nice and difficult Points of which he treats in a Way equally inſtructive and pleaſing, and have opened to us in Dialogue the Myſteries of Muſic, as eaſily and fami⯑liarly as Monſieur Fontenelle has done thoſe of Aſtronomy. The Picture of Leontium, with which the Reflections conclude, is ex⯑quiſitely drawn; not only con Studio, but con Amore, as the Italians ſpeak of the fa⯑vourite [32] Pieces of their beſt Maſters. One would think the Book was written on pur⯑poſe for the ſake of the Character at the End of it: as the moſt material Part of a Letter is ſometimes careleſly thrown into a Poſtſcript...... I dare ſay Madamoiſelle † Lenclos was of the Au⯑thor's Acquaintance. Hear-ſay could not have furniſhed him with ſo lively a De⯑ſcription of her. There is ſomething in the Picture, that ſhews, it was painted by the Life, and not copied from another.... One thing he ſays of her, P. 9. (pardon the Remark) ſeems in ſome degree appli⯑cable to himſelf. His Words are very good, and therefore I tranſcribe them.
Son gout en le conduiſant de fleur en fleur, comme les Abeilles, lui fait courir indifferemment tous les pays, & tous les ſiecles. Mais ces ſortes d'imaginations, ſi legeres & ſi brillantes, a dedaignent pour l'ordinaire le travail d'atten⯑tion. Un eſprit né pour les agremens, & qui n'a jamais ſacrifié qu'aux Graces, n'a garde de s'aſſujetir à la patience qui ſeroit neceſſaire pour comparer les beautés d'un tems avec celles d'une autre, pour étudier les rapports & les oppoſitions qui ſont entre elles, pour les tourner de tous les ſens, dont on peut les enviſager; [33] enſin, pour y rapporter la triſte & penible ex⯑actitude que demande une parallele. i.e.
His Taſte guiding him from Flower to Flow⯑er, like the Bees, makes him rove indiſcrimi⯑nately through all Countries and all Ages. But theſe kind of very ſprightly and ſhining Imaginations, generally diſdain a Labour that requires Attention. A Genius born for Charms, and which has never ſacrificed but to the Graces, can never ſubject itſelf to the Patience that would be neceſſary in order for comparing the Beauties of one Age; with thoſe of another; to ſtudy the Relations and Oppoſitions that are between them; to view them in all the Lights in which they can be conſidered; in ſine, to beſtow upon them the melancholy and painful Exactneſs, which is requiſite for the forming of a Parallel.
Let me ask you for my own Information, whether tourner de tous les ſens, be a proper Phraſe in that Caſe. To me it ſeems to ſpoil the Metaphor. He cites ſome Au⯑thorities, which I am at a Loſs to explain; particularly p. 58. that of Varro de Repub. Rom. L. 1. C. 1. Sure he does not mean the antient Varro, who wrote nothing that I know of, under that Title. He is beholden, I find, to the long Chapter of Abbé du Bois, where the antient Authorities, relating to his Subject, are collected; and he has [34] made a free Uſe of them. But my Inten⯑tion was, to tell you rather what pleaſed me in the Book, than what I diſliked.
From what I have read (in theſe Books) and other Pieces, ſince I came on this ſide of the Water, I have conceived a much greater Opinion of the Biſhop of Meaux, than I had while in England, and give him readily the Preference to all thoſe Writers of the Church of France which I am acquainted with. He is an univerſal Genius, and manages every thing he takes in Hand, like a Maſter. Good Senſe, and ſound Reflections attend all he ſays; which is expreſſed in the moſt agreeable and beautiful Manner, without any of the Pomp or Paint of falſe Oratory. He has particularly the Secret of knowing, not only what to ſay, but what not to ſay; the hardeſt Taſk even of the moſt exact and excellent Writers! ... But you know him, Sir, better than I; and I ſhould be to blame therefore in attempting any Part of his Character, did not Gratitude forbid me to return your Books, without giving you an Account of the Pleaſure I had in peruſing them. Even the Lady's Memoirs relating to our Engliſh Princeſs, gave me a good deal; particularly that Part of them, where the Story of her Death is told, in as natural and affecting a Manner, [35] I think, as is poſſible. It has ſuch a me⯑lancholy Air of Truth in it, as, at the ſame Time that it gives Conviction, moves Com⯑paſſion; and one can no more read it, than one could have been preſent at the ſad Scene of it, without Tears. I really pre⯑fer the Biſhop of Meaux's Funeral Oration, to thoſe of Flechier or Bourdaloüe; tho' I think he would have wrote ſtill better, had he imitated them leſs; for, by that means, he now and then heightens his Expreſſion a little too much, and becomes unnatural. I gave you one Inſtance of that when I ſaw you laſt.
The more I read of the Biſhop of Meaux, the more I value him, as a great and able Writer, and particularly for that Talent of taking as many Advantages of an Adver⯑ſary, and giving him as few as any Man, I believe, that ever entered the Liſts of Con⯑troverſy. There is a ſerious Warmth in all he ſays, and his manner of ſaying it, is noble and moving; and yet I queſtion, after all, whether he ſometimes is in good Earneſt. Pardon that Freedom, Sir, I have read him with Attention, and watch⯑ed him narrowly. I have read all the Biſhop of Meaux's Pieces that have been procured for me: and will wait for the reſt, till I can have them from your Hands. In the mean time, I will read [36] worſe Books, that I may reliſh his the more, when I return to them; tho', to ſpeak the Truth, I know no Writer in your Tongue, that has leſs need to have his Reader ſo prepared for him. Do you hear nothing from your Friend Voltaire? Is England as well pleaſed with him, as it was? And is he as well pleaſed with Eng⯑land? Or, does the Satisfaction on one ſide abate, in Proportion as it leſſens on the other? When will the ſecond Edition of his Henriade come out? Will it afford us a better Monument to the Memory of that Prince, and a nobler Likeneſs, than the Statue on Pont-neuf? It will, if it be as well finiſhed as it ſhould be. For
Non magis expreſſi vultus per ahenea ſigna,
Quàm per vatis opus mores animique virorum
Clarorum apparent.
But the Spirit of Pedantry is coming upon me, and it is time therefore that I tell you, I am &c.
I find the very laſt Works of that great Man, the Biſhop of Meaux are inferior to the reſt; but, nevertheleſs, I would be Maſter of all he certainly wrote. It is uſeful to obſerve even the Defects of Firſt-rate Writers, as well as their Excel⯑lencies. There is an ill-natured Pleaſure in [37] finding, that, as far exalted above us as they are, they ſometimes ſink down to our Level. The Biſhop of Meaux ſtudied Critical Knowledge late, with reſpect to the Inter⯑pretation of Scripture; and was never therefore ſo true a Maſter of it, as he was of the Way of interpreting it by the Stream of Tradition. But the older he grew, the more admired he was; and that led him to think himſelf equal to every Man, in eve⯑ry thing; and particularly to write Books in Latin, and Comments on Scripture, in both which ways I find him unequal to himſelf; and I dare ſay, that is the Opi⯑nion of candid and judicious Perſons in your Communion.
Our Friend, Father Courayer, has been purſued with Mandements, Cenſures and Arrêts; nor have they, I fear, yet done with him. I am concerned for the Fate of ſo valuable a Man, and ſo excellent a Writer, whoſe Views, I am perſua⯑ded, were innocent and good, however in the Manner of executing them, he comes to have given ſo much Offence. The twenty Biſhops that have cenſured him, ſeem to decline that Part of the Diſ⯑pute which relates to the Validity of our Engliſh Ordinations. However, they have not ſpared the Church of England, on other Accounts, but have repreſented her [38] in a more diſadvantageous Light than ſhe deſerves; purely, I ſuppoſe, for want of knowing her. They cite the Biſhop of Meaux, and cite thoſe Works of his, which were written expreſly againſt us; which ſurely is a very odd Way of repreſenting our Sentiments; juſt as if I ſhould quote Monſieur Claude's Words, from any Pieces of his written againſt the Church of France, to prove what ſhe held in any Doctrine of Importance. I ſhould think it became me rather to produce the Writers of that Church, and the Acts and Monuments of it, for my Vouchers. The twenty Biſhops have taken this Method, once or twice; and if they had taken it always, they would have been leſs liable to Miſtakes in their Re⯑preſentations of us. What the Biſhop of Meaux ſays, with regard to our Polity and Affairs, is not always to be rely'd on; for he was not a Maſter of that Subject. He was a very great Man; nor would he have leſſened his Character, not to have aimed ſometimes at ſeeming to know, what he really did not, in Matters that lay a little out of his Compaſs. Excuſe the Freedom I take with the Cenſurers, and the Autho⯑rity on which they build, in relation to our Matters; becauſe I have good Reaſon to think, that they have paid a Deference to it, at the Expence of Truth. My Know⯑ledge [39] is very limited; and yet it would be no Preſumption in me to ſay, that I know better than the Biſhop of Meaux did, what is the Conſtitution, and what are the Prin⯑ciples and Tenets of the Church of Eng⯑land. But enough of theſe Reflections, into which the Mention of Father Courayer has led me.
TO His Excellency the Right Honourable THOMAS Lord PARKER, Lord High Chancellor of GREAT-BRITAIN, one of his Majeſty's Lords Juſtices. LONDON.
[54]Henley, near Ludlow, Aug. 4. 1719.
MY LORD,
I Taking London in my Way between Lewes and Kingſton, came to your Lordſhip's Houſe the Morning before I went to Kingſton, but your Lordſhip was then ſitting. I did then intend to have in⯑formed your Lordſhip of what occurred in the Circuit thitherto, relating to the Pub⯑lick, eſpecially in Kent: and after I came from Kingſton, I found your Lordſhip was gone out of Town; and before your Re⯑turn I ſet out for my Country-concerns here in Shropſhire, 'till near next Term; ſo that what Account I give your Lordſhip muſt be by Letter.
Tho' your Lordſhip has heard how the Verdict went in the Tryal at Ro⯑cheſter, * [55] yet perhaps it may not be unaccept⯑able to your Lordſhip, to have ſome Abſtract of the Matter ariſing in it. I began at ſix in the Morning, by my Appointment, and held till twelve. The Court was very full of Clergymen, and a great Auditory; and I gave both Sides Liberty to expatiate as they pleaſed, eſpecially the Defendants, that they might not ſay but that they had a full and fair Tryal. Moſt of the Witneſ⯑ſes for the Proſecution were unwilling, and did prove the Facts but meanly; but af⯑terwards the Witneſſes for the Defendants did, upon queſtioning, prove all the Facts very fully upon all the Defendants, viz. Hendley the Preacher, the School-maſter and the two Collectors, being all who were ſerved with Proceſs. Serjeant Comins, Sir Conſt. Phipps and Mr. Blunden, Defendants, after an Harangue upon the Vertue of Cha⯑rity, and how eſſential to Chriſtianity (tho' I thought the Texts they cited proved ano⯑ther ſort of Charity, viz. Good-Nature and Good-Neighbourhood, but I thought it not proper then to take Notice of the Diſtinction) they inſiſted chiefly,
1. That it would diſcourage all Chari⯑ty, and Charity-Schools, which would thus be in Danger of Subverſion.
[56] 2. That every Parſon might order Col⯑lections, in his own Pariſh, for what Cha⯑rities he pleaſe, eſpecially if approved of by the Biſhop.
3. That the Rubrick in the Communion Service, a Common-Prayer Book being pro⯑duced in Court, does imply that the Par⯑ſon and the Biſhop are intruſted in Col⯑lections of Charity in the Church; for it ſays, that if the Parſon and Church-war⯑dens diſagree in the Diſtribution, the Biſhop ſhall determine.
4. That the Parſon of the Pariſh, and alſo the Biſhop of Rocheſter, did give Hendley Leave to preach this Sermon, for this Purpoſe.
5. That tho' the Sermon was done, yet the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church at the Communion Table was not quite finiſh⯑ed, as were not alſo the Sentences for ex⯑citing Charity, when Mr. Farrington, the Juſtice of Peace, interrupted the Colle⯑ction.
6. That the two preſent Archbiſhops have preached Charity-Sermons, in London, for the Children of other Pariſhes there.
7. That there is no Precedent of ſuch an Indictment ever before.
Too much Time was ſpent on both Sides, relating to what Power the Biſhops had antiently in the Diſtribution even of [57] Tythes and Profits relating to the Church, and their Rights to licence Preaching, and to direct what is to be done in Churches, and that Laymen are not to intermeddle there.
Serjeant Darnel, Mr. Baines and Mr. Marſh were pro Rege. The Subſtance of what they all ſaid is herein mentioned, in⯑termixed with my own Thoughts in my ſumming up to the Jury.
I firſt ſaid, that there were three Things much inſiſted on by the Defendants Coun⯑ſel, and anſwered by the Counſel on the other Side, which I thought ought to be pared off and put out of the Caſe, viz.
1. All Jealouſy of diſcouraging all Cha⯑rity and Charity-Schools; for that they re⯑mained juſt as they were before, as long as they kept within the Bounds of their pro⯑per Pariſhes. But tho' this Caſe was quite of a different Nature, relating to arbitrary Collections, and that in other Pariſhes, and the coming of fifty Boys and Girls toge⯑ther begging for that Purpoſe; and if this was practiſed, it might do more Harm to Charity-Schools, by making them odious to their Pariſhes, whoſe Poor would be in⯑jured, by leſſening the Charity to them.
2. It ought to be put out of the Caſe, whether Mr. Hendley was authorized to preach there, or not; for that I thought [58] it the ſame Caſe if the Parſon of the Pa⯑riſh himſelf had then preached, [It was at my Tongue's End, if the Biſhop himſelf had preached, as indeed it was the ſame; but I thought it better not to heat the Queſtion by a Suppoſal of the Biſhop's preaching] for that the Preaching was not the Point, being uſed only to excite giving; but the true Point was, whether the Collection was without lawful Authority; and therefore the Collecting of it in the Church is not a Jot better, in Point of Law, than if the fifty Boys and Girls had ſtood at the Mar⯑ket-place, and the Collectors had there re⯑ceived the Charity of whom they could aſſemble about them.
3. Another Matter I thought proper to be pared off (tho' ſo much debated on both Sides) whether it was a Crime (I ſuppoſe the Crime ſuggeſted in the Biſhop of Ro⯑cheſter's Court) to interrupt the Collection before the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church, and the Sentences for Charity, were fully read, ſince they thought, that if ſuch Collecting is an unlawful Act, the proper Time to ſtop it is juſt when it be⯑gins, or ſoon after, as here was done by Mr. Farrington; for otherwiſe Common-Prayer, or a Sermon might be uſed to ju⯑ſtify and give a Sanction to any unlawful Act, and this Stop might as well have [59] been in the Middle of the Common-Prayer, or of the Sermon, in caſe the unlawful Collection had then begun: ſo that the true Point is, whether the Collection was unlawful; and upon that all the Caſe de⯑pends.
As for the Aſſertion, that every Parſon of a Pariſh may order Collections, in his Pariſh for Charities, when and for what he pleaſes; I declared my Opinion, that he could not; it not being any Part of his Function, like reading Prayers, Preaching, Chriſtening, Burying, &c. [...]nd I knew not how he was made Judge of the Times and Objects of all Charities within his Pariſh, tho' he might preach as much as he pleaſed upon the general Duty of Charity.
As to the Rubrick in the Communion Service, I ſaid, I thought that was to be taken ſecundum ſubjectam materiam, viz. the ordinary Collection at the Communion, which is ever then uſed to be made for the Poor of that Pariſh, but ſhould not extend to every Collection the Parſon ſhould ap⯑point for any foreign Charity, and that I did not till now hear that the Clergy did claim ſuch a Power. And farther I ſaid, that I thought thoſe Words of the Rubrick did not imply ſuch a Power in the Parſon; for the Words being [the Money given at the Offering ſhall be diſpoſed of to ſuch [60] pious and charitable Uſes as the Parſon and the Church-wardens ſhall think fit, where⯑in if they diſagree, it ſhall be diſpoſed of as the Ordinary ſhall appoint.] Such a Power of appointing a Collection at Plea⯑ſure is as much implied in the Church-wardens as in the Parſon, for they have as much Liberty to diſagree from the Par⯑ſon in the Diſtribution, as the Parſon has to diſagree from them; and ſo the Church-wardens might alſo appoint Collections for what Charities they pleaſed: but that I thought that the Parſon and Church-wardens, either jointly or ſeverally, could not appoint any Collection for Charity otherwiſe than in common Form for the Poor of their own Pariſh, and that thoſe are the charitable Uſes intended by the Ru⯑brick, and particularly at the Communion, to the Service of which thoſe Words of the Rubrick are ſubjoined. [I hope your Lordſhip, on reading that Part of the Ru⯑brick at the End of the Communion Ser⯑vice will be of my Opinion, which I then ſuddenly declared, as to the Implication, and do not ſince alter, unleſs otherwiſe convinced.]
As to what was mentioned of the two preſent Archbiſhops, it was for the Poor of the ſame Town, tho' of a different Pa⯑riſh: and all the Circumſtances of thoſe [61] Caſes do not now appear, nor were they litigated, as this Caſe is.
As to the Objection, that there is no Precedent of ſuch an Indictment ever before.
Sol.—There never was ſuch an At⯑tempt before, that fifty Boys and Girls ſhould go into another Pariſh, in another County, and make a kind of Migration in ſuch a Body, really begging, tho' with great Formality. And tho' much might be ſaid (as the Counſel for the King in⯑ſiſted) to bring them within the Statute of Vagrants, eſpecially ſeeing the Stat. of 39. Eliz. C. 4. Paragr. 2. ſays, That all Perſons calling themſelves Scholars, going about begging, ſhall be accounted Va⯑grants: yet I judged it not proper to put the Caſe upon that Point, when I thought it ſo clear otherways, and fit ſo to be men⯑tioned.
I alſo told the Jury, that this Caſe did conſiſt of two Parts: the firſt but parti⯑cular, and the other very general.
As to the particular, it is relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, which is not of a Spiritual Nature, but a mere Lay-Con⯑cern, and relating to the Civil Govern⯑ment; and the ſeveral Acts of Parliament do plainly eſteem it as ſuch, by ordering the Rates and Collections for the Poor, and [62] putting the whole Managment into the Lay Hands of the Juſtices of the Peace, and the Over-ſeers of the Poor, who are to be nominated by the Juſtices of the Peace, and accountable to them, and by their Directions to ſet the Poor at Work, if they thought proper; and therefore a Juſtice of Peace, being then in the Church, might well take it to be a Matter within his Juriſdiction, and that he might ſtop ſuch a new and extraordinary Proceeding, newly begun among the Clergy, relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, and a Col⯑lection made by Strangers, without the Conſent or Aſſiſtance of the Church-war⯑dens or Over-ſeers of the Poor of that Pariſh.
But this Caſe, if under a general Con⯑ſideration, is of a vaſt Extent, and mighty Conſequence to the King and the People, and at which the very Legiſlature may take great Umbrage. The levying of Mo⯑ney is the tendereſt Part of our Conſtitu⯑tion, and if it may be done arbitrarily, under the Shew and Form of Charity, (which may comprize all good Works and all good Intentions) it cannot be ſaid whi⯑ther it may go, any more than it can be ſaid whither theſe fifty Boys and Girls may go: for as, by the ſame Reaſon, they may go into all the Pariſhes in England, [63] ſo Collections, as for Charities, may be ſet up in all the Churches in England by the Clergy, as often as they pleaſe: and tho' it be ſaid, it is all but Voluntary giving, yet it is a ſort of Compulſion, by the Solemni⯑ty in the Church, and vying with others, and being marked out, if refuſing, or giving meanly.
In the Time of Charles I. the Parlia⯑ment took great Offence at ſome Attempts for free Gifts to the Crown; and we hear that Cardinal Alberoni is now ſetting up the like all over Spain.
But beſides, here in England no Collection, even for Charity (unleſs for the Poor of the ſame Pariſh) is, by Law, to be made, but by the Leave and Permiſſion of the King, gathering of Money being ſo nice a Mat⯑ter, that it muſt not be done, even for Cha⯑rity, without his Leave, in the moſt com⯑paſſionate Caſes; and thence the antient Method of Briefs, under the Great Seal, has been uſed, even upon extreme great Loſſes by Fire. And the Stat. of 4 and 5 of Anne, have put the whole Manage⯑ment of Briefs under the Regulation of the Court of Chancery, and impower the lay⯑ing great Fines upon the Offenders. But this Method were giving a Go-by to all Royal Licences, and putting it in the Pow⯑er of the Clergy to do all Acts of Charity of [64] themſelves at the Expence of the People, and to be ſole Judges of the Occaſions, and to make what Application and Ac⯑count they pleaſe.
I told the Jury, that I was very clear of Opinion, in Point of Law, this was a Caſe of dangerous Conſequence, and was an Invaſion not only on the King's Pre⯑rogative, but alſo upon the Legiſlature, and that I thought the Defendants Guilty.
The Jury ſtayed out but a little while and brought them in all Guilty. I then told the Defendants Counſel, that if they did not like my Opinion, in Point of Law, they might bring their Writ of Er⯑ror; and the Indictment being ſo ſpecial, it did equal a ſpecial Verdict, and they might have the Opinion of a ſpecial Court, if they pleaſed.
I then ſet a Fine of a Noble upon each Defendant, I ſaying, it was ſo ſmall only becauſe it was made a Queſtion; but now that a Verdict had ſettled it, there would be very heavy Fines upon thoſe who ſhould preſume to offend in like Manner hereafter. Yet I heard that ſome Gentlemen in the Town had thereupon ſaid, that I had been too favourable to them by ſo ſmall Fines: but it was far from my Intention of any Favour to them, but of Service to the King; whereas, if great, it might have been ſaid, [65] that, while they were proſecuted for levy⯑ing Money on the People, the Proſecution was only to levy Money upon them, when it was really to ſettle the Point: and great Fines might have raiſed Compaſſion, and perhaps a Collection for them. It would be great Satisfaction to me if your Lord⯑ſhip be of the ſame Opinion with me, as to the Smallneſs of the Fines; I am ſure I intended it for the beſt.
I gave Mr. Woodford a News-Paper, wherein was an Advertiſement, which I thought very fit to be ſhewed to Superiors: that the Biſhop of London had iſſued a Cir⯑cular Letter, to all his Clergy, to collect Charities in their Pariſhes for the poor Vi⯑carages in England, which I thought much of a Kin to the late Collection in Kent, or rather more dangerous, not only by raiſing a vaſt Sum of Money (if the like in all Dioceſes) but alſo by marking out People how far affected to the Church throughout England, and caſting ſome Reflection upon Queen Anne's Bounty, and upon a benefi⯑cial Explanation after by his preſent Ma⯑jeſty, yet as if to be ſupported by begging: and this done in a Time of Taxes, which muſt appear the more heavy after ſuch Collections; and the Clergy would thus gain a Power of raiſing Money as they pleaſe, and applying it as they pleaſe. How [66] this Project goes on I know not; but ſure it ought to be ſtopped: and for that Pur⯑poſe, a Thing very appoſite was mentioned in the Debate of the late Tryal in Kent, That commonly about Chriſtmas, when it is hard with the Poor for want of Work, in great Froſt and Snow, then the Biſhop of London does ſend a Circular Letter, to the Pariſhes within the Bills of Mortality, to make Collections for the Poor, to be put into the Hands of the Lord Mayor. But it was alſo alledged in the ſame Tryal, that, pre-cedent to ſuch Circular Letter, of that Biſhop, the King ſends a Letter, un⯑der his Sign Manual, to that Biſhop, au⯑thorizing and requiring him ſo to do. This deſerves to be inquired into, and, if true, it is a Caſe in Point againſt this new Letter of the Biſhop of London, if without the King's Licence.
A Man of Rocheſter, worth nothing, was convicted before me of drinking the Pretender's Health. I ordered him to be whipped, in open Market, twice, till his Back was bloody, with a Month between the firſt and ſecond Whipping.
And at Lewes, a Man of Rye was con⯑victed before me for drinking the Health of King James the Third, and ſaying, he knew no ſuch Perſon as King George. He had run out a good Eſtate by Looſeneſs, and [67] had nothing left but an Annuity of thirty Pounds per Annum, for his Life. I fined him a hundred Pounds, and committed him till paid, and that he ſhould find good Sureties for his good Behaviour for three Years next after the Payment of the Fine. I told him, that by his paying a hundred Pounds to King George, he would certainly know there is ſuch a Perſon.
Your Lordſhip's Notion, againſt ſetting a State Offender in the Pillory, was certainly very right, and did ſo convince me, that I have ever ſince ordered corporal or pecuniary Puniſhments upon them, as having a better Effect upon ſhameleſs People, and without giving the Mob an Opportunity to be trou⯑bleſome.
I declared in all my Charges in this Circuit, as I did the two laſt Terms at Weſtminſter, that the Number of baſe Libels, and ſedi⯑tious Papers, is intolerable, and that now a quicker Courſe will be taken about them; for that now the Government will not be ſo much troubling itſelf to find out the Authors of them, but as often as any ſuch Papers are found on the Tables of Coffee-Houſes, or other News-Houſes, the Maſter of the Houſe ſhall be anſwerable for ſuch Papers, and ſhall be proſecuted as the Pub⯑liſher of them, and let him find out the Author, Letter-Writer, or Printer, and [68] take Care, at his Peril, what Papers he takes in.
This laſt was a Maiden Home-Circuit, which had not been known before, and is to be attributed to the late good Law of Tranſportation, which is well put in Ex⯑ecution in the Counties near London, whence Tranſporting is eaſy, but not ſo well in other Parts of England. The Treaſury would ſave much Money, partly by paying fewer Rewards of forty Pounds, and partly by not long maintaining Fel⯑lows in Gaol, if ſome Rates were agreed to be given to Merchants to carry them off ſpeedily.
Your Lordſhip's Order of Notification, to the Juſtices of Peace, had a very good Effect, for they appeared much better this Circuit than formerly, eſpecially in Surrey, where I told them, that I would requeſt your Lordſhip, that you would pleaſe to acquaint his Majeſty, at his Return, how very well, in particular, his Juſtices of Peace in Surrey had appeared, upon his Pleaſure being notified to them for that Purpoſe.
I did, in all my Charges, inform the Audience of the Occaſion and Neceſſity of that Notification, for that there was grown a Sort of general Neglect, all over England, of the Appearance of the Juſtices of Peace [69] at the Aſſizes, when the Judges had often Matters to inform them of, by Command of his Majeſty; and Trials of Felons were often imperfect, by the Non-attendance of the committing Juſtice of Peace; and that their Attendance was a Reſpect due to the King and his Government, upon thoſe ſolemn Occaſions: and that it is no Hard⯑ſhip upon them; there being three Excuſes, which will be readily admitted, if, upon the Call, mentioned to the Court, barely upon the Word of ſome other Juſtice, or Proof upon Oath by ſome other Perſon. viz. 1. If not fit to travel, by Age or want of Health. 2. If living out of the County. 3. If then actually out of the County. But if Juſtices of Peace ſhall remain at home, about their private Affairs, or to avoid the Trouble of a Journey to the Aſſizes, it ought to be looked on as a Neglect of the Duty of their Office: for they are not called only to notify to the People, that they are in Commiſſion, but to anſwer to their Names in Perſon.
Many of thoſe in Commiſſion do not act, and have not taken the Oath of Of⯑fice: whereupon I ordered, in open Court, each Clerk of the Peace, againſt next Term, to tranſmit to your Lordſhip a Liſt of ſuch as reſide in the County, and refuſe to act; yet that he does, in the mean time, [70] know of them, if they perſiſt in ſuch Re⯑fuſal; that ſo it may be their own doing if they are put out of the Commiſſion, after his Majeſty's Favour to them in being put in.
I fear I have tired your Lordſhip with this long, tho' abridged, Account: but your Lordſhip's Pardon will be an Addition to all your former Favours, to
My Lord,
Your Lordſhip's Moſt Faithful and Moſt Humble Servant, LITTLETON POWYS.
ABSALON ET ACHITOPHEL.
Carmine Latino Heroico.*
[]COgnovere pias nondum pia ſecula fraudes
Arte ſacerdotum, nondum vetuere maritos
Multiplici celebrare jugo connubia leges;
Cum Vir ſponſarum numeraverat agmen, & uni
Non ſervire toro, ſato adverſante, coactus
Plurima fertilibus produxit ſtemmata lumbis;
Cum ſtimulos Natura daret, nec legibus ullis
Et ſponſae & lenae vetitum eſt commune cubile:
Tunc Iſraelis, coelo cedente, Monarcha
Concubitu vario vernas, nuptaſque fovebat:
Quáque erat Imperii limes, ibi meſſe feraci
Tranſcripta Archetypi ſparſim generatur imago.
Ornavit Regale caput Diadema Michalis;
[72] Cultori ingratum, vel quod ſterileſceret, arvum:
Non aliud par hujus erat; nam plurima mater
Jam pridem multos utero ſatis ubere natos
Jeſſidi peperit. Sed ſacra cubilia vernae
Cum premerent, ſoboles obliquo tramite Sceptrum
Arripuit, ſpurioque fuit de ſanguine Princeps.
Has inter ſtirpes eluxerat Abſalon, ipſâ
Nec formâ inferior, ceſſit virtute nec ulli.
An magè divino Pater inſpiratus amore
Ipſum progenuit majore libidinis aeſtro
Praecocis ing'nii, vel quòd bene conſcia fata
Felicem dederint ad Sceptra virilibus anſam
Formae ornamentis, & iter proclive parâſſent,
Huic Fama in campis ſonuit matura remotis
Invictumque Ducem agnorant ſocialia Regna:
Pace minas oculis, animoque excuſſerat arma
Quaelibet, ut natus tantum videatur amori.
Siquod agat, mentes adeò mulcebat, ut ipſum
Juſſerit, aut ſaltem docuit Natura placere:
Quicquid agit, genio peragi ridente videtur,
Et vultu amotis rugis afflabat amores.
Laetitiâ hunc tacitâ fovet indulgentia Patris,
Qui quaſi bis natum ſe viva in imagine vidit:
Nil inconceſſum voto ſitiente rogavit,
Annabal at thalamo ceſſit ſocianda jugali.
Crimina ſiqua, Pater (quis enim ſine crimine vivit?)
Non potuit, lippis vel ſaltem aſpexit ocellis.
Quoſdam, quêis mirè lex blanda pepercerat, aeſtus
Impete commotos nimio dixere Juventam,
Fermento tantum quae deſaecanda, calenti.
[73] Impia & Amnonis ſpecioſo nomine caedes
Juſta obtrectatae famae vindicta vocatur.
Sic inconcuſſâ regeret dum pace Sionem
Rex David, juvenis laudatur, & unus amatur.
At rarò fauſtae ſeries manet integra vitae,
Dii poenâ pravos urgent, tentamine juſtos.
Judoei, populus rigidae cervicis, & aſper
Moribus, & querulus; Gens nulla procacius illâ
Vim velut extremam eſt Divini experta favoris;
Gens adamata Deo, nimiâ laſciva quiete,
Impatiens Regis, placandaque Numine nullo:
(Numina nam variae molis, variaeque figurae.
Quae faber ex ſacro potuit procudere ferro,
Aut pius Antiſtes effingere mente, probâſſet)
Egregiè ſapiens populus, nimiumque beatus
Somniat heu! juſtae ſe libertatis egenum.
Et cum per terras uſquam Gens nulla reperta eſt,
Quae magis arbitrio vixit, vel lege ſoluta,
Moxanimum ad ſylvas flectit, nemorum (que) receſſus,
Et proeter Satyros omnes ſervire putabat.
Qui poſt funebrem Sauli ſine vulnere pompam
Isboſet inſulſum Diadema odiſſe coegit;
Cujus ope ad ſolium David redit exul ab Hebron,
Rexque inter medios uno velut ore triumphos
Saepe ſalutatur plauſu reſonante catervae.
Ipſi hi Judoei, vel tum cùm ſumma profeſſi,
Non Regi obſequium, aſt animi ſua vana ſequacis
Arbitria oſtentant, & jam mirantur ad annos
Factitium tanto colerent quid honore Monarcham.
Quem manibus fecêre ſuis, fas tollere credunt,
[74] Aut titulo donare mero, quo Regia tantum,
Aureus ut quondam vitulus, coleretur imago.
Ventilat haec obiter tumida plebecula bile,
In ſcelus, aut quaeſtum nondum coaleſcere coepit,
Optima pars populi Judoei, & criminis expers
Dulcia tranquilli bene noverat otia Regni;
Seclaque reſpiciens cauto terrore relapſa,
Vulnera conſpexit malè ſarta, & turpia viſu.
Cumque cicatrices grumoſo ſanguine plenas
Viderit, execrata memor civilia bella eſt.
Quorum animus nimiâ tunc non excanduit irâ
His moti, poſitâ dubiae libramina lancis
Mole premunt, vigiliſque ſagax clementia Regis
Suſtulit optatam populis diſcordibus anſam.
Cum tamen in vetitum genio labente feramur,
Providus hamatam Satanas mox projicit offam,
Et quaſi nequitioe leno mala praebet amata.
Jam conjurati malefidae Foederis artes
Erupere, Bonâ Cauſâ veterique jubente.
Vera, an falſa licèt, nam Conjuratio Regum
Excidium eſt, ipsâque trahit Reſpublica vitam.
Antiquam Solymam Jebuſito ſemine nati
Incoluere viri, traxit urbs nomen ab illis;
Jus His nativum fuerat—
Cùm tamen Electus geminatis viribus arma
Moviſſet populus, Jus ipſum evaſit iniquum:
Et quo plura mali tulerat diſpendia fati
Incola, cenſetur magè diſplicuiſſe Tonanti.
Viribus effoetis, aut fractis hinc Jebuſitoe
[75] Vellent, an nollent, Jeſſidem agnoſcere Regem
Coguntur, facti extorto moderamine ſervi,
Auctaque cùm victâ ſolvunt tellure tributa.
Et quod vix animo humano tolerabile, ſalfis
Luduntur probris, vilique oequalia ligno
Numina vulgari crepitant combuſta favillâ.
Moverat hoc rapidam Pagani Antiſtitis iram:
Ambit idem in varia nam Relligione Sacerdos.
Qualiſcunque ſui fuerit proſapia Divi,
Seu lapide, aut trunco, tenui vel origine nati,
Ipſum defendunt parili virtute miniſtri,
Tanquam explorato genus enumeraſſet ab auro.
Atque haec Rabbinis, quamvis hoſtilibus ipſos.
Inceſſant odiis, ſolers prudentia viſa eſt.
Nam Gens obſtrictos credit pietate togata
Det vitae quicunque penu commune tueri.
Hinc ortum duxit
Patrioe communis * Erinnis,Re mala, ſed ſpecie nova conjuratio pejor.
Exceſſu laudata pari, & traducta, probata
Jurantum verbis, morientum voce negata.
Non excuſſa vagae penſo libramine plebis,
Indigeſta tamen, maſsâque abſorpta recenti.
Quaedam vera tulit, ſed cum farragine mirâ
Falſorum mixta, & mendacibus abdita larvis,
Subtili ingenio paradoxa, crepundia craſſo.
Qui nullis, facilemve dedit omnibus olim
Traditur aequali ſibi delirâſſe furore.
[76] Ritibus Aegyptis fatuus Jebuſita colendis
Se devovit, ubi commendat Numina Guſtus.
Numina nec dubium eſt, cùm non inſulſa, placere,
Quae ſimul in Divos cultori & pabula cedent.
Vi potuit nullâ ſpretos obtrudere Divos
(Nam binis impar fuit & Tyrinthius Heros.)
Hinc placuit tentare dolos (Antiſtitis artes)
Nam ſtolidos ſuaſu citius quàm robore vinces.
Judoeos tandem facto velut agmine coetus
Clamoſi invadunt praefrictâ fronte magiſtri,
Fautoreſque ſui cultus ſcrutantur in Aula,
Atque ipſum alliciunt ad pulpita ſacra lupanar.
Quod tulit Hebroeus non aequâ mente Sacerdos,
Balantem quòd lana gregem ſua jure ſequatur.
Perſuaſum eſt aliis intenta pericula Regi
Bombardis olim per ſecula longa repertis.
Non hoc jurabit vates, ſed Daemone junctus
Quis novit quantum poterit Jebuſita cruentus?
Hoc, quod vulgari tantum ſtrategemate fultum
Sperato nunquam ſucceſſu Foedius egeret,
Omen, & occulti dederat praeſagia damni.
Nam velut accenſus cùm corda per intima flagrat
Febre cruor, celeri ſtagnum delabitur undâ
Protinus, & peccans citò quilibet aeſtuat humor,
Qui prius innocuas lambit ſine murmure ripas:
Sic cùm diviſum eſt ſtudia in contraria vulgus,
In ſpumam fervet parilem, Regnoque minatur.
Quidam judicio facilis cenſentur amici,
Sed plures ſapuiſſe ſuo, & velut obice jacto
Imperio, fruſtrâ quod captavêre, reſiſtunt.
[77] Quoſdam Aulae immeritus favor inſignivit, at illinc
Ejecti, Lemurum ritu, obdurantur in ipſis
Flagitiis. Alios ad munera publica Regni
Affines ſolio, condonatoſque rebelles
Fatali extulerat Rex manſuetudine David.
(Arcta quidem vincla, ingratos ſi vincla ligârint,)
Achitophel fallax horum vetus agmina duxit
Signifer, exoſum ventura in ſecula nomen.
Conſiliis promptus vafris, verſutiùs illo
Occultos ageret nemo cum fraude cunîclos.
Turbidus ingenii, capitis ſubtilis & audax,
Judicii nullo conſtans dictamine, nullâ
Sede, ſed imperio fremit indignatus in omni,
Dedecus incenſum, velut unguis in ulcere, torquet.
Ignea mens latè dum ſeſe expandere niſa eſt,
Pygmaeam ſenio quaſi molem attrivit edaci
Corporis, obducens limoſa habitacula formâ.
Rebus in anguſtis audax Nauclerus & idem
Exultans ipſis, dum ſaeviat unda, periclis.
Tempeſtate frui gaudet, pelagoque ſereno
Iratus brevia, & ſcopulos accedere geſtit,
Ut tantùm oſtentet, quantum ſcirà arte valeret.
Ingeniis certè comes eſt dementia ſummis,
Atque horum tenui diſtat diſcrimine limes.
Aut hic divitiis, tituliſque onoratus honoris,
Sedata effaetae cur deneget otia vitae?
Torqueat & carnis ficcam inſatialibus offam?
Quae quamvis fundo quaſi ſuſpirârit in imo
Exhaurique timet, tranquillae eſt prodiga vitae.
Totus & hic ſudor tanto ut conamine partis
[78] Filius iſte, bipes, animalque implume, fruatur.
Qui confuſa vagae eſt inter phantaſmata mentis
Editus, informis moles, rudis inſtar Anarchae.
Infidus fidis, & inexorabilis irâ,
Aut geret Imperii, penitúſve excindet habenas.
Hic triplici rupit ſocialia foedera nodo,
Ut prope divulſis tremeret quaſſata columnis
Ipſa ſalus populi; ſub quo cervice paratâ
Longinquo ſervire jugo ſterit Incola Judae.
Hunc famae ambitio cepit terroribus actum
Grata, nec erubuit patriae pater ipſe vocari.
Tam facile eſt animis ſaevit cùm mobile vulgus,
Si Commune Bonum ſpecie ſimuliter inani,
Crimina fucatâ privata recondere larvâ.
Quàm ſacra nequitia, & tutò Catilina rebellat!
Quà nemo in blandam poterit delinquere plebem.
Crimina quà ſpectat nictanti vulgus ocello,
Culpa nec ulla patet, quia quo delicta videntur
Alterius, ſpeculo ſua contemplatur eodem.
At meritae famae nec perfidus invidet hoſtis,
Quòd fora clamoſis moderator litibus orba
Fecerit, & trutinâ juſtum deciderit aequâ;
Sed vix Patricium merito dignamur honore.
Juſtior Abbethdin Iſraelitica nunquam
In fora deſcendit, neque jura latentia lotis
Purior explicuit manibúſve intactior auro.
Sponte, & judiciis miſeros protexit inemptis,
Acceſſu facilis, ſuccinctae ad munera curae.
O! Sibi ſi Regem meritis obſtringere tantùm
Aemulus ambiret ſola exercendo Togatae
[79] Munera militiae, vel ſi non nobile ſemen
Ingrata lolio, & ſterili premeretur avenâ:
Huic David Lyricas pulſaret pollice chordas,
Aeternoque uno caruiſſet carmine coelum.
Ambitio at properat praeceps ad lubrica, in uno
Neſcia ſtare loco, ſolida tellure gravatur
Compingi; at gaudet glaciali tramite duci
Achitophel, juſtae famae pigreque beatae
Pertaeſus vitae jam faſtidivit onuſtos
Fructibus auratis impune excerpere ramos,
Brachia ſed cupido dedit auxiliaria vulgo,
Regia quêis fructus concuſſet remitteret arbor,
Jam detecta ſuum vulpecula vafra reatum,
Qui quodam latuit foetante reconditus ovo,
Praedicat, in ſtratam Regemque laceſſit arenam.
Jus contra Regem Cauſae popularis aperto
Defendit clypeo & poſtico crimine leges
Perſequitur. Poſthac ſperatam Foederis anſam
Arripit horrendi, quod tam praegnante receptum
Ingenio plura eduxit, majoraque factis.
Hince mala ſecretis refert inventa ſuſurris
Neſcio quae, capiti timidae impendentia plebis.
Mox tamen arbitrio ſobolet tractanda meraco
Imperia, & Regem Jebuſitam detegit ipſum.
Argumenta quidem delumbia, ſed bene novit
Quam facilè his capitur populis proclivis ad arma
Sponte ſua, Dominae namque ad ludibria Lunae
Judaei rapti motus imitantur eoſdem:
Et poſt luſtra (ferunt ut Scribae) quatuor ipſo
Naturae inſtinctu Dominum mutare docentur.
[80] Achitophel frendebat adhuc Ducis indigus apti;
Abſalon hinc placuit, caput inſuperabile bello:
Non quòd tergeminis optaret honoribus ipſum
Tollere (Patricius nam raro flagrat amore
Aut odio) titulo, ſed quòd cognoverit orbum
Et juſto mancum, cogi dare vela favori
Plebeio, ut regum velut expirante ſupremam
Majeſtate Animam tandem delata Poteſtas
Ad plebem, & populi faeces, Regalia ferret,
Compoſitis mulcere dolis hunc tentat, & acre
Effeundens viris verborum, talia fatur.
Anguſtiſſime Princeps!
In natalia cujus
Regale Auſtrali pollebat in aethere ſydus;
Deliciae, patriaeque idem redamantis Adonis:
Et Tutelari trepidam qui protegis igne,
Obſcuraeque die defendis tegmine nubis.
Tu Moſes alter cujus vibrata marinos
Virga ſecat fluctus, ſanctae confinia terrae
Oſtendens, cujus ſurgentem in quolibet aevo
Lucem inſpirato cecinit ſacra ore propheta.
Optantis populi votum, laetabile vatum
Augurium, juvenum demiſſum coelitus aeſtrum;
Religioſa ſenes de Te ſua ſomnia fingunt.
Conſcia Gens omnis Te, Te [...] ſatetur,
Omen & aſpectu nunquam ſaliata precatur.
Sic non quoeſitis celebrat veſtigia pompis;
Nomen & Infantes lingua titubante docentur
Balbutire Tuum, blaeſaque extollere Voce.
[81] Quid tantâ ſuſpenſa morâ communia differs
Gaudia? jejunae tanquàm moderamine gentis
Defraudes genium, peragiſque inglorius annos.
Ecce! pie ſtupidus vento paſcêris inani
Virtutis, donec quae jam Tua gloria fulget,
Palleat, & fiat repetito evanida viſu.
Crede mihi, extenſâ ſubitò, ſtirps Regia, dex
College maturum, aut putreſcet in arbore fructus.
Aut ſerò aut citius coeleſti lege jubentur
Fauſta repentinae fortunae emergere fata;
Quêis benè ſi vigili velut inſidiamur ocello,
Artis ope (Humano nam res humana regenda eſt
Arbitrio) tanquàm clivo delabitur aequo
Fortuna, & primo reſumit ab impite vires.
Indeprenſa tamen celeri velocior aurâ
Evolat, & rictu ſtupidos inhiante relinquit
Mirantes ad terga fugax, jam jam tibi palmâ
Inſigni occurrit, dumque exagitata volatu
Feſtinat, pandit laxos in fronte capillos.
Si David, cujus genitali enaſcere lumbo,
Sceptra recusâſſet fortunâ oblata ſecundâ,
Exul perpetuus Gathi maniſiſſet, & unctus
Incaſſum coeleſti oleo diadema petîſſet.
Erigat objectam ſpem fortunata juventus,
*Sed defecturae vites exempla Senectae.
Aſpicis occiduo dùm mergitur aequore Phaebus
Creſcit ut elatis extenſa vaporibus umbra.
[82] Non jam qualis erat Jordani in littore quondam
Ad vada cum populus grege confertiſſimus uno
Applauſu reboans ſtetit, & laetante propinquum
Prae turba obductum latuit caligine littus:
Sed velut Angelicus Princeps è culmine lapſus,
Contractâ praeceps deſcendit ad Infima luce,
Quem fatuum Foedus populari prodidit irae
(Solus ab exoſo reditu ſucceſſus) adunco
Undi (que) Plebs naſo, ſalibuſ (que) illudet amaris.
Grex hominum, qui quondam uno quaſi faſce liga⯑tus
Difflatus tenus ſparſim rareſſet ab aurâ.
Viribusille Tuis quibus obluctabitur armis,
Hoſtibus aſſiduis ſeptus, nudatus amicis?
Ancipitem Pharaonis opem ſi poſceret, illo
Judaeam auxilio magis irritaverit iram.
Auxiliatricem Aegyptus ſimularet amicam,
Et non ſuppetiis Regem, ſed fomite bellum
Promotura novo; nec Regi aſtricta fidelis
Pars populi Ogygiis Jebuſitae aſſiſteret armis.
Si tamen aſſiſtat, Jeſſidem in viſa poteſtas
Franget, auxiliis magis enervabitur auctis:
Dum Gens tota meâ Reges feliciter arte
Deteſtata ſuos miſeri Jeſſidis iniquum
Imperium excutiat. Nam jam clamantur ad omnes
Relligio, Libertas, & Reſpublica vicos.
Publicus ipſe pugil dignum Te vindice nodum
Si ſolvas, titulum & regalem inſignibus addas,
Quid non Iſrael ſperet? Praeconia quanta
Talis, & ob talem dux Ipſe merebere Cauſam?
Non laudis ſonitu, aut vacuâ celebrabere famâ,
[83] Quae fatuis ſola eſt blandita, ut Tulipa, formâ,
Aſt erit imperium ſolido tibicine fultum;
Limite nobilior juſtoque incluſa poteſtas,
Dilectae unanimi Patriae Tibi tradita voto eſt,
Quàm longâ titulus ſerie, & caligine multâ,
Semeſuſque ſitu Sacrâ direptus ab Arco.
Quid non Laus animis generoſis imprimet?
Ambitio quos caeca rapit, palpantque ſalaces
Blanditiae. Sitis Imperii vapidiſſima terrae,
Noxiaque herba ſoli coeleſti ſemine nata eſt;
Gloria dicta Dei: Sed cùm Natura laborat
Hâc humana ſiti, praecordia mollia tantùm,
Coeligenae nimiùm torret ſcintillula flammae
Pruritu imperii, famoeque libidine vanae.
Turgidus Angelicâ Juvenis nimis indole, captus
Illecebris Virtutis iter malè ſedulus erro
Deſeruit.
Bibulas ſic blandus
inebriat aures *Applauſus, ſic laude ſatur vitiatur adeptâ.
Diſſentire malo, nec conſentire gravatus
(Nam vel adhuc tumidae Regali ſanguine venae
Fervebant) ſic effatur—
—Quo publica Gentis,
Jam mihi praetextu libertas ſuggerit arma?
Indubiâ Genitor populum ditione coercet,
Deliciae Humani Generis, fideique columna
Antiquae, comis, legum obſervantior ipſâ
Plebe ſuâ, & multis coeleſtia Numina miris
[84] Suſceptae partes egêre faventia cauſae.
Cui mala curriculo regni diſpendia toto
Intulit? Incaſſum vel quis Regale tribunal
Adfugit? venia quot mille beaverat hoſtes,
Juſta implicatae quos ultio tradidit irae?
Humanus, facilis, noſtrae utilitatis avarè
Aemulus, & clemens, fundendo in ſanguine parcus.
Candida Judaea malè ſi cervice feratur
Manſuetudo, Dei eſt ipſius amabile crimen.
Proderit infido populum quid fallere fuco,
Arbitrióve mero jus inviolabile regni
Commutare ſui; Pharaoh moderamine tali
Dicat frugifero verba execrantia Nilo,
Servilique jugo paret: At Jeſſidis amaena
Si nimis ingratam moveant moderamina bilem
Judaeis, illo premit aegra Canicula morbo.
Cur igitur pravos preſſis calcaribus urgens
Inſanire juvet motis populariter armis?
Si ſua crudeli vexâſſe tyrranide regna,
Aut Jebuſitaeis cuperet ſuccurrere turmis,
Non indigna querar; ſed nexa ligamine ſacro
Compeſcat motus Natura, manúſque retardet.
Arma quidem populus pro libertate moveret;
Sed quod jus illi tribuit, mihi crimen habetur.
Feſtinus mihi nulla favos optanda relinquit,
Auxius at tardis properat praecurrere votis.
Dum ſpirat David quid plura rapaciùs optem?
Omnia, regali excepto diademate, cedit.
Atque hoc—Tunc aegro ducens ſuſpiria corde,
Devotum eſt meliùs caput inſignire merentis.
[85] Nam cùm tranſactae Genitor poſt taedia vitae
Serus ad aethereas fato properaverit auras,
In ſolio ſtirps vera ſuo dominabitur: expers
Hujus, in
* agnato deſcendet tramite, ſceptrum,
Invidiâ quamvis populari oppreſſus, at audax
Frater, jura tenens certo pendentia fato,
Omne quod incoctum eſt generoſo pectus honeſto
Subjecit, vel charus adhuc, quêis vita fideſque
Inculpata manet. Stabili pronuntiat hoſtis
Virtute infractum, fidum profitentur amici,
†Obſequium Princeps, famam teſtabitur orbis.
Hujus & indigno parcet clementia vulgo,
Namque indulgenti certè eſt à ſtemmate natus.
Cur adeò decreta querar nimis improba coeli
Quòd geſtanda mea non det regalia dextra?
O! mihi ſi flatu ſpirantia fata ſecundo
Nobiliúſve Genus, mentémve ad ſordida pronam
Contulerint, animam mihi tantorumque capacem
Non tam plebeiâ miſceri ſorde dediſſent.
Sentio, jam ſpirant altos proecordia motus
Maternuſque movet Patri faſtidia venter.
Natali arctatus tenui quid origine claudor?
En! Anima irridet mea tali affinia nexu,
Et dictat tacitis ſceptro prognata ſuſurris,
Magnorum coeleſte famem fore nobile crimen.
Sic dum Tartareo Juvenis mangone vacillans,
Et niſa imbelli Virtus munimine preſſa eſt
[86] Hic nova ſemicremis fomes incendia lignis
Subjicit, & tales emiſit pectore voces.
En! Deus aeternus, qui prudentiſſimus idem,
Optimus haec Genio non eſt largitus inani
Eventu miranda Tuo tot dona: beatum
Quot reddent Veſtrum miracla recondita regnum?
Ipſa Tua, inviti licet, argumenta probârunt,
Te tantum ſolio dignum, ſceptrumque mereri.
Non mihi quod ſannas moveat Clementia Patris,
Sed magis exornat virtus diadema virilis.
Vera loquor, lenis populo concedit hianti
Quicquid avet, fortè & votis non debita juſtis.
Sed favor imbellem teſtatur prodigus, & non
Ingenii, blandae ſed verior indolis index.
Quò populus vinêlis ſpatiari in compita ruptis
Certaret, niſi ſub diſtracto, & deſide Rege?
Concedat, donec ſua concedendo fatiſcat;
Pauperiem frugi Sanhedrim ſufferre docebit:
Quilibet & ſiclus,, fixa quem clauſerit arca,
Abraſoe pretio quaſi majeſtatis emetur.
Inſidiis vexare novis mihi provida cura
Incumbit, rigidive malis immergere belli,
Quod multis opibus conſtabit, ſanguine multo.
Dum velut exhauſtis infirma oeraria venis
Deficiant, juriſque inopes regalis eodem
Relliquioe pretio curti centuſſis emantur.
Omnibus imponam Jebuſitae nomen amicis,
Aut de Niliaco ſtipendia principe dicam
Venali data ferre ſide; quos noſtra revulſos
Extorſit rabies cùm tutelaribus ulnis
[87] Criſpata vulgi ſuſpenſum nare relinquam.
Imperii, quem jam tremebundus abominor, haeres
Proximus, invidice noſtrâ comtemptior arte
Proſtat & ex ipſâ traxit virtute ruinam;
Me duce preſbyteris & publicus audiit hoſtis.
Pignore depoſiti primo licitabimur auri
Jus ejus, donec fixâ venale ſub haſtâ eſt:
Dum laris incerti titulum reſcindere lege
Jeſſidem duris urgens in rebus egeſtas
Conſtringat, det juſque Tibi. Sed nolle putemus;
Et populi reges regnant, & jure creantur.
Imperium tantum eſt fidei commiſſa poteſtas,
Quae domino ſubſtracta ſemel, non amplius aequa eſt.
Communi ſancita bono ſucceſſio, Gentem
Conſenſu invitam diſpendia ferre tenebit?
Si populum ſeries querulum mutata levârit,
Unum pro populo dabitur caput.
Judaeis vis nota ſua eſt, moderamina Saulo
Cum nondum commiſſa truci, ſub Numine Rege
Vivebant, ipſumque auſi detrudere regno.
Dic mihi quà Pietas? Nati quà nomen? & aequum
Jus patris? & famae manet anxia cura futurae?
Haec commune bonum (cui coelum paruit ipſum,
Vox Populi) rapido quaſi diſſipat omnia vento.
Non mentitus amor generoſae faſcina menti
Injiciat. Natura ſuum genus arte propagat.
Indulgens Genitor, fata etſi ſera peroſus,
Diligit in vivâ ſe prolis imagine tantum.
Emicet aut factis favor exploratus amicis,
Deſinat aut natum praetextu eludere vano.
[88] Dilexiſſe Tuum Patrem Deus ipſe fatetur,
Veracemque dato (Ratio ſolidiſſima) regno
Se probat, indicium nec erat fallacis amoris
Paſtorique gregem & conferre peculia tanta.
Dilectum David Te vellet Adonida credi?
Cur capiti ignoto diademata regia tradat?
Quo vultu, nomenque Pii quo vendicet ore?
Diis placet haeredem ſtructa deludere fraude?
Aemulus Hic ſummo cumulat moderamine fratrem hymnos,
Sed ſterilis legata ſoli tibi perdita tradet.
Fortè Lyram Antiquam, veteres quâ obmurmurat
Quaedam inſulſa Tuas Hebraea aut cantica laudes.
Proximus hinc haeres, princeps auſterus & acer,
Jamjam zelotypo ſpectat Te lumine, ſpectat
Ille doloſque Tuos raro velamîne textos;
Obſervat quali praecordia decipis eſcâ
Humana, ingentes quantumvis murmure luctus
Strangulet interno: Nam ſiqua injuria quaeſtu
Non patet introrſum meditans vindicta rependet.
Qualiter hirſutus Lybicis dormitat in arvis,
Aut inhians praedae ſimulat Leo ducere ſomnos,
Dum luſtra incaute ſecurus obambulate hoſtis
Rugitu preſſo, contractoque excubat ungue;
Maturo tandem juvat inſanire furore
Terribilique feris celer exilit ore latebris:
Iratuſque licet, proſtrato ignoſcere vulgo
Geſtit, at indomitae poſt flagra reciproca caudae
Pinguefacit tremulo ſe venatore triumphans.
Res Tua conſiliis tardis nec lenibus upta eſt;
Stet tibi ſeu fato vinci, vel acuminis enſe
[89] Laetiferi victâ de gente referre triumphos:
Quem, cum vita Tibi ſtatuatur palma, relaxa
Vagina incluſum; Nam cum Natura vocarit,
Te primogenita mandat quaſi lege tueri.
Nec ſemel incenſam ſine deferveſcere plebem,
Audiat infandum nè juſta Rebellio crimen.
Ipſe datam capias, quaecunque extenditur, anſam,
At tituli aethereâ Genitor dum veſcitur aura
Jus inquire Tui, nullaque ut imagine ſumi
Arma putent, capta in tutelam Principis ede,
Cui ſecreti hoſtes, ficti inſidiantur amici.
Et Jeſſidaeae quis tum penetralia mentis
Rimari poterit? Nimiâ formidine forſan
Exuat ingenium ſuſpecti affabile damni.
Quid? quamvis natum propter ſponſale jugalis
Connubii votum, ſerâque ſolubile lege,
Depereat; toto metuit ſed pectore fratrem.
Haec ita? ſperatae vi ſe ſubmittere flagrat,
Utque ſalax mulier, tantum ut videatur iniquo
Conſtringi fato, & rapido torrente referri.
Nec metuas, miſtâ ſi cum ſubriſerit irâ,
Optatum gratâ diadema auferre rapinâ.
Sed patrocinium capto ſine Principe cauſae
Enerve eſt, captum Regem nam jura ſequuntur.
Dixerat arecta magis auſcultaverat aure
Abſalon his, vitae (tantum ambitione remotâ)
Integer, immani nunquam feritate notatus,
Nec fauſtus tumuit veſicâ inflatus inani.
Quàm felix eſſet ſi provida fata dediſſent,
[90] Aut non tam dignis, aut nobilioribus ortum
Stemmatibus! ſolium juſte Tua Regia virtus
Aſſereret; Gens quaeque Tuo, niſi Patria, felix
Viverit influxu: tamen incantamina ſummi
Cum pauci Imperii rigida cervice recuſent
Non agimus ſontem, ſed lamentamur ineptum.
Spes intenſa fuit rivalia viribus arma
Frangendi oppoſitis, dubium populique favorem
Captandi blandis (merces viliſſima!) verbis.
Sic dum zelotypâ caluit plebecula flamma,
Hic conjuratum populari efferre boatu
Molitur Foedus, quem providus agmine juncto
Incitat Achitophel, ſtudiis diſcordibus actâ
Stipatus turbâ, quam conglutinavit in omne
Concordem facinus ſubtili callidus arte.
Optima Pars regni, numeroſaque principe multo
Cenſuit imperio nimio regnare Monarcham.
Rerum ignara cohors, Patriam quae pectore caeco
Deperiit, ſeducta malâ, non impia, fraude.
Impulſa Haec Proprio, velut elatere premente
Fune nimis tenſo contorſerat omnia (tantus
Error erat) Regni crepuit dum machina laxi.
Civiles alii lucro movere tumultus,
Tam vili Officium nè ſit venale tributo.
Judaeis expoſta foris Regalia vendunt,
Communiſ (que) boni proprium ſub imagine quaerunt.
Credebant alii grave pondus, inutile, Reges,
Qui quanti ſteterant, nullo cum foenore ſolvunt.
Hi ſtuduêre merâ Jeſſidem expellere ſorde,
Ut frugi, & parcè fierent impendia regni.
His latus adjunxit coetus clamoſus, & omnes
[91] Qui meritâ ſperant tolli ad faſtidia linguâ.
Proxima turba quidem gemino diſcrimine terret,
Nec tantum Jeſſidem, at Regem infeſtius odit.
Gens Solymaea, pios olim benè docta tumultus
Moliri, motis in ſeditionibus audax:
Victoris gladio perculſa & territa, Regi
Legitimoque minax, reſtauratoque ſuperba.
Viderat inviſum Pagani Foederis ortum,
Indignata ſuas Jebuſitae cedere palmas.
Duxerat hanc Levita furens, divulſus ab Arca,
(Quam, dum Judicibus pareret Juda, tenebat,)
Mugitus iterare novos per compita coepit,
Et clamore pio Regem ſibi poſcere Numen.
Sub quo cum ſacro
* Sanhedrin antiſtite Gentem
Expilent, ipſoque probent afflamine juſtum.
Nam jus ad ſceptrum dederit ſi Gratia, regnum
Quis melior Princeps Aaronis prole meretur?
Dux gregis Haec fuerat, quamvis & naris obeſae,
Imperium ſed latratu majore laceſſit.
Poſt hanc Sanctorum ſequitur numeroſa propago,
Obſtipo capite, & defigens lumina terrae,
A cunis ipſis divino afflata furore.
Huic rerum forma, & compoſtus diſplicet ordo:
Chaos antiquum placet, indigeſtaque moles
Imperii. Emicuit ſed grex numeroſior horum
Qui blaterant multa, & meditantur paucula, ſolo
Inſtinctu, genibus flexis, & poplite curvo
[92] Majorum ignari numen, Propriumque colebant.
Qui caeco ejuſdem Jebuſitam munere fati
Daemonaque oderunt, licèt invitique ſaluti
Devoti aeternae coeli natalibus ipſis,
Non poſſunt quia vera fide non vana fateri.
Machina quanta virum quiſ (que) horum! at turba re⯑licta
Majori numero ſeu caeſa repullulat Hydra.
Imperii quidam Proceres, quos emicat inter
Dux primus Zimri, vento inconſtantior ipſo,
Et vernis levior foliis, videatur ut eſſe
Non homo, at humani generis compendia ſolus.
Dogmatis uſque tenax, ductuſque errore perenni,
Subſultim quaſi quaeque, diu ſed nulla profeſſus;
Nam dum praeſcriptum Nova luna recurreret orbem,
Idem & Patricius, Citharaedus, Scurra, Chymiſta.
Nunc lenae, rythmi, commercia laeta bibonum
Picturaeve placent, praeter phantaſmata mille
In meditabundâ ſecùs expirantia mente.
O felix demens! dederat cui quaelibet hora
Aut nova quae cuperes, quibus aut fruerêre cupitis.
Laudibus aut probris vulgari calluit uſu
Afficere, & nimiùm (ſapere ut videatur) utriſque
Exceſſu urbanus tanto, tanto efferus, omnis
Ut Deus, aut Daemon, cum fratre audiret
* Eraſ⯑mo.Exhaurire levi patrimonia noverat arte,
Omne data, praeter meritum, mercede rependens.
[93] Fortunis ipſi miſerè emunxere choraebi,
Utque joco frueretur inops patrimonia ſolvit.
Exploſit ſeſe Regali ſubdolus Aulâ,
Dividit hinc facilem ſtudia in contraria plebem,
At nequiit praeferre facem; Namque Abſalon (illo
Invito) & juncta curarum mole premuntur
Achitophel: animo tantùm ſic improbus Ille,
Suppetiis nudus, non ſeditioſa malorum
Deſeruit conventa, ſed eſt deſertus ab illis.
Sed Titulos Procerum, vel honorem carminis infra
Nominaque, ambages nimis eſt prolixa referre.
Quos juvat ingenium vivax, Reſpublica, Bellum,
Optima pars; blandi ſed caetera turba mariti
Cenſentur, Satrapaeque meri. Craſſae ergo Minervae
*Nomine, ſis
Balaam, cum magno elate deunce,
Unciolaeque Tuae cum pondere frigide Caleb,
Intracti Satyra; & memori de pectore Nadab
Excidat aeternum, licèt ad ſuggeſta remugit,
Paſcalique olim nova juſcula coxerat agno.
Abſcondet quaedam ſecreta nomina larva
Foedus amicitiae, meritorum fama ſuorum
His munimen erit, contemptus proteget illos.
Non locus hic vili vulgo, cui gratia coeli
Nulla datur, tribuunt cui nulla inſignia Reges.
Nec Jonae, cujus palearia pendula colli
[94] Turgeſcunt, tortâ potuit qui lege rebelles,
Civiliſque faces motus, defendere jure.
Hunc tamen inſequitur preſſo pede nequior alter,
Quem Deus unxiſlet diris feralibus auſus
Sectari Shimei, cujus matura juventus
Praedixit ſuperis zelotem, & regibus hoſtem.
Ingentis caute ſumptus peccata peroſus,
Nec niſi pro modico violabat Sabbata quaeſtu.
Non mordax quenquam Stygiis inceſſere diris
Traditur, imperio niſi quòd fortaſſe reclamet.
Sic ſibi theſauros notis ſatis artibus inter
Judaeos, precibus multis & fraude, recondit.
Mox odium in dominum digna quo dote rependat
Urbs obſtricta pium, dederat cum faſce ſecures.
Juſtitiae tenuit vibrata inſignia dextra,
Aurea pendebant ſudante monilia collo.
Dum tulit hic fraenos, impune & vindice nullo
Oppetitur Princeps, tota è Beliale propago
Laſcivit, feſtoſque dies genialiter egit.
Nam Shimei, quamvis rerum non prodigus, aequo
Vicini ſcelus & ſeſe dilexit amore.
Nam conſpiraſſent uno ſi foedere pauci
Contra Judaeum probra effutire Monarcham
Perpetuus medio Shimei conſederat horum
Dictator petulans, & ſi maledicta caterva
Evomat in Regem, ne diſplicuiſſe tacendo
Credatur miſſis palpat commercia diris.
Inſimulare reos quis ſeditionis amicos
*[95] Auderet? Cenſura fori duodena paratur
Ex tot Judaeis, animoque & diſpare cultu,
Quae fratres impunè pios à verbere legis
Eximet humanae. Poenam nam publica Jura
In fidos Regi ſtatuunt, Solioque tuentur
Infeſtos. At ſi majora negotia Regni
Forte vacâſſe darent (quia perdita luditur hora,
Nec ſine peccato, qua nulla negotia tractat)
Tentabat populum ſcriptis impellere chartis,
Ut credat vanos Reges, & inutile pondus
Affore Mechanicae (tantum proſpexerat!) arti.
Scriptorumque gravis ſtylus ut limatior eſſet
Fumantes calices Rechabitâ impenſiùs odit.
Intemerata cadis cellaria; ſpreverat urbis
Praepinguem luxum ſua menſa duumque-viralis,
Segnitie longa coquus obliviſcitur artis,
Inque caput domini migravit flamma culinae.
Frugalem hanc curam monſtrato Zoilus ungue
Rideat, at certe populus Judaeus egebat.
Oppida ſuppoſitis nam ſi ſemel ignibus ardent
His merito faſces tradunt, qui cautius iram
Coeleſtem ſuccenſo iterum non igne laceſſent.
Pabula jejunis ſat ſpiritualia ſervis
Praebuit, at carnis parcus, quia Juda rebellis
Hac erat, & pluris pendet Moſaica Jura
Monte quod in ſacro lux quadrageſima vidit
Jejunum. Sed cuncta loqui, quae digna raceri,
Foederis infidi teſtem laſſaret anhelum.
At tenebris Te nulla tegent oblivia, Corah
Effer Te ſolido monumentum erectius oere
[96] Altius elato parilis Serpente metalli,
Dum Tutelaris Gentes tua protegat umbra.
Quid ſi naſcatur vili? Terrena Cometae
Materia eſt tantâ fulgentis in aethere luce.
Prodigioſa pari proles textoria famâ
Geſta patret, quam ſi Thuſco de ſtemmate natus.
Teſtantum Hi facile Princeps excuſſerat uno
Hoc facto veteres vili de ſanguine faeces.
Quis dubitat Teſtes proavis clareſcere, quorum
Martyrio Stephanum pia juramenta bearunt?
Noſter erat Levita, utque inſcia credidit aetas,
Tota tribus divinus erat famulatus Olympi.
Huic oculi latuêre cavi, vox rauca ſonanſque,
Indica irati nunquam, aut manifeſta ſuperbi.
Ingenium pendens mentum ſubtile probavit;
Ore tenus rubuit ſacro, quaſi Moſis adinſtar
Fulgeret facies radiis circundata lucis.
Abdita mirando proſpexit acumine fata,
Humanamque fidem ſuperantia Foedera novit:
Quae malè cenſeret petulans mendacia livor,
Nam mens ſingendis humana eſt talibus impar.
Vera refert quaedam cauto ventura libello,
Aſt ubi dicipitur Teſtis, dat verba Propheta.
Ante oculos quaedam, totidem quaſi phaſmata lu⯑dum,
Spiritus hunc rapuit, quo neſcio, turbinis inſtar,
Rabbinique gradu, intutuloque ornavit honeſto,
Quem non ulla tamen longinqua Academia novit.
Judicium aſt animo memori praeſtabat acutum
Tam bene quod Teſtis verba indigeſta reſarcit:
Concinne Sêcli genio quadraverat ipſi
[97] Tunc Jebuſitaei ſceleris ſub mole gementis.
Suſpiciat temerè coeleſti voce citatum,
Atque antiquatum putet oſtentare libellum.
Qui mala Judaeis vovet, aſt injuria tanta
Decreta eſt poenis, & vindice lege rependi:
Nam tollit vitam, qui ſubdolus involat artem.
Ipſe ego ſi ſimili, Corae vice teſtis, honore
Dignaret, ſiquis tam durae frontis inurat
Stigmate me tanto, quamvis ſemel immemor eſſem,
Obtuſam exacuam mentem, chartâque recenti
Illo reſcribam ſceleratum appendice Foedus.
In Coelum zelus Regem perſtringere ſannis
Impulit, & juſtae tenebras offundere famae.
At zelo, tanquam genuino jure, malignis
Indulta eſt verbis, & mira licentia factis.
Et tali Corah caeſum mandaret Agagum,
Increpuit quali
Saulum ſermone
* Propheta.
Vi junctâ quicunque fidem fovêre labantem
Teſtis (& hi quales precibus quaeruntur, & aere)
Cum Cora unanimes in claſſe locantur eadem;
Nam reſonant omnes communi nomine Teſtis.
Cinctus Amicorum variâ miſer inde farina
Abſalon, eluſus Regalem deſerit Aulam;
Spe tumidâ praegnans, vano ſtimulatus honore,
Atque inflammatus viſu propiore Coronae.
[98] Laetitiâ tacitâ ſeſe in ſpectacula praebet,
Undique ſubmiſsè populari poplite flexus,
Compoſito geſtu, vultu, & ſermone facetus.
Sic bene natura inſtructus, limatus & arte
Labitur ignoto per pectoris intima motu.
Tum blando aſpectu comis, gemituque loquaci
Et lachry mas ſuadente prius, quam verba profatur;
Pauca refert, grato ſed demulcentia ſenſu,
Dulcius Hyblaeo & levius ſtillantia melle.
Conqueror, Indigenae Patrii, deperdita fata,
Praevertendi impar. En! hic miſerabilis Exul
Crudeli inſidiis ego praeda tyrannide Legum
Exponor veſtrâ Causâ, tamen O mihi ſoli
Contigerit periiſſe! mihi ſi ſola fuiſſet
Jactura Imperii, natuſque nec amplius eſſem!
Sed ſpolia, & fractâ de libertate triumphos
Quiſque refert veſtrâ, Tyrus ac Aegyptia tellus
Praecidunt artis quaeſtus, Jebuſitaque ſacros
Invadit ritus. Genitor (cui dignor honorem
Dum loquor) ignavâ capitur torpedine famae
Securus, minimique lucro corrumpitur auri,
Et Bathſhebaeis ſenuit mollitus in ulnis.
Evehit ad faſces hoſtes, confundit amicos
Ille ſuos, ſecum commiſſis dimicat armis.
Cedit, juſque meum longaeva in ſecula cedat,
Sed proprium, ac Veſtrum ſumpto quid proderet auro?
Hic tantum, Hic Genti poterit pertundere venas
[99] Solus, & ultrices impunè elabitur iras.
Ergo meas lachrymas (madidoſque abſterſit ocellos)
Excipite, his tantum nunc auxiliaribus armis
Inſtruor, haec nullus carpet Paraſiticus Aulae
Delator, cum Jura ſinant aſperrima natum
His uti in Patrem: votiſque ardentius opto,
Ut ſub venturi moderamine Succeſſoris
Non alius juſtè miſer Iſralita quaeratur.
Raro lite cadunt Facundia, Forma, Juventus,
Sed Commune Bonum nullo non praevalet aevo.
Nec Populus moeſto miſereri deſinet ore
Publica miſcentis proprio infortunia fato.
Plebs (quae continuâ regnare tyrannide Reges
Cogitat) elatis Juvenilem carmine palmis
Meſſiam celebrat, qui pompâ inſtructus equeſtri
Propoſitum jam pergit iter ſtipante caterva;
Solis ad occaſum radios diſfundit ab ortu,
Cumque illo luſtrat Promiſſam lumine Terram.
Illi Fama loquax, quaſi Phoſphorus, alitè penna
Praecurrit, laetiſque ſonis tremit aether ovantûm
Eminus, Hoſpitio ſecum tulit Ille Penates
Quo fruitur, ſacriſque dicat quâcunque moratur
Aede diu; at lautae propter convivia menſae
Dives in occiduis, famaeque per oppida notae,
Partibus, Iſſacharus digno celebratur honore.
Haec oculos populi quae mobilis oblinit Aula
Praetulit & pompam, mentitâ abſcondita larvâ eſt.
Struxerat Achitophel tacitos ut ubique receſſus
Secretaſque dolo poterat noviſſe latebras
[100] Pectoris humani: verum haec diſtinxit amicum
Teſſera, ut expenſae vires in bella paterent.
Omnia nam pulchro latuerunt abdita fuco
Dum ſpecioſus amor, Regique obtenditur ardens
Obſequium. Miſeris iterata voce Levamen
Aerumnis petitur regni, & ſolennia ſacra
Relligionis agi nuſquam cum pace quaeruntur;
(His ſemper capimur, ſemper mulcemur & eſcis)
Et Regem dubio poſitum in diſcrimine vitae
A Fratre, & Sponſâ. Sic Conjuratio pompâ
Fingitur ingenti, & bellum larvale videtur
Pax ipſa. O vecors, nec damnis cautior ullis
Iſrael! eſcâ deludere ſemper eâdem?
An quiquam vegetae ſteterant dum corpore vires
Vexatum miſeriſe finxit imagine morbi,
Contemnens placidae, quae jam trahit, otia vitae?
Anxius ardebat mala praeſagire futura?
Regibus Haeredes, decreta imponere coelo?
Quid? Poterit populus ſua, natorumque ſuorum,
Imperia invitis nativa remittere natis?
Cuilibet expoſiti domino, rabidoque Neroni
Effraenis cui ſtat ſua pro ratione voluntas,
Tunc eſſent, juriſque baſes condantur inanes
Principibus ſi impune datur reſcindere leges.
At ſi quid juſtum eſt ſtatuatur judice plebe
Et regum fidei tantum commiſſa tenentur
Imperia, hoc pactum revocans concredita jura
Rex iniit primus, vel in omne abrumpitur aevum.
Si qui ſceptra darent propriis obſtringere factis
[101] Non poterant natos, ſeros quo jure Nepotes
Et Genus Humanum peccando obſtrinxit Adamus?
Et cur Juſtitiâ Coeli damnemur ad Orcum
Qui lapſum voto non ſuſſragante Paternam
Laudamus? domiti juga tum ſervilia Reges
Suppoſito ferrent collo, populique favore
Emendicato ſibi tradita regna capeſſant.
Adde quod ignarâ poſita eſt in plebe poteſtas
Quâ Proprium pendat. Nam quis privata tueri
Jura poteſt, victâ de Majeſtate triumphet
Si vis effraenis, ſolioque exturbet avito?
Omnia nec dubio populi ſuffragio vero
Semper egent, multi paucis ſed craſſius errent.
Clamoſis vulgi Princeps ululatibus inſons
Audiat Oppreſſor, Peſtis ſcelerata, Tyrannus.
Quae fixa inſtabili vulgo menſura ruenti
Continuo fluxu, & celeri magis impete metae
Quo propior? Nec plebs vertigine ſola laboret
Lunari hâc, Sanhedrim ſed corripiatur eâdem;
Cum ſeclo poſſit ſimul inſanire rebelli,
Mentiteque reos delicti excindere Reges.
At ſi det quodcunque libet, cuicunque placebit,
Non tantum Reges (ſimulachra expreſſa Deo⯑rum?)
Sed quaſi ſubductis ruet ipſum imbelle columnis
Imperium, regnumque vetus Natura relapſum
Reſtituet, quo cuncta licent & omnia jus eſt.
Fingere tamen Reges populo omnipotente creatos,
Quis benè conſtructo ſolium fundamine fixum
[102] Evertat? ſeries nam qualiſcunque malorum
Prima fuit, nullum eſt poenae lenimen aſello
*Tot dominis ſervire novis: Reſpublica tantùm
Erratis aliis agitatur, at improba fata
Laethali, cum regna novant, ea verbere caedunt.
Fabrica ſi nutet vetus impendente ruinâ,
Maenia qui fulcit, rimaſque obducit hiantes,
Officium praeſtat; tamen hic ponenda labori
Meta ſuo, & ſiquis fixi pomaeria finis
Tranſiliat praeſcripta vagus, det ſanguine poenas,
Seu temeris manibus Sacram contingeret
Arcam. †Qui ſtudet injuſtis, & in improba dirigit arcum,
Fundamenta novis modulis aptare vetuſta
Nititur, humanas Sacraſque refringere leges
Totiuſque gravi partes ſarcire ruinâ.
Maxima pars hominum nimiâ ſic ſedula curâ
Elicuit morbum morbo graviore minorem.
Jam quibus auxiliis poterit ſuccurrere David?
Quàm Regi fatale nimis candore benigno
Indulgere ſuis! Paucos numeravit amicos
Et, furor huc crevit, talem quicunque vel auſus
Dicere ſe ſprevit populus cane pejus, & angue.
Aſt aliquos etiam vel ſecula peſſima norant
Quos repetam, & tantum repeto dum nomina, laudo.
[103]Hoc prior exiguum Barzillai duxerat agmen,
Barzillai, claruſque annis, & honore ſenilis.
Ultra Jordanum vaſtis regionibus olim
Fregerat oppoſitis Hic arma rebellia turmis.
In regni columen, tunc triſtia fata luentis,
Infauſti domini nimis infoelicitur audax.
Maeſtus in exilio Sacro cum Principe conſors
Vivebat, miſerique tulit diſpendia fati
Expulſo pro Rege, comes redeuntis & idem.
Huic Aula, at vafrâ placuit non Aulicus arte,
Dives opum, aſt animi theſauris ditior amplis.
Qui bene praecautâ ſibi legerat optima curâ,
Militiaeque ſagum, & ſcribentes geſta Camaenas.
Jactabat multa foecunda cubilia prole,
Nominis at pluſquam jam decurtata Paterni.
Vox reſonat. Primum lecti ſponſalis amaenum
Pignus Ego luctu (mandant ita fata) perenni
Deploro, ſemperque colam, quod flore juventae
Inviſis fatis, & coeli crimine raptum eſt.
Nec prius abſceſſit ſummam poſuiſſet honori
Quam metam, natuſque patri, regique fidelis
Subditus, obſequii ſignis eluxerat arcti:
Curriculum vitae celer, at breve temporis egit.
Circule proh! parve, & ſpatio anguſtare minuto,
Sed vis divinae, & ſumme perfecta figura.
Per mare, per terras, omnes Tua fama vagata eſt
Non aequanda, Tuum, bellum fuit; Arma, vo⯑luptas;
Vis Tua ſuffulxit Tyrios infuſa labantes,
[104] Te ſenſit Pharaoh properam velut obice ſiſti
Fortunam tumidus, laus O! antiqua, manuſque
Invicta! indemnis cui nunquam obvenerat hoſtis.
Sed tamen Iſrael non tanto nomine dignus:
* Immodicis brevis eſt aetas, & rara ſenectus. Decreviſſe Dei quoddam fatale videntur,
Fortunam mentique parem donare nec auſi.
Nunc Anima, excuſſâ terrenâ mole, relata eſt
Ad ſuperos, nubes ſtellataque regna reliquit.
Affines illinc legiones mille reducas
Quae Tutelari poterunt ſuccurrere Regis
Uſque Tui genio, junctoque umbone tueri.
Laſſa fatigatas hic Muſa ſed exue pennas;
Coeli aeterna domus nullis attingitur alis.
I, dic Barzillai Tibi defeciſſe loquelam,
Quod priùs in tenues foret exhalanda vapores
Dic Animaeque Tuae. Tamen expiraverat unà,
Atque haec defuncti tumulo ſcribenda reliquit
Carmina Patroni. Sed jam deſcende ſupernis
E coelis praeceps, licèt
accenſâque lucernâ †Terris quaere parem, ſi par tamen emicat uſ⯑quam.
Hunc ſequitur, preſſoque legit veſtigia paſſu,
Antiſtes Zadoc, qui dedignatus honores
Ambiit immeritum ſubmiſſâ mente favorem
[105] Davidis. Huic comes eſt Sagan Solymaeus opimo
Hoſpitio, & longo proavorum ſtemmate clarus
Tellure occiduâ, cujus divinus ab ore
Senſus & appoſitis manat facundia dictis.
Hoc monſtrante viam Gens tota prophetica paret
Regibus, ingenuas diſcitque fideliter artes.
Nam ſtant munificis Collegia fulta Monarchis,
Et bellum Muſis prius indixere rebelles,
Quàm Regi. Legum ſunt proxima turba columnae,
Quae dirimit lites, cauſaſque diſertiùs orat.
Hanc ſequitur Procerum Regi devincta fideli
Nexu turma, ſagax Adriel, Muſiſque benignus,
Ipſe etiam vates—Qui, cùm fremuiſſet iniquis
Conſiliis Sanhedrim, Regi fidiſſimus haeſit,
Nec tamen imperio ſervit; cui David amicus
Contulit effraeni direpra inſignia nato.
Vividus ingenio Jotham, & limante Minervâ
Acrior, imbutus Naturâ, atque arte politâ
Suadendi inſtructus, qui deterioribus actus
Pauliſper ſtudiis
* tandem meliora ſequutus.
Nec tantum ſequitur, poſito ſed pondere lancem
Depreſſit dubiam, & trutinam libravit iniquam.
Rebus in anguſtis Regi addictiſſimus Huſhai,
Pertulit adverſas immotâ mente procellas
Publica quas rabidi excivit dementia vulgi.
Hic Jeſſidaeae prudens elementa juventae
[106] Erudiit, Pactis longinqua per aequora notis,
Nativoque ſuo non experientia vero
Defuit. Hic ſolium parcâ ditavit egenum
Sedulitate, manu at ſua praebuit omnia largâ.
Cum turget pleno cumulata pecunia fiſco
Res tractare leve eſt, ſed deficiente crumenâ
Artis opus. Depreſſa nimis, nimiúmve ſuperbit,
Vendere Majeſtas, cum Plebs emiſſe, coacta eſt.
Laſſa lyram digito ſaliente repercute Muſa
In laudes Amielis ovans; quo carmine dignus
Non Amiel? veterum qui nobilitate parentum
Illuſtris, meritiſque ſuis illuſtrior extat,
Nobilis abſque novo titulo, vel nomine clarus.
Inſanos aequâ Sanhedrin compreſſit habena
Dux gregis Ille diu, & ratione coercuit aeſtus.
Tam benè defendit Regalia nemo, fideli
Nec pro Gente loqui potuit formatior ullus.
Utque tribus uno Solymaeas turba maniplo
Haec retulit, ſic ille repraeſentaverat Ipſam.
Jam tamen Aurigae currus temerarius urgent,
Quorum teſtatur laxis nimis effera fraenis
Vis artem veteris.
* Quippe hi,
Phaethontis adinſtar,
Invertunt annum, tritoque è calle vagantur;
Anxia dum placidus Sanhedrim deliria ridet,
Et ſecurus agit tranquillae Sabbata vitae.
[107]Obtinuit primas Haec parva, at turma fidelis
Heroüm, impavidum ſteterat laethalis Hiatus
Illa Satellitium, ſtrictaſque retuderat haſtas,
Et rabiem unitam fuit auſa laceſſere Gentis.
Undique baliſtas vidit gemebunda paratas,
Imperium Regale ſolo quae impulſibus aeqent.
Seditione potens ficto ut terrore caterva
In Sanhedrim vero Regem deglubere jure
Eniſa eſt, regni Succeſſor ut exul ab Aulâ,
Et conductitio mala conjuratio teſte
Creverat, aſpexit; Pietas ut juſſerat ipſa
Oſtenditque ſuo laethalia vulnera Regi.
Nunquam conceſſos vulgo placuiſſe fovores
Indicat, at ſtabilem foverunt lenia morbum.
Abſalon interea, Sceptri quem prona libido
Concitat, elato populum ſeducere palpo
Calluit; Achitophel odio ſtimulatus iniquo
Sub conjurati ſpecioſa Foederis umbra
Communi impetiit Sacra & Civilia fato.
Concilii magna eſt, Plebis vecordia major,
Et Shimei diras Solymam eructare docebat.
Quem preſſit tantâ cumulata injuria mole
Eventus rerum meditanti corde volutat.
Cum tandem laſſata foret patientia, David
Erexit ſolio ſeſe divinus avito,
Et coeli afflatu profert haec dicta, loquente
Turma Creatorem in domino reverentior audit.
[108]Hactenus indociles Ego manſuetudine Gentes
Nativâ rexi, ſimulatâ concitus irâ
Aſpexi, & tardo pede damna illata rependi.
Tam facilè ingrato peccata remitteret aevo;
Mulcebat tanto Genitor lenimine Regem.
At jam tam vili proſtat Clementia noſtra,
Jus audent ipſi veniae perquirere ſontes.
Unum pro multis clamant ab origine natum;
Natus at imperio eſt, haec (que) ultima meta Monarchae.
Appellant Timidum, rarò quia ſanguine poenas
Exigo, tot Genium quantumvis probro virilem
Affligunt levius, plagiſque minoribus urgent.
At cum nativo deducant tramite, lenem
Me non invito, Geniove obſtante, docebo.
Subditus elatâ quae fert opprobria criſtâ
Non Regem, at dignâ laſſarent mole Camelum.
Si meus obtento juvenilis Jure Columnam
Concuteret Sampſon, pereat conſorte ruinâ.
Aſt O poeniteat ſcelerum, moreſque retractet!
Quàm mala condonant faciles faciles ingrata parentes!
Quàm paucis lachrymis veniam mereatur Adonis
Ille meus, cujus partes Natura tuetur!
O Juvenis miſerande! meâ provecte paternâ
Fabrica quanta levis tulit ad faſtigia curâ
Si natum Imperio voluiſſent fata, ſereno
Donâſſet terrenam Animam magis igne Prometheus.
Ingenti capitur Patriotae nomine, qui jam
Nil niſi conſcriptâ juſtum qui lege Monarcham
[109] Opprimeret, ſolióque ſuo depelleret, audit.
Grandiloquus vani populi Thraſo, machina cauti
Patricii, nunquam craſſi Patriota cerebri
Non fuit. Unde tamen, quod Relligione tuente,
Et patrocinio Legum majore, Paternam
Abſalon explodat Cauſam? Direpta magiſtro
Cum nondum antiquo fuerant inſignia, nunquam
Coeleſtis tantâ cumulari dote favoris
Traditur. O Superi, quali Patriota colore
Pingitur, indomitas cum Plebs ardeſcit in iras?
Quem populus trepidante colit pietate, rebellis
Ille mihi. Obtruſus tot ſuffragantibus haeres
Aſcendet ſolium? Sanhedrim ſua munera diſcat
Largiri. Saltem diviſo Jure coercet
Imperium Princeps, vincet neque calculus ullus
Si non communem meus immittatur in urnam.
Me Princeps votis non ſubſcribente legetur?
Jus tacitum confert praeſentem expellere Regem.
Electum impreſſo ſed confirmare ſigillo
Supplicat, at Jacob (cutis eſt cui laevis) Eſavi
Non manus hirſutis bene convenit hiſpida villis.
Vota pii coelo pro noſtra aeterna ſalute
Subjecti fundunt, ſitque ut diſcriminis expers
Imperio nudant. A ſeditione latente,
Conſutiſque dolis, Superi defendite ſalvum:
Sed mihi
* Mendicam praeſertim avertite
turbam;[110] Non uterus ſterilis, tumulúſve rapacius ambit,
Largiri nequit ipſe Deus ſibi quanta rogabit.
Quid ſupereſt? vigili Juris Regalis ocello
Quàm quaſi relliquias, minima & fragmenta, caverem,
Lex erit Imperii directrix regula noſtri,
Coget & infractos eadem parere Rebelles.
Non jam continuo legum tibicine niſum
Vota, quibus totum minus unâ parte probatur,
Imperium, quacun (que) volunt, dominantia flectent.
Non accuſantum fidos garritus amicos
Damnabit, noto nec plebs ſine crimine poenas
Infliget. Famulos namque in diſcrimine nullâ
Dii Regeſque ſuos non ſedulitate tuentur.
O ſi praeſcripto Salvandi limite tantùm
Clauderer? Heu! coelo ſimilis, cur mente coactâ
Invito poenas genioque repoſcere dignas
Impellor? Nudo tandem mucrone ferire
Juſtitiae cogor? Fatum proh Legis iniquum!
Quam malè perpendunt animo clemente timorem!
Praemoneo, non laeſa fremit patientia ſaevit.
Expoſcunt Legem? quaeſitâ Lege fruantur.
His quaſi monſtrato placuit non Gratia tergo,
Sed ſacram inſpiciunt audaci lumine frontem,
Atque ipſo intuitu pereunt. Nec juſtior ulla
Lex eſt, quàm propriâ artifices necis arte perire.
In ſe jurabunt per conſcia ſydera Teſtes,
Dum, velut eroſis depaſta eſt vipera matris
Viſceribus, parili ſic Conjuratio fato
Haec materna ruat, plenoſque voraciter hauſtus
[111] Sanguinis epotent, primoevoe alimenta juventoe.
Belzebub cum fratre ſuo
* fera bella movebit,
Vindictâ hoſtili ſic caſtigabitur hoſtis.
Nec deſperatur certus ſucceſſus, in ipſo
Effera Plebs aditu namque irruit impete toto.
Deinde frui campo da liberiore, recede,
Elude intentas obliquo corpore plagas.
Sed preme pectoribus cum reſpirarit anhelis,
Et pete laſſatas geminato robore vires.
Semper enim injuſtae ſupereminet aequa Poteſtas,
Pulſa diu & fixâ tandem ſtatione quieſcet.
Dixerat; Omnipotens conſenſerat indice natu,
Propitioque gravem tonitru tremefecit Olympum.
Fauſta novâ ſerie poſthac effluxerat aetas,
Feſtinis laeti fugerunt paſſibus anni.
Jeſſides iterum ſolio conſedit avito,
Et promptae agnôrant dominum ſine murmure gentes.
[1]THE NEGOTIATIONS OF Matthew Prior, Eſq
[]To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.
Paris, Aug. 8, 1699, N.S.
My Lord,
I Can now acquaint your Lordſhip, that I arrived here the 5th, and the next Day I ſent a Compliment to Monſieur Saintot, * who immediately waited on me, and gave me to underſtand that Monſieur de Torcy was expected in Town. Mr. Prior wrote to him, and he appointed the Afternoon to ſee me. Your Lord⯑ſhip [2] knows the uſual Ceremonies on ſuch Occaſions—
I am obliged to your Lordſhip for let⯑ting me have your Houſe, which I like extremely; though my Equipage not be⯑ing come from Rouen puts me under ſome Difficulties: but with the Help of Mr. Prior all Things are made eaſy. He has delivered your Lordſhip's Letter to Mon⯑ſieur de Torcy, and he took Notice to me how well Mr. Prior has behaved himſelf during his Stay here, &c.
To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.
Paris, Aug. 15, 1699.
My Lord,
I Am now entering upon a troubleſome Part of my Buſineſs, the King having appointed to morrow for an Audience at Verſailles. I cannot tell whether Mon⯑ſieur and Madame will be there. Mr. Prior intends to ſet out for Loo as ſoon as theſe Audiences are over, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[3]Loo, Sept. 11, 1699,
My Lord,
I Did not trouble you by laſt Poſt, not being then able to give a very good Account of myſelf; which I can do now, having had the Honour of a very long and particular Audience of his Majeſty this Morning; the Effect of which is, that he knows all I was able to inform him of in Relation to the preſent State of our Affairs in the Kingdom where you are, and that I am ordered to go from hence to morrow Morning for the Hague, to receive what Orders his Majeſty may ſend me, and to wait there till his far⯑ther Pleaſure be known.
Your Excellency ſees by the incloſed Memoir the Caſe of one Girard, a Mi⯑niſter of Neufchattel, whom his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty will protect againſt what Madame de Nemours, the lawful Sove⯑raign of the Place, deſigns to do in Rela⯑tion to her own Subject. His Majeſty commands me to intimate to your Excel⯑lency, That it is his Pleaſure, that you concert with Monſieur Fribergen upon [4] this Subject, and uſe your beſt Endea⯑vours with the Court of France, that they ſhould let the Matter be examined and decided by its competent Judges, accord⯑ing to the Senſe of the incloſed Memoir, of which Monſieur Fribergen has likewiſe a Copy.
You will have heard of the King of Denmark's Death before this reaches you, ſo that as to public News I ſhall not trouble you.
As to more private Affairs, Obrian is taken up at Bruſſels, ſo your Excellency muſt get Bayly to tell you the Particulars of what he knows relating to that Man, and what he thinks would be beſt to do that his being taken up may be ſervicea⯑ble to his Majeſty's Intereſts.
I write this Letter incloſed to Bayly upon this Head: the Account he gives your Excellency you will be pleaſed to ſend directly to Mr. Blathwayt.
I take this Opportunity, my Lord, to repeat my Thanks to you for your Fa⯑vours to me while I ſtayed with you at Paris; and to aſſure your Excellency, that in all Places and Stations I continue with great Reſpect, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[5]Hague, Oct. 16, 1699.
My Lord.
I Have the Honour of your Excellen⯑cy's Letters, that of the 5th, which came ſtrait hither, and that of the 30th paſt by Way of England, and returned thence. I underſtand by the Gentleman, nothing can be done ſo ſoon as we wiſh: but as I have ſpoken to the Perſons con⯑cerned here, in a little Time I ſhall be able to give him a better Anſwer than I can at preſent. It is thought proper that Bayly be continued in ſtatu quo. Mr. Yard has let my Lord Jerſey know what he has done in Relation to the Anſwer which Couchman brought. This, at pre⯑ſent, my Lord, is all I can ſay upon this Subject in general; as ſoon as we can get together in England, I hope to be more particular upon it, and more ſatis⯑factory to the Gentlemen concerned.
We expect the King here to morrow Night for certain, and about Saturday following we ſhall be wiſhing the Wind fair. Obrian is by this Time on board, in order to his going for England. The [6] other Perſons ſeized this Summer, about Loo, are ſtill in Cuſtody at Arnheim.
I trouble Mr. Stanyan with what is leſs material, and detain your Excellency no longer than to repeat to you the Aſſuran⯑ces of my being, with Zeal and Reſpect,
To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.
Paris, Oct. 29, 1699.
My Lord,
I Am to acquaint your Lordſhip, that Bryerly, one of the Aſſaſſinators, who had formerly ſome Thoughts of going into England, and diſcovering what he knew, in Hopes of obtaining his Par⯑don, and getting a Recompenſe, continues ſtill in great Neceſſity, and is ſaid to be in the ſame Reſolution. Some Steps were made by Mr. Prior in that Matter, when he was here, of which he can in⯑form your Lordſhip; and in caſe it may be judged for his Majeſty's Service to have him come over, I am ſure the Promiſe of a Pardon and ſome Reward will tempt him. I therefore deſire your Lordſhip would ſend me his Majeſty's Directions thereupon, which I ſhall contrive to per⯑form [7] in the ſafeſt Manner for him, and the Perſon who is to go between us.
To Mr. PRIOR.
Paris. Oct. 31, 1699.
SIR,
I Shall now begin to trouble you of⯑ten, believing you are ſettled in the Office, which will be another Sort of Life than that in France; but when I conſider you have ſo worthy a Perſon, and ſo good a Friend to act under, I then think nothing can ſtand in Conpetition with it. I ſhall be every Day more ſen⯑ſible of the Loſs of you here, which I hope you will make up to me, by let⯑ting me hear often from you. I have acquainted my Lord Jerſey with what paſ⯑ſed in Relation to me and the Portugal Embaſſador in the Apartment of Monſieur de Torcy. He is going away, elſe it would be impoſſible but there muſt be farther Diſputes of that Nature. The firſt Opportunity I have, I ſhall certainly return his Rudeneſs. When you can do it conveniently, put my Lord Jerſey in [8] Mind of what we have often diſcourſed about, in Relation to the Affairs of France, and what he was ſo kind as to ſay he would prevent, if poſſible, when I had the Honour of ſeeing him laſt. You can eaſily imagine I ſhall not be able to obtain any Thing of this Court, if Matters of Moment muſt be only tranſacted by Mon⯑ſieur de Tallard. Not that I am deſirous of knowing more than what he would think proper, in the Poſt I am in. I need not tell you that as a great Expence is neceſſary here, ſo an Eſteem for the Perſon is as much; and I flatter myſelf I) ſhall not forfeit it, unleſs this Court finds I am only here to make a Show.
Monſieur de Tallard is daily expected, and it may be will ſtill make his Com⯑plaints, as formerly, of the Delays he meets with in England. If ſo, I can now anſwer him much better, by what I have ſeen ſince my coming here.
The Day of Parade is near, and, with the Help of the Advice you give me, it will go well. The Calaſh is done, and I like it; though I aſſure you the Coaches I brought from England do exceed it in gilding, painting and carving. All who ſee it do own, and the French confeſs, they cannot come up to our gilding, though they pretend theirs will laſt longer. I [9] wiſh you was to be here for a few Days. The beſt Apartment is now a la Fran⯑çoiſe, Velvet and Damaſk Chairs with Gold Galoon, the Frames gilded, Mar⯑ble Tables, with large Looking Glaſſes, and I found it was abſolutely neceſſary, and when I was doing it I would do it well. The Chapel, which I have in⯑larged into the Garden, looks very hand⯑ſome.
I cannot finiſh this without my Wiſhes that you may ſucceed in all Things for your Advantage, &c. I am, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, Oct. 23, 1699. O.S.
My Lord,
I Have received your Lordſhip's Let⯑ter of the 28th of October. Before you receive this Mr. Prior will be with you. It is his Majeſty's Deſire that you diſcourſe the Buſineſs of the Partition Treaty with Mr. Prior, who has already Knowledge of it; and according to the Account your Lordſhip gives next of it, you ſhall receive his Majeſty's farther Di⯑rections. [10] What elſe your Letters con⯑tain, I muſt beg Leave to put off the anſwering it to another Time. I am, &c.
N.B. The Earl of Mancheſter's to the Earl of Jerſey [Paris. Nov 6, 1699.] begins thus;
Mr. Prior informed your Lordſhip, by Wedneſday's Poſt, of his Arrival here. He having explained to me the Subject upon which he was ſent, I wrote to Mon⯑ſieur de Torcy, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
London, Nov. 3/10, 1699.
My Lord,
I Arrived here on Friday Night, and every Body confeſſes that Roger is fitter than I to be ſent Expreſs: On Sa⯑turday Morning my Lord Jerſey carried me to the King. I firſt read to his Majeſty what your Lordſhip ſaid to the King of France, and what the King anſwered thereupon, and then I explained to his [11] Majeſty the Subſtance of the whole that had paſt during my being in France. His Majeſty is ſatisfied with every Step your Excellency made; and, in one Word we did as we ought to do. His Majeſty aſked me a great many Queſtions about your Entry. You will eaſily believe I was glad, on that Occaſion, to do you Juſtice. Hi [...] Majeſty aſked me about the Rank which Monſieur de Torcy's Coach had; and in all this Affair I can aſſure your Excellency he is very well ſatisfied. I have ſeen as well Charles as James Erby, and Chriſtopher Montague. I have been aſked ten thouſand Queſtions, and gave them the News of my Lord Mandevil being to arrive at Paris within theſe ſix Months; for which we wiſh all very heartily. I contracted a Cold in the Voyage, and wiſely increaſed it by run⯑ning about theſe two Days. I am blood⯑ed and keep my Chamber to-day, which is the Reaſon of my uſing another Hand: I hope your Excellency will excuſe it. The King dined to-day with my Lord Rocheſter at his Houſe near Richmond; my Lord Jerſey is gone to dine with him. Whig and Tory are, as of old, implaca⯑ble. Dr. D'Avenant is coming out with another Book, in which he attacks the Grants, and is (as I am told) very ſcur⯑rilous [12] againſt my Lord Chancellor,* and our dear Friend Charles. This, I think, is all the News I have known ſince my Arrival. I have only to add my great Thanks to your Excellency for your Hoſ⯑pitality and Kindneſs to me in France, and wiſh you Succeſs in every Thing there, with all poſſible Zeal and Sincerity. I am, &c.
To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.
Paris, Nov. 17, 1699.
My Lord,
I Shall always diſcharge his Majeſty's Orders with all Secrecy and Care ima⯑ginable; and I am apt to think this Oc⯑caſion will make Monſieur de Tallard take Care how he behaves himſelf; for he was not very eaſy when he found Mr. Prior was come, and that I was to have an Au⯑dience. I am, &c.
To Mr. PRIOR.
[13]Paris, Dec. 8, 1699.
SIR,
I Could wiſh this Court was ſo well in⯑clined as to grant any Favour in Rela⯑tion to the French Proteſtants; but at preſent I cannot ſee any Inclination, nei⯑ther can I hope ever to have ſuch Credit with Monſieur de Torcy as on my Account to perſuade him: if at any Time I ſee a Probability, I ſhall not fail to act as is deſired. I have not yet made all my Vi⯑ſits of Ceremony; and this Day I am go⯑ing to the Arſenal You will be ſo kind as to make my Excuſe to Lord Jerſey, having nothing at preſent to acquaint him with, only that King James continues ſtill ill. His Diſtemper is Boils in his Backſide. I do not hear there is much Danger, unleſs it ſhould turn to a Fiſ⯑tula. In a little Time you ſhall hear more. Monſieur de Tallard could not be ſo ſoon with you as he intended, becauſe the Wind continued ſome Days againſt him, and obliged him to ſtay at Calais. I am glad to hear our Proceedings were approved of, and I am impatient to know [14] the Succeſs of that Matter, though it may be I ſhall hear it firſt from Monſieur de Torcy. I am, &c.
To the Rt. Hon. CHA. MONTAGUE, Eſq Extract.
Paris, Dec. 8, 1699, N.S.
SIR,
MR. Prior's coming here, and the private Audience I had of the King the Day of my Entry, occaſioned much Diſcourſe, and did me Service with the Miniſters, for now they ſee the King does not wholly rely on Monſieur de Tallard—King James, upon Mr. Pri⯑or's coming hither, believed I was to be recalled, and he to be left here; which, for ſome Time, gave him great Satisfac⯑tion. It is not agreeable to them to ſee me live in ſuch a Manner, that none of the Engliſh come to Paris but they ad⯑dreſs themſelves to me. &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[15]Whitehall, Dec. 7, 1699, O.S.
My Lord,
THough I have written to You by my Lord's Order,* that is his Let⯑ter; I am to add a Word from myſelf.
You ſee by the News, which accom⯑panies this Letter, what was done in both Houſes Yeſterday. In the Upper-Houſe, the Biſhop of St. David's Buſineſs† was thrown out; and in the Other Houſe, Proceedings in Relation to Kidd's Mat⯑ter‖ came to nothing: ſo that we gained two Triumphs that Day. Oh! ſi ſic omnia. The Commons Addreſs you will obſerve to be ſomewhat high; but the Moderation and Wiſdom of the King's Anſwer is thought, even by his Enemies, to be inimitable.
D'Avenant has printed his Book againſt Grants,§ which I take to be a ſcandalous Libel againſt the Government: I will [16] ſend it you when we employ a Meſſenger; for I think it would coſt you too dear if it came by the Poſt.
Smith, * who was a Sort of Diſcoverer of the Plot, and printed a Book laſt Year reflecting upon the Duke of Shrewſbury, has printed another now to the ſame Tune. O Tempora! O Mores! Every Man ſays and writes what he will. Next Week I intend to come out myſelf with a Panegyric upon the King. I am ever, my Lord, with all imaginable Reſpect, &c.
[17]P.S. I do not write to Stanyan; for he has not a Park, nor a Doe* in the World: I mean a Doe fit for a Paſty.
To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.
Paris, Dec. 23, 1699.
My Lord,
MR. Prior, may remember that I talk⯑ed to him, when he was here laſt, about taking up one Claude, a French⯑man, as he ſays he is, who ſerved the late Lord B—l, in order to exchange him for Pierre Perault, or Arnold. If your Lordſhip be of that Mind, he is al⯑moſt every Day at the Dog-Tavern in Drury-Lane, and Couchman, the Meſſen⯑ger, will be a proper Perſon to apprehend him, becauſe he was acquainted with him when he was at Paris. This Claude was very much at St. Germains while he ſtay⯑ed in France, and endeavoured to ſeduce ſeveral Engliſh thither: but that which will be a better Reaſon for ſeizing him is, his having attended Richardſon, one of the Aſſaſſins, while he lay concealed in the late Lord B—l's Houſe, which I [18] am told he bragged of, when he was here laſt, &c.
To Mr. PRIOR.
Paris, Jan. 2, 1700.
SIR,
HAving writ ſo lately, by Mr. Stan⯑hope, to the Earl of Jerſey, I do not trouble him now. I muſt deſire you to make my Excuſe, and acquaint him with the Contents of this. There is no⯑thing at preſent acting at St. Germains, King James being not well, and wholly giving himſelf up to Devotions and Pray⯑ers. The Wound, which was very large, is healed; but it is thought they have done it too ſoon, becauſe the ſame Hu⯑mours run all over his Body, ſometimes in his Stomach, Legs, &c. He is ex⯑tremely broke, and moſt Men are of Opi⯑nion he cannot recover, though he may go on ſome Time as he is. Father Coſme is run away with fifty thouſand Livres, which he had in his Hands, and which he was to diſtribute among the Iriſh. They think he may be gone for England, ſince he cannot be ſafe in any other Place. [19] If I learn any Thing of him you ſhall hear from me: nevertheleſs it may not be improper to make ſome Inquiry after him; and you will find by my former Accounts where his Acquaintance live in London. I was Yeſterday at Verſailles, where I made a Compliment to the King and the reſt of the Court, it being New-Years Day. I dined with Monſieur de Boufflers. I find them all very civil; but how long it will laſt you can beſt judge. I wonder my Servant has not been with you: the Buck-Seaſon muſt make it up. We want two Poſts, hav⯑ing had no Letters ſince the 31ſt of De⯑cember laſt. I am, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, Jan. 18, 1700.
My Lord,
WE have this Morning two Poſts from France, of the 20th and 23d. My Lord Jerſey commands me to acknowledge your Letter to him; and to tell you, that the Houſe of Lords ſit⯑ting ſo late, and he being obliged, after [20] its riſing, to go to Kenſington, is the Rea⯑ſon why he does not write to you. You will ſee, by the Incloſed, what a Day's Work has been performed in the Houſe of Commons; the Iriſh Grants to be reaſſumed, and not even the third Part of them to be reſerved to the King; and the Miniſtry, ſome of our Friends parti⯑cularly, meaned and aimed at in the latter Part of their Vote. This all comes like a Torrent; and the few who would, can⯑not. In the Houſe of Lords, the King is a little more civilly uſed. As to the Buſineſs of Darien, his Majeſty is at leaſt juſtified in his Letters to the Governors of the Plantations. Thus we are, my good Lord, ſcrambling, and doing our beſt on one Side againſt the other, who are very troubleſome, not to ſay danger⯑ous.
We hear of the Complaints you make from Monſieur de Tallard, and prepare to redreſs them as well as we can. As to the Perſons mentioned in your Letter, Care will be taken.
The King has not yet ſeen Lord Bazil, or any Addreſs from him. I do not hear that this Lord's Countrymen are quieter: I know not how far your Houſe's Reſolu⯑tion of to Day will go towards calming them. I am ever, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER. Extract.
[21]Whitehall, Jan. 5, O.S.
My Lord,
I Do not find the King willing to be at a great Expence about the Perſonne dont il ſ'agit, * without having ſome Aſ⯑ſurance of the Service he can do. Mr. Prior has been ill, which is the Reaſon I have not been able to know of him in what this Perſon can be moſt uſeful. I deſire your Lordſhip will, in the mean Time, keep this Matter on foot, and let me know your Opinion as to the Expence and Advantage we may have by it, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, Feb. 20, O.S.
My Lord,
MY Lord Jerſey gives me in Charge to own the Receipt of your Let⯑ters, of the 16th and 17th, the Subſtance [22] of which my Lord will lay before his Majeſty the firſt Opportunity.
If you hear no more of the great Af⯑fair, it is becauſe nothing is tranſacted in it farther than when your Excellency was laſt adviſed of it; conſequently Roger is not yet diſpatched.
I muſt congratulate your Happineſs, that you are out of this Noiſe and Tu⯑mult, where we are tearing and deſtroy⯑ing every Man his Neighbour. To-Mor⯑row is the great Day when we expect that my Lord Chancellor* will be fallen up⯑on, though God knows what Crime he is guilty of, but that of being a very great Man, and a wiſe and upright Judge. Lord Bellemont, you will read in the Votes, was fallen upon to-Day; thus eve⯑ry Day a Miniſter, till at laſt we reach the King. By next Poſt I ſhall, I pre⯑ſume be able to write to you what re⯑lates to Matters on your Side: I am hear⯑tily tired with them on our Side. I am, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[23]Whitehall, Feb. 22, O.S.
My Lord,
I Have no particular Commands from your Lordſhip, ſo can only acknow⯑ledge the Receipt of the French Letters of the 24th and 27th. The great Affair was tranſacted this Morning, though I be⯑lieve Count Tallard will not be able to ſend his Expreſs away theſe two or three Days. My Lord Jerſey ſtill keeps his Bed, his Gout had a Fever which accompanied it; but God be thanked both thoſe Diſtempers abate, and I hope by next Poſt he will tell you ſo in his own Hand. In the mean Time, we take what Care we can about the Contents of your laſt Letter to my Lord; though God knows all the Care we take ſignifies little, conſidering how we are reſtrained as to the taking any Bo⯑dy, though the Informations given make it highly neceſſary for the public Good: but you know England well enough in this Point my Lord.
The Speaker's Illneſs gives the Houſe of Commons Leave to play till Monday. The Addreſs they preſented Yeſterday to [24] the King, he anſwered very civilly, but ſmartly: I have not yet the Words, but ſhall ſend them with the firſt. The Senſe was, That he was ſenſible the Nation lay under great Taxes; that he had and would contribute to the eaſing them by every Way which was juſt; that he thought he had the Power of gratifying ſome who had been actually in the Re⯑duction of Ireland, out of what was his.
I had written your Lordſhip a long politic Letter, for I thought that Roger would have been diſpatched to you; but ſince there are no Particularities in the Affair I have ſpoke of, I have ſent Word to Mr. Woolaſton, that Roger may ſtay to go over with the Midwife for my Lady: Quod felix fauſtum (que) ſit, &c.
If I might ſpeak my particular Senti⯑ments concerning la Perſonne dont il ſ'agit, I would have him well ſifted and tried if he means to act in Earneſt, and is really diſ⯑poſed to the Thing; otherwiſe we may be bantered, to ſay no worſe of it: but this is only to yourſelf, my Lord, and from him who is eternally, with great Reſpect, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[25]April 1, 1700. O.S.
My Lord,
FOr above theſe two Months paſſed I have not had an Opportunity of ſending over a Horace, which we printed at Cambridge, and which my Lord Duke of Somerſet, our Chancellor, preſents to the King of France's Library, with a Let⯑ter which his Grace writes on that Sub⯑ject to the Abbé de Louvois: but I have at laſt ſent them by a Footman who quitted my Service. The Book and Let⯑ter will be, or are already, delivered to Mr. Stanyan, and the Favour we beg of your Excellency is, that you would honour this Book with a Word, by which the Court of France, and particularly the Archbiſhop of Rheims and Abbé Louvois may take Notice, that the Univerſity of Cambridge would eſtabliſh a fair Correſ⯑pondence with the Learned on your Side. By next Poſt, I ſhall write ſomething to the Soubibliothecaire, * Monſieur Clermont, concerning the Greek Cyphers we would buy of them: in this I muſt likewiſe de⯑ſire your Lordſhip's Good Offices, ſince [26] without your appearing concerned in it we ſhall hardly make our Matters bear as we deſire. Monſieur Vrybergen came on Friday. I have not yet ſeen him, I am &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, April 10, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,
HAving written for my Maſter, I have very little to add for myſelf; except that I am very glad my Lord Mandeville is come to Town, and hope he will ſtay long with us. I am glad he is born at Paris, for had he been born here, he would have liked living among us ſo little, that I queſtion whether he would have thought it worth his while to have Sucked. The Votes of to Day pretty well explain what I mean. God knows how the Buſineſs will turn, or where this Violence of the Houſe of Com⯑mons will end. The Lords ſeem as yet to adhere to their Point: On Wedneſday we expect the Iſſue of all this. Seymour * plainly ſaid to Day, That the Original [27] of all this proceeded from the Miniſters, and from the chief of them, the Chancel⯑lor. Many other angry Sayings of this Kind have been vented; and in the Heat of this Hurry Kidd is arrived, and ſent up for, with his Papers, by an Order from the Admiralty. Our Friend* has ſaid no⯑thing of late in the Houſe of Commons. My Lord Chancellor is very ſick. This is the Abbregé of our Caſe, I think no very good one. I am going to Kenſington the Moment after I have told you that I am, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, April 11, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,
OUR long Seſſion is this Day, God be thanked, finiſhed; the Iriſh Grants reſumed, and the Commons ſatiſ⯑fied, at leaſt for ſome Time. Yeſterday was indeed a great Criſis, from the Morn⯑ing, when it was doubtful if the Lords would adhere to their Amendments or no; the Commons fell directly upon Impeach⯑ing. The Perſons they named were my [28] Lords Portland and Albemarle, the Arti⯑cles upon which they were going, for pro⯑curing for themſelves exorbitant Grants. In this State the Affair laſted till after the ſecond Conference with the Lords; and immediately upon the Managers re⯑turning from the Conference, the Houſe, though they thought the Lords would recede, locked themſelves up till ten at Night, of which you ſee the good Effects in the Votes. They threw Fire about at every Body, had a great Mind to fling at our Friend Charles; * you ſee what they would have done to my Lord Chan⯑cellor, and how Duke Schomberg and Lord Portland ſuffer in their Addreſs, that Strangers ſhall not be Privy-Counſellors. God knows whither this Heat would have gone, if it had not been timely diſpatched by every Body's ſtriving to come in, ſo this Bill paſſed: Upon the Main, we have Life for ſix Months longer, and alors comme alors. †
The Affair upon which I came into France, will be quite ended to Night. Your Lordſhip will pretend, in any Diſ⯑courſe you may have on that Subject, to think it was quite ended three Weeks ſince, or at leaſt, that you heard nothing to the contrary. I hope my Lord Man⯑deville [29] is well, and his beautiful Mother, whom the French Ladies will talk to Death, unleſs you get your Doors locked up, like thoſe of the Houſe of Com⯑mons.
My Lord* commands me to acknow⯑ledge yours of the 17th, and ſays, the perpetual Hurry in which we have been muſt ſerve for a Reaſon that, as yet he has not ſpoke to the King to be your Goſſip: But this, my Lord ſays is a Fa⯑vour which he doubts not but the King will grant, and he will tell you ſo him⯑ſelf next Poſt. I am, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, April 18, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,
OUR Parliament Affairs being at length finiſhed, we have a little Time to think of our private Devoirs. I muſt therefore beg your Excellency (if you have not done it already) to give the Horace, and the Duke of Somerſet's Let⯑ter, to Abbé de Louvois, making the Archbiſhop of Rheims acquainted with the Duke's Preſent, and the Deſire we [30] have to correſpond with the Learned at Paris. I have written to Mr. Clement what the Univerſity deſires, as to the procuring us ſome Greek Types. If your Excellency expends the Money, and are pleaſed to draw upon me, I will anſwer the Bills: I ſhould be glad they could be got ready ſoon. I ſhould not dare to trouble your Excellency, but that your Protection to the Univerſity is abſolutely neceſſary in this Occaſion.
His Majeſty goes to Morrow to Hamp⯑ton-Court, and will ſtay there, we ſay, theſe ſix Weeks. At the End of a Seſ⯑ſion of Parliament, you know, we always talk of a Change in the Miniſtry. We do ſo at preſent, but upon what Ground I know not. I am, &c.
To Mr. PRIOR.
THe Court being at Marly, Monſieur de Torcy will not be in Town till to morrow; ſo I muſt make my Excuſe to my Lord Jerſey by you, for my not writing. My Wife lays all the Fault on [31] you, that we have not yet heard, if we may give the Little-one the King's Name, and I dare not venture without knowing that poſitively: ſo that, at preſent, you are a little out of Favour, and will be ſo, unleſs we hear by the next Letters.
I ſhall do all I can to ſerve the Univer⯑ſity, and ſhall take Care about the Horace, when I have it. Mr. Stanyan will ac⯑quaint you how that Matter ſtands, and how this Book is ſeized at Diepe. I have not ſeen the Archbiſhop of Rheims for ſome Time, and I believe he is gone to his Dioceſe.
Several of the Great Men here will dine with me to-morrow, and among them the Mareſchal de Villeroy. He will cer⯑tainly aſk after you, as he often does: The little Hopes our Friends at St. Ger⯑mains have left, is in Scotland, and if that fails, all Things will be quiet till the next Meeting of the Parliament. I think inſtead of a Change in the Mini⯑ſters, we ſhould have a new Parliament. that would be more for the King's Service. Not much Good can be expected from a laſt Seſſion. We hear the King intends to go for Holland next Summer. When that is certain, pray let me know it, which will oblige, &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
[32]Hampton-Court, May 2, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,
I Am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of the 8th. I do not be⯑lieve, there will be Occaſion for Roger's Stay. As the Affairs of Sir William, &c. has gone through the Hands of the Church, ſo it is convenient that it ſhould ſo con⯑tinue: and as to the great Affair, I ſhall take Care to manage it as you have alrea⯑dy done, in Relation to that Perſon's knowing it. whom you mention in your Letter. The Thing itſelf cannot, I think, in its own Nature, be long a Secret: God only knows what Effect it may have when it comes out, ſo ſtrange a People are we, and ſo reſolved not to be pleaſed with any Thing. I ſhall be able, in a Poſt or two, to ſend Brocard ſome Mo⯑ney, out of which your Excellency will repay yourſelf what you have expended, before you give or order him the reſt: I believe, there is no great Matter to be known; but ſuch as it is, he muſt be en⯑couraged.
[33] I have only in Charge, from my Lord Jerſey, to own the Receipt of yours of the 8th, and to tell your Lordſhip, that he will anſwer you by ſending away your Expreſs with the firſt Opportunity. My Lord Chief-Juſtice Holt having been here to-day, and with the King in private, has given People Occaſion to ſay, that he has refuſed the Seals: if it be ſo, or not, I cannot ſay; but as yet the Seals are not diſpoſed of. The King, God be thanked, is well, which is all the News I can ſend you from this Place. I dined to-day with Mr. Montague here, and drank my Lord Mancheſter's Health. I am, &c.
To Mr. PRIOR.
Paris, June 30, 1700.
SIR,
I Do not write by this Poſt to my Lord Jerſey, becauſe Mr. Stanyan intends to ſet out on Friday next, and by him I will let his Lordſhip know what occurs.
I find by yours, of the 13th Inſtant, O.S. that there are not to be any Chan⯑ges. By this I ſee the Town follows its [34] old Cuſtom of placing and diſplacing ſe⯑veral. As for my own particular, I ſhall never like France ſo well as not to wiſh to be at Home. You know the French very well, and I believe you find the Di⯑verſions at Hampton-Court, where I hear you are often, more to your Satisfaction than any Thing here.
The News we have at preſent is, that the Pope has made a Promotion for the Crowns, viz. the Archbiſhop of Paris (who was Yeſterday at Verſailles to thank the King) for France; the Biſhop of Paſ⯑ſaro, for the Emperor; and Borgia, a Canon of Toledo, for Spain. There are ſtill two in Petto. We have ſometimes Reports here of the King's being indiſ⯑poſed; but I hope it is not true, I am, &c.
To Mr. PRIOR.
Paris, July 10, 1700.
SIR,
I Was very ſorry to hear my Lord Jer⯑ſey had quitted the Office, and much more ſo becauſe you alſo leave it. I ſup⯑poſe you have long foreſeen this, and [35] cannot but have taken Care of yourſelf, being upon the Place: for you often ſaid, Men were forgot when abroad. The Hopes you give, that I am to correſpond with Mr. Vernon, makes me more eaſy than I ſhould have been.
The Embaſſador of Savoy was with me, to let me know, that the Duke his Maſter had ordered Monſieur de la Tour, who was formerly his Envoy in England, to re⯑turn thither with the ſame Character. This will cauſe a great Diſcourſe, be⯑cauſe he was his chief Miniſter: but the Reaſon why he comes is not hard to gueſs. I was in Hopes to have heard ſomething concerning Sir, &c. whoſe Letter I ſent lately to England. As ſoon as I hear from my Lord Jerſey, I ſhall not fail to congratulate with him, I am &c.
To the Earl of MANCHESTER.
Whitehall, Dec. 10, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,
I Am indebted to my good Lord Man⯑cheſter for two or three Letters; and it would be unreaſonable, if I did not [36] take the Opportunity of Mr. Chetwynd's Return, to tell your Lordſhip what I know of the State of Things here. That we ſhall have a new Parliament is, I think, certain; at leaſt as far as I can ſee into the Matter. What Sort of Parliament it may prove, I cannot any Ways foreſee; but ſure there never was ſo much Work, as at preſent, in ſecuring Parties and bri⯑bing Elections. Whig and Tory are rail⯑ing, on both Sides, ſo violent, that the Government may eaſily be over-turned by the Madneſs of either Faction. We take it to be our Play to do nothing againſt common Senſe or common Law, and to be for thoſe who will ſupport the Crown, rather than oblige their Party; and in order to this, Men are preferred who are looked upon to be honeſt and moderate. In this Number (whether with Reaſon or not, Time muſt decide) we comprehend our Lord-Keeper and our new Secretary. Lord Rocheſter and Lord Godolphin are in the Cabinet-Council; the latter is at the Head of the Treaſury; the former (we take it for granted) is to go Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, though it be yet a Secret. The two Companies are to be brought to an Agreement. (if poſſible) and Mr. Montague's being made a Peer (we take for granted) may con⯑tribute [37] to this Union, ſince, being in the Houſe of Commons, he would make an ill Figure, if he either declined to ſup⯑port the new, or ſhould find too great an Oppoſition in his endeavouring ſo to do. As to the Great Affair, I preſume the King will wholly defer it to the Parlia⯑ment, and act conjointly with their Con⯑ſent, which I take to be the only Method. All that I can ſay more on this Head is, that I take it to be happy for the King, that the Will is preferred, by the French, at a Time when every Body was peeviſh againſt the Court (though with Reaſon God knows) about the Treaty. Count Tallard makes a fooliſh Figure here: I do not know, as yet, what he ſays to the King on this Occaſion; but every Body obſerves his Excellency to be very melan⯑choly and deſponding, and one may judge he has Reaſon to be ſo, as to his own Particular, concerning the Part he has been made to act, however his Country in general may approve their Monarch's Breach of Truth and Treaty. This I think is the preſent Figure of our Affairs, which I am glad to write to ſo good a Friend as my Lord Mancheſter, though to moſt of the World here, I am of Opi⯑nion that to ſay leaſt is to do beſt. Your Friend my Lord Jerſey grows very much [38] a Miniſter, and is in a fair Way of being very great. As to my own Affairs, I have a great many Friends who would ſet me up at Cambridge: I know I ſhall find great Oppoſition from Mr. Ham⯑mond's Party there, and great Trouble, in caſe I ſhould throw him out, from thoſe Men, who will never be ſatisfied, let me act as I will or can. If your Lord⯑ſhip thinks it convenient, I know you will not refuſe me your Letter to the Univerſity. My Lord Sandwich is gone to Hinchinbrook, I hear, in order to ſet up Charles Boyle againſt Mr. Wort⯑ley Montague's Intereſt at Huntington: Vive la Guerre, whoſoever is choſen or caſt out, or on what Side ſoever Things turn. I am, moſt truly, &c.
P.S. Though I am no longer in a Secre⯑tary's Office, Veniſon would not poi⯑ſon a Commiſſioner of Commerce, and Does are now in Seaſon; which may be uſeful to inform Mr. Woolaſton when next your Lordſhip writes to him.
FINIS.
