No. 1. Friday, December 23. 1715.

THE Arguments of an Author loſe a great deal of their Weight, when we are perſuaded that he only writes for Argument's ſake, and has no real Concern in the Cauſe which he eſpou⯑ſes. This is the Caſe of one, who draws his Pen in the Defence of Property, without having any; except, perhaps, in the Copy of a Libel, or a Ballad. One is apt to ſuſpect, that the Paſſion for Liberty, which appears in a Grub⯑ſtreet Patriot, ariſes only from his Apprehenſions of a Gaol; and that, whatever he may pretend, he does not write to ſecure, but to get ſome⯑thing of his Own. Should the Government be [2] overturn'd, he has nothing to loſe but an old Standiſh.

I queſtion not but the Reader will conceive a Reſpect for the Author of this Paper, from the Title of it; ſince, he may be ſure, I am ſo con⯑ſiderable a Man, that I cannot have leſs than forty Shillings a Year.

I have rather choſen this Title than any other, becauſe it is what I moſt glory in, and what moſt effectually calls to my Mind the Happineſs of that Government under which I live. As a Bri⯑tiſh Free-Holder, I ſhould not ſcruple taking place of a French Marquis; and when I ſee one of my Countreymen amuſing himſelf in his little Cabbage-Garden, I naturally look upon him as a greater Perſon than the Owner of the richeſt Vineyard in Champagne.

The Houſe of Commons is the Repreſenta⯑tive of Men in my Condition. I conſider my ſelf as one who give my Conſent to every Law which paſſes: A Free-Holder in our Govern⯑ment being of the Nature of a Citizen of Rome in that famous Commonwealth; who, by the Election of a Tribune, had a kind of remote Voice in every Law that was enacted. So that a Freeholder is but one Remove from a Legiſla⯑tor, and for that Reaſon ought to ſtand up in the Defence of thoſe Laws, which are in ſome degree of his own making. For ſuch is the Na⯑ture of our happy Conſtitution, that the Bulk of the People virtually give their Approbation to e⯑very thing they are bound to obey, and preſcribe to themſelves thoſe Rules by which they are to walk.

At the ſame time that I declare I am a Free-holder, I do not exclude my ſelf from any other Title. A Free-Holder may be either a [3] Voter, or a Knight of the Shire; a Wit, or a Fox-hunter; a Scholar, or a Soldier; an Alder⯑man, or a Courtier; a Patriot, or a Stock-Job⯑ber. But I chuſe to be diſtinguiſh'd by this De⯑nomination, as the Free-Holder is the Baſis of all other Titles. Dignities may be grafted upon it; but this is the ſubſtantial Stock, that conveys to them their Life, Taſte, and Beauty; and without which they are no more than Bloſſoms, that would fall away with every Shake of Wind

And here I cannot but take occaſion to con⯑gratulate my Countrey upon the Increaſe of this happy Tribe of Men, ſince, by the Wiſdom of the preſent Parliament, I find the Race of Free-Holders ſpreading into the remoteſt Corners of the Iſland. I mean that Act which paſs'd in the late Seſſion for the Encouragement of Loyalty in Scotland: By which it is provided, That all and every Vaſſal and Vaſſals in Scotland, who ſhall continue peaceable, and in dutiful Allegiance to His Majeſty, His Heirs and Succeſſors, holding Lands or Tenements of any Offender [guilty of High-Treaſon] who holds ſuch Lands or Tene⯑ments immediately of the Crown, ſhall be veſted and ſeized, and are hereby enacted and ordained to hold the ſaid Lands or Tenements of His Majeſty, His Heirs and Succeſſors, in Fee and Heritage for ever, by ſuch manner of holding, as any ſuch Of⯑fender held ſuch Lands or Tenements of the Crown, &c.

By this Means it will be in the Power of a Highlander to be at all times a good Tenant, without being a Rebel; and to deſerve the Cha⯑racter of a faithful Servant, without thinking himſelf obliged to follow his Maſter to the Gal⯑lows.

[4] How can we ſufficiently extol the Goodneſs of His preſent Majeſty, who is not willing to have a ſingle Slave in his Dominions! Or enough rejoice in the Exerciſe of that Loyalty, which, inſtead of betraying a Man into the moſt igno⯑minious Servitude, (as it does in ſome of our neighbouring Kingdoms) entitles him to the higheſt Privileges of Freedom and Property! It is now to be hoped, that we ſhall have few Vaſ⯑ſals, but to the Laws of our Countrey.

When theſe Men have a Taſte of Property, they will naturally love that Conſtitution from which they derive ſo great a Bleſſing. There is an unſpeakable Pleaſure in calling any thing one's Own. A Free-Hold, tho' it be but in Ice and Snow, will make the Owner pleaſed in the Poſſeſſion, and ſtout in the Defence of it; and is a very proper Reward of our Allegiance to our preſent King, who (by an unparallel'd In⯑ſtance of Goodneſs in a Sovereign, and Infatu⯑ation in Subjects) contends for the Freedom of his People againſt themſelves; and will not ſuf⯑fer many of them to fall into a State of Slave⯑ry, which they are bent upon with ſo much Ea⯑gerneſs and Obſtinacy.

A Free-Holder of Great Britain, is bred with an Averſion to every thing that tends to bring him under a Subjection to the arbitrary Will of another. Of this we find frequent Inſtances in all our Hiſtories; where the Perſons, whoſe Characters are the moſt amiable, and ſtrike us with the higheſt Veneration, are thoſe who ſtood up manfully againſt the Invaſions of Civil Li⯑berty, and the complicated Tyranny which Po⯑pery impoſes upon our Bodies, our Fortunes, and our Minds. What a deſpicable Figure then muſt the preſent Mock-Patriots make in the Eyes [5] of Poſterity, who venture to be hang'd, drawn and quartered, for the Ruin of thoſe Civil Rights which their Anceſtors rather than part with, choſe to be cut to Pieces in the Field of Battel? And what an Opinion will after Ages enter⯑tain of Their Religion who bid fair for a Gib⯑bet, by endeavouring to bring in a Superſtition, which their Forefathers periſhed in Flames to keep out?

But how inſtructive ſoever the Folly of theſe Men may prove to future Times, it will be my Buſineſs more immediately to conſult the Happineſs of the Age in which I live. And ſince ſo many profligate Writers have endeavou⯑red to varniſh over a bad Cauſe, I ſhall do all in my Power to recommend a good One, which indeed requires no more than barely to explain what it is. While many of my gallant Coun⯑treymen are employed in purſuing Rebels half diſcomfited through the Conſciouſneſs of their Guilt, I ſhall labour to improve thoſe Victories to the Good of my Fellow-Subjects; by carry⯑ing on our Succeſſes over the Minds of Men, and by reconciling them to the Cauſe of their King, their Countrey, and their Religion.

To this End, I ſhall in the Courſe of this Pa⯑per (to be publiſhed every Monday and Friday) endeavour to open the Eyes of my Countreymen to their own Intereſt, to ſhew them the Privi⯑leges of an Engliſh Free-Holder, which they en⯑joy in common with my ſelf, and to make them ſenſible how theſe Bleſſings are ſecured to us by his Majeſty's Title, his Adminiſtration, and his Perſonal Character.

I have only one Requeſt to make to my Rea⯑ders, that they will peruſe theſe Papers with the ſame Candour and Impartiality in which they are [6] written; and ſhall hope for no other Prepoſſeſſion in favour of them, than what one would think ſhould be natural to every Man, a Deſire to be happy, and a good Will towards thoſe, who are the Inſtruments of making them ſo.

No. 2. Monday, December 26.

HAving in my firſt Paper ſet forth the Happi⯑neſs of my Station as a Free-Holder of Great Britain, and the Nature of that Property which is ſecured to me by the Laws of my Countrey; I cannot forbear conſidering in the next place, That Perſon who is entruſted with the Guardian⯑ſhip and Execution of thoſe Laws. I have lived in one Reign, when the Prince, inſtead of invi⯑gorating the Laws of our Countrey, or giving them their proper Courſe, aſſum'd a Power of diſpenſing with them: And in another, when the Sovereign was flattered by a Set of Men in⯑to a Perſuaſion, that the Regal Authority was unlimited and uncircumſcribed. In either of theſe Caſes, good Laws are at beſt but a dead Letter; and by ſhewing the People how happy they ought to be, only ſerve to aggravate the Senſe of their Oppreſſions.

We have the Pleaſure at this Time to ſee a King upon the Throne, who hath too much [7] Goodneſs to wiſh for any Power, that does not enable Him to promote the Welfare of His Sub⯑jects; and too much Wiſdom to look upon thoſe as His Friends, who would make their Court to Him by the Profeſſion of an Obedience, which they never practiſed, and which has al⯑ways proved fatal to thoſe Princes, who have put it to the Trial. His Majeſty gave a Proof of His Sovereign Virtues before He came to the Exerciſe of them in this Kingdom. His In⯑clination to Juſtice led Him to rule His Ger⯑man Subjects in the ſame Manner, that our Con⯑ſtitution directs Him to govern the Engliſh. He regarded thoſe which are our Civil Liberties, as the natural Rights of Mankind; and therefore indulged them to a People, who pleaded no o⯑ther Claim to them than from His known Good⯑neſs and Humanity. This Experience of a good Prince, before we had the Happineſs to enjoy Him, muſt give great Satisfaction to every think⯑ing Man, who conſiders how apt Sovereignty is to deprave human Nature; and how many of our own Princes made very ill Figures upon the Throne, who, before they aſcended it, were the Favourites of the People.

What gives us the greateſt Security in the Conduct of ſo excellent a Prince is That Con⯑ſiſtency of Behaviour, whereby He inflexibly purſues thoſe Meaſures which appear the moſt juſt and equitable. As He hath the Character of being the moſt prudent in laying proper Schemes; He is no leſs remarkable for being ſtea⯑dy in accompliſhing what He has once concerted. Indeed, if we look into the Hiſtory of His pre⯑ſent Majeſty, and reflect upon that wonderful Series of Succeſſes which have attended Him, I think they cannot be aſcribed to any thing ſo [8] much as to this Uniformity and Firmneſs of Mind, which has always diſcovered it ſelf in His Proceedings. It was by This that He ſur⯑mounted thoſe many Difficulties which lay in the Way to His Succeſſion; and by which, we have reaſon to hope, He will daily make all Oppoſition fall before Him. The fickle and unſteady Politicks of our late Britiſh Monarchs, have been the perpetual Source of thoſe Diſſen⯑tions and Animoſities which have made the Nation unhappy: Whereas the conſtant and un⯑ſhaken Temper of His preſent Majeſty, muſt have a natural Tendency to the Peace of His Government, and the Unanimity of His People.

Whilſt I am enumerating the publick Virtues of our Sovereign, which are ſo conducive to the Advantage of thoſe who are to obey Him, I cannot but take Notice, that His Majeſty was bred up from His Infancy with a Love to this our Nation, under a Princeſs, who was the moſt accompliſhed Woman of her Age, and particularly famous for her Affection to the Engliſh. Our Countreymen were dear to Him, before there was any Proſpect of their being His Subjects; and every one knows, that nothing recommended a Man ſo much to the diſtinguiſh⯑ing Civilities of His Court, as the being born in Great Britain.

To the Fame of His Majeſty's Civil Virtues, we may add the Reputation He has acquired by His Martial Atchievements. It is obſerved by Sir William Temple, that the Engliſh are particu⯑ly fond of a King who is Valiant: Upon which Account His Majeſty has a Title to all the E⯑ſteem that can be paid the moſt Warlike Prince; tho' at the ſame time, for the Good of His Subjects, He ſtudies to decline all Occaſions of [9] Military Glory; and chuſes rather to be diſtin⯑guiſhed as the Father, than as the Captain of His People. I am glad his rebellious Subjects are too inconſiderable to put him upon exerting that Courage and Conduct, which raiſed him ſo great a Reputation in Hungary and the Morea, when he fought againſt the Enemies of Chriſtianity; and in Germany and Flanders, where he com⯑manded againſt the great Diſturber of the Peace of Europe. One would think there was Reaſon for the Opinion of thoſe, who make Perſonal Courage to be an Hereditary Virtue, when we ſee ſo many Inſtances of it in the Line of Brunſ⯑wick. To go no farther back than the Time of our preſent King, where can we find, a⯑mong the Soveraign Houſes of Europe, any other Family, that has furniſhed ſo many Perſons of diſtinguiſhed Fortitude? Three of His Maje⯑ſty's Brothers have fallen gloriouſly in the Field, fighting againſt the Enemies of their Native Countrey: And the Bravery of his Royal High⯑neſs the Prince of Wales, is ſtill freſh in our Memory, who fought, with the Spirit of his Father, at the Battel of Audenarde, when the Children of France, and the Pretender, fled be⯑fore him.

I might here take Notice of His Majeſty's more private Virtues, but have rather choſen to remind my Countreymen of the publick Parts of His Character, which are ſupported by ſuch inconteſtable Facts as are univerſally known and acknowledged.

Having thus far conſider'd our Happineſs in His Majeſty's Civil and Military Character, I cannot forbear pleaſing my ſelf with regarding him in the View of One, who has been always Fortunate. Cicero recommends Pompey under [10] this particular Head to the Romans, with whom the Character of being Fortunate was ſo popu⯑lar, that ſeveral of their Emperors gave it a Place among their Titles. Good Fortune is often the Reward of Virtue, and as often the Effect of Prudence. And whether it proceeds from either of theſe, or from both together, or whatever may be the Cauſe of it, every one is naturally pleaſed to ſee his Intereſts conducted by a Perſon who is Uſed to good Succeſs. The Eſtabliſhment of the Electoral Dignity in His Majeſty's Family, was a Work reſerved for him finally to accompliſh. A large Acceſſion of Dominion fell to Him, by His ſucceeding to the Dukedom of Zell, whereby He became one of the Greateſt Princes of Germany; and one of the moſt powerful Perſons, that ever ſtood next Heirs to the Throne of Great Britain. The Dutchy of Bremen, and the Biſhoprick of Oſna⯑burg, have conſiderably ſtrengthned his Intereſts in the Empire, and given a great additional Weight to the Proteſtant Cauſe. But the moſt re⯑markable Interpoſitions of Providence, in favour of him, have appeared in removing thoſe ſeem⯑ingly invincible Obſtacles to his Succeſſion; in taking away, at ſo critical a Juncture, the Perſon who might have proved a dangerous Enemy; in confounding the ſecret and open Attempts of his traiterous Subjects; and in giving him the delightful proſpect of tranſmitting his Power through a numerous and ſtill-increaſing Pro⯑geny.

Upon the whole, it is not to be doubted but every wiſe and honeſt Subject will concur with Providence in promoting the Glory and Hap⯑pineſs of His preſent Majeſty, who is endowed with all thoſe Royal Virtues, that will natu⯑rally [11] ſecure to us the national Bleſſings, which ought to be dear and valuable to a free Peo⯑ple.

No. 3. Friday, December 30. 1715.

EVERY one knows, that it is uſual for a French Officer, who can Write and Read, to ſet down all the Occurrences of a Campaign, in which he pretends to have been Perſonally concern'd; and to publiſh them under the Title of his Memoirs, when moſt of his Fellow-Sol⯑diers are dead that might have contradicted any of his Matters of Fact. Many a gallant young Fellow has been killed in Battel before he came to the third Page of his ſecret Hiſtory; when ſeveral, who have taken more care of their Perſons, have lived to fill a whole Volume with their military Performances, and to aſto⯑niſh the World with ſuch Inſtances of their Bravery, as had eſcaped the Notice of every Body elſe. One of our late Preſton Heroes had, it ſeems, reſolved upon this Method of do⯑ing himſelf Juſtice: And, had he not been nipp'd in the Bud, might have made a very for⯑midable Figure in his own Works, among Po⯑ſterity. A Friend of mine, who had the Pil⯑lage of his Pockets, has made me a Preſent of the following Memoirs, which he deſires me to accept as a Part of the Spoils of the Rebels. I [12] have omitted the Introduction, as more proper for the Inſpection of a Secretary of State; and ſhall only ſet down ſo much of the Memoirs as ſeem to be a faithful Narrative of that won⯑derful Expedition, which drew upon it the Eyes of all Europe.

[17] Such was the End of this Rebellion; which, in all Probability, will not only tend to the Safety of our Conſtitution, but the Preſervation of the Game.

No. 4. Monday, January 2. 1716.

IT is with great Satisfaction I obſerve, that the Women of our Iſland, who are the moſt eminent for Virtue and good Senſe, are in the Intereſt of the preſent Government. As the fair Sex very much recommend the Cauſe they are engaged in, it would be no ſmall Misfortune to a Soveraign, tho' he had all the Male Part of the Nation on his Side, if he did not find him⯑ſelf King of the moſt beautiful Half of his Sub⯑jects. Ladies are always of great uſe to the Party they eſpouſe, and never fail to win over Numbers to it. Lovers, according to Sir Wil⯑liam Petty's Computation, make at leaſt the Third Part of the fencible Men of the Britiſh Nation; and it has been an uncontroverted Maxim in all Ages, that, though a Husband is ſometimes a ſtubborn Sort of a Creature, a Lover is always at the Devotion of his Miſtreſs. By this means it lies in the Power of every fine Woman, to ſecure at leaſt half a Dozen able⯑bodied Men to His Majeſty's Service. The [18] Female World are likewiſe indiſpenſably ne⯑ceſſary in the beſt Cauſes to manage the Con⯑troverſial Part of them, in which no Man of tolerable Breeding is ever able to refute them. Arguments out of a pretty Mouth are unan⯑ſwerable.

It is indeed remarkable that the Inferiour Tribe of common Women, who are a Diſho⯑nour to their Sex, have, in moſt Reigns, been the profeſs'd Sticklers for ſuch as have acted in Oppoſition to the true Intereſt of the Nation. The moſt numerous Converts in King James's Reign, were particularly noted to be of this kind. I can give no other Reaſon for ſuch a Behaviour, unleſs it be, that it is not for the Advantage of theſe Female Adventurers the Laws of the Land ſhould take Place, and that they know Bridewell is a Part of our Conſti⯑tution.

There are many Reaſons why the Women of Great Britain ſhou'd be on the Side of the Free-holder, and Enemies to the Perſon who would bring in Arbitrary Government and Po⯑pery. As there are ſeveral of our Ladies who amuſe themſelves in the reading of Travels, they cannot but take Notice what uncomfor⯑table Lives thoſe of their own Sex lead, where Paſſive-Obedience is profeſſed and practis'd in its utmoſt Perfection. In thoſe Countries the Men have no Property but in their Wives, who are the Slaves to Slaves: every married Woman being ſubject to a domeſtick Tyrant, that requires from her the ſame Vaſſalage which he pays to his Sultan. If the Ladies would ſe⯑riouſly conſider the evil Conſequences of ar⯑bitrary lower, they would find, that it ſpoils the Shape of the Foot in China, where the bar⯑barous [19] Politicks of the Men ſo diminiſh the Ba⯑ſis of the Female Figure, as to unqualify a Wo⯑man for an Evening Walk or Countrey Dance. In the Eaſt Indies a Widow, who has any Re⯑gard to her Character, throws her ſelf into the Flames of her Husband's Funeral Pile, to ſhew, forſooth, that ſhe is faithful and loyal to the Memory of her deceaſed Lord. In Perſia the Daughters of Eve, as they call them, are reckon⯑ed in the Inventory of their Goods and Chat⯑tels: and it is a uſual Thing when a Man ſells a Bale of Silk, or a Drove of Camels, to toſs half a dozen Women into the Bargain. Thro' all the Dominions of the Great Turk, a Wo⯑man thinks her ſelf happy if ſhe can get but the twelfth Share of a Husband, and is thought of no manner of uſe in the Creation, but to keep up a proper Number of Slaves for the Com⯑mander of the Faithful. I need not ſet forth the ill Uſage, which the fair Ones meet with in thoſe deſpotick Governments that lie nearer us. Every one hath heard of the ſeveral Ways of locking up Women in Spain and Italy; where, if there is any Power lodged in any of the Sex, it is not among the young and the beautiful, whom Nature ſeems to have formed for it, but among the old and wither'd Matrons, known by the frightful Name of Gouvernantes and Duegna's. If any ſhould alledge the Freedoms indulged to the French Ladies, he muſt own that theſe are owing to the natural Gallantry of the People, not to their Form of Government, which excludes by its very Conſtitution every Female from Power, as naturally unfit to hold the Sceptre of that Kingdom.

Women ought in reaſon to be no leſs averſe to Popery than to arbitrary Power. Some [20] merry Authors have pretended to demonſtrate, that the Roman Catholick Religion could never ſpread in a Nation, where Women would have more Modeſty than to expoſe their innocent Liberties to a Confeſſor. Others of the ſame Turn, have aſſured us, that the fine Britiſh Complection, which is ſo peculiar to our La⯑dies, would ſuffer very much from a Fiſh-Diet: And that a whole Lent would give ſuch a Sallowneſs to the celebrated Beauties of this Iſland, as would ſcarce make them diſtinguiſh⯑able from thoſe of France. I ſhall only leave to the ſerious Conſideration of my Countrey-Women the Danger any of them might have been in, (had Popery been our National Reli⯑gion) of being forced by their Relations to a State of perpetual Virginity. The moſt bloom⯑ing Toaſt in the Iſland might have been a Nun; and many a Lady, who is now a Mother of fine Children, condemned to a Condition of Life, diſagreeable to herſelf, and unprofitable to the World. To this I might add the melancholy Objects, they would be daily entertained with, of ſeveral ſightly Men delivered over to an in⯑violable Celibacy. Let a young Lady imagine to herſelf the brisk embroidered Officer, who now makes Love to her with ſo agreeable an Air, converted into a Monk; or the Bea [...], who now addreſſes himſelf to her in a full bot⯑tom'd Wig, diſtinguiſhed by a little bald Pat [...] covered with a black Leather Skull-Cap. [...] forbear to mention many other Objections▪ which the Ladies, who are no Strangers to th [...] Doctrines of Popery, will eaſily recollect: Th [...] I do not in the leaſt doubt, but thoſe I hav [...] already ſuggeſted, will be ſufficient to perſuad [...] my fair Readers to be zealous in the Proteſta [...] Cauſe.

[21] The Freedom and Happineſs of our Britiſh Ladies is ſo ſingular, that it is a common Say⯑ing in foreign Countries, If a Bridge were built croſs the Seas, all the Women in Europe would flock into England. It has been obſerved, that the Laws relating to them are ſo favourable, that one would think they themſelves had gi⯑ven Votes in enacting them. All the Honours and Indulgences of Society are due to them by our Cuſtoms; and, by our Conſtitution, they have all the Privileges of Engliſh-born Subjects, without the Burdens. I need not acquaint my fair Fellow-Freeholders, that every Man, who is anxious for our ſacred and civil Rights, is a Champion in their Cauſe; ſince we enjoy in common a Religion agreeable to that reaſonable Nature, of which we equally partake; and ſince, in Point of Property, our Law makes no Di⯑ſtinction of Sexes.

We may therefore juſtly expect from them, that they will act in concert with us for the Preſervation of our Laws and Religion, which cannot ſubſiſt, but under the Government of His preſent Majeſty; and would neceſſarily be ſubverted, under that of a Perſon bred up in the moſt violent Principles of Popery and arbi⯑trary Power. Thus may the fair Sex contribute to fix the Peace of a brave and generous People, who for many Ages, have diſdained to bear any Tyranny but theirs; and be as famous in Hiſto⯑ry, as thoſe illuſtrious Matrons, who, in the Infancy of Rome, reconciled the Romans and the Sabines, and united the two contendng Parties under their new King.

No. 5. Friday, January 6.

THere is no greater Sign of a general Decay of Virtue in a Nation, than a Want of Zeal in its Inhabitants for the Good of their Coun⯑trey. This generous and publick-ſpirited Paſſior has been obſerved of late Years to languiſh and grow cold in this our Iſland; where a Party of Men have made it their Buſineſs to repreſent it as chimerical and romantick, to deſtroy in the Minds of the People the Senſe of national Glo⯑ry, and to turn into Ridicule our natural and ancient Allies, who are united to us by the com⯑mon intereſts both of Religion and Policy. It may not therefore be unſeaſonable to recom⯑mend to this preſent Generation the Practice of that Virtue, for which their Anceſtors were par⯑ticularly famous, and which is call'd The Love of one's Countrey. This Love to our Countrey, as a moral Virtue, is a fix'd Diſpoſition of Mind to promote the Safety; Welrare, and Reputa⯑tion of the Community in which we are born, and of the Conſtitution under which we are protected. Our Obligation to this great Duty, may appear to us from ſeveral Conſiderations.

[23] In the firſt Place we may obſerve, that we are directed to it by one of thoſe ſecret Suggeſtions of Nature, which go under the Name of In⯑ſtinct, and which are never given in vain. As Self-love is an Inſtinct planted in us for the Good and Safety of each particular Perſon, the Love of our Countrey is impreſs'd on our Minds for the Happineſs and Preſervation of the Com⯑munity. This Inſtinct is ſo remarkable, that we find Examples of it in thoſe who are born in the moſt uncomfortable Climates, or the worſt of Governments. We read of an Inha⯑bitant of Nova Zembla, who, after having liv'd ſome Time in Denmark, where he was cloath'd and treated with the utmoſt Indulgence, took the firſt Opportunity of making his Eſcape, tho' with the Hazard of his Life, into his native Regions of Cold, Poverty and Nakedneſs. We have an Inſtance of the ſame Nature among the very Hottentots. One of theſe Savages was brought into England, taught our Language, and in a great Meaſure poliſh'd out of his natural Bar⯑barity: But upon being carry'd back to the Cape of Good Hope (where it was thought he might have been of Advantage to our Engliſh Traders) he mix'd in a kind of Tranſport with his Coun⯑treymen, brutaliz'd with 'em in their Habit and Manners, and wou'd never again return to his foreign Acquaintance. I need not mention the common Opinion of the Negroes in our Planta⯑tions, who have no other Notion of a future State of Happineſs, than that, after Death, they ſhall be convey'd back to their native Countrey. The Swiſs are ſo remarkable for this Paſſion, that it often turns to a Diſeaſe among them; for which there is a particular Name in the German Language, and which the French call [24] The Diſtemper of the Countrey: For nothing is mor [...] uſual than for ſeveral of their common Soldiers who are liſted into a foreign Service, to hav [...] ſuch violent Hankerings after their Home, as [...] pine away even to Death, unleſs they have [...] Permiſſion to return; which, on ſuch an Occa⯑ſion, is generally granted them. I ſhall onl [...] add under this Head, that ſince the Love of one' [...] Countrey is natural to every Man, any particula [...] Nation, who, by falſe Politicks, ſhall endeavou [...] to ſtifle or reſtrain it, will not be upon a Lev [...] with others.

As this Love of our Countrey is natural to e⯑very Man, ſo it is likewiſe very reaſonable; and that in the firſt Place, becauſe it inclines us to be Beneficial to thoſe, who are and ought to [...] dearer to us than any others. It takes in ou [...] Families, Relations, Friends and Acquaintance [...] and, in ſhort, all whoſe Welfare and Security we are oblig'd to conſult, more than that [...] thoſe who are Strangers to us. For this Rea⯑ſon it is the moſt ſublime and extenſive of [...] ſocial Virtues: Eſpecially if we conſider that [...] does not only promote the Well-being of theſe who are our Contemporaries, but likewiſe [...] their Children and their Poſterity. Hence it [...] that all Caſuiſts are unanimous in determining▪ that when the Good of the Countrey interferes even with the Life of the moſt beloved Relation▪ deareſt Friend, or greateſt Benefactor, it is to be preferred without Exception.

Farther, tho' there is a Benevolence due to all Mankind, none can queſtion but a ſuperior De⯑gree of it is to be paid to a Father, a Wife, or a Child. In the ſame Manner, tho' our Love ſhould reach to the whole Species, a greater Proportion of it ſhould exert it ſelf towards [25] that Community in which Providence has pla⯑ced us. This is our proper Sphere of Action, the Province allotted to us for the Exerciſe of all our Civil Virtues, and in which alone we have Opportunities of expreſſing our Good Will to Mankind. I cou'd not but be pleas'd in the Accounts of the late Perſian Embaſſy into France, with a particular Ceremony of the Embaſſador; who, every Morning, before he went abroad, religiouſly ſaluted a Turf of Earth dug out of his own native Soil, to remind him, that in all the Tranſactions of the Day he was to think of his Countrey, and purſue its Advantages. If, in the ſeveral Diſtricts and Diviſions of the World, Men would thus ſtudy the Welfare of thoſe re⯑ſpective Communities, to which their Power of doing Good is limited, the whole Race of rea⯑ſonable Creatures would be happy, as far as the Benefits of Society can make them ſo. At leaſt, we find ſo many Bleſſings naturally flow⯑ing from this noble Principle, that, in Propor⯑tion, as it prevails, every Nation becomes a proſperous and flouriſhing People.

It may be yet a farther Recommendation of this particular Virtue, if we conſider, that no Nation was ever famous for its Morals, which was not at the ſame Time remarkable for its publick Spirit: Patriots naturally riſe out of a Spartan or Roman Virtue: And there is no Re⯑mark more common among the Antient Hiſto⯑rians, than that when the State was corrupted with Avarice and Luxury, it was in Danger of being Betray'd, or Sold.

To the foregoing Reaſons for the Love which every good Man owes to his Countrey, we may add, that the Actions, which are moſt celebrated in Hiſtory, and which are read with the greateſt [26] Admiration, are ſuch as proceed from this Prin⯑ciple. The eſtabliſhing of good Laws, the de⯑tecting of Conſpiracies, the cruſhing of Sediti⯑ons and Rebellions, the falling in Battel, or the devoting of a Man's ſelf to certain Death for the Safety of Fellow-Citizens, are Actions that al⯑ways warm the Reader, and endear to him Per⯑ſons of the remoteſt Ages, and the moſt diſtant Countries.

And as Actions, that proceed from the Love of one's Countrey, are more Illuſtrious than any other in the Records of Time; ſo we find that thoſe Perſons, who have been eminent in other Virtues, have been particularly diſtinguiſhed by This. It would be endleſs to produce Example [...] of this Kind, out of Greek and Roman Authors▪ To confine my ſelf therefore in ſo wide and bea⯑ten a Field, I ſhall chooſe ſome Inſtances from Holy Writ, which abounds in Accounts of this Nature, as much as any other Hiſtory whatſoever And this I do the more willingly, becauſe in ſome Books lately written, I find it objected a⯑gainſt Revealed Religion, that it does not inſpire the Love of one's Countrey. Here I muſt pr [...] ⯑miſe, that as the Sacred Author of our Religion chiefly inculcated to the Jews thoſe Parts of their Duty wherein they were moſt defective, ſo there was no Need of inſiſting upon this: The Jews being remarkable for an Attachment to their own Countrey, even to the Excluſion of all common Humanity to Strangers. We ſee in the Beha⯑viour of this Divine Perſon, the Practice of this Virtue in Conjunction with all others. He de⯑ferr'd working a Miracle in the Behalf of a Syro-Phoenician Woman, 'till he had declar'd his Supe⯑riour Good-Will to his own Nation; and was prevail'd upon to heal the Daughter of a Roman [27] Centurion, by hearing from the Jews, that he was one who lov'd their Nation, and had built them a Synagogue. But, to look out for no o⯑ther Inſtance, what was ever more moving, than his Lamentation over Jeruſalem, at his firſt Ap⯑proach to it, notwithſtanding he had foretold the cruel and unjuſt Treatment he was to meet with in that City! For he foreſaw the Deſtruction which in a few Years was to fall upon that Peo⯑ple; a Deſtruction not to be parallell'd in any Nation from the Beginning of the World to this Day; and in the View of it melted into Tears. His Followers have in many Places expreſſed the like Sentiments of Affection for their Countrey⯑men, among which none is more extraordinary than that of the great Convert, who wiſh'd he himſelf might be made a Curſe, provided it might turn to the Happineſs of his Nation; or as he words it, Of his Brethren and Kinſmen, who are Iſraelites. This Inſtance naturally brings to Mind the ſame Heroick Temper of Soul in the great Jewiſh Law-Giver, who would have devoted himſelf in the ſame Manner, rather than ſee his People periſh. It would indeed be difficult to find out any Man of extraordinary Piety in the Sacred Writings, in whom this Virtue is not highly conſpicuous. The Reader however will excuſe me, if I take Notice of one Paſſage, be⯑cauſe it is a very fine One, and wants only a Place in ſome Polite Author of Greece or Rome, to have been admired and celebrated. The King of Syria lying ſick upon his Bed, ſent Haſael one of his Great Officers to the Prophet Eliſha, to en⯑quire of him whether he ſhould recover. The Prophet look'd ſo attentively on this Meſſenger, that it put him into ſome Confuſion; or to quote this Beautiful Circumſtance, and the whole Nar⯑rative, [28] in the pathetick Language of the Scrip⯑ture, Eliſha ſettled his Countenance ſtedfaſtly upon him, until he was aſhamed: And Haſael ſaid, why weepeth my Lord? And he ſaid, becauſe I know the Evil that thou wilt do unto the Children of Iſrael Their ſtrong Holds wilt thou ſet on Fire, and their Men wilt thou ſlay with the Sword, and wilt daſh their Children, and rip up their Women with Child And Haſael ſaid, But what, is thy Servant a Dog that he ſhould do this great Thing? And Eliſha an⯑ſwered, The Lord hath ſhewed me, that thou ſhalt be King over Syria.

I might enforce theſe Reaſons for the Love of our Countrey, by Conſiderations adapted to my Readers as they are Engliſhmen, and as by that Means they enjoy a purer Religion, and a more excellent Form of Government, than any other Nation under Heaven. But being perſuaded that every One muſt look upon himſelf as indiſ⯑penſably obliged to the Practice of a Duty, which is recommended to him by ſo many Arguments and Examples, I ſhall only deſire the honeſt, well-meaning Reader, when he turns his Thoughts towards the Publick, rather to conſider what Op⯑portunities he has of doing Good to his Native Countrey, than to throw away his Time in de⯑ciding the Rights of Princes, or the like Specu⯑lations, which are ſo far beyond his Reach. Let us leave theſe great Points to the Wiſdom of our Legiſlature, and to the Determination of thoſe, who are the proper Judges of our Conſtitution. We ſhall otherwiſe be liable to the juſt Reproach, which is [...] ſuch Chriſtians, as waſte their Lives in the [...] and intricate Diſputes of Re⯑ligion, when they ſhould be practiſing the Doctrine which it teaches. If there be any Right upon Earth, any relying on the Judgment of our moſt [29] Eminent Lawyers and Divines, or indeed any Certainty in human Reaſon, our Preſent Sove⯑reign has an Undoubted Title to our Duty and Obedience. But ſuppoſing for Argument's ſake, that This Right were doubtful, and that an Eng⯑liſhman could be divided in his Opinion, as to the Perſon to whom he ſhould pay his Allegiance: In this Caſe, there is no Queſtion, but the Love of his Countrey ought to caſt the Ballance, and to determine him on that Side, which is moſt con⯑ducive to the Welfare of his Community. To bring this to our preſent Caſe. A' Man muſt be deſtitute of common Senſe, who is capable of imagining that the Proteſtant Religion could flouriſh under the Government of a Bigotted Ro⯑man-Catholick, or that our Civil Rights could be Protected by One who has been trained up in the Politicks of the moſt Arbitrary Prince in Europe, and who could not acknowledge his Gratitude to his Benefactor, by any remarkable Inſtance, which would not be detrimental to the Britiſh Nation. And are theſe ſuch deſirable Bleſſings, that an honeſt Man would endeavour to arrive at 'em, through the Confuſions of a Civil War, and the Blood of many Thouſands of his Fellow-Subjects? On the contrary, the Arguments for our Steady, Loyal, and Affectionate Adherence to King GEORGE; are ſo evident from this ſingle Topick, that if every Briton, inſtead of A ſpiring after private Wealth or Power, would ſincerely deſire to make his Countrey happy, His Preſent Majeſty would not have a ſingle Male⯑content in his whole Dominions.

No. 6. Monday, January 9.

AT a Time when ſo many of the King's Subjects preſent themſelves before their reſpective Magiſtrates to take the Oaths required by Law, it may not be improper to awaken in the Minds of my Readers a due Senſe of the En⯑gagement under which they lay themſelves. It is a melancholy Conſideration, that there ſhould be ſeveral among us ſo hardened and delu⯑ded, as to think an Oath a proper Subject for a Jeſt; and to make this, which is one of the moſt ſolemn Acts of Religion, an Occaſion of Mirth. Yet ſuch is the Depravation of our Manners at preſent, that nothing is more frequent than to near profligate Men ridiculing, to the beſt of their Abilities, theſe Sacred Pledges of their Du⯑ty and Allegiance; and endeavouring to be witty upon themſelves, for daring to prevaricate with God and Man. A poor Conceit of their own, or a Quotation out of Hudibras, ſhall make 'em treat with Levity an Obligation wherein their Safety and Welfare are concern'd both as to this World and the next. Raillery of this Nature, is enough to make the Hearer tremble. As theſe Miſcreants ſeem to glory in the Profeſſion of their Impiety, there is no Man, who has any Regard to his Duty, or even to his Reputation, that can appear in their Defence. But if there are Others of a more ſerious Turn, who join with us deli⯑berately in theſe Religious Profeſſions of Loyalty to our Sovereign, with any private Salvo's or Eva⯑ſions, [31] they would do well to conſider thoſe Max⯑ims, in which all Caſuiſts are agreed, who have gained any Eſteem for their Learning, Judgment, or Morality. Theſe have unanimouſly determined that an Oath is always to be taken in the Senſe of that Authority which impoſes it: And that thoſe, whoſe Hearts do not concur with their Lips in the Form of theſe publick Proteſtations; or who have any mental Reſerves, or who take an Oath againſt their Conſciences, upon any Motive what⯑ſoever; or with a Deſign to break it, or repent of it, are guilty of Perjury. Any of theſe, or the the like Circumſtances, inſtead of alleviating the Crime, make it more hainous, as they are pre⯑mediated Frauds (which it is the chief Deſign of an Oath to prevent) and the moſt flagrant inſtances of Inſincerity to Men, and Irreverence to their Maker. For this Reaſon, the Perjury of a Man, who takes an Oath, with an Intention to keep it, and is afterwards ſeduced to the Vio⯑lation of it, (tho' a Crime not to be thought of, without the greateſt Horror) is yet, in ſome Re⯑ſpects, not quite ſo black as the Perjury above⯑mentioned. It is indeed a very unhappy Token of the great Corruption of our Manners, that there ſhould be any ſo inconſiderate among us, as to ſacrifice the ſtanding and eſſential Duties of Morality, to the Views of Politicks; and that, as in my laſt Paper, it was no unſeaſonable to prove the Love of our Countrey to be a Virtue, ſo in this there ſhould be any Occaſion to ſhew that Perjury is a Sin. But it is our Misfortune to live in an Age when ſuch wild and unnatural Doctrines have prevailed among ſome of our Fellow-Subjects, that if One looks into their Schemes of Government, they ſeem according as they are in the Humour, to believe that a [32] Soveraign is not to be reſtrained by his Corona⯑tion Oath, or his People by their Oaths of Alle⯑giance: Or to repreſent them in a plainer Light in ſome Reigns they are both for a Power and an Obedience that is unlimited, and in others are for retrenching within the narroweſt Bounds, both the Authority of the Prince, and the Alle⯑giance of the Subject.

Now the Guilt of Perjury is ſo ſelf-evident, that it was always reckoned among the greateſt Crimes, by thoſe who were only govern'd by the Light of Reaſon: The inviolable obſerving of an Oath, like the other practical Duties of Chriſtianity, is a Part of Natural Religion. As Reaſon is common to all Mankind, the Dictates of it are the ſame through the whole Species: And ſince every Man's own Heart will tell him, that there can be no greater Affront to the Deity, whom he worſhips, than to appeal to him with an Intention to deceive; nor a greater Injuſtice to Men, than to betray them by falſe Aſſurances; it is no Wonder that Pagans and Chriſtians, In⯑fidels and Believers, ſhould concur in a Point wherein the Honour of the Supream Being, and the Welfare of Society are ſo highly concerned. For this Reaſon, Pythagoras to his firſt Precept of honouring the Immortal Gods, immediately ſub⯑joyns that of paying Veneration to an Oath. We may ſee the Reverence which the Heathens ſhew'd to theſe Sacred and Solemn Engagements, from the Inconveniences which they often ſuffered, ra⯑ther than break through them. We have frequent Inſtances of this Kind in the Roman Common-Wealth; which, as it has been obſerved by ſe⯑veral Eminent Pagan Writers, very much excell'd all other Pagan Governments in the Practice of Virtue. How far they exceeded in this Particu⯑lar, [33] thoſe great Corrupters of Chriſtianity, and indeed of Natural Religion, the Jeſuiſts, may appear from their Abhorrence of every Thing that looked like a fraudulent or mental Evaſion. Of this I ſhall only produce the following Inſtance. Several Romans, who had been taken Priſoners by Hannibal, were releaſed, upon obliging them⯑ſelves by an Oath to return again to his Camp. Among theſe there was One, who thinking to elude the Oath, went the ſame Day back to the Camp, on Pretence of having forgot ſomething. But this Prevarication was ſo ſhocking to the Roman Senate, that they order'd him to be appre⯑hended, and deliver'd up to Hannibal.

We may farther ſee the juſt Senſe the Heathens had of the Crime of Perjury, from the Penalties which they inflicted on the Perſons guilty of it. Perjury among the Scythians was a Capital Crime; and among the Egyptians alſo was puniſhed with Death, as Diodorus Siculus relates, who obſerves that an Offender of this Kind, is guilty of thoſe two Crimes (wherein the Malignity of Perjury truly conſiſts) a failing in his Reſpect to the Di⯑vinity, and in his Faith towards Men. 'Tis unneceſſary to multiply Inſtances of this Nature, which may be found in almoſt every Author who has written on this Subject.

If Men, who had no other Guide but their Reaſon, conſider'd an Oath to be of ſuch a tre⯑mendous Nature, and the Violation of it to be ſo great a Crime; it ought to make a much deep⯑er Impreſſion upon Minds enlighten'd by Revea⯑led Religion, as they have more exalted Notions of the Divinity. A ſuppoſed Heathen Deity might be ſo poor in his Attributes, ſo ſtinted in his Knowledge, Goodneſs, or Power, that a Pa⯑gan might hope to conceal his Perjury from his [34] Notice, or not to provoke him, ſhou'd he be di⯑ſcover'd, or ſhou'd he provoke him, not to be puniſh'd by him. Nay, he might have produced Examples of Falſhood and Perjury in the Gods themſelves, to whom he appeal'd. But as Re⯑vealed Religion has given us a more juſt and clear Idea of the Divine Nature, He, whom we appeal to, is Truth it ſelf, the Great Searcher of Hearts, who will not let Fraud and Falſhood go unpuniſhed, or hold him guiltleſs, that taketh His Name in vain. And as with Regard to the Deity, ſo likewiſe with Regard to Man, the O⯑bligation of an Oath is ſtronger upon Chriſtians than upon any other Part of Mankind; and that becauſe Charity, Truth, mutual Confidence, and all other Social Duties are carry'd to greater Heights, and enforc'd with ſtronger Motives by the Principles of our Religion.

Perjury, with Relation to the Oaths which are at preſent requir'd of us, has in it all the ag⯑gravating Circumſtances, which can attend that Crime. We take them before the Magiſtrates of Publick Juſtice; are reminded by the Ceremony, that it is a Part of that Obedience which we learn from the Goſpel; expreſſly diſavow all E⯑vaſions and mental Reſervations whatſoever; appeal to Almighty God for the Integrity of our Hearts, and only deſire Him to be our Helper, as we fulfil the Oath we there take in His Preſence. I mention theſe Circumſtances, to which ſeveral other might be added, becauſe it is a received Doctrine among thoſe, who have treated of the Nature of an Oath, that the greater the Solem⯑nities are which attend it, the more they aggra⯑vate the Violation of it. And here what muſt be the Succeſs that a Man can hope for who turns a Rebel, after having diſclaimed the Divine Aſ⯑ſiſtance, [35] but upon Condition of being a Faithful and Loyal Subject? He firſt of all deſires that God may help him, as he ſhall keep his Oaths, and afterwards hope to proſper in an Enterprize, which is the direct Breach of it.

Since therefore Perjury, by the common Senſe of Mankind, the Reaſon of the Thing, and from the whole Tenor of Chriſtianity, is a Crime of ſo flagitious a Nature, we cannot be too careful in avoiding every Approach towards it.

The Virtue of the Ancient Athenians is very remarkable in the Caſe of Euripides. This great Tragick Poet, tho' famous for the Morality of his Plays, had introduced a Perſon, who, being reminded of an Oath he had taken, reply'd, I ſwore with my Mouth, but not with my Heart. The Impiety of this Sentiment ſet the Audience in an Uproar; made Socrates (tho' an intimate Friend of the Poet) go out of the Theatre with Indig⯑nation; and gave ſo great Offence, that he was publickly accuſed, and brought upon his Tryal, as One who had ſuggeſted an Evaſion of what they thought the moſt Holy and Indiſſoluble Bond of human Society. So jealous were theſe Vir⯑tuous Heathens of any the ſmalleſt. Hint, that might open a Way to Perjury.

And here it highly imports us to conſider, that we do not only break our Oath of Allegiance by Actual Rebellion, but by all thoſe other Methods which have a natural and manifeſt Tendency to [...] ▪ The Guilt may lye upon a Man, where the Penalty cannot take Hold of him. Thoſe who ſpeak irreverently of the Perſon to whom they have ſworn Allegiance; who endeavour to alie⯑nate from Him the Hearts of His Subjects; or to inſpire the People with Diſaffection to His Go⯑vernment, cannot be thought to be true to the [36] Oath they have taken. And as for thoſe, who by concerted Falſhoods and Defamations endea⯑vour to blemiſh His Character, or weaken His Authority; they incur the complicated Guilt both of Slander and Perjury. The moral Crime is compleated in ſuch Offenders, and there are only accidental Circumſtances wanting, to work it up for the Cognizance of the Law.

Nor is it ſufficient for a Man, who has given theſe Solemn Aſſurances to his Prince, to for⯑bear the doing Him any Evil, unleſs at the ſame Time he do Him all the Good he can in his pro⯑per Station of Life.

Loyalty is of an Active Nature, and ought to diſcover it ſelf in all the Inſtances of Zeal and Affection to our Sovereign: And if we carefully examine the Duty of that Allegiance which we pledge to His Majeſty, by the Oaths that are ten⯑dred to us, we ſhall find that We do not only re⯑nounce, refuſe, and abjure any Allegiance or Obedi⯑ence to the Pretender, but Swear to defend King George to the utmoſt of our Power, againſt all Trai⯑terous Conſpiracies and Attempts whatſoever, and to diſcloſe and make known to His Majeſty, all Trea⯑ſons and Traiterous Conſpiracies, which we ſhall know to be againſt Him.

To conclude, as among thoſe who have bound themſelves by theſe Sacred Obligations, the a⯑ctual Traytor or Rebel is guilty of Perjury in the Eye of the Law; the ſecret Promoter, or Well-Wiſher of the Cauſe, is ſo before the Tribunal of Conſcience. And tho' I ſhould be unwilling to pronounce the Man who is indolent, or in⯑different in the Cauſe of his Prince, to be abſo⯑lutely perjured; I may venture to affirm, that he falls very ſhort of that Allegiance to which he is obliged by Oath. Upon the whole we may be [37] aſſured, that in a Nation which is tyed down by ſuch Religious and Solemn Engagements, the People's Loyalty will keep pace with their Mo⯑rality; and that in Proportion as they are ſincere Chriſtians, they will be faithful Subjects.

No. 7. Friday, January 13. 1716.

THERE is no greater Sign of a bad Cauſe, than when the Patrons of it are reduced to the Neceſſity of making uſe of the moſt wick⯑ed Artifices to ſupport it. Of this Kind are the Falſhoods and Calumnies, which are invented and ſpread abroad by the Enemies to our King and Countrey. This Spirit of Malice and Slan⯑der does not diſcover itſelf in any Inſtances ſo ri⯑diculous, as in thoſe, by which ſeditious Men endeavour to depreciate His Majeſty's Perſon and Family; without conſidering, that his Court at Hanover was always allowed to be one of the Politeſt in Europe, and that, before he became our King, he was reckoned among the greateſt Princes of Chriſtendom.

But the moſt glorious of His Majeſty's Pre⯑deceſſors was treated after the ſame Manner. Upon that Prince's firſt Arrival, the inconſide⯑rable Party, who then laboured to make him o⯑dious [38] to the People, gave out, That he brought with him twenty thouſand Laplanders, cloathed in the Skins of Bears, all of their own killing; and that they mutiny'd becauſe they had not been regaled with a bloody Battel within two Days after their Landing. He was no ſooner on the Throne, than thoſe, who had contributed to place him there, finding that he had made ſome Changes at Court which were not to their Hu⯑mour, endeavoured to render him Unpopular by Miſrepreſentations of his Perſon, his Cha⯑racter, and his Actions. They found that his Noſe had a Reſemblance to that of Oliver Crom⯑wel, and clapt him on a huge Pair of Muſtachoes to frighten his People with: His Mercy was Fear; his Juſtice was Cruelty; his Tempe⯑rance, Oeconomy, prudent Behaviour, and Ap⯑plication to Buſineſs, were Dutch Virtues; and ſuch as we had not been uſed to in our Engliſh Kings. He did not fight a Battel, in which the Tories did not ſlay double the Number of what he had loſt in the Field; nor ever raiſed a Siege, or gain'd a Victory, which did not coſt more than 'twas worth. In ſhort, he was contriving the Ruin of his Kingdom; and in order to it ad⯑vanc'd Dr. Tul [...]tſon to the higheſt Station of the Church, my Lord Sommers of the Law, Mr. Mountague of the Treaſury, and the Admiral at la Hegue of the Fleet. Such were the Calum⯑nies of the Party in thoſe Times, which we ſee ſo faithfully copied out by Men of the ſame Principles under the Reign of His preſent Ma⯑jeſty.

As the Schemes of theſe Gentlemen are the moſt abſurd and contradictory to common Senſe, the Means by which they are promoted muſt be of the ſame Nature. Nothing but Weakneſs [39] and Folly can diſpoſe Engliſhmen and Proteſtants to the Intereſts of a Popiſh Pretender: And the ſame Abilities of Mind will naturally qualify his Adherents to ſwallow the moſt palpable and notorious Falſhoods. Their ſelf-intereſted and deſigning Leaders cannot deſire a more ductile and eaſy People to work upon. How long was it before many of this ſimple, deluded Tribe were brought to believe, that the Highlanders were a Generation of Men that could be con⯑quer'd! The Rabble of the Party were inſtruct⯑ed to look upon 'em as ſo many Giants and Sa⯑racens; and were very much ſurprized to find, that every one of 'em had not with his broad Sword mow'd down at leaſt a Squadron of the King's Forces. There were not only publick Rejoycings in the Camp at Perth, but likewiſe many private Congratulations nearer us, among theſe Well-wiſhers to their Countrey, upon the Victories of their Friends at Preſton; which continued till the Rebels made their ſolemn Ca⯑valcade from Highgate. Nay, there were then ſome of theſe wiſe Partiſans, who concluded, the Government had hired two or three hundred hale Men, who looked like Fox-hunters, to be Bound and Pinion'd, if not to be Executed, as Repreſentatives of the pretended Captives. Their Victories in Scotland have been innumerable; and no longer ago than laſt Week, they gained a very remarkable One, in which the Highlan⯑ders cut off all the Dutch Forces to a Man; and afterwards diſguiſing themſelves in their Habits, came up as Friends to the King's Troops, and put them all to the Sword. This Story had a great Run for a Day or two; and I believe one might ſtill find out a Whiſper among their ſecret Intelligence, that the Duke of Mar is a⯑ctually [40] upon the Road to London, if not within two Days march of the Town. I need not take Notice, that their Succeſſes in the Battel of Dunblain are magnified among ſome of them to this Day; though a Tory may very well ſay with King Pyrrhus, That ſuch another Victory would undo them.

But the moſt fruitful Source of Falſhood and Calumny, is that which, one would think, ſhould be the leaſt apt to produce them; I mean a pretended Concern for the Safety of our Eſta⯑bliſhed Religion. Were theſe People as anxious for the Doctrines, which are eſſential to the Church of England, as they are for the nominal Diſtinction of adhering to its Intereſts, they would know, that the ſincere Obſervation of publick Oaths, Allegiance to their King, Sub⯑miſſion to their Biſhops, Zeal againſt Popery, and Abhorrence of Rebellion, are the great Points that adorn the Character of the Church of England, and in which the Authors of the Reform⯑ed Religion in this Nation have always gloried. We juſtly reproach the Jeſuits, who have adapt⯑ed all Chriſtianity to Temporal and Political Views, for maintaining a Poſition ſo repugnant to the Laws of Nature, Morality and Religion, That evil may be committed, for the ſake of Good, which may ariſe from it. But we cannot ſuppoſe even this Principle, (as bad a One as it is) ſhould influence thoſe Perſons, who, by ſo many abſurd and monſtrous Falſhoods, endea⯑vour to delude Men into a Belief of the Dan⯑ger of the Church. If there be any relying on the ſolemn Declarations of a Prince, famed for keeping his Word, conſtant in the publick Ex⯑erciſes of our Religion, and determined in the Maintenance of our Laws, we have all the Aſ⯑ſurances [41] that can be given to us, for the Secu⯑rity of the eſtabliſhed Church under His Go⯑vernment. When a leading Man therefore be⯑gins to grow apprehenſive for the Church, you may be ſure, that he is either in danger of loſing a Place, or in deſpair of getting one. It is plea⯑ſant on theſe Occaſions, to ſee a notorious Pro⯑fligate ſeized with a Concern for his Religion, and converting his Spleen into Zeal. Theſe narrow and ſelfish Views have ſo great an In⯑fluence in this Cry, that, among thoſe who call themſelves the Landed Intereſt, there are ſeve⯑ral of my Fellow Free-Holders, who always fancy the Church in Danger upon the riſing of Bank-Stock. But the ſtanding Abſurdities, with⯑out the Belief of which no Man is reckoned a ſtaunch Churchman, are, That there is a Calves Head Club; for which (by the way) ſome pious Tory has made ſuitable Hymns and Devotions: That there is a Confederacy among the greateſt part of the Prelates to deſtroy Epiſcopacy; and that all, who talk againſt Popery, are Presbyte⯑rians in their Hearts. The Emiſſaries of the Par⯑ty are ſo diligent in ſpreading ridiculous Fictions of this Kind, that at preſent, if we may credit common Report, there are ſeveral remote Parts of the Nation in which it is firmly believed, that all the Churches in London are ſhut up; and that if any Clergyman walks the Streets in his Habit, 'tis ten to one but he is knock'd down by ſome ſturdy Schiſmatick.

We may obſerve upon this Occaſion, that there are many particular Falſhoods ſuited to the par⯑ticular Climates and Latitudes in which they are publiſhed, according as the Situation of the Place makes them leſs liable to Diſcovery: There is many a Lye, that will not thrive with⯑in [42] a hundred Miles of London: Nay, we often find a Lye born in Southwark, that dies the ſame Day on this Side the Water: And ſeveral pro⯑duced in the loyal Ward of Port-ſoken of ſo feeble a Make, as not to bear Carriage to the Royal-Exchange. However, as the Mints of Calum⯑ny are perpetually at work, there are a great Number of curious Inventions iſſued out from Time to Time, which grow current among the Party, and circulate through the whole King⯑dom.

As the Deſign of this Paper is not to exaſpe⯑rate, but to undeceive my Countreymen, let me deſire them to conſider the many Inconvenien⯑cies they bring upon themſelves by theſe mutu⯑al Intercourſes of Credulity and Falſhood. I ſhall only remind the Credulous of the ſtrong Deluſion they have by this Means been led into the greateſt part of their Lives. Their hopes have been kept up by a Succeſſion of Lyes for rear thirty Years. How many Perſons have ſtarved in Expectation of thoſe profitable Em⯑ployments, which were promiſed them by the Authors of theſe Forgeries! How many of them have died with great Regret, when they thought they were within a Month of enjoying the ineſtimable Bleſſings of a Popiſh and Arbitrary Reign!

I would therefore adviſe this blinded Set of Men, not to give Credit to thoſe Perſons, by whom they have been ſo often fooled and impo⯑ſed upon; but on the contrary, to think it an Affront to their Parts, when they hear from any of them ſuch Accounts, as they would not dare to tell them, but upon the Preſumption that they are Ideots. Or if the Zeal for the Cauſe ſhall diſpoſe them to be Credulous in any Points [43] that are favourable to it, I would beg of them not to venture Wagers upon the Truth of them: And in this preſent Conjuncture, by no means to ſell out of the Stocks upon any News they ſhall hear from their good Friends at Perth. As theſe Party Fictions are the proper Subjects of Mirth and Laughter, their deluded Believers are only to be treated with Pity or Contempt. But as for thoſe Incendiaries of Figure and Diſtin⯑ction, who are the Inventors and Publiſhers of ſuch groſs Falſhoods and Calumnies, they can⯑not be regarded by others, but with the utmoſt Deteſtation and Abhorrence; nor, one would think, by themſelves, without the greateſt Re⯑morſe and Compunction of Heart; when they conſider, that in order to give a Spirit to a deſpe⯑rate Cauſe, they have, by their falſe and trea⯑cherous Inſinuations and Reports, betrayed ſo many of their Friends into their own Deſtru⯑ction.

No. 8. Monday, January 16.

I Have heard that ſeveral Ladies of Diſtinction, upon the Reading of my Fourth Paper, are ſtudying Methods how to make themſelves uſe⯑ful to the Publick. One has a Deſign of keep⯑ing an open Tea-Table, where every Man ſhall be welcome that is a Friend to King George. Another is for ſetting up an Aſſembly for Baſ⯑ſet, where none ſhall be admitted to Punt, that [44] have not taken the Oaths. A Third is upon an Invention of a Dreſs which will put every To⯑ry Lady out of Countenance: I am not in⯑formed of the Particulars, but am told in gene⯑ral, that ſhe has contrived to ſhew her Principles by the ſetting of her Commode; ſo that it will be impoſſible for any Woman, that is diſaffected, to be in the Faſhion. Some of them are of O⯑pinion that the Fan may be made uſe of with good Succeſs, againſt Popery, by exhibiting the Corruptions of the Church of Rome in various Figures; and that their Abhorrence of the ſuper⯑ſtitious Uſe of Beads, may be very aptly ex⯑preſſed in the make of a Pearl Necklace. As for the Civil Part of our Conſtitution, it is una⯑nimouſly agreed among the Leaders of the Sex, that there is no Glory in making a Man their Slave, who has not naturally a Paſſion for Li⯑berty; and to diſallow of all Profeſſions of Paſſive Obedience, but from a Lover to his Mi⯑ſtreſs.

It happens very luckily for the Intereſt of the Whigs, that their very Enemies acknowledge the fineſt Women of Great Britain to be of that Party. The Tories are forced to borrow their Toaſts from their Antagoniſts; and can ſcarce find Beauties enough of their own Side, to ſup⯑ply a ſingle Round of October. One may, in⯑deed, ſometimes diſcover among the Malig⯑nants of the Sex, a Face that ſeems to have been naturally deſigned for a Whig Lady: But then it is ſo often fluſhed with Rage, or ſowered with Diſappointments, that one cannot but be trou⯑bled to ſee it thrown away upon the Owner. Would the pretty Malecontent be perſuaded to love her King and Countrey, it would diffuſe a Chearfulneſs through all her Features, and give [45] her quite another Air. I would therefore ad⯑viſe theſe, my gentle Readers, as they conſult the Good of their Faces, to forbear frowning upon Loyaliſts, and Pouting at the Govern⯑ment. In the mean Time, what may we not hope from a Cauſe, which is recommended by the Allurement of Beauty, and the Force of Truth! It is therefore to be hoped that every fine Woman will make this laudable Uſe of her Charms; and that ſhe may not want to be frequently reminded of this great Duty, I will only deſire her to think of her Countrey every Time ſhe looks in her Glaſs.

But becauſe it is impoſſible to preſcribe ſuch Rules, as ſhall be ſuitable to the Sex in general, I ſhall conſider them under their ſeveral Diviſi⯑ons of Maids, Wives and Widows.

As for Virgins, who are unexperienced in the Wiles of Men, they would do well to conſider how little they are to rely on the Faith of Lo⯑vers, who in leſs than a Year have broken their Allegiance to their lawful Soveraign; and what Credit is to be given to the Vows and Proteſtati⯑ons of ſuch as ſhew themſelves ſo little afraid of Perjury. Beſides, what would an innocent young Lady think, ſhould ſhe marry a Man without examining his Principles, and after⯑wards find herſelf got with Child by a Rebel?

In the next Place, every Wife ought to an⯑ſwer for her Man. If the Husband be ingaged in a ſeditious Club, or drinks myſterious Healths, or be frugal of his Candles on a rejoycing Night, let her look to him, and keep him out of Harms way; or the World will be apt to ſay, ſhe has a Mind to be a Widow before her Time. She ought in ſuch Caſes to exert the Authority of the Curtain Lecture; and if ſhe finds him of a [46] rebellious Diſpoſition, to tame him, as they do Birds of Prey, by dinning him in the Ears all Night long.

Widows may be ſuppoſed Women of too good Senſe not to diſcountenance all Practices, that have a Tendency to the Deſtruction of Man⯑kind. Beſides they have a greater Intereſt in Property than either Maids or Wives, and do not hold their Jointures by the precarious Te⯑nure of Portions or Pin-Money. So that it is as unnatural for a Dowager, as a Free-Holder, to be an Enemy to our Conſtitution.

As nothing is more Inſtructive than Exam⯑ples, I would recommend to the Peruſal of our Britiſh Virgins the Story of Clelia a Roman Spinſter, whoſe Behaviour is repreſented by all their Hiſtorians, as one of the chief Motives that diſcouraged the Tarquins from proſecuting their Attempt to regain the Throne, from whence they had been expelled. Let the Marry'd Wo⯑men reflect upon the Glory acquired by the Wife of Coriolanus, who, when her Husband, after long Exile, was returning into his Coun⯑trey with Fire and Sword, diverted him from ſo cruel and unnatural an Enterprize. And let thoſe who have out lived their Huſbands never forget their Countrey-woman Widow Boadicia, who headed her Troops, in Perſon againſt the Invaſion of a Roman Army, and encouraged them with this memorable Saying, I, who am a Woman, am reſolv'd upon Victory or Death: But as for you who are Men, you may, if you pleaſe, chuſe Life and Slavery.

But I do not propoſe to our Britiſh Ladies, that they ſhould turn Amazons in the Service of their Soveraign, nor ſo much as let their Nails grow for the Defence of their Countrey. The [47] Men will take the Work of the Field off their Hands, and ſhew the World, that Engliſh Va⯑lour cannot be matched, when it is animated by Engliſh Beauty. I do not however diſap⯑prove the Project which is now on Foot for a FEMALE ASSOCIATION; and, ſince I hear the fair Confederates cannot agree among themſelves upon a Form, ſhall preſume to lay before them the following rough Draught, to be corrected or improved, as they in their Wiſ⯑dom ſhall think fit.

N. B. This Aſſociation will be lodged at Mr. Motteux's, where Attendance will be given to the Subſcribers, who are to be ranged in their reſpective Columns, as Maids, Wives, and Wi⯑dows.

No. 9. Friday, January 20. 1716.

THOUGH I have already ſeen, in The Town-Talk, a Letter from a Celebrated Engliſh-Man to the Pretender, which is indeed an Ex⯑cellent Anſwer to His Declaration, the Title of this Paper obliges me to publiſh the following Piece, which conſiders it in different Lights.

No. 10. Monday, January 23.

ONE may venture to affirm, that all honeſt and diſintereſted Britons of what Party ſo⯑ever, if they underſtood one another, are of the ſame Opinion in Points of Government: And that the Groſs of the People, who are impoſed upon by Terms which they do not comprehend, are Whigs in their Hearts. They are made to believe, that Paſſive Obedience and Non-Reſi⯑ſtance, Unlimited Power and Indefeaſible Right, have ſomething of a venerable and religious Meaning in them; whereas in Reality they on⯑ly imply, that a King of Great Britain has a Right to be a Tyrant, and that his Subjects are obliged in Conſcience to be Slaves. Were the [58] Caſe truly and fairly laid before them, they would know, that when they make a Profeſſion of ſuch Principles, they renounce their legal Claim to Liberty and Property, and unwarily ſubmit to what they really abhor.

It is our Happineſs, under the preſent Reign, to hear our King from the Throne exhorting us to be zealous Aſſertors of the Liberties of our Coun⯑trey; which exclude all Pretenſions to an arbi⯑trary, tyrannick or deſpotick Power. Thoſe, who have the Misfortune to live under ſuch a Power, have no other Law but the Will of their Prince, and conſequently no Privileges, but what are precarious. For though in ſome arbitrary Governments there may be a Body of Laws obſerved in the ordinary Forms of Juſtice, they are not ſufficient to ſecure any Rights to the People; becauſe they may be di⯑ſpenſed with, or laid aſide at the Pleaſure of the Soveraign.

And here it very much imports us to conſider, that Arbitrary Power naturally tends to make a Man a bad Soveraign, who might poſſibly have been a good One, had he been inveſted with an Authority limited and circumſcrib'd by Laws. None can doubt of this Tendency in Arbitrary Power, who conſider, that it fills the Mind of Man with great and unreaſonable Conceits of Himſelf; raiſes Him into a Belief, that He is of a Superior Species to His Subjects; extinguiſhes in Him the Principle of Fear, which is one of the greateſt Motives to all Duties; and creates an Ambition of magnifying Himſelf, by the Ex⯑ertion of ſuch a Power in all its Inſtances. So great is the Danger, that when a Soveraign can do what He will, He will do what He can.

[83] One of the moſt Arbritary Princes in our Age was Muley Iſhmael, Emperour of Morocco, who, after a long Reign, dy'd about a Twelve Month ago This Prince was a Man of much Wit and natural Senſe, of an active Temper, undaunted Courage, and great application. He was a De⯑ſcendent of Mahomet; and ſo exemplary for his Adherence to the Law of his Prophet, that he abſtained all his Life from the Taſte of Wine; began the annual Faſt, or Lent of Ramadan two Months before his Subjects; was frequent in his Prayers; and that he might not want Opportu⯑nities of Kneeling, had fixed in all the ſpacious Courts of his Palace large Conſecrated Stones pointing towards the Eaſt, for any occaſional Exerciſe of his Devotion. What might not have been hoped from a Prince of theſe Endow⯑ments, had they not all been rendered uſeleſs and ineffectual to the Good of his People by the Notion of that Power which they aſcribed to him! This will appear, if we conſider how he exerciſed it towards his Subjects in thoſe three great Points which are the chief Ends of Go⯑vernment, the Preſervation of their Lives, the Security of their Fortunes, and the Determina⯑tions of Juſtice between Man and Man.

Foreign Envoys, who have given an Account of their Audiences, deſcribe this holy Man mounted on horſeback in an open Court, with ſeveral of his Alcaydes, or Governours of Pro⯑vinces about him, ſtanding bare foot, trembling, bowing to the Earth, and at every Word he ſpoke, breaking out into paſſionate Exclamati⯑ons of Praiſe, as, Great is the Wiſdom of our Lord the King; Our Lord the King ſpeaks as an Angel from Heaven. Happy was the Man among them, who was ſo much a Favourite as to be [60] ſent on an Errand to the moſt remote Street in his Capital; which he performed with the great⯑eſt Alacrity, ran through every Puddle that lay in his Way, and took Care to return out of Breath and cover'd with Dirt, that he might ſhew himſelf a diligent and faithful Miniſter His Majeſty at the ſame Time, to exhibit the Greatneſs of his Power, and ſhew his Horſe⯑manſhip, ſeldom diſmiſs'd the Foreigner from his Preſence, 'till he had entertain'd him with the Slaughter of two or three of his Liege Sub⯑jects, whom he very dexterouſly put to Death with the Tilt of his Launce. St. Olon, the French Envoy, tells us, that when he had his laſt Audience of him, he receiv'd him in Robes juſt ſtain'd with an Execution; and that he was blooded up to his Elbows by a Couple of Moors, whom he had been butchering with his own Im⯑perial Hands. By the Calculation of that Au⯑thor, and many Others, who have ſince given an Account of his Exploits, we may reckon that by his own Arm he killed above Forty Thouſand of his People. To render himſelf the more awful, he choſe to wear a Garb of a particular Colour when he was bent upon Exe⯑cutions; ſo that when he appear'd in Yellow his Great Men hid themſelves in Corners, and durſt not pay their Court to him, till he had ſa⯑tiated his Thirſt of Blood by the Death of ſome of his loyal Commoners, or of ſuch unwary Officers of State as chanc'd to come in his Way. Upon this Account we are told, that the firſt News enquir'd after every Morning at Mequinez, was, Whether the Emperour were ſtirring, and in a good or bad Humour? As this Prince was a great Admirer of Architecture, and employ'd many Thouſands in Works of [61] that Kind, if he did not approve the Plan or the Performance, it was uſual for him to ſhew the Delicacy of his Taſte by demoliſhing the Building, and putting to Death all that had a Hand in it. I have heard but of one Inſtance of his Mercy; which was ſhewn to the Maſter of an Engliſh Veſſel. This our Countreyman pre⯑ſented him with a curious Hatchet, which he receiv'd very graciouſly; and asking him whe⯑ther it had a good Edge, try'd it upon the Do⯑nor, who ſlipping aſide from the Blow, eſcap'd with the Loſs only of his right Ear; for Old Muley, upon ſecond Thoughts, conſidering that it was not one of his own Subjects, ſtopp'd his Hand, and would not ſend him to Paradiſe. I cannot quit this Article of his Tenderneſs for the Lives of his People, without mentioning one of his Queens, whom he was remarkably fond of; as alſo a Favourite Prime Miniſter, who was very dear to him. The firſt dy'd by a Kick of her Lord the King, when ſhe was big with Child, for having gather'd a Flower as ſhe was walking with him in his Pleaſure Gar⯑den. The Other was baſtinado'd to Death by his Majeſty; who, repenting of the Drubs he had given him when it was too late, to mani⯑feſt his Eſteem for the Memory of ſo Worthy a Man, executed the Surgeon that could not cure him.

This Abſolute Monarch was as notable a Guardian of the Fortunes, as of the Lives of his Subjects. When any Man among his Peo⯑ple grew rich, in Order to keep him from be⯑ing dangerous to the State, he uſed to ſend for all his Goods and Chattels. His Governours of Towns and Provinces, who form'd them⯑ſelves upon the Example of their Grand Mo⯑narque, [62] practiſed Rapine, Violence, Extortion, and all the Arts of Deſpotick Government in their reſpective Diſtricts, that they might be the better enabled to make him their yearly Pre⯑ſents. For the greateſt of his Viceroys could only propoſe to himſelf a comfortable Subſi⯑ſtence out of the Plunder of his Province, and was in certain Danger of being recall'd or hang'd, if he did not remit the Bulk of it to his Dread Soveraign. That he might make a right Uſe of theſe Prodigious Treaſures, which flow'd in to him from all the Parts of his wide Empire, he took Care to bury them under Ground, by the Hands of his moſt truſty Slaves, and then cut their Throats, as the moſt effectual Method to keep them from making Diſcove⯑ries. Theſe were his Ways and Means for rai⯑ſing Money, by which he weaken'd the Hands of the Factious, and in any Caſe of Emergency, could employ the whole Wealth of his Empire, which he had thus amaſſed together in his ſub⯑terraneous Exchequer.

As there is no ſuch Thing as Property under an Arbitrary Government, you may learn what was Muley Iſhmael's Notion of it from the fol⯑lowing Story Being upon the Road, amidſt his Life-Guards, a little before the Time of the Ram-Feaſt, he met one of his Alcaydes at the Head of his Servants, who were driving a great Flock of Sheep to Market. The Emperor ask'd whoſe they were: The Alcayde anſwered with profound Submiſſion, They are mine, O Iſhmael, Son of Elcherif, of the Line of Haſſan. Thine! thou Son of a Cuckold, ſaid this SERVANT OF THE LORD, I thought I had been the only Pro⯑prietor in this Countrey; upon which he run him through the Body with his Launce, and very [63] piouſly diſtributed the Sheep among his Guards, for the Celebration of the Feaſt.

His Determinations of Juſtice between Man and Man, were indeed very ſummary and deci⯑ſive, and generally put an End to the Vexations of a Law-Suit, by the Ruin both of Plaintiff and Defendant. Travellers have recorded ſome Samples of this Kind, which may give us an Idea of the Bleſſings of his Adminiſtration. One of his Alcaydes complaining to him of a Wife, whom he had received from his Maje⯑ſty's Hands, and therefore could not divorce her, that ſhe uſed to pull him by the Beard; the Emperor to redreſs this Grievance, order'd his Beard to be plucked up by the Roots, that he might not be liable to any more ſuch Af⯑fronts. A Countrey Farmer having accus'd ſome of his Negro Guards for Robbing him of a Drove of Oxen, the Emperor readily ſhot the Offenders: But afterwards demanding Repara⯑tion of the Accuſer, for the Loſs of ſo many Brave Fellows, and finding him inſolvent, com⯑pounded the Matter with him by taking away his Life. There are many other Inſtances of the ſame Kind. I muſt obſerve however under this Head, that the only good Thing he is celebrated for, during his whole Reign, was the clearing of the Roads and High-Ways of Robbers, with which they uſed to be very much infeſted. But his Method was to ſlay Man, Woman and Child, who lived within a certain Diſtance from the Place, where the Robbery was committed. This extraordinary Piece of Juſtice could not but have its Effect, by making every Road in his Empire unſafe for the Pro⯑feſſion of a Free-Booter.

[64] I muſt not omit this Emperor's Reply to Sir Cloudeſly Shovel, who had taken ſeveral of his Subjects by Way of Reprizal for the Engliſh Captives that were detained in his Dominions. Upon the Admiral's offering to exchange them on very advantageous Terms, this good Empe⯑ror ſent him Word, The Subjects he had taken were poor Men, not worth the Ranſoming; and that he might throw them over Board, or deſtroy them otherwiſe as he pleaſed.

Such was the Government of Muley Iſhmael, The Servant of God, the Emperor of the Faithful, who was Courageous in the Way of the Lord, the Noble, the Good.

To conclude this Account, which is extracted from the beſt Authorities. I ſhall only obſerve that he was a great Admirer of His late Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty. In a Letter to him, he Com⯑pliments him with the Title of Sovereign Arbi⯑ter of the Actions and Wills of his People. And in a Book publiſhed by a French Man, who was ſent to him as an Ambaſſador, is the following Paſſage, He is abſolute in his States, and often com⯑pares himſelf to the Emperor of France, who he ſays is the only Perſon that knows how to reign like himſelf, and to make his Will the Law.

This was that Emperor of France to whom the Perſon who has a great Mind to be King of theſe Realms owed his Education, and from whom he learned his Notions of Government. What ſhould hinder One, whoſe Mind is ſo well ſeaſon⯑ed with ſuch Prepoſſeſſions, from attempting to copy after his Patron, in the Exerciſe of ſuch a Power; eſpecially conſidering that the Party who eſpouſe his Intereſt, never fail to compliment a Prince that diſtributes all his Places among [65] them, with unlimited Power on his Part, and unconditional Obedience on that of his Sub⯑jects.

No. 11. Friday, January 27.

BY our lateſt Advices, both from Town and Countrey, it appears, that the Ladies of Great Britain, who are able to bear Arms, that is, to Smile or Frown to any Purpoſe, have alrea⯑dy begun to commit Hoſtilities upon the Men of each oppoſite Party. To this End we are aſ⯑ſared, that many of them on both Sides Exerciſe before their Glaſſes every Morning; that they have already caſhiered ſeveral of their Followers as Mutineers, who have contradicted them in ſome political Converſations; and that the Whig Ladies in particular deſign very ſoon to have a general Review of their Forces at a Play beſpoken by one of their Leaders. This Sett of Ladies, indeed, as they daily do Duty at Court, are much more expert in the Uſe of their Airs and Graces than their female Antagoniſts, who are moſt of them bred in the Countrey: So that the Siſterhood of Loyaliſts, in reſpect of the fair Malecontents, are like an Army of regular Forces, compared with a raw undiſciplined Mi⯑litia.

It is to this Misfortune in their Education that we may aſcribe the rude and opprobrious Lan⯑guage with which the diſaffected Part of the Sex treat the preſent Royal Family. A little lively [66] Ruſtick, who hath been trained up in Ignorance and Prejudice, will prattle Treaſon a whole Winter's Evening, and ſtring together a Parcel of ſilly ſeditious Stories, that are equally void of Decency and Truth. Nay, you ſometimes meet with a zealous Matron, who ſets up for the Pattern of a Pariſh, uttering ſuch Invectives as are highly misbecoming her, both as a Wo⯑man and a Subject. In anſwer therefore to ſuch diſtoyal Termagants, I ſhall repeat to them a Speech of the honeſt and blunt Duke du Sully to an Aſſembly of Popiſh Ladies, who were rail⯑ing very bitterly againſt Henry the Fourth, at his Acceſſion to the French Throne; Ladies, ſaid he, you have a very good King, if you know when you are well. However ſet your Hearts at reſt, for he is not a Man to be ſcolded or ſeratched out of his Kingdom.

But as I never care to ſpeak of the fair Sex, unleſs I have an Occaſion to Praiſe them, I ſhall take my Leave of theſe ungentle Damſels; and only beg of them, not to make themſelves leſs amiable than Nature deſigned them, by be⯑ing Rebels to the Beſt of their Abilities, and en⯑deavouring to bring their Countrey into Blood⯑ſhed and Confuſion. Let me therefore recom⯑mend to them the Example of thoſe beautiful Aſſociates, whom I mentioned in my eighth Pa⯑per, as I have received the Particulars of their Behaviour from the Perſon with whom I lodged their Aſſociation.

This Aſſociation being written at length in a large Roll of the fineſt Vellum, with three di⯑ſtinct Columns for the Maids, Wives, and Wi⯑dows, was opened for the Subſcribers near a Fortnight ago. Never was a Subſcription for a Raffiing or an Opera more crowded. There is [67] ſcarce a celebrated Beauty about Town that you may not find in one of the three Liſts; inſo⯑much, that if a Man, who did not know the Deſign, ſhould read only the Names of the Subſcribers, he would fancy every Column to be a Catalogue of Toaſts. Mr. Motteux has been heard to ſay more than once, that if he had the Portraits of all the Aſſociates, they would make a finer Auction of Pictures, than he or any Body elſe had ever exhibited.

Several of theſe Ladies indeed criticiſed upon the Form of the Aſſociation. One of them, af⯑ter the Peruſal of it, wondered that among the Features to be uſed in Defence of their Coun⯑trey, there was no mention made of Teeth; up⯑on which ſhe ſmiled very charmingly, and diſ⯑covered as fine a Sett as ever Eye beheld. A⯑nother, who was a tall lovely Prude, holding up her Head in a moſt majeſtick Manner, ſaid, with ſome Diſdain. She thought a good Neck might have done His Majeſty as much Service as Smiles or Dimples. A Third looked upon the Aſſociation as defective, becauſe ſo neceſſa⯑ry a Word as Hands was omitted; and by her Manner of taking up the Pen, it was eaſy to gueſs the Reaſon of her Objection.

Moſt of the Perſons who aſſociated, have done much more than by the Letter of the Aſ⯑ſociation they were obliged to; having not on⯑ly ſet their Names to it, but ſubſcribed their ſe⯑veral Aids and Subſidies for the carrying on ſo good a Cauſe. In the Virgin Column is one who ſubſcribes fifteen Lovers, all of them good Men and true. There is another who ſubſcribes five Admirers, with one tall handſom black Man fit to be a Colonel. In ſhort, there is ſcarce one in this Liſt who does not engage [68] herſelf to ſupply a Quota of brisk young Fellows many of them already equipt with Hats and Feathers. Among the reſt, was a pretty ſpright⯑ly Coquette, with ſparkling Eyes, who ſub-ſcribed two Quivers of Arrows.

In the Column of Wives, the firſt who took Pen in Hand writ her own Name and one Vaſ⯑ſal, meaning her Husband. Another ſubſcribes her Husband and three Sons. Another her Husband and ſix Coach-Horſes. Moſt in this Catalogue paired themſelves with their reſpe⯑ctive Mates, anſwering for'em as Men of honeſt Principles, and fit for the Service.

N. B. There were two in this Column that wore Aſſociation Ribbons: The firſt of them ſubſcribed her Husband, and her Husband's Friend; the ſecond a Husband and five Lovers; but upon enquiry into their Characters, they are both of them found to be Tories, who hung out falſe Colours to be Spies upon the Aſſociation, or to inſinuate to the World by their Subſcrip⯑tions, as if a Lady of Whig Principles could love any Man beſides her Husband.

The Widows Column is headed by a fine Wo⯑man who calls herſelf Boadicea, and ſubſcribes ſix hundred Tenants. It was indeed obſerved that the Strength of the Aſſociation lay moſt in this Column; every Widow, in Proportion to her Jointure, having a great Number of Admi⯑rers, and moſt of them diſtinguiſhed as able Men. Thoſe who have examined this Liſt, compute that there may be three Regiments rai⯑ſed out of it, in which there ſhall not be one Man under fix Foot high.

I muſt not conclude this Account, without taking Notice of the ASSOCIATION-RIB⯑BON, by which theſe Beautiful Confederates [69] have agreed to diſtinguiſh themſelves. It is in⯑deed ſo very pretty an Ornament, that I won⯑der any Engliſh Woman will be without it. A Lady of the ASSOCIATION who bears this Badge of Allegiance upon her Breaſt, natura⯑ly produces a Deſire in every Male-Beholder, of gaining a Place in a Heart which carries on it ſuch a viſible Mark of its Fidelity. When the Beauties of our Iſland are thus induſtrious to ſhew their Principles as well as their Charms, they raiſe the Sentiments of their Countrey⯑men, and inſpire them at the ſame time both with Loyalty and Love. What Numbers of Proſelytes may we not expect, when the moſt amiable of the Britons thus exhibit to their Admi⯑rers the only Terms upon which they are to hope for any Correſpondence or Alliance with them! It is well known that the greateſt Blow the French Nation ever receiv'd, was the dropping of a fine Lady's Garter, in the Reign of King Edward the Third. The moſt remarkable Battels which have been ſince gained over that Nation, were fought under the Auſpices of a Blue RIBBON. As our Britiſh Ladies have ſtill the ſame Faces, and our Men the ſame Hearts, why may we not hope for the ſame glorious Atchievements from the Influence of this Beautiful Breaſt-Knot?

No 12. Monday, January 30.

THIS Day having been ſet apart by Publick Authority to raiſe in us an Abhorrence of the GREAT REBELLION, which in⯑volved this Nation in ſo many Calamities, and ended in the Murder of their Soveraign; it may not be unſeaſonable to ſhew the Guilt of Rebel⯑lion in general, and of that Rebellion in par⯑ticular which is ſtirred up againſt His preſent Majeſty.

That Rebellion is one of the moſt hainous Crimes which it is in the Power of Man to commit, may appear from ſeveral Conſiderati⯑ons. Firſt, as it deſtroys the End of all Govern⯑ment, and the Benefits of Civil Society. Go⯑vernment was inſtituted for maintaining the Peace, Safety, and Happineſs of a People. Theſe great Ends are brought about by a gene⯑ral Conformity and Submiſſion to that Frame of Laws which is eſtabliſhed in every Communi⯑ty, for the Protection of the Innocent, and the Puniſhment of the Guilty. As on the one Side Men are ſecured the quiet Poſſeſſion of their Lives, Properties, and every Thing they have a Right to: So on the other Side, thoſe who [71] offer them any Injury in theſe Particulars, are ſubject to Penalties proportioned to their re⯑ſpective Offences. Government therefore mi⯑tigates the Inequality of Power among particu⯑lar Perſons, and makes an innocent Man, tho' of the loweſt Rank, a Match for the Mightieſt of his Fellow-Subjects; ſince he has the Force of the whole Community on his Side, which is able to controul the Inſolence or Injuſtice of any private Oppreſſor. Now Rebellion diſap⯑points all theſe Ends and Benefits of Govern⯑ment, by raiſing a Power in Oppoſition to that Authority which has been eſtabliſhed among a People for their mutual Welfare and Defence. So that Rebellion is as great an Evil to Society, as Government itſelf is a Bleſſing.

In the next Place, Rebellion is a Violation of all thoſe Engagements, which every Govern⯑ment exacts from ſuch Perſons as live under it; and conſequently, the moſt baſe and pernicious Inſtance of Treachery and Perfidiouſneſs. The Guilt of Rebellion Increaſes in Proportion as theſe Engagements are more Solemn and Ob⯑ligatory. Thus if a Man makes his Way to Rebellion through Perjury, he gives additional Horrors to that Crime, which is in itſelf of the blackeſt Nature.

We may likewiſe conſider Rebellion as a greater Complication of Wickedneſs than any other Crime we can commit. It is big with Repine, Sacrilege, and Murder. It is dreadful in its mildeſt Effects, as it impoveriſhes the Pub⯑lick; ruins particular Families; begets and per⯑petuates Hatreds among Fellow-Subjects, Friends, and Relations; makes a Countrey the Seat or War and Deſolation, and expoſes it to the Attempts of its foreign Enemies. In ſhort, [72] as it is impoſſible for it to take Effect, or to make the ſmalleſt Progreſs, but through a con⯑tinued Courſe of Violence and Bloodſhed; a Robber or a Murderer looks like an Innocent Man, when we compare him with a Rebel.

I ſhall only add, that as in the Subordinati⯑ons of a Government the King is offended by any Inſults or Oppoſitions to an inferior Magi⯑ſtrate; ſo the Soveraign Ruler of the Univerſe is affronted by a Breach of Allegiance to thoſe whom he has ſet over us; Providence having delegated to the Supream Magiſtrate in every Countrey the ſame Power for the Good of Men, which that Supreme Magiſtrate transfer to thoſe ſeveral Officers and Subſtitutes who [...] under Him, for the preſerving of Order and Ju⯑ſtice.

Now if we take a View of the preſent Rebel⯑lion which is formed againſt His Majeſty, we ſhall find in it all the Guilt that is naturally inhe⯑rent in this Crime, without any ſingle Circum⯑ſtance to alleviate it. Inſurrections among [...] People to reſcue themſelves from the moſt vio⯑lent and illegal Oppreſſions; to throw off a Ty⯑ranny that makes Property precarious, and Li [...] painful; to preſerve their Laws and their Reli⯑gion to themſelves and their Poſterity; are ex⯑cuſed from the Neceſſity of ſuch an Underta⯑king, when no other Means are left for the Se⯑curity of every Thing that is dear and valua [...] to reaſonable Creatures. By the Frame of [...] Conſtitution, the Duties of Protection and Alle⯑giance are reciprocal; and as the Safety of [...] Community is the ultimate End and Deſign [...] Government, when this, inſtead of being pre⯑ſerved, is manifeſtly deſtroy'd, Civil Societi [...] are excuſable before God and Man, if they en+ [73] deavour to recover themſelves out of ſo miſera⯑ble a Condition. For in ſuch a Caſe Govern⯑ment becomes an Evil inſtead of a Bleſſing, and is not at all preferable to a State of Anarchy and mutual Independence. For theſe Reaſons, we have ſcarce ever yet heard of an Inſurrection that was not either coloured with Grievances of the higheſt Kind, or countenanced by one or more Branches of the Legiſlature. But the pre⯑ſent Rebellion is form'd againſt a King, whoſe Right has been eſtabliſh'd by frequent Parlia⯑ments of all Parties, and recogniz'd by the moſt ſolemn Oaths; who has not been charged with one illegal Proceeding; who acts in perfect Con⯑cert with the Lords and Commons of the Realm; who is famed for his Equity and Goodneſs, and has already very much advanc'd the Reputation and Intereſt of our Countrey. The Guilt there⯑fore of this Rebellion has in it all the moſt ag⯑gravating Circumſtances; which will ſtill ap⯑pear more plainly, if we conſider in the firſt Place the real Motives to it.

The Rebellion, which was one of the moſt flagitious in itſelf, and deſcrib'd with the moſt Horrour by Hiſtorians, is that of Catiline and his Aſſociates. Their Motives to it are diſplay'd at large by the Roman Writers, in order to in⯑ſpire the Reader with the utmoſt Deteſtation of it. Catiline the Chief of the Rebellion, had been diſappointed in his Competition for one of the firſt Offices in the Government, and had in⯑volved himſelf in ſuch private Debts and Diffi⯑culties, as nothing could extricate him out of, but the Ruin of an Adminiſtration that would not entruſt him with Poſts of Honour or Profit. His principal Accomplices were Men of the ſame Character, and animated by the ſame In⯑centives. [74] They complained that Power was lodged in the Hands of the Worſt, to the Op⯑preſſion of the Beſt; and that Places were con⯑ferred on unworthy Men, to the Excluſion of themſelves and their Friends. Many of them were afraid of publick Juſtice for paſt Crimes, and ſome of them ſtood actually condemned as Traitors to their Countrey. Theſe were joined by Men of deſperate Fortunes, who hoped to find their Account in the Confuſions of their Countrey, were applauded by the meaneſt of the Rabble, who always delighted in Change, and privately abetted by Perſons of a conſiderable Figure, who aimed at thoſe Honours and Prefer⯑ments which were in the Poſſeſſion of their Ri⯑vals. Theſe are the Motives with which Cati⯑line's Rebellion is branded in Hiſtory, and which are expreſſly mentioned by Salluſt. I ſhall leave it to every unprejudiced Reader to compare them with the Motives which have kindled the preſent Rebellion in His Majeſty's Dominions.

As this Rebellion is of the moſt criminal Na⯑ture from its Motives, ſo it is likewiſe if we conſider its Conſequences. Should it Succeed, (a Suppoſition which, God be thanked, is very extravagant) what muſt be the natural Effects of it upon our Religion! What could we expect from an Army, bleſt by the Pope, headed by a zealous Roman-Catholick, encouraged by the moſt bigotted Princes of the Church of Rome, ſupported by Contributions not only from theſe ſeveral Potentates, but from the Wealthieſt of their Convents, and officer'd by Iriſh Papiſts and Outlaws! Can we imagine that the Roman-Catholicks of our own Nation would ſo heartily embark in an Enterprize, to the viſible Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes, did they only hope [75] to enjoy their Religion under thoſe Laws which are now in Force? In ſhort, the Danger to the Proteſtant Cauſe is ſo manifeſt, that it would be an Affront to the Underſtanding of the Reader to endeavour farther to prove it.

Arbitrary Power is ſo interwoven with Pope⯑ [...]y, and ſo neceſſary to introduce it, ſo agreeable [...] the Education of the Pretender, ſo conforma⯑ [...] to the Principles of his Adherents, and ſo [...]ural to the Inſolence of Conquerors, that [...]ould our Invader gain the Soveraign Power [...] Violence, there is no doubt but he would [...]eſerve it by Tyranny. I ſhall leave to the [...]eader's own Conſideration, the Change of [...]operty in general, and the utter Extinction of [...] our National Funds, the Inundation of No⯑ [...]s without Eſtates, Prelates without Biſho⯑ [...]cks, Officers Civil and Military without [...]ces; and in ſhort, the ſeveral Occaſions of [...]ine and Revenge, which would neceſſarily [...] upon ſuch a fatal Revolution. But by [...] Bleſſing of Providence, and the Wiſdom of Majeſty's Adminiſtration, this melancholly [...]ſpect is as diſtant as it is dreadful.

Theſe are the Conſequences which would [...]eſſarily attend the Succeſs of the preſent [...]ellion. But we will now ſuppoſe that the [...] of it ſhould for ſome time remain Doubt⯑ [...] ▪ In this Caſe we are to expect all the Miſe⯑ [...]of a Civil War: Nay, the Armies of the [...]eſt Foreign Princes would be ſubſiſted, and [...] Battels of Europe fought in England. The [...] have already ſhewn us, that they want [...]clination to promote their Cauſe by Fire [...]word, where they have an Opportunity of [...]ſing their Barbarities. Should ſuch a fierce [...]apacious Hoſt of Men, as that which is [76] now in the Highlands, fall down into our Coun⯑trey, that is ſo well Peopled, adorned and cul⯑tivated, how would their March be diſtinguiſh⯑ed by Ravage and Devaſtation! Might not we ſay of them in the ſublime and beautiful Word of the Prophet, deſcribing the Progreſs of an enraged Army from the North; Before them as [...] Garden of Eden, and behind them as [...] deſolate Wilderneſs; yea, and nothing ſhall [...] them.

What then can we think of a Party, [...] would plunge their native Countrey into [...] Evils as theſe; when the only avowed Mo [...] for their Proceedings is a Point of Theory, [...] has been already determined by thoſe who [...] proper Judges, and in whoſe Determination [...] have ſo many Years acquieſced. If the Ca [...] ⯑mities of the Nation in General can make [...] Impreſſion on them, let them at leaſt, in [...] to themſelves, their Friends and Depend [...] forbear all open and ſecret Methods of En [...] ⯑raging a Rebellion, ſo deſtructive, and ſo [...] provoked. All human Probabilities are aga [...] them; and they cannot expect Succeſs, but [...] a miraculous Interpoſition of the Almig [...] ▪ And this we may with all Chriſtian Hum [...] hope, will not turn againſt us, who ob [...] thoſe Oaths which we have made in His [...] ⯑ſence; who are zealous for the Safety of [...] Religion, which we think moſt acceptab [...] His Sight; and who endeavour to preſerve [...] Conſtitution which is moſt conducive to [...] Happineſs of our Countrey.

No. 13. Friday, February 3.

THE moſt common, and indeed the moſt natural Diviſion of all Offences, is into thoſe of Omiſſion, and thoſe of Commiſſion. We may make the ſame Diviſion of that par⯑ticular Set of Crimes which regard Human So⯑ciety. The greateſt Crime which can be com⯑mitted againſt it is Rebellion; as was ſhewn in my laſt Paper. The greateſt Crime of Omiſſi⯑on, is an Indifference in the particular Members of a Society, when a Rebellion is actually be⯑gun among them. In ſuch a Juncture, though a Man may be innocent of the great Breach which is made upon Government, he is highly culpable, if he does not uſe all the Means that are ſuitable to his Station for reducing the Com⯑munity into its former State of Peace and good Order.

Our Obligation to be active on ſuch an Oc⯑caſion appears from the very Nature of Civil Government; which is an Inſtitution, where⯑by we are all confederated together for our mu⯑tual Defence and Security. Men who profeſs a State of Neutrality in Times of Publick Dan⯑ger, deſert the Common Intereſt of their Fel⯑low-Subjects; and act with Independence to that Conſtitution into which they are incorpora⯑ted. The Safety of the whole requires our joint Endeavours. When this is at Stake, the indif⯑ferent are not properly a Part of the Commu⯑nity; [78] or rather are like dead Limbs, which are an Incumbrance to the Body, inſtead of being of Uſe to it. Beſides that, the Protection which all receive from the ſame Government, juſtly calls upon the Gratitude of All to Strengthen it, as well as upon their Self-Intereſt to pre⯑ſerve it.

But farther; If Men, who in their Hearts are Friends to a Government, forbear giving it their utmoſt Aſſiſtance againſt its Enemies, they put it in the Power of a few deſperate Men to ruine the Welfare of thoſe who are much ſupe⯑rior to them in Strength, Number, and Intereſt. It was a remarkable Law of Solon, the great Le⯑giſlator of the Athenians, that any Perſon who in the Civil Tumults and Commotions of the Republick remained Neuter, or an indifferent Spectator of the contending Parties, ſhould, af⯑ter the Re-eſtabliſhment of the publick Peace, forfeit all his Poſſeſſions, and be condemned to perpetual Baniſhment. This Law made it ne⯑ceſſary for every Citizen to take his Party, be⯑cauſe it was highly probable the Majority would be ſo Wiſe as to eſpouſe that Cauſe which was moſt agreeable to the publick Weal, and by that Means hinder a Sedition from making a ſucceſs⯑ful Progreſs. At leaſt, as every prudent and honeſt Man, who might otherwiſe favour any Indolence in his own Temper, was hereby en⯑gaged to be active, ſuch a one would be ſure to join himſelf to that Side which had the Good of their Countrey moſt at Heart. For this Rea⯑ſon their famous Lawgiver condemned the Per⯑ſons who ſate Idle in Diviſions ſo dangerous to the Government, as Aliens to the Community, and therefore to be cut off from it as unprofita⯑ble Members.

[79] Further; Indifference cannot but be crimi⯑nal, when it is converſant about Objects which are ſo far from being of an indifferent Nature, that they are of the higheſt Importance to our ſelves and our Countrey. If it be indifferent to us whether we are Free-Subjects or Slaves; whether our Prince be of our own Religion, or of one that obliges him to extirpate it; we are in the right to give ourſelves no trouble in the preſent Juncture. A Man governs himſelf by the Dictates of Virtue and good Senſe, who acts without Zeal or Paſſion in Points that are of no Conſequences: But when the whole Commu⯑nity is ſhaken, and the Safety of the Publick en⯑danger'd, the Appearance of a Philoſophical or an affected Indolence muſt ariſe either from Stupidity, or Perfidiouſneſs.

When in the Diviſion of Parties among us, Men only ſtrove for the firſt Place in the Prince's Favour; when all were attached to the ſame Form of Government, and contended on⯑ly for the higheſt Offices in it; a prudent and an honeſt Man might look upon the Struggle with Indifference, and be in no great Pain for the Suc⯑ceſs of either Side. But at preſent the Conteſt is not in Reality between Whigs and Tories, but between Loyaliſts and Rebels. Our Countrey is not now divided into two Parties, who propoſe the ſame End by different Means; but into ſuch as would preſerve, and ſuch as would deſtroy it. Whatever Denominations we might range our ſelves under in former Times, Men who have any natural Love to their Countrey, or Senſe of their Duty, ſhould exert their united Strength in a Cauſe that is common to all Parties, as they are Proteſtants and Britons. In ſuch a Caſe, an avowed Indifference is Treachery to our Fel⯑low-Subjects; [80] and a Lukewarm Allegiance▪ may prove as pernicious in its Conſequences as Treaſon.

I need not repeat here what I have proved at large in a former Paper, that we are obliged to an active Obedience by the ſolemn Oaths we have taken to His Majeſty; and that the neutral Kind of Indifference, which is the Subject of this Paper, falls ſhort of that Obligation they lie un⯑der, who have taken ſuch Oaths; as will eaſily appear to any one who conſiders the Form of thoſe ſacred and religious Engagements.

How then can any Man anſwer it to himſelf, if, for the ſake of managing his Intereſt or Cha⯑racter among a Party, or out of any perſonal Pique to thoſe who are the moſt conſpicuous for their Zeal in His Majeſty's Service, or from a⯑ny other private and ſelf-intereſted Motive, he ſtands as a Looker on when the Government is attacked by an open Rebellion; eſpecially when thoſe engaged in it, cannot have the leaſt Pro⯑ſpect of Succeſs, but by the Aſſiſtance of the an⯑cient and hereditary Enemies to the Britiſh Na⯑tion. It is ſtrange that theſe Luke warm Friends to the Government, whoſe Zeal for their Sove⯑raign riſes and falls with their Credit at Court, do not conſider, before it be too late, that as they ſtrengthen the Rebels by their preſent In⯑difference, they at the ſame time eſtabliſh the Intereſt of thoſe who are their Rivals and Com⯑petitors for publick Poſts of Honour. When there is an End put to this Rebellion, theſe Gen⯑tlemen cannot pretend to have had any Merit in ſo good a Work: And they may well believe the Nation will never care to ſee thoſe Men it the higheſt Offices of Truſt, who when they an out of them, will not ſtir a Finger in its De⯑fence.

No. 14. Monday, February 6.

HAVING in the Seventh Paper conſider'd many of thoſe Falſhoods, by which the Cauſe of our Malecontents is ſupported; I ſhall here ſpeak of that extravagant Credulity, which diſpoſes each particular Member of their Party to believe them. This ſtrange Alacrity in Be⯑lieving Abſurdity and Inconſiſtence may be cal⯑led the Political Faith of a Tory.

A Perſon who is thoroughly endowed with this Political Faith, like a Man in a Dream, is entertained from one end of his Life to the o⯑ther with Objects that have no Reality or Exi⯑ſtence. He is daily nouriſhed and kept in Hu⯑mour by Fiction and Deluſion; and may be compared to the old obſtinate Knight in Rabe⯑lais, that every Morning ſwallowed a Chimera for his Breakfaſt.

This Political Faith of a Malecontent is al⯑together founded on Hope. He does not give Credit to any thing becauſe it is probable, but be⯑cauſe it is pleaſing. His Wiſhes ſerve him in⯑ſtead of Reaſons, to confirm the Truth of what he hears. There is no Report ſo incredible or contradictory in itſelf which he doth not chear⯑fully [82] believe, if it tends to the Advancement of the Cauſe. In ſhort, a Malecontent who is a good Believer has generally reaſon to repeat the celebrated Rant of an Ancient Father, Credo quia impoſſibile eſt: Which is as much as to ſay, It muſt be True, becauſe it is Impoſſible.

It has been very well obſerved, that the moſt credulous Man in the World is the Atheiſt, who believes the Univerſe to be the Production of Chance. In the ſame Manner a Tory, who is the greateſt Believer in what is improbable, is the greateſt Infidel in what is certain. Let a Friend to the Government relate to him a Matter of Fact, he turns away his Ear from him, and gives him the Lye in every Look. But if one of his own Stamp ſhould tell him that the King of Sweden would be ſuddenly at Perth, and that his Army is now actually marching thither up⯑on the Ice; he hugs himſelf at the good News, and gets Drunk upon it before he goes to Bed. This ſort of People puts one in Mind of ſeveral Towns in Europe that are inacceſſible on the one Side, while they lie open and unguard⯑ed on the other. The Minds of our Malecon⯑tents are indeed ſo depraved with thoſe Falſ⯑hoods which they are perpetually imbibing, that they have a natural Reliſh for Error, and have quite loſt the Taſte of Truth in political Mat⯑ters. I ſhall therefore diſmiſs this Head with a Saying of King Charles the Second. This Mo⯑narch, when he was at Windſor, us'd to amuſe himſelf with the Converſation of the famous Voſſius, who was full of Stories relating to the Antiquity, Learning, and Manners of the Chi⯑neſe; and at the ſame time a Free-thinker in Points of Religion. The King upon hearing him repeat ſome incredible Accounts of theſe [83] Eaſtern People, turning to thoſe who were a⯑bout: him, This Learned Divine, ſaid he, is a very ſtrange Man: He believes every thing but the Bible.

Having thus far conſidered the political Faith of the Party as it regards Matters of Fact, let us in the next Place take a View of it with reſpect to thoſe Doctrines which it embraces, and which are the Fundamental Points whereby they are diſtinguiſhed from thoſe, whom they uſed to repreſent as Enemies to the Conſtituti⯑on in Church and State. How far their great Articles of political Faith, with reſpect to our Eccleſiaſtical and Civil Government, are con⯑ſiſtent with themſelves, and agreeable to Rea⯑ſon and Truth, may be ſeen in the following Paradoxes, which are the Eſſentials of a Tory's Creed, with relation to political Matters. Un⯑der the Name of Tories, I do not here compre⯑hend Multitudes of well-deſigning Men, who were formerly included under that Denomina⯑tion, but are now in the Intereſt of His Majeſty and the preſent Government. Theſe have al⯑ready ſeen the evil Tendency of ſuch Principles, which are the Credenda of the Party, as it is op⯑poſite to that of the Whigs.

• Article I. That the Church of England will be always in Danger, till it has a Popiſh King for its Defender.
• II. That, for the Safety of the Church, no Sub⯑ject ſhould be Tolerated in any Religion diffe⯑rent from the Eſtabliſh'd; but that the Head of our Church may be of that Religion which is moſt repugnant to it.
• [84]III. That the Proteſtant Intereſt in this Nati⯑on, and in all Europe, could not but flouriſh under the Protection of One, who thinks him⯑ſelf obliged, on Pain of Damnation, to do all that lies in his Power for the Extirpation of it.
• IV. That we may ſafely rely upon the Promiſes of One, whoſe Religion allows him to make them, and at the ſame Time obliges him to break them.
• V. That a good Man ſhould have a greater Ab⯑horrence of Presbyterianiſm which is Perverſe⯑neſs, than of Popery which is but Idolatry.
• VI. That a Perſon who hopes to be King of Eng⯑land by the Aſſiſtance of France, would natural⯑ly adhere to the Britiſh Intereſt, which is al⯑ways oppoſite to that of the French.
• VII.That a Man has no Opportunities of learn⯑ing how to Govern the People of England in any foreign Countrey, ſo well as in France.
• VIII. That ten Millions of People ſhould rather chooſe to fall into Slavery, than not acknow⯑ledge their Prince to be inveſted with an Here⯑ditary and Indefeaſible Right of Oppreſſion.
• IX. That we are obliged in Conſcience to be⯑come Subjects of a Duke of Savoy, or of a French King, rather than enjoy for our Sove⯑raign a Prince, who is the Firſt of the Royal Blood in the Proteſtant Line.
• [85]X. That Non-Reſiſtance is the Duty of every Chriſtian, whilſt he is in a good Place.
• XI. That we ought to profeſs the Doctrine of Paſſive-Obedience till ſuch Time as Nature re⯑bels againſt Principle, that is, till we are put to the Neceſſity of practiſing it.
• XII. That the Papiſts have taken up Arms to de⯑fend the Church of England with the utmoſt Hazard of their Lives and Fortunes.
• XIII. That there is an Unwarrantable Faction in this Iſland, conſiſting of King, Lords, and Commons.
• XIV. That the Legiſlature, when there is a Ma⯑jority of Whigs in it, has not Power to make Laws.
• XV. That an Act of Parliament to impower the King to Secure Suſpected Perſons in Times of Rebellion, is the Means to Eſtabliſh the So⯑veraign on the Throne, and conſequently a great Infringement of the Liberties of the Sub⯑ject.

No. 15. Friday, February 10.

IT is with great Pleaſure that I ſee a Race of Female-Patriots ſpringing up in this Iſland. The faireſt among the Daughters of Great-Bri⯑tain no longer confine their Cares to a Dome⯑ſtick Life, but are grown anxious for the Wel⯑fare of their Countrey, and ſhew themſelves good Stateſwomen as well as good Houſewives.

Our She-Confederates keep pace with us in quaſhing that Rebellion which had begun to ſpread itſelf among Part of the fair Sex. If the Men who are true to their King and Countrey have taken Preſton and Perth, the Ladies have poſſeſs'd themſelves of the Opera and the Play-Houſe with as little Oppoſition or Bloodſhed. The Non-reſiſting Women, like their Brothers in the Highlands, think no Poſt tenable againſt an Army that makes ſo fine an Appearance; and dare not look them in the Face, when they are drawn up in Battel-array.

As an Inſtance of the Chearfulneſs in our fair Fellow-Subjects to oppoſe the Deſigns of the Pretender, I did but ſuggeſt in one of my for⯑mer Papers, That the Fan might be made uſe of with good Succeſs againſt Popery, by exhibiting the Corruptions of the Church of Rome in various Fi⯑gures; when immediately they took the Hint, [87] and have ſince had frequent Conſultations upon ſeveral Ways and Methods to make the Fan uſe⯑ful. They have unanimouſly agreed upon the following Reſolutions, which are indeed very ſuitable to Ladies who are at the ſame Time the moſt Beautiful and the moſt Loyal of their Sex. To hide their Faces behind the Fan, when they obſerve a Tory gazing upon 'em. Never to peep through it, but in Order to pick out Men, whoſe Principles make them worth the Conqueſt. To return no other Anſwer to a Tory's Addreſſes, than by counting the Sticks of it all the while he is talking to them. To avoid dropping it in the Neighbourhood of a Male⯑content, that he may not have an Opportunity of taking it up. To ſhew their Disbelief of any Jacobite Story by a Flirt of it. To fall a Fan⯑ning themſelves, when a Tory comes into one of their Aſſemblies, as being diſorder'd at the Sight of him.

Theſe are the Uſes by which every Fan may in the Hands of a fine Woman become ſervice⯑able to the Publick. But they have at preſent under Conſideration, certain Fans of a Prote⯑ſtant Make, that they may have a more exten⯑ſive Influence, and raiſe an Abhorrence of Po⯑pery in a whole Crowd of Beholders: For they intend to let the World ſee what Party they are of, by Figures and Deſigns upon theſe Fans; as the Knights Errant uſed to diſtinguiſh themſelves by Devices on their Shields.

There are ſeveral Sketches of Pictures which have been already preſented to the Ladies for their Approbation, and out of which ſeveral have made their Choice. A pretty young Lady will very ſoon appear with a Fan, which has on it a Nunnery of lively black-Eyed Veſtals, who [88] are endeavouring to creep out at the Grates. Another has a Fan mounted with a fine Paper, on which is repreſented a Groupe of People upon their Knees very devoutly worſhipping an old Ten-Penny Nail. A certain Lady of great Learning has choſen for her Device the Coun⯑cil of Trent; and another, who has a good Sa⯑tyrical Turn, has filled her Fan with the Figure of a huge tawdry Woman, repreſenting the Whore of Babylon; which ſhe is reſolved to ſpread full in the Face of any Siſter-Diſputant, whoſe Arguments have a Tendency to Popery. The following Deſigns are already executed on ſeveral Mountings. The Ceremony of the Holy Pontiff opening the Mouth of a Cardinal in a full Conſiſtory. An old Gentleman with a Triple Crown upon his Head, and big with Child, being the Portrait of Pope Joan. Biſhop Bonner purchaſing great Quantities of Faggots and Bruſh-Wood, for the Converſion of Here⯑ticks. A Figure reaching at a Sceptre with one Hand, and holding a Chaplet of Beads in the other: With a diſtant View of Smithfield.

When our Ladies make their Zeal thus vi⯑ſible upon their Fans, and, every Time they open them, diſplay an Error of the Church of Rome, it cannot but have a good Effect, by ſhewing the Enemies of our preſent Eſtabliſh⯑ment the Folly of what they are contending for. At leaſt, every One muſt allow that Fans are much more innocent Engines for propaga⯑ting the Proteſtant Religion, than Racks, Wheels, Gibbets, and the like Machines, which are made Uſe of for the Advancement of the Roman-Ca⯑tholick. Beſides, as every Lady will of courſe ſtudy her Fan, ſhe will be a perfect Miſtreſs of the Controverſy at leaſt in one Point of Popery; [89] and as her Curioſity will put her upon the Pe⯑ruſal of every other Fan that is faſhionable, I doubt not but in a very little Time there will ſcarce be a Woman of Quality in Great-Britain, who would not be an Over-Match for an Iriſh Prieſt.

The beautiful Part of this Iſland, whom I am proud to number amongſt the moſt candid of my Readers, will likewiſe do well to reflect, that our Diſpute at preſent concerns our Civil as well as Religious Rights. I ſhall therefore only offer it to their Thoughts as a Point that highly deſerves their Conſideration, Whether the Fan may not alſo be made Uſe of with Re⯑gard to our Political Conſtitution. As a Free-Holder, I would not have them confine their Cares for us as we are Proteſtants, but at the ſame Time have an Eye to our Happineſs as we are Britons. In this Caſe they wou'd give a new Turn to the Minds of their Countreymen, if they wou'd exhibit on their Fans the ſeveral Grievances of a Tyrannical Government. Why might not an Audience of Muley Iſhmael, or a Turk dropping his Handkerchief in his Seraglio, be proper Subjects to expreſs their Abhorrence both of Deſpotick Power, and of Male Tyran⯑ny? Or if they have a Fancy for Burleſque, what wou'd they think of a French Cobler cut⯑ting Shoes for ſeveral of his Fellow-Subjects out of an old Apple-Tree? On the contrary, a fine Woman, who wou'd maintain the Dignity of her Sex, might bear a String of Gally-Slaves, dragging their Chains the whole Breadth of her Fan; and at the ſame Time, to celebrate her own Triumphs, might order every Slave to be drawn with the Face of one of her Admi⯑rers.

[90] I only propoſe theſe as Hints to my gent [...] Readers, which they may alter or improve [...] they ſhall think fit: But cannot conclude with⯑out congratulating our Countrey upon this Diſ⯑poſition among the moſt amiable of its Inhabi⯑tants, to conſider in their Ornaments the Ad⯑vantage of the Publick as well as of their Per⯑ſons. It was with the ſame Spirit, tho' not with the ſame Politeneſs, that the ancient Bri⯑tiſh Women had the Figures of Monſters painted on their naked Bodies, in Order (as our Hiſto⯑rians tell us) to make themſelves Beautiful in the Eyes of their Countreymen, and terrible to their Enemies. If this Project goes on, we may boaſt, that our Siſter Whigs have the fineſt Fans, as well as the moſt Beautiful Faces, of any Ladies in the World. At leaſt, we may venture to foretel, that the Figures in their Fans will leſſen the Tory Intereſt, much more than thoſe in the Oxford Almanacks will ad⯑vance it.

No. 16. Monday, February 13.

IT being the Deſign of theſe Papers to recon⯑cile Men to their own Happineſs, by remo⯑ving [91] thoſe wrong Notions and Prejudices which hinder them from ſeeing the Advantage of them⯑ſelves and their Poſterity in the preſent Eſtabliſh⯑ment, I cannot but take Notice of every Thing that by the Artifice of our Enemies is made a Matter of Complaint.

Of this Nature is the Suſpenſion of the Ha⯑beas Corpus Act, by which His Majeſty has been enabled in theſe Times of Danger, to ſeize and detain the Perſons of ſuch, who He had Reaſon to believe were Conſpiring againſt His Perſon and Government. The Expediency and Reaſo⯑nableneſs of ſuch a temporary Suſpenſion in the preſent Juncture may appear to every conſide⯑rate Man, who will turn his Thoughts impar⯑tially on this Subject.

I have choſen in Points of this Nature to draw my Arguments from the firſt Principles of Go⯑vernment, which, as they are of no Party, but aſſented to by every reaſonable Man, carry the greater Weight with them, and are accommo⯑dated to the Notions of all my Readers. Eve⯑ry One knows, who has conſider'd the Nature of Government, that there muſt be in each par⯑ticular Form of it an Abſolute and Unlimited Power; and that This Power is lodg'd in the Hands of thoſe, who have the Making of its Laws, whether by the Nature of the Conſtitu⯑tion it be in One or more Perſons, in a ſingle Order of Men, or in a mixt Body of different Ranks and Degrees. It is an Abſurdity to i⯑magine that thoſe, who have the Authority of Making Laws, cannot ſuſpend any particular Law, when they think it expedient for the Pub⯑lick. Without ſuch a Power all Govern⯑ment would be defective, and not arm'd with a ſufficient Force for its own Security. As [92] Self-Preſervation by all honeſt Methods is the firſt Duty of every Community, as well as of every private Perſon, ſo the publick Safety is the general View of all Laws. When therefore any Law does not conduce to this great End, but on the contrary in ſome extraordinary and unnatural Junctures, the very Obſervation of it would endanger the Community, that Law ought to be laid aſleep for ſuch a Time, by the proper Authority. Thus the very Intention of our Habeas Corpus Act, namely, the Preſervation of the Liberties of the Subject, abſolutely re⯑quires that Act to be now ſuſpended, ſince the Confinement of dangerous and ſuſpected Per⯑ſons, who might ſtrengthen this Rebellion, and ſpread a Civil War through all Parts of this Kingdom, ſecures to us our Civil Rights, and every Thing that can be valuable to a Free People.

As every Government muſt in its Nature be arm'd with ſuch an Authority, we may obſerve that thoſe Governments which have been the moſt famous for publick Spirit, and the moſt jealous of their Liberty, have never failed to exert it upon proper Occaſions. There cannot be a greater Inſtance of this, than in the old Common wealth of Rome, who flatter'd them⯑ſelves with an Opinion that their Government had in it a due Temper of the Regal, Noble, and Popular Power, repreſented by the Conſuls, the Senators, and the Tribunes. The Regal Part was however in ſeveral Points notoriouſly defective, and particularly becauſe the Con⯑ſuls had not a Negative in the paſſing of a Law, as the other two Branches had. Nevertheleſs in this Government, when the Republick was threaten'd with any great and imminent Dan⯑ger, [93] they thought it for the common Safety to appoint a Temporary Dictator, inveſted with the whole Power of the three Branches; who, when the Danger was over, retired again into the Community, and left the Government in its natural Situation. But what is more to our Caſe, the Conſular Power itſelf, tho' infinitely ſhort of the Regal Power in Great Britain, was intruſted with the whole Authority which the Legiſlature has put into the Hands of His Maje⯑ſty. We have an Eminent Inſtance of this in the Motto of my Paper, which I ſhall Tranſlate for the Benefit of the Engliſh Reader, after having advertiſed him, that the Power there given to the Conſul, was in the Time of a Conſpiracy. The Senate therefore made a Decree, as uſual, when they have Matters before them of ſo Horrid a Na⯑ture, That the Conſuls ſhould take Care the Com⯑mon-Wealth did not ſuffer any Prejudice. By Vir⯑tue of this very great Power which the Senate al⯑lows to the Magiſtrate, according to the Antient Cuſtoms of Rome, He may raiſe an Army, wage War, make Uſe of all kinds of Methods to reſtrain the Aſſociates and Citizens of Rome, and exerciſe the Supreme Authority both at Home and Abroad in Matters Civil and Military; whereas otherwiſe the Conſul is not inveſted with any of theſe Powers without the expreſs Command of the People.

There now only remains to ſhew, that His Majeſty is legally poſſeſt of this Power; and that the Neceſſity of the preſent Affairs requires He ſhould be ſo. He is entruſted with it by the Legiſlature of the Nation; and in the very Notion of a Legiſlature is implied a Power to change, repeal, and ſuſpend what Laws are in Being, as well as to make what new Laws they ſhall think fit for the Good of the [94] People. This is ſo uncontroverted a Maxim, that I believe never any Body attempted to re⯑fute it. Our Legiſlature have however had that juſt Regard for their Fellow-Subjects, as not to entertain a Thought of abrogating this Law, but only to hinder it from operating at a Time when it would endanger the Conſtitution. The King is empowered to act but for a few Months by Virtue of this Suſpenſion; and by that Means differs from a King of France, or any other Ty⯑rannical Prince, who in Times of Peace and Tranquillity, and upon what Occaſion he plea⯑ſes, ſends any of his Subjects out of the Know⯑ledge of their Friends into ſuch Caſtles, Dun⯑geons, or Impriſonments as he thinks fit. Nor did the Legiſlature do any Thing in this that was unprecedented. The Habeas Corpus Act was made but about five and thirty Years ago, and ſince that Time has been ſuſpended four Times before his preſent Majeſty's Acceſſion to the Throne: Twice under the Reign of King William and Queen Mary; once under the Reign of King William; and once under the Reign of Queen Anne.

The Neceſſity of this Law at this Time aroſe from the Proſpect of an Invaſion, which has ſince broke out into an actual Rebellion; and from Informations of ſecret and dangerous Pra⯑ctices among Men of conſiderable Figure, who could not have been prevented from doing Miſ⯑chief to their Countrey but by ſuch a Suſpenſion of this Act of Parliament.

I cannot however but obſerve, that notwith⯑ſtanding the Lawfulneſs and Neceſſity of ſuch a Suſpenſion, had not the Rebellion broke out after the paſſing of this Act of Parliament, I do not know how thoſe who had been the moſt [95] inſtrumental in procuring it, could have eſcap'd that popular Odium, which their malicious and artful Enemies have now in vain endeavoured to ſtir up againſt them. Had it been poſſible for the Vigilance and Endeavours of a Miniſtry to have hindered even the Attempt of an Invaſion, their very Endeavours might have proved pre⯑judicial to them. Their prudent and reſolute Precautions would have turned to their Diſad⯑vantage, had they not been juſtified by thoſe Events, which they did all that was in their Power to obviate. This naturally brings to Mind the Reflection of Tully in the like Circum⯑ſtances, That amidſt the Diviſions of Rome, a Man was in an unhappy Condition who had a Soare in the Adminiſtration, nay even in the Pre⯑ſervation of the Common-Wealth. O conditionem miſeram non modo adminiſtrandae, verum eti⯑am conſervandae Reipublicae!

Beſides, every unprejudiced Man will conſi⯑der how mildly and equitably this Power has been uſed. The Perſons confined have been treated with all poſſible Humanity, and abridg⯑ed of nothing but the Liberty of hurting their Countrey, and very probably of ruining both themſelves and their Families. And as to the Numbers of thoſe who are under this ſhort Re⯑ſtraint, it is very obſervable, that People do not ſeem ſo much ſurpized at the Confinement of ſome, as at the Liberty of many Others. But we may from hence conclude, what every Eng⯑liſhman muſt obſerve with great Pleaſure; that His Majeſty does not in this great Point regu⯑late Himſelf by any private Jealouſies or Suſ⯑picions, but by thoſe Evidences and Informati⯑ons which he has received.

[96] We have already found the good Conſequen⯑ces of this Suſpenſion, in that it has hindered the Rebellion from gathering the Strength it would otherwiſe have gained; not to mention thoſe Numbers it has kept from engaging in ſo deſperate an Enterprize, with the many Lives it has preſerved, and the Deſolations it has prevented.

For theſe and many other Reaſons the Re⯑preſentatives of Great Britain in Parliament could never have anſwered it to the People they repreſent, who have found ſuch great Be⯑nefits from the Suſpenſion of the Habeas Corpus Act, and without it muſt have felt ſuch fatal Conſequences, had they not in a Caſe of ſuch great Neceſſity made Uſe of this cuſtomary, legal, and reaſonable Method for Securing His Majeſty on the Throne, and their Countrey from Miſery or Ruine.

No. 17. Friday, February 17.

WE are told, that in Turkey, when any Man is the Author of Notorious Falſhoods, it is uſual to blacken the whole Front of his Houſe: Nay we have ſometimes heard, that an Embaſ⯑ſador, whoſe Buſineſs it is (if I may quote his Character in Sir Henry Wotton's Words) to [...] for the Good of his Countrey, has ſometimes had this Mark ſet upon his Houſe; when he [...] [97] been detected in any Piece of feign'd Intelli⯑gence, that has prejudiced the Government, and miſled the Minds of the People. One cou'd almoſt wiſh that the Habitations of ſuch of our own Countreymen as deal in Forge⯑ties detrimental to the Publick, were diſtingui⯑ſhed in the ſame Manner; that their Fellow-Subjects might be cautioned not to be too eaſy in giving Credit to them. Were ſuch a Me⯑thod put in Practice, this Metropolis wou'd be ſtrangely checquer'd; ſome entire Pariſhes wou'd be in Mourning, and ſeveral Streets darkned from one End to the other.

But I have given my Thoughts in two pre⯑ceding Papers, both on the Inventors and the Believers of theſe publick Falſhoods and Ca⯑lumnies, and ſhall here ſpeak of that Contempt with which they are and ought to be received by thoſe in high Stations, at whom they are le⯑vell'd. Any Perſon indeed, who is zealous for promoting the Intereſt of his Countrey, muſt conquer all that Tenderneſs and Delicacy which may make him afraid of being ſpoken ill of; or his Endeavours will often produce no leſs Uneaſineſs to himſelf, than Benefit to the Publick. Among a People who indulge them⯑ſelves in the utmoſt Freedoms of Thought and Speech, a Man muſt either be inſignificant, or able to bear an undeſerved Reproach. A true Patriot may comfort himſelf under the Attacks of Falſhood and Obloquy, from ſeveral Motives and Reflections.

In the firſt Place he ſhou'd conſider, that the chief of his Antagoniſts are generally acted by Spirit of Envy; which wou'd not riſe againſt him, if it were not provoked by his Deſert. A Stateſman, who is poſſeſt of real Merit, ſhou'd [98] look upon his political Cenſurers with the ſame Neglect, that a good Writer regards his Cri⯑ticks; who are generally a Race of Men that are not able to diſcover the Beauties of a Work they examine, and deny that Approbation to O⯑thers, which they never met with themſelves. Patriots therefore ſhou'd rather rejoyce in the Succeſs of their honeſt Deſigns, than be mor⯑tified by thoſe who miſrepreſent them.

They ſhou'd likewiſe conſider, that not only Envy, but Vanity has a Share in the Detrac⯑tion of their Adverſaries. Such Aſperſions therefore do them Honour at the ſame Time that they are intended to leſſen their Reputation. They ſhou'd reflect, That thoſe who endeavour to ſtir up the Multitude againſt them, do it to be thought conſiderable; and not a little applaud themſelves in a Talent that can raiſe Clamours out of nothing, and throw a Ferment among the People, by Murmurs or Complaints, which they know in their own Hearts are altogether groundleſs. There is a pleaſant Inſtance of this Nature recorded at length in the Firſt Book of the Annals of Tacitus. When a great Part of the Roman Legions were in a Diſpoſition to mutiny, an Impudent Varlet, who was a private Centi⯑nel, being mounted upon the Shoulders of his Fellow-Soldiers, and reſolved to try the Power of his Eloquence, addreſs'd himſelf to the Army, in all the Poſtures of an Orator, after the follow⯑ing Manner: You have given Liberty to theſe miſe⯑rable Men: ſaid he, (pointing to ſome Criminals whom they had reſcued) but which of you can reſtore Life to my Brother? Who can give me back my Brother? He was murder'd no longer ago than [...] Night, by the Hands of thoſe Ru [...]ians, who are ea⯑tertain'd by the General to butcher the poor S [...] ⯑ery. [99] Tell me, Blaeſus, (for that was the Name of the General, who was then ſitting on the Tribunal) tell me, Where haſt thou caſt his dead Body? An Enemy does not grudge the Rites of Bu⯑rial. When I have tired my ſelf with kiſſing his cold Corps, and weeping over it, order me to be ſlain upon it. All I ask of my Fellow-Soldiers, ſince we both dye in their Cauſe, is that they wou'd lay me in the ſame Grave with my Brother. The whole Army was in an Uproar at this moving Speech, and reſolved to do the Speaker Juſtice, when, upon Enquiry, they found that he never had a Brother in his Life; and that he had ſtir⯑red up the Sedition only to ſhew his Parts.

Publick Miniſters would likewiſe do well to conſider, that the principal Authors of ſuch Re⯑proaches as are caſt upon them, are thoſe who have a Mind to get their Places: And as for a Cenſure ariſing from this Motive, it is in their Power to eſcape it when they pleaſe, and turn it upon their Competitors. Malecontents of an inferiour Character are acted by the ſame Principle; for ſo long as there are Employ⯑ments of all Sizes, there will be Murmurers of all Degrees. I have heard of a Countrey-Gentleman, who made a very long and me⯑lancholy Complaint to the late Duke of Buck⯑ingham, when he was in great Power at Court, of ſeveral publick Grievances. The Duke, after having given him a very patient Hearing, My dear Friend, ſays he, this is but too true; but I have thought of an Expedient which will ſet all Things right, and that very ſoon. His Countrey Friend asked him, what it was. You muſt know, ſays the Duke, there's a Place of five Hundred Pounds a Year fallen this very Morning, which I [...] to put you in Poſſeſſion of. The Gentle⯑man [100] thanked his Grace, went away ſatisfied, and thought the Nation the happieſt under Hea⯑ven, during that whole Miniſtry.

But farther, every Man in a publick Station ought to conſider, that when there are two dif⯑ferent Parties in a Nation, they will ſee Things in different Lights. An Action however con⯑ducive to the Good of their Countrey, will be repreſented by the Artful and appear to the Ig⯑norant as prejudicial to it. Since I have here, according to the uſual Liberty of Eſſay-Wri⯑ters, rambled into ſeveral Stories, I ſhall fetch one to my preſent Purpoſe out of the Perſian Hiſtory. We there read of a virtuous young Emperor, who was very much afflicted to find his Actions miſconſtrued and defamed by a Par⯑ty among his Subjects that favour'd another In⯑tereſt. As he was one Day ſitting among the Miniſters of his Divan, and amuſing himſelf after the Eaſtern Manner, with the Solution of difficult Problems and Aenigma's, he pro⯑poſed to them in his Turn, the following one. What is the Tree that bears three Hundred and ſixty five Leaves, which are all Black on the one Side, and White on the other? His Grand Viſier imme⯑diately replied, it was the Year which conſiſted of three Hundred and ſixty five Days and Nights: But Sir, ſays he, permit me at the ſame Time to take Notice, that theſe Leaves repreſent your Ac⯑tions, which carry different Faces to your Friends and Enemies, and will always appear black to thoſe who are reſolv'd only to look upon the wrong Side of 'em.

A virtuous Man therefore who lays out his Endeavours for the Good of his Countrey, ſhould never be troubled at the Reports which are made of him, ſo long as he is conſcious of [101] his own Integrity. He ſhould rather be pleaſed, to find People deſcanting upon his Actions, be⯑cauſe when they are thoroughly canvaſſed and examined, they are ſure in the End to turn to his Honour and Advantage. The reaſonable and unprejudiced Part of Mankind will be of his Side, and rejoyce to ſee their common In⯑tereſt lodged in ſuch honeſt Hands. A ſtrict Examination of a great Man's Character, is like the Trial of a ſuſpected Chaſtity, which was made among the Jews by the Waters of Jealou⯑ſy. Moſes aſſures us that the Criminal burſt up⯑on the drinking of them; but if ſhe was accuſed wrongfully, the Rabbins tell us, they heighten'd her Charms, and made her much more amiable than before: So that they deſtroyed the Guilty, but beautified the Innocent.

No. 18. Monday, February 20.

EVery Engliſhman will be a good Subject to King George, in Proportion as he is a good Engliſhman, and a Lover of the Conſtitution of his Countrey. In Order to awaken in my Rea⯑ders the Love of this their Conſtitution, it may be neceſſary to ſet forth its ſuperior Excellency to that Form of Government, which many wicked and ignorant Men have of late Years endeavour'd to introduce among us. I ſhall not therefore think it improper to take Notice from Time to Time of any particular Act of Power, exerted by thoſe among whom the Pre⯑tender [102] to His Majeſty's Crown has been edu⯑cated; which wou'd prove fatal to this Nation, ſhou'd it be Conquer'd and Govern'd by a Per⯑ſon, who, in all Probability, wou'd put in Prac⯑tice the Politicks in which he has been ſo long inſtructed.

There has been nothing more obſervable in the Reign of His preſent Gallick Majeſty, than the Method he has taken for ſupplying his Ex⯑chequer with a neceſſary Sum of Money. The Ways and Means for raiſing it has been an E⯑dict, or a Command in Writing ſigned by him⯑ſelf, to encreaſe the Value of Louis d' Ors from Fourteen to Sixteen Livres, by Virtue of a new Stamp which ſhall be ſtruck upon them. As this Method will bring all the Gold of the Kingdom into his Hands, it is provided by the ſame Edict that they ſhall be payed out a⯑gain to the People at Twenty Livres each; ſo that Four Livres in the Score by this Means ac⯑crue to His Majeſty out of all the Money in the Kingdom of France.

This Method of raiſing Money is conſiſtent with that Form of Government, and with the repeated Practice of their late Grand Monarque; ſo that I ſhall not here conſider the many evil Conſequences which it muſt have upon their Trade, their Exchange, and publick Credit: I ſhall only take Notice of the whimſical Cir⯑cumſtances a People muſt lie under, who can be thus made poor or rich by an Edict, which can throw an Alloy into a Louis d' Or, and de⯑baſe it into half its former Value, or, if His Majeſty pleaſes, raiſe the Price of it, not by the Acceſſion of Metal, but of a Mark. By the preſent Edict many a Man in France will ſwell into a Plumb, who fell ſeveral Thouſand Pounds [103] ſhort of it the Day before its Publication. This conveys a Kind of Fairy Treaſure into their Cheſts, even whilſt they are under Lock and Key; and is a Secret of Multiplication without Addition. It is natural enough however for the Vanity of the French Nation to grow inſolent upon this imaginary Wealth, not conſidering that their Neighbours think them no more Rich by Virtue of an Edict to make Fourteen Twen⯑ty, than they wou'd think 'em more formidable ſhould there be another Edict to make every Man in the Kingdom Seven Foot high.

It was uſual for his late Moſt Chriſtian Ma⯑jeſty to ſink the Value of their Louis d' Ors about the Time he was to receive the Taxes of his good People, and to raiſe them when he had got them ſafe into his Coffers. And there is no Queſtion but the preſent Government in that Kingdom, will ſo far obſerve this Kind of Con⯑duct, as to reduce the Twenty Livres to their old Number of Fourteen, when they have paid them out of their Hands; which will immedi⯑ately ſink the preſent Timpany of Wealth, and re-eſtabliſh the natural Poverty of the Gallick Nation.

One cannot but pity the melancholy Condi⯑tion of a Miſer in this Countrey, who is perpe⯑tually telling his Livres, without being able to know how Rich he is. He is as ridiculouſly puzzled and perplexed as a Man that counts the Stones on Salisbury-Plain, which can never be ſettled to any certain Number, but are more or fewer every Time he reckons them.

I have heard of a young French Lady, a Sub⯑ject of Louis the Fourteenth, who was contrac⯑ted to a Marquis upon the Foot of a Five Thou⯑ſand Pound Fortune, which ſhe had by her in [104] Specie; but one of theſe unlucky Edicts coming out a Week before the intended Marriage, ſhe loſt a Thouſand Pound, and her Bridegroom into the Bargain.

The Uncertainty of Riches is a Subject much diſcourſed of in all Countries, but may be inſiſt⯑ed on more emphatically in France than any o⯑ther. A Man is here under ſuch a Kind of Si⯑tuation, as One who is managed by a Jugler. He fancies he has ſo many Pieces of Money in his Hand; but let him graſp them never ſo care⯑fully, upon a Word or two of the Artiſt they encreaſe or dwindle to what Number the Doc⯑tor is pleaſed to name.

This Method of lowering or advancing Mo⯑ney, we, who have the Happineſs to be in ano⯑ther Form of Government, ſhould look upon as an unwarrantable Kind of Clipping and Coin⯑ing. However, as it is an Expedient that is of⯑ten practiſed, and may be juſtify'd in that Con⯑ſtitution which has been ſo thoroughly ſtudied by the Pretender to His Majeſty's Crown, I do not ſee what ſhould have hinder'd him from making Uſe of ſo expeditious a Method for raiſing a Supply, if he had ſucceeded in his late Attempt to dethrone His Majeſty, and ſubvert our Conſti⯑tution. I ſhall leave it to the Conſideration of the Reader, if in ſuch a Caſe the following E⯑dict, or ſomething very like it, might not have been expected.

No. 19. Friday, February 24.

IT has been uſual theſe many Years for Wri⯑ters, who have approved the Scheme of Go⯑vernment which has taken Place, to explain to the People the Reaſonableneſs of thoſe Prin⯑ciples which have prevailed, and to juſtify the Conduct of thoſe, who act in Conformity to ſuch Principles. It therefore happens well for the Party which is undermoſt, when a Work of this Nature falls into the Hands of thoſe who content themſelves to attack their Prin⯑ciples, without expoſing their Perſons, or ſin⯑gling out any particular Objects for Satyr and Ridicule. This Manner of Proceeding is no inconſiderable Piece of Merit in Writers, who [107] are often more influenc'd by a Deſire of Fame, than a Regard to the publick Good; and who, by this Means, loſe many fair Opportunities of ſhewing their own Wit, or of gratifying the Ill-Nature of their Readers.

When a Man thinks a Party engaged in ſuch Meaſures as tend to the Ruine of his Coun⯑trey, it is certainly a very laudable and virtu⯑ous Action in him to make War after this Man⯑ner upon the whole Body. But as ſeveral Ca⯑ſuiſts are of Opinion, that in a Battel you ſhou'd diſcharge upon the Groſs of the Enemy, with⯑out levelling your Piece at any particular Per⯑ſon; ſo in this Kind of Combat alſo, I cannot think it fair to aim at any one Man, and make his Character the Mark of your Hoſtilities. There is now to be ſeen in the Caſtle of Milan, a Can⯑non-Bullet, inſcribed, This to the Mareſchal de Crequi, which was the very Ball that ſhot him. An Author who points his Satyr at a Great Man, is to be looked upon in the ſame View with the Engineer who ſignalized himſelf by this unge⯑nerous Practice.

But as the Spirit of the Whigs and Tories ſhews itſelf, upon every Occaſion, to be very widely different from one another; ſo is it par⯑ticularly viſible in the Writings of this Kind, which have been publiſhed by each Party. The latter may, indeed, aſſign one Reaſon to juſtify themſelves in this Practice; that, having nothing of any Manner of Weight to offer againſt the Principles of their Antagoniſts, if they ſpeak at all, it muſt be againſt their Perſons. When they cannot refute an Adverſary, the ſhorteſt Way is to libel him; and to endeavour at the making his Perſon odious, when they cannot repreſent his Notions as abſurd.

[108] The Examiner was a Paper, in the laſt Reign, which was the Favourite-Work of the Party. It was uſher'd into the World by a Letter from a Secretary of State, ſetting forth the great Ge⯑nius of the Author, the Uſefulneſs of his De⯑ſign, and the mighty Conſequences that were to be expected from it. It is ſaid to have been written by thoſe among 'em whom they looked upon as their moſt celebrated Wits and Politi⯑cians, and was diſperſed into all Quarters of the Nation with great Induſtry and Expence. Who would not have expected, that at leaſt the Rules of Decency and Candour would be ob⯑ſerved in ſuch a Performance? But inſtead of this, you ſaw all the great Men, who had done eminent Services to their Countrey but a few Years before, draughted out one by one, and baited in their Turns. No Sanctity of Charac⯑ter, or Privilege of Sex, exempted Perſons from this barbarous Uſage. Several of our Prelates were the ſtanding Marks of publick Raillery, and many Ladies of the firſt Quality branded by Name for Matters of Fact, which as they were falſe, were not heeded, and if they had been true, were innocent. The Dead them⯑ſelves were not ſpared. And here I cannot forbear taking Notice of a Kind of Wit which has lately grown into Faſhion among the Ver⯑ſifiers, Epigrammatiſts, and other Authors, who think it ſufficient to diſtinguiſh themſelves by their Zeal for what they call the High-Church, while they ſport with the moſt tremendous Parts of Revealed Religion. Every one has ſeen E⯑pigrams upon the deceaſed Fathers of our Church, where the whole Thought has turned upon Hell-Fire. Patriots, who ought to be remember'd with Honour by their Poſterity, have been in⯑troduced [109] as Speakers in a State of Torments. There is ſomething dreadful even in repeating theſe execrable Pieces of Wit, which no Man who really believes in another Life, can peruſe without Fear and Trembling. It is aſtoniſhing to ſee Readers who call themſelves Chriſtians, applauding ſuch Diabolical Mirth, and ſeeming to rejoyce in the Doom which is pronounced againſt their Enemies, by ſuch abandoned Scriblers. A Wit of this Kind, may with great Truth be compared to the Fool in the Proverbs, who plays with Arrows, Fire-brands and Death, and ſays, am I not in Sport?

I muſt, in Juſtice to the more ſober and con⯑ſiderate of that Party, confeſs, that many of them were highly ſcandalized at that Perſonal Slander and Reflection which was flung out ſo freely by the Libellers of the laſt Reign, as well as by thoſe profane Liberties which have been ſince continued. And as for thoſe who are ei⯑ther the Authors or Admirers of ſuch Compoſi⯑tions, I would have them conſider with them⯑ſelves, whether the Name of a good Church⯑man can attone for the want of that Charity which is the moſt eſſential Part of Chriſtianity. They would likewiſe do well to reflect, how, by theſe Methods, the Poiſon has run freely into the Minds of the Weak and Ignorant; height⯑ned their Rage againſt many of their Fellow-Subjects; and almoſt diveſted them of the com⯑mon Sentiments of Humanity.

In the former Part of this Paper, I have hinted that the Deſign of it is to oppoſe the Principles of thoſe who are Enemies to the pre⯑ſent Government, and the main Body of that Party who eſpouſe thoſe Principles. But even in ſuch general Attacks there are certain Mea⯑ſures [110] to be kept, which may have a Tendency rather to gain, than to irritate thoſe who differ with you in their Sentiments. The Examiner would not allow ſuch as were of a contrary Opinion to him, to be either Chriſtians or Fel⯑low-Subjects. With him they were all Atheiſts, Deiſts, or Apoſtates, and a ſeparate Common-Wealth among themſelves, that ought either to be extirpated, or, when he was in a better Hu⯑mour, only to be baniſhed out of their Native Countrey. They were often put in mind of ſome approaching Execution, and therefore all of them adviſed to prepare themſelves for it, as Men who had then nothing to take care of, but how to die decently. In ſhort, the Exami⯑ner ſeemed to make no diſtinction between Con⯑queſt and Deſtruction.

The Conduct of this Work has hitherto been regulated by different Views, and ſhall continue to be ſo; unleſs the Party it has to deal with, draw upon themſelves another kind of Treat⯑ment. For if they ſhall perſiſt in pointing their Batteries againſt particular Perſons, there are no Laws of War, that forbid the making of Repriſals. In the mean time, this Under⯑taking ſhall be managed with that generous Spirit which was ſo remarkable among the Ro⯑mans, who did not ſubdue a Countrey in order to put the Inhabitants to Fire and Sword, but to incorporate them into their own Commu⯑nity, and make them happy in the ſame Govern⯑ment with themſelves.

No. 20. Monday, February 27.

IT is very unlucky for thoſe who make it their Buſineſs to raiſe Popular Murmurs and Diſcontents againſt His Majeſty's Government, that they find ſo very few and ſo very impro⯑per Occaſions for them. To ſhew how hard they are ſet in this Particular, there are ſeveral, who for want of other Materials, are forced to repreſent the Bill which has paſſed this Seſ⯑ſion, for laying an additional Tax of Two Shillings in the Pound upon Land, as a kind of Grievance upon the Subject. If this be a Matter of Complaint, it ought in Juſtice to fall upon thoſe who have made it neceſſary. Had there been no Rebellion, there would have been no Increaſe of the Land-Tax; ſo that in Pro⯑portion as a Man declares his Averſion to the one, he ought to teſtify his Abhorrence of the other. But it is very remarkable that thoſe, who would perſuade the People that they are aggrieved by this additional Burthen, are the very Perſons who endeavour, in their ordinary Converſation, to extenuate the Hainouſneſs of the Rebellion, and who expreſs the greateſt Ten⯑derneſs for the Perſons of the Rebels. They ſhew a particular Indulgence for that unnatural Inſurrection which has drawn this Load upon as, and are angry at the Means which were ne⯑ceſſary for ſuppreſſing it. There needs no clearer [112] Proof of the Spirit and Intention with which they act: I ſhall therefore adviſe my Fellow-Free-Holders to conſider the Character of any Perſon who would poſſeſs them with the Notion of a Hardſhip that is put upon the Countrey by this Tax. If he be one of known Affection to the preſent Eſtabliſhment, they may imagine there is ſome Reaſon for Complaint. But if on the contrary he be one, who has ſhewn himſelf Indifferent as to the Succeſs of the preſent Rebellion, or is ſuſpected as a private Abettor of it, they may take it for granted, his Complaint againſt the Land-Tax is either the Rage of a diſappointed Man, or the Artifice of one who would alienate their Affections from the preſent Government.

The Expence which will ariſe to the Nation from this Rebellion, is already computed at near a Million. And it is a melancholy Con⯑ſideration for the Free-Holders of Great Bri⯑tain, that the Treaſon of their Fellow-Subjects ſhould bring upon them as great a Charge as the War with France. At the ſame Time every reaſonable Man among them will pay a Tax with at leaſt as great Chearfulneſs for ſtifling a Civil War in its Birth, as for carrying on a War in a Foreign Countrey. Had not our firſt Sup⯑plies been effectual for the cruſhing of our Do⯑meſtick Enemies, we ſhould immediately have beheld the whole Kingdom a Scene of Slaugh⯑ter and Deſolation: Whereas, if we had failed in our firſt Attempts upon a diſtant Nation, we might have repaired the Loſſes of one Cam⯑paign by the Advantages of another, and after ſeveral Victories gained over us, might ſtill have kept the Enemy from our Gates.

[113] As it was thus abſolutely neceſſary to raiſe a Sum that might enable the Government to put a ſpeedy Stop to the Rebellion, ſo could there be no Method thought of for raiſing ſuch a Sum more proper, than this of laying an additional Tax of Two Shillings in the Pound upon Land.

In the firſt Place: This Tax has already been ſo often tried, that we know the exact Produce of it, which in any new Project is always very doubtful and uncertain. As we are thus ac⯑quainted with the Produce of this Tax, we find this adequate to the Services for which [...] is de⯑ſigned, and that the additional Tax is proporti⯑oned to the Supernumerary Expence, which falls upon the Kingdom this Year by the unna⯑tural Rebellion, as it has been above ſtated.

In the next Place: No other Tax could have been thought of, upon which ſo much Money would have been immediately advanced as was neceſſary in ſo critical a Juncture for puſhing our Succeſſes againſt the Rebels, and preventing the Attempts of their Friends and Confederates both at Home and Abroad. No Body cares to make Loans upon a new and untried Project; whereas Men never fail to bring in their Mo⯑ney upon a Land-Tax, when the Praemium or [...]ntereſt allowed them, is ſuited to the Hazard [...]hey run by ſuch Loans to the Government. And here one cannot but bewail the Misfortune of our Countrey, when we conſider, that the Houſe of Commons had laſt Year reduced this [...]ntereſt to Four per Cent. by which Means there was a conſiderable Saving to the Nation; but [...]hat this Year they have been forced to give Six per Cent. as well knowing the fatal Conſe⯑quences that might have enſued, had there not [...]een an Intereſt allowed, which would certainly [114] encourage the Lender to venture, in ſuch a Time of Danger, what was indiſpenſably ne⯑ceſſary for the Exigences of the Publick.

Beſides; This is a Method for raiſing a Sum of Money, that, with the ordinary Taxes, will in all Probability defray the whole Expence of the Year: So that there is no Burden laid upon our Poſterity, who have been ſufficiently loaded by other Means of raiſing Money; nor any Deficiency to be hereafter made up by our ſelves; which has been our Caſe in ſo ma⯑ny other Subſidies.

To this we may add; That we have no Ex⯑ample of any other Tax, which in its Nature would ſo particularly affect the Enemies to His Majeſty's Government. Multitudes of Papiſts and Nonjurors will be obliged to furniſh a double Proportion out of their Revenues to⯑wards the clearing of that Expence, which by their open and ſecret Practices they have been Inſtrumental in bringing upon their Fellow-Subjects.

I ſhall only mention one Conſideration more; That no other Tax is ſo likely to ceaſe as this is, when there is no farther Occaſion for it. This Tax is eſtabliſhed by a Houſe of Commons, which, by Virtue of an Act of Parliament paſſed a few Years ago, muſt conſiſt for the moſt Part of Landed Men; ſo that a great Share of the Weight of it muſt neceſſarily fall upon the Members of their own Body. As this is an In⯑ſtance of their Publick Spirit, ſo we may be ſure they would not have exerted it, had there not been an abſolute Neceſſity: Nor can we doubt, that for the ſame Reaſons, when this Neceſſity ceaſes, they will take the firſt Op⯑portunity of eaſing themſelves in this Particular [115] as well as thoſe whom they repreſent. It is a celebrated Notion of a Patriot, who ſignally diſtinguiſhed himſelf for the Liberties of his Countrey, That a Houſe of Commons ſhould ne⯑ver grant ſuch Subſidies as are eaſy to be raiſ⯑ed, and give no Pain to the People, leſt the Nation ſhould acquieſce under a Burden they did not feel, and ſee it perpetuated without re⯑pining. Whether this Notion might not be too refined, I ſhall not determine; but by what has been already ſaid, I think we may promiſe our ſelves, that this additional Tax of Two Shillings in the Pound will not be con⯑tinued another Year, becauſe we may hope the Rebellion will be entirely ended in This.

And here, I believe, it muſt be obvious to every one's Reflection, that the Rebellion might not have concluded ſo ſoon, had not this Me⯑thod been made uſe of for that End. A fo⯑reign Potentate trembles at the Thought of en⯑tering into a War with ſo wealthy an Enemy as the Britiſh Nation, when he finds the whole Landed Intereſt of the Kingdom engaged to oppoſe him with their united Force; and at all Times ready to employ againſt him ſuch a Part of their Revenues, as ſhall be ſufficient to baffle his Deſigns upon their Countrey: Eſpecially when none can imagine, that he expects any En⯑couragement from thoſe, whoſe Fortunes are ei⯑ther lodged in the Funds, or employed in Trade.

The Wiſdom therefore of the preſent Houſe of Commons has by this Tax, not only enabled the King to ſubdue thoſe of his own Subjects who have been actually in Arms againſt him, but to divert any of his Neighbours from the Hopes of lending them a competent Aſſiſtance.

No. 21. Friday, March 2. 1716.

IT is not eaſy for any one, who ſaw the Mag⯑nificence of Yeſterday in the Court of Great Britain, to turn his Thoughts for ſome time after on any other Subject. It was a Solemni⯑ty every way ſuited to the Birth-Day of a Prin⯑ceſs, who is the Delight of our Nation, and the Glory of her Sex. Homer tells us, that when the Daughter of Jupiter preſented herſelf among a Crowd of Goddeſſes, ſhe was diſtinguiſhed from the reſt by her graceful Stature, and known by her ſuperiour Beauty, notwithſtanding they were all beautiful. Such was the Appearance of the Princeſs of Wales among our Britiſh Ladies; or (to uſe a more ſolemn Phraſe) of the King's Daughter among her honourable Women. Her Royal Highneſs in the midſt of ſuch a Circle raiſes in the Beholder the Idea of a fine Picture, where (notwithſtanding the Diverſity of plea⯑ſing Objects that fill up the Canvas) the prin⯑cipal Figure immediately takes the Eye, and fixes the Attention.

When this excellent Princeſs was yet in her Father's Court, ſhe was ſo celebrated for the Beauty of her Perſon, and the Accompliſhments [117] of her Mind, that there was no Prince in the Empire, who had room for ſuch an Alliance, that was not ambitious of gaining her into his Family, either as a Daughter, or as a Conſort. He, who is now the Chief of the Crowned Heads in Europe, and was then King of Spain, and Heir to all the Dominions of the Houſe of Auſtria, ſought her in Marriage. Could her Mind have been captivated with the Glories of this World, ſhe had them all laid before her; but ſhe generouſly declined them, becauſe ſhe ſaw the Acceptance of them was inconſiſtent with what ſhe eſteems more than all the Glo⯑ries of this World, the Enjoyment of her Reli⯑gion. Providence however kept in Store a Re⯑ward for ſuch an exalted Vertue; and, by the ſecret Methods of its Wiſdom, opened a Way for her to become the Greateſt of her Sex, a⯑mong thoſe, who profeſs that Faith to which ſhe adhered with ſo much Chriſtian Magnani⯑mity.

This her illuſtrious Conduct might, in the Eye of the World, have loſt its Merit, had ſo accompliſhed a Prince as his Royal Highneſs declared his Paſſion for the ſame Alliance at that time: It would then have been no Wonder that all other Propoſals had been rejected. But it was the Fame of this heroick Conſtancy that determined his Royal Highneſs to deſire in Marriage a Princeſs whoſe perſonal Charms, which had before been ſo univerſally admired, were now become the leaſt Part of her Chara⯑cter. We of the Britiſh Nation have reaſon to rejoice, that ſuch a Propoſal was made and ac⯑cepted; and that her Royal Highneſs, with re⯑gard to theſe two ſucceſſive Treaties of Mar⯑riage, ſhewed as much Prudence in her Com⯑pliance [118] with the one, as Piety in her Refuſal of the other.

The Princeſs was no ſooner arrived at Hano⯑ver, than ſhe improved the Luſtre of that Court, which was before reckoned among the Politeſt in Europe; and increaſed the Satisfaction of that People, who were before looked upon as the Happieſt in the Empire. She immediately became the Darling of the Princeſs Sophia, who was acknowledged in all the Courts of Europe the moſt accompliſhed Woman of the Age in which ſhe lived, and who was not a little plea⯑ſed with the Converſation of one in whom ſhe ſaw ſo lively an Image of her own Youth.

But I ſhall inſiſt no longer on that Reputa⯑tion which Her Royal Highneſs has acquired in other Countries. We daily diſcover thoſe admirable Qualities for which ſhe is ſo juſtly famed, and rejoyce to ſee them exerted in our own Countrey, where we our ſelves are made happy by their Influence. We are the more pleaſed to behold the Throne of theſe King⯑doms ſurrounded by a numerous and beautiful Progeny, when we conſider the Virtues of thoſe from whom they deſcend. Not only the Fea⯑tures, but the Mind of the Parent is often copi⯑ed out in the Offspring. But the Princeſs we are ſpeaking of, takes the ſureſt Method of making her Royal Iſſue like herſelf, by inſtilling early into their Minds all the Principles of Re⯑ligion, Virtue and Honour, and ſeaſoning thei [...] tender Years with all that Knowledge which they are capable of receiving. What may [...] not hope from ſuch an uncommon Care in [...] Education of the Children of Great Britain, [...] are directed by ſuch Precepts, and will be [...] ⯑ed by ſuch an Example!

[119] The Conjugal Virtues are ſo remarkable in her Royal Highneſs, as to deſerve thoſe juſt and generous Returns of Love and Tenderneſs, for which the Prince her Husband is ſo univer⯑ſally celebrated.

But there is no Part of her Royal Highneſs's Character which we obſerve with greater Plea⯑ſure, than that Behaviour by which ſhe has ſo much endear'd herſelf to His Majeſty; tho' in⯑deed we have no Reaſon to be ſurprized at this mutual Intercourſe of Duty and Affection, when we conſider ſo wiſe and virtuous a Princeſs poſ⯑ſeſſing, in the ſame ſacred Perſon, the kindeſt of Fathers, and the beſt of Kings. And here it is natural for us to congratulate our own good Fortune, who ſee our Soveraign bleſt with a numerous Iſſue, among whom are Heirs Male in two direct Deſcents, which has not happen⯑ed in the Reign of any Engliſh King ſince the Time of His Majeſty's Great Anceſtor Ed⯑ward III. and is a Felicity not enjoyed by the Subjects of any other of the Kings of Europe who are his Contemporaries. We are like Men entertained with the View of a ſpacious Land⯑skip, where the Eye paſſes over one pleaſing Proſpect into another, till the Sight is loſt by degrees in a Succeſſion of delightful Objects, and leaves us in the Perſuaſion that there remain ſtill more behind.

But if we regard her Royal Highneſs in that Light which diffuſes the greateſt Glory round a Humane Character, we ſhall find the Chriſti⯑an no leſs conſpicuous than the Princeſs. She is as eminent for a ſincere Piety in the Practice of Religion, as for an inviolable Adherence to its Principles. She is conſtant in her Attendance on the daily Offices of our Church, and by her [120] ſerious and devout Comportment on theſe ſo⯑lemn Occaſions, gives an Example that is very often too much wanted in Courts.

Her Religion is equally free from the Weak⯑neſs of Superſtition, and the Sourneſs of En⯑thuſiaſm. It is not of that uncomfortable me⯑lancholy Nature which diſappoints its own End, by appearing unamiable to thoſe whom it would gain to its Intereſts. It diſcovers itſelf in the genuine Effects of Chriſtianity, in Affability, Compaſſion, Benevolence, Evenneſs of Mind, and all the Offices of an active and univerſal Charity.

As a cheerful Temper is the neceſſary Reſult of theſe Virtues, ſo it ſhines out in all the Parts of her Converſation, and diſſipates thoſe Appre⯑henſions which naturally hang on the Timorous or the Modeſt, when they are admitted to the Honour of her Preſence. There is none that does not liſten with Pleaſure to a Perſon in ſo high a Station, who condeſcends to make herſelf thus agreeable, by Mirth without Levity, and Wit without Ill Nature.

Her Royal Highneſs is, indeed, poſſeſt of all thoſe Talents which make Converſation either delightful or improving. As ſhe has a fine Taſte of the elegant Arts, and is skilled in ſeveral modern Languages, her Diſcourſe is not con⯑fined to the ordinary Subjects or Forms of Con⯑verſation, but can adapt itſelf with an uncom⯑mon Grace to every Occaſion, and entertain the politeſt Perſons of different Nations. I need not mention, what is obſerved by every one, that agreeable Turn which appears in her Sen⯑timents upon the moſt ordinary Affairs of Life, and which is ſo ſuitable to the Delicacy of her Sex, the Politeneſs of her Education, and the Splendor of her Quality.

[121] It would be vain to think of drawing into the Compaſs of this Paper, the many eminent Vir⯑tues which adorn the Character of this Great Princeſs; but as it is one chief End of this Undertaking to make the People ſenſible of the Bleſſings which they enjoy under His Majeſty's Reign, I could not but lay hold on this Oppor⯑tunity to ſpeak of That which ought in Juſtice to be reckoned among the greateſt of them.

No. 22. Monday, March 5.

FOR the Honour of His Majeſty, and the Safety of His Government, we cannot but obſerve, that thoſe who have appeared the greateſt Enemies to both, are of that Rank of Men, who are commonly diſtinguiſhed by the Title of Fox-hunters. As ſeveral of theſe have had no Part of their Education in Cities, Camps, or Courts, it is doubtful whether they are of greater Ornament or Uſe to the Nation in which they live. It would be an everlaſting Reproach to Politicks, ſhould ſuch Men be able to overturn an Eſtabliſhment which has been formed by the wiſeſt Laws, and is ſup⯑ported by the ableſt Heads. The wrong Noti⯑ons and Prejudices which cleave to many of theſe Countrey-Gentlemen, who have always [...] out of the way of being better informed, are not eaſy to be conceived by a Perſon who has never converſed with them.

[122] That I may give my Readers an Image of theſe Rural Stateſmen, I ſhall without farther Preface, ſet down an Account of a Diſcourſe I chanced to have with one of them ſome Time ago. I was Travelling towards one of the remote Parts of England, when a⯑bout Three a-Clock in the Afternoon, ſeeing a Countrey-Gentleman trotting before me with a Spaniel by his Horſe's Side, I made up to him. Our Converſation opened, as uſual, up⯑on the Weather; in which we were very una⯑nimous; having both agreed that it was too dry for the Seaſon of the Year. My Fellow-Tra⯑veller, upon this, obſerved to me, that there had been no good Weather ſince the Revolution I was a little ſtartled at ſo extraordinary a Remark, but would not interrupt him till he proceeded to tell me of the fine Weather they uſed to have in King Charles the Second's Reign. I only anſwered that I did not ſee how the Badneſs of the Weather could be the King's Fault; and, without waiting for his Reply, ask⯑ed him whoſe Houſe it was we ſaw upon a Riſing-Ground at a little Diſtance from us. He told me it belonged to an old Fanatical Cur, Mr. Such a one, You muſt have heard of him, ſays he, He's one of the Rump. I knew the Gen⯑tleman's Character upon hearing his Name, but aſſured him that to my Knowledge he was a good Churchman: Ay! ſays he with a kind of Surprize, We were told in the Countrey, that he ſpoke twice in the Queen's Time againſt taking of the Duties upon French Claret. This naturall [...] led us into the Proceedings of late Parliaments▪ upon which Occaſion he affirmed roundly, tha [...] there had not been one good Law paſſed ſinc [...] King William's Acceſſion to the Throne, excep [...] [123] the Act for preſerving the Game. I had a mind to ſee him out, and therefore did not care for contradicting him. Is it not hard, ſays he, that honeſt Gentlemen ſhould be taken into Cuſtody of Meſſengers to prevent them from acting according to their Conſciences? But, ſays he, what can we ex⯑pect when a Parcel of Factious Sons of Whores—He was going on in great Paſſion, but chanced to miſs his Dog, who was amuſing himſelf a⯑bout a Buſh, that grew at ſome Diſtance be⯑hind us. We ſtood ſtill till he had whiſtled him up; when he fell into a long Panegyrick upon his Spaniel, who ſeem'd indeed excellent in his Kind: But I found the moſt remarkable Adventure of his Life was, that he had once like to have worried a Diſſenting-Teacher. The Maſter could hardly ſit on his Horſe for laugh⯑ing all the while he was giving me the Parti⯑culars of this Story, which I found had mighti⯑ly endeared his Dog to him, and as he him⯑ſelf told me, had made him a great Favourite among all the honeſt Gentlemen of the Countrey. We were at length diverted from this Piece of Mirth by a Poſt-Boy, who winding his Horn at us, my Companion gave him two or three Curſes, and left the Way clear for him. I fancy, ſaid I, that Poſt brings News from Scotland. I ſhall long to ſee the next Gazette. Sir, ſays he, I make it a Rule never to believe any of your printed News. We never ſee, Sir, how Things go, except now and then in Dyer's Letter, and I read that more for the Style than the News. The Man has a [...] Pen it muſt be own'd. But is it not [...] that we ſhould be making War upon Church [...] England Men, with Dutch and Swiſs Soldiers, Men of Antimonarchical Principles? Theſe Foreigners will never be loved in England, Sir; they have not [124] that Wit and Good-Breeding that we have. I muſt confeſs I did not expect to hear my new Ac⯑quaintance value himſelf upon theſe Qualifica⯑tions, but finding him ſuch a Critick upon Fo⯑reigners, I ask'd him if he had ever Travelled; He told me, he did not know what Travel⯑ling was good for, but to teach a Man to ride the Great Horſe, to jabber French, and to talk againſt Paſſive-Obedience: To which he added, that he ſcarce ever knew a Traveller in his Life who had not forſook his Principles, and loſt his Hunting-Seat. For my Part, ſays he, I and my Father before me have always been for Paſſive-Obedience, and ſhall be always for oppoſing a Prince who makes uſe of Miniſters that are of another Opinion. But where do you intend to Inn to Night? (for we were now come in Sight of the next Town) I can help you to a very good Landlord if you will go along with me. He's a luſty jolly Fel⯑low, that lives well, at leaſt three Yards in the Girt, and the beſt Church of England Man upon the Road. I had a Curioſity to ſee this High-Church Inn-keeper, as well as to enjoy more of the Converſation of my Fellow-Traveller, and therefore readily conſented to ſet our Horſes together for that Night. As we rode Side by Side through the Town, I was let into the Characters of all the principal Inhabitants whom we met in our Way. One was a Dog, another a Whelp, another a Cut, and another the Soa of a Bitch, under which ſeveral Denominations were comprehended all that Voted on the Whi Side in the laſt Election of Burgeſſes. As for thoſe of his own Party, he diſtinguiſhed then by a Nod of his Head, and asking them how they did by their Chriſtian Names. Upon on Arrival at the Inn, my Companion fetch' [125] out the jolly Landlord, who knew him by his Whiſtle. Many Endearments, and private Whiſpers paſſed between them; tho' it was eaſy to ſee, by the Landlord's ſcratching his Head, that Things did not go to their Wiſhes. The Landlord had ſwell'd his Body to a prodi⯑gious Size, and work'd up his Complexion to a ſtanding Crimſon by his Zeal for the Proſpe⯑rity of the Church, which he expreſſed every Hour of the Day, as his Cuſtomers dropt in, by repeated Bumpers. He had not time to go to Church himſelf, but as my Friend told me in my Ear, had headed a Mob at the pulling down of two or three Meeting-houſes. While Supper was preparing, he enlarged upon the Happineſs of the neighbouring Shire; For, ſays he, there is ſcarce a Preshyterian in the whole County, except the Biſhop. In ſhort, I found by his Diſcourſe that he had learned a great deal of Politicks, but not one Word of Religion, from the Par⯑ſon of his Pariſh; and, indeed, that he had ſcarce any other Notion of Religion, but that it conſiſted in Hating Presbyterians. I had a remarkable Inſtance of his Notions in this Par⯑ticular. Upon ſeeing a poor decrepid Old Wo⯑man paſs under the Window where we fate, he deſired me to take Notice of her; and after⯑wards informed me, that ſhe was generally re⯑puted a Witch by the Countrey People, but that, for his Part, he was apt to believe ſhe was a Presbyterian.

Supper was no ſooner ſerved in, than he took occaſion, from a Shoulder of Mutton that lay before us, to cry up the Plenty of England, which would be the happieſt Countrey in the World, provided we would live within our ſelves. Up⯑on which, he expatiated on the Inconveniencies [126] of Trade, that carried from us the Commodities of our Countrey, and made a Parcel of Upſtarts as rich as Men of the moſt ancient Families of England. He then declared frankly, that he had always been againſt all Treaties and Alliances with Foreigners; Our Wooden Walls, ſays he, are our Security, and we may bid Defiance to the whole World, eſpecially if they ſhould attack us when the Militia is out. I ventured to reply, that I had as great an Opinion of the Engliſh Fleet as he had; but I could not ſee how they could be pay'd and mann'd, and fitted out, unleſs we en⯑couraged Trade and Navigation. He replied, with ſome Vehemence, That he would under⯑take to prove, Trade would be the Ruine of the Engliſh Nation. I would fain have put him upon it; but he contented himſelf with affirm⯑ing it more eagerly, to which he added two or three Curſes upon the London Merchants, not forgetting the Directors of the Bank. After Supper he asked me if I was an Admirer of Punch; and immediately called for a Sneaker. I took this Occaſion to inſinuate the Advan⯑tages of Trade, by obſerving to him, that Wa⯑ter was the only Native of England that could be made uſe of on this Occaſion: But that the Lemons, the Brandy, the Sugar, and the Nutmeg, were all Foreigners. This put him into ſome Confuſion; but the Landlord, who overheard me, brought him off, by affirming, That for con⯑ſtant uſe, there was no Liquor like a Cup of Engliſh Water, provided it had Malt enough in it. My Squire laughed heartily at the Con⯑ceit, and made the Landlord ſit down with us. We ſate pretty late over our Punch; and, a⯑midſt a great deal of improving Diſcourſe, drank the Healths of ſeveral Perſons in the Countrey, [127] whom I had never heard of, that, they both aſſur'd me, were the ableſt Stateſmen in the Nation: And of ſome Londoners, whom they extoll'd to the Skies for their Wit, and who, I knew, paſſed in Town for ſilly Fellows. It be⯑ing now Midnight, and my Friend perceiving by his Almanack that the Moon was up, he called for his Horſes, and took a ſudden Reſolution to go to his Houſe, which was at three Miles di⯑ſtance from the Town, after having bethought himſelf that he never ſlept well out of his own Bed. He ſhook me very heartily by the Hand at parting, and diſcover'd a great Air of Satisfa⯑ction in his Looks, that he had met with an Opportunity of ſhewing his Parts, and left me a much wiſer Man than he found me.

No. 23. Friday, March 9.

IN the Wars of Europe which were waged among our Forefathers, it was uſual for the Enemy, when there was a King in the Field, to demand by a Trumpet in what Part of the Camp he reſided, that they might avoid firing upon the Royal Pavillion. Our Party-Conteſts in England were hertofore managed with the ſame kind of Decency and Good-Breeding. The Perſon of the Prince was always looked upon as Sacred; and whatever ſevere Uſage his Friends or Miniſters met with, none preſumed to direct their Hoſtilities at their Soveraign. [128] The Enemies of our preſent Settlement are of ſuch a coarſe kind of Make, and ſo equally void of Loyalty and Good Manners, that they are grown Scurrilous upon the Royal Family, and treat the moſt exalted Characters with the moſt opprobrious Language.

This Petulance in Converſation is particular⯑ly obſerved to prevail among ſome of that Sex where it appears the moſt unbecoming and the moſt unnatural. Many of theſe act with the greater Licentiouſneſs, becauſe they know they can act with the greater Impunity. This Con⯑fideration, indeed, engages the moſt generous and well-bred even of our She Malecontents, to make no ill Uſe of the Indulgence of our Law-givers; and to diſcover in their Debates at leaſt the Delicacy of the Woman, if not the Duty of the Subject. But it is generally remark⯑ed, that every one of them who is a Shrew in domeſtick Life, is now become a Scold in Po⯑liticks. And as for thoſe of the Party, who are of a ſuperior Rank and unblemiſhed Virtue, it muſt be a melancholy Reflexion for them to conſider that all the Common Women of the Town are of their Side; for which Reaſon they ought to preſerve a more than ordinary Modeſty in their Satyrical Excurſions, that their Chara⯑cters may not be liable to Suſpicion.

If there is not ſome Method found out for al⯑laying theſe Heats and Animoſities among the Fair Sex, one does not know to what Outrages they may proceed. I remember a Heroe in Scar⯑ron, who finding himſelf oppoſed by a mix'd Multitude of both Sexes with a great deal of virulent Language, after having brought them to a Submiſſion, gave Order (to keep them from doing farther Miſchief) that the Men ſhould be [129] diſarmed of their Clubs, and that the Women ſhould have their Nails pared. We are not yet reduced to the Neceſſity of applying ſuch vio⯑lent Remedies; but as we daily receive Accounts of Ladies batteling it on both Sides, and that thoſe who appear againſt the Conſtitution make War upon their Antagoniſts by many unfair Practices and unwarrantable Methods, I think it is very convenient there ſhould be a Cartel ſettled between them. If they have not yet a⯑greed upon any thing of this Nature among them⯑ſelves, I would propoſe to them the following Plan, in which I have sketched out ſeveral Rules ſuited to the politeſt Sex in one of the moſt ci⯑vilized Nations.

THAT in every Political Rencounter be⯑tween Woman and Woman, no Weapon ſhall be made uſe of but the Tongue.

That in the Courſe of the Engagement, if either of the Combatants, finding herſelf hard preſt by her Adverſary, ſhall proceed to perſo⯑nal Reflexions or Diſcovery of Secrets, they ſhall be parted by the Standers by.

That when both Sides are drawn up in a full Aſſembly, it ſhall not be lawful for above Five of them to talk at the ſame Time.

That if any ſhall detract from a Lady's Cha⯑racter, (unleſs ſhe be abſent) the ſaid Detract⯑neſs ſhall be forth with ordered to the loweſt place of the Room.

That none preſume to ſpeak diſreſpectfully of His Majeſty, or any of the Royal Family, on Pain of three Hours Silence.

That none be permitted to talk ſpightfully of the Court, unleſs they can produce Vouchers that they have been there.

[130] That the making uſe of News which goes about in Whiſper, unleſs the Author be produ⯑ced, or the Fact well atteſted, ſhall be deemed Fighting with white Powder, and contrary to the Laws of War.

That any one who produces Libels or Lam⯑poons, ſhall be regarded in the ſame manner as one who ſhoots with poiſoned Bullets.

That when a Lady is throughly convinced of the Falſhood of any Story ſhe has related, ſhe ſhall give her Parole not to tell it for a certain Truth that Winter.

That when any Matter of Doubt ariſes, which cannot otherwiſe be decided, Appeal ſhall be made to a Toaſt, if there be any ſuch in the Company.

That no Coquette, notwithſtanding ſhe can do it with a good Air, ſhall be allowed to Sigh for the Danger of the Church, or to ſhiver at the Apprehenſions of Fanaticiſm.

That when a Woman has talked an Hour and a half, it ſhall be lawful to call her down to Order.

As this Civil Diſcord among the Siſterhood of Great Britain is likely to engage them in a long and lingring War, conſiſting altogether of Drawn Battels, it is the more neceſſary that there ſhould be a Cartel ſettled among them. Beſides, as our Engliſh Ladies are at preſent the greateſt Stateſwomen in Europe, they will be in danger of making themſelves the moſt unamiable Part of their Sex, if they continue to give a Looſe to intemperate Language, and to a low kind of Ribaldry, which is not uſed among the Women of Faſhion in any other Countrey.

Diſcretion and good Nature have been always looked upon as the diſtinguiſhing Ornaments of [131] Female Converſation. The Woman, whoſe Price is above Rubies, has no Particular in the Character given of her by the Wiſe Man, more endearing, than that ſhe openeth her Mouth with Wiſdom, and in her Tongne is the Law of Kind⯑neſs. Beſides, every fierce She-Zealot ſhould conſider, that however any of the other Sex may ſeem to applaud her as a Partiſan, there is none of them who would not be afraid of aſſocia⯑ting himſelf with her in any of the more pri⯑vate Relations of Life.

I ſhall only add, that there is no Talent ſo pernicious as Eloquence, to thoſe who have it not under Command: For which Reaſon, Wo⯑men who are ſo liberally gifted by Nature in this Particular, ought to ſtudy with the greateſt Application, the Rules of Female Oratory, de⯑livered in that excellent Treatiſe, entitul'd The Government of the Tongue. Had that Author fore⯑ſeen the Political Ferment which is now raiſed among the Sex, he would probably have made his Book larger by ſome Chapters than it is at preſent: But what is wanting in that Work, may, I hope, in ſome Meaſure, be ſupplyed by the above-written Cartel.

No. 24. Monday, March 12.

A Phyſician makes Uſe of various Methods for the Recovery of ſick Perſons; and tho' ſome of them are painful, and all of them diſ⯑agreeable, [132] his Patients are never angry at him, becauſe they know he has nothing in View be⯑ſides the reſtoring of them to a good State of Health. I am forced to treat the diſaffected Part of His Majeſty's Subjects in the ſame Manner, and may therefore reaſonably expect the ſame Returns of Good-Will. I propoſe nothing to my ſelf but their Happineſs as the End of all my Endeavours; and am forced to adapt different Remedies to thoſe different Con⯑ſtitutions, which are to be found in ſuch a di⯑ſtemper'd Multitude. Some of them can ſee the unreaſonable, and ſome of them the ridicu⯑lous Side of wrong Principles, and, according to the different Frame of their Minds, reject an Opinion as it carries in it either the Appea⯑rance of Wickedneſs, or of Danger, or of Folly.

I have endeavoured to expoſe in theſe ſeve⯑ral Lights the Notions and Practices of thoſe who are the Enemies to our preſent Eſtabliſh⯑ment. But there is a Set of Arguments, which I have not yet touched upon, and which often ſucceed, when all others fail. There are ma⯑ny who will not quit a Project, tho' they find it pernicious, or abſurd: But will readily deſiſt from it, when they are convinced it is imprac⯑ticable. An Attempt to ſubvert the preſent Government is, God be thanked, of this Na⯑ture. I ſhall therefore apply the Conſiderati⯑ons of this Paper rather to the Diſcretion than the Virtue of our Malecontents, who ſhould act in the preſent Juncture of Affairs like expe⯑rienced Gameſters, that throw up their Cards when they know the Game is in the Enemy's Hand, without giving themſelves any unneceſ⯑ſary Vexation in playing it out.

[133] In the Reign of our two laſt Britiſh Sove⯑raigns, thoſe who did not favour their Intereſt might be ungenerous enough to act upon the Proſpect of a Change, conſidering the precari⯑ous Condition of their Health, and their Want of Iſſue to ſucceed them. But at preſent we enjoy a King of a long-lived Family, who is in the Vigour of his Age, and bleſt with a nume⯑rous Progeny. To this we may add his remar⯑kable Steadineſs in adhering to thoſe Schemes which he has formed upon the matureſt Deli⯑beration, and that ſubmiſſive Deference of his Royal Highneſs both from Duty and Inclina⯑tion to all the Meaſures of his Royal Father. Nor muſt we omit that perſonal Valour ſo pe⯑culiar to His Majeſty and his Illuſtrious Houſe, which would be ſufficient to vanquiſh, as we find it actually deters, both his foreign and do⯑meſtick Enemies.

This Great Prince is ſupported by the whole Proteſtant Intereſt of Europe, and ſtrengthened with a long Range of Alliances that reach from one End of the Continent to the other. He has a great and powerful King for his Son-in-Law; and can Himſelf command when he pleaſes the whole Strength of an Electorate in the Empire. Such a Combination of Sove⯑raigns puts one in Mind of the Apparition of Gods which diſcouraged Aeneas from oppoſing the Will of Heaven. When his Eyes were clear⯑ed of that mortal Cloud which hung upon them, he ſaw the ſeveral Celeſtial Deities acting in a Confederacy againſt him, and immediately gave up a Cauſe which was excluded from all Poſſi⯑bility of Succeſs.

But it is the greateſt Happineſs, as well as the greateſt Pleaſure of our Soveraign, that his [134] chief Strength lies in his own Kingdoms. Both the Branches of our Legiſlature eſpouſe his Cauſe and Intereſt with a becoming Duty and Zeal. The moſt conſiderable and wealthy of his Sub⯑jects are convinced, that the Proſperity of our Soveraign and his People are inſeparable: And we are very well ſatisfied, that his Majeſty, if the Neceſſity of Affairs ſhould require it, might find, among the moſt dutiful of his Subjects, Men celebrated for their military Characters, a⯑bove any of the Age in which they live. There is no Queſtion but his Majeſty will be as gene⯑rally valued and beloved in his Britiſh as he is in his German Dominions, when he ſhall have Time to make his Royal Virtues equally known among us. In the mean while we have the Sa⯑tisfaction to find, that his Enemies have been only able to make ill Impreſſions upon the low and ignorant Rabble of the Nation; and to put the Dregs of the People into a Ferment.

We have already ſeen how poor and con⯑temptible a Force has been raiſed by thoſe who have dared to appear openly againſt his Majeſty, and how they were headed and encouraged by Men whoſe Senſe of their Guilt made them deſperate in forming ſo raſh an Enterprize, and diſpirited in the Execution of it. But we have not yet ſeen that Strength which would be ex⯑erted in the Defence of His Majeſty, the Prote⯑ſtant Religion, and the Britiſh Liberties, were the Danger great enough to require it. Should the King be reduced to the Neceſſity of ſetting up the Royal Standard, how many Thouſands would range themſelves under it! What a Con⯑courſe would there be of Nobles and Patriots! We ſhould ſee Men of another Spirit than what has appeared among the Enemies to our Coun⯑trey, [135] and ſuch as would out-ſhine the rebellious Part of their Fellow-Subjects as much in their Gallantry as in their Cauſe.

I ſhall not ſo much ſuſpect the Underſtand⯑ings of our Adverſaries, as to think it neceſſary to enforce theſe Conſiderations, by putting them in Mind of that Fidelity and Allegiance which is ſo viſible in His Majeſty's Fleet and Army, or of many other Particulars which, in all humane Probability, will perpetuate our preſent Form of Government, and which may be ſuggeſted to them by their own private Thoughts.

The Party, indeed, that is oppoſite to our pre⯑ſent happy Settlement, ſeem to be driven out of the Hopes of all human Methods for carry⯑ing on their Cauſe, and are therefore reduced to the poor Comfort of Prodigies and old Wo⯑men's Fables. They begin to ſee Armies in the Clouds, when all upon the Earth have forſaken them. Nay, I have been lately ſhewn a writ⯑ten Prophecy that is handed among them with great Secreſy, by which it appears their chief Reliance at preſent is upon a Cheſhire Miller that was born with two Thumbs upon one hand.

I have addreſſed this whole Paper to the De⯑ſpair of our Malecontents, not with a Deſign to aggravate the Pain of it, but to uſe it as a Means of making them happy. Let them ſe⯑riouſly conſider the Vexation and Diſquietude of Mind that they are treaſuring up for them⯑ſelves, by ſtruggling with a Power which will be always too hard for them; and by convert⯑ing His Majeſty's Reign into their own Miſ⯑fortune, which every impartial Man muſt look upon as the greateſt Bleſſing to his Countrey. Let them extinguiſh thoſe Paſſions, which can only imbitter their Lives to them, and deprive [136] them of their Share in the Happineſs of the Com⯑munity. They may conclude that His Majeſty, in Spite of any Oppoſition they can form againſt him, will maintain his juſt Authority over them; and whatever Uneaſineſs they may give them⯑ſelves, they can create none in him, excepting only becauſe they prevent him from exerting equally his natural Goodneſs and Benevolence to every Subject in his Dominions.

No. 25. Friday, March 17.

IF we may believe the Obſervation which is made of us by Foreigners, there is no Na⯑tion in Europe ſo much given to Change as the Engliſh. There are ſome who aſcribe this to the Fickleneſs of our Climate; and Others to the Freedom of our Government. From one or both of theſe Cauſes their Writers derive that Variety of Humours which appears among the People in general, and that Inconſiſtency of Cha⯑racter which is to be found in almoſt every par⯑ticular Perſon. But as a Man ſhould always be upon his Guard againſt the Vices to which he is moſt expoſed, ſo we ſhould take a more than ordinary Care not to lie at the Mercy of the Weather in our moral Conduct, nor to make a capricious Uſe of that Liberty which we en⯑joy by the Happineſs of our Civil Conſtitu⯑tion.

[137] This Inſtability of Temper ought in a parti⯑cular Manner to be check'd, when it ſhews it⯑ſelf in Political Affairs, and diſpoſes Men to wander from one Scheme of Government to another: Since ſuch a Fickleneſs of Behavi⯑our in publick Meaſures, cannot but be attend⯑ed with very fatal Effects to our Countrey.

In the firſt Place; It hinders any great Un⯑dertaking, which requires Length of Time for its Accompliſhment, from being brought to its due Perfection. There is not any Inſtance in Hiſtory which better confirms this Obſervation, than that which is ſtill freſh in every one's Me⯑mory. We engaged in the late War with a Deſign to reduce an exorbitant Growth of Power in the moſt Dangerous Enemy to Great-Britain. We gained a long and wonderful Se⯑ries of Victories, and had ſcarce any Thing left to do; but to reap the Fruits of them: When on a ſudden our Patience failed us; we grew tired of our Undertaking; and received Terms from thoſe, who were upon the Point of giv⯑ing us whatever we could have demanded of them.

This Mutability of Mind in the Engliſh, makes the ancient Friends of our Nation very back⯑ward to engage with us in ſuch Alliances as are neceſſary for our mutual Defence and Se⯑curity. It is a common Notion among Fo⯑reigners, that the Engliſh are good Confederates in an Enterprize which may be diſpatched with⯑in a ſhort Compaſs of Time; but that they are not to be depended upon in a Work which cannot be finiſhed without Conſtancy and Per⯑ſeverance. Our late Meaſures have ſo blemi⯑ſhed the National Credit in this Particular, that thoſe Potentates who are entered into Treaties [138] with His preſent Majeſty, have been ſolely en⯑couraged to it by their Confidence in His per⯑ſonal Firmneſs and Integrity.

I need not, after this, ſuggeſt to my Reader the Ignominy and Reproach that falls upon a Nation, which diſtinguiſhes it ſelf among its Neighbours by ſuch a wavering and unſettled Conduct.

This our Inconſiſtency in the Purſuit of Schemes which have been thoroughly digeſted, has as bad an Influence on our Domeſtick as on our Foreign Affairs. We are told, that the Famous Prince of Conde uſed to ask the Engliſh Embaſſador, upon the Arrival of a Mail, Who was Secretary of State in England by that Poſt? as a Piece of Raillery upon the Fickleneſs of our Politicks. But what has render'd this a Misfortune to our Countrey, is, that Publick Miniſters have no ſooner made themſelves Maſters of their Buſineſs, than they have been diſmiſſed from their Employments; and that this Diſgrace has befallen very many of them, not becauſe they have deſerved it, but becauſe the People love to ſee new Faces in High Poſts of Honour.

It is a double Misfortune to a Nation, which is thus given to Change, when they have a So⯑veraign at the Head of them, that is prone to fall in with all the Turns and Veerings of the People. Salluſt, the Graveſt of all the Roman Hiſtorians, who had form'd his Notions of Re⯑gal Authority from the Manner in which he ſaw it exerted among the Barbarous Nations, makes the following Remark: Plerumque Re⯑giae Voluntates, uti vehementes, ſic mobiles, ſaepe ipſae ſibi advorſae. The Wills of Kings, as they are generally vehement, are likewiſe very fickle, [139] and at different Times oppoſite to themſelves. Were there any Colour for this general Ob⯑ſervation, how much does it redound to the Honour of ſuch Princes who are Exceptions to it▪

The natural Conſequence of an unſteady Go⯑vernment, is the perpetuating of Strife and Fac⯑tion among a divided People. Whereas a King who perſiſts in thoſe Schemes which He has laid, and has no other View in them but the Good of His Subjects, extinguiſhes all Hopes of Advancement in thoſe who would grow Great by an Oppoſition to His Meaſures, and inſenſibly unites the Contending Parties in their Common Intereſt.

Queen Elizabeth, who makes the greateſt Fi⯑gure among our Engliſh Soveraigns, was moſt eminently remarkable for that Steadineſs and Uniformity which ran through all Her Acti⯑ons, during that long and Glorious Reign. She kept up to Her choſen Motto in every Part of Her Life; and never loſt Sight of thoſe Great Ends, which She propoſed to Herſelf on Her Acceſſion to the Throne, the Happineſs of Her People, and the ſtrengthening of the Proteſtant Intereſt. She often interpoſed Her Royal Au⯑thority to break the Cabals which were forming againſt her Firſt Miniſters, who grew old and died in thoſe Stations which they filled with ſo great Abilities. By this Means ſhe baffled the many Attempts of her foreign and domeſtick Enemies, and entirely broke the whole Force and Spirit of that Party among her Subjects, which was popiſhly affected, and which wasnot a little Formidable in the Beginning of her Reign.

[140] The frequent Changes and Alterations in publick Proceedings, the Multiplicity of Schemes introduced one upon another, with the Variety of ſhort-lived Favourites, that prevailed in their ſeveral Turns under the Government of Her Succeſſors, have by Degrees broken us into thoſe unhappy Diſtinctions and Parties, which have given ſo much Uneaſineſs to our Kings, and ſo often endangered the Safety of their People.

I queſtion not but every Impartial Reader hath been before-hand with me, in conſidering on this Occaſion, the Happineſs of our Countrey under the Government of his preſent Majeſty; who is ſo deſervedly Famous for an inflexible Adhe⯑rence to thoſe Counſels which have a viſible Tendency to the publick Good, and to thoſe Perſons who heartily concur with Him in pro⯑moting theſe His generous Deſigns.

A Prince of this Character will be dreaded by his Enemies, and ſerved with Courage and Zeal by his Friends; and will either inſtruct us by his Example, to fix the Unſteadineſs of our Politicks, or by his Conduct, hinder it from doing us any Prejudice.

Upon the Whole, as there is no Temper of Mind more unmanly in a private Perſon, nor more pernicious to the Publick in a Member of a Community, than that Changeableneſs with which we are too juſtly branded by all our Neighbours, it is to be hoped that the ſound Part of the Nation will give no farther Occaſi⯑on for this Reproach, but continue ſteady to that happy Eſtabliſhment which has now taken place among us. And as Obſtinacy in Prejudices which are detrimental to our Countrey, ought not to be miſtaken for that virtuous Reſolution and Firmneſs of Mind which is neceſſary to our [141] Preſervation, it is to be wiſhed that the Enemies to our Conſtitution, would ſo far indulge them⯑ſelves in this National Humour, as to come in⯑to one Change more, by falling in with that Plan of Government which at preſent they think fit to oppoſe. At leaſt we may expect they will be ſo wiſe as to ſhew a Legal Obedience to the beſt of Kings, who profeſs the Duty of Paſſive Obedience to the Worſt.

No. 26. Monday, March 19.

WHen the Athenians had long contended a⯑gainſt the Power of Philip, he demanded of them to give up their Orators, as well know⯑ing their Oppoſition would be ſoon at an end if it were not irritated from Time to Time by theſe Tongue-Warriors. I have endeavoured for the ſame Reaſon to gain our Female Adverſa⯑ries, and by that Means to diſarm the Party of its principal Strength. Let them give us up their Women, and we know by Experience how in⯑conſiderable a Reſiſtance we are to expect from their Men.

This ſharp political Humour has but lately prevailed in ſo great a Meaſure as it now does among the beautiful Part of our Species. They uſed to employ themſelves wholly in the Scenes of a domeſtick Life, and provided a Woman could keep her Houſe in Order, ſhe never trou⯑bled herſelf about regulating the Common⯑wealth. [142] The Eye of the Miſtreſs was wont to make her Pewter ſhine, and to inſpect every Part of her Houſhold Furniture as much as her Looking Glaſs. But at preſent our diſcontent⯑ed Matrons are ſo converſant in Matters of State, that they wholly neglect their private Affairs: for we may always obſerve that a Goſ⯑ſip in Politicks, is a Slattern in her Family.

It is indeed a melancholy Thing to ſee the Diſorders of a Houſhold that is under the Con⯑duct of an angry Stateſwoman, who lays out all her Thoughts upon the Publick, and is only attentive to find out Miſcarriages in the Mini⯑ſtry. Several Women of this Turn are ſo ear⯑neſt in contending for Hereditary Right, that they wholly neglect the Education of their own Sons and Heirs; and are ſo taken up with their Zeal for the Church, that they cannot find Time to teach their Children their Catechiſm. A Lady who thus intrudes into the Province of the Men, was ſo aſtoniſhing a Character among the old Romans, that when Amaeſia preſented herſelf to ſpeak before the Senate, they looked upon it as a Prodigy, and ſent Meſſengers to inquire of the Oracle, what it might portend to the Commonwealth?

It would be manifeſtly to the Diſadvantage of the Britiſh Cauſe, ſhould our pretty Loy⯑aliſts profeſs an Indifference in State-Affairs, while their diſaffected Siſters are thus induſtrious to the Prejudice of their Countrey; and accor⯑dingly we have the Satisfaction to find our She-Aſſociates are not idle upon this Occaſion. It is owing to the good Principles of theſe His Majeſty's fair and faithful Subjects, that our Countrey-Women appear no leſs amiable in the Eyes of the Male-World, than they have done [143] in former Ages. For where a great Number of Flowers grow, the Ground at a Diſtance ſeems entirely cover'd with them, and we muſt walk into it, before we can diſtinguiſh the ſeveral Weeds that ſpring up in ſuch a beautiful Maſs of Colours. Our great Concern is, to find that Deformity can ariſe among ſo many Charms, and that the moſt lovely Parts of the Creation can make themſelves the moſt diſagreeable. But it is an Obſervation of the Philoſophers, that the beſt Things may be corrupted into the worſt; and the Ancients did not ſcruple to af⯑firm, that the Furies and the Graces were of the ſame Sex.

As I ſhould do the Nation and themſelves good Service, if I could draw the Ladies, who ſtill hold out againſt His Majeſty, into the In⯑tereſt of our preſent Eſtabliſhment, I ſhall pro⯑poſe to their ſerious Conſideration, the ſeveral Inconveniencies which thoſe among them un⯑dergo, who have not yet ſurrender'd to the Go⯑vernment.

They ſhould firſt reflect on the great Suf⯑ferings and Perſecutions to which they expoſe themſelves by the Obſtinacy of their Behaviour. They loſe their Elections in every Club where they are ſet up for Toaſts. They are obliged by their Principles to ſtick a Patch on the moſt unbecoming Side of their Fore-heads. They forego the Advantage of Birth-Day Suits. They are inſulted by the Loyalty of Claps and Hiſſes every Time they appear at a Play. They re⯑ceive no Benefit from the Army, and are never the better for all the young Fellows that wear Hats and Feathers. They are forced to live in the Countrey and feed their Chicken; at the ſame Time that they might ſhew themſelves at [144] Court, and appear in Brocade, if they behaved themſelves well. In ſhort, what muſt go to the Heart of every fine Woman, they throw them⯑ſelves quite out of the Faſhion.

The above-mention'd Motive muſt have an Influence upon the gay Part of the Sex; and as for thoſe who are acted by more ſublime and moral Principles, they ſhould conſider, that they cannot ſignalize themſelves as Malecon⯑tents, without breaking through all the amiable Inſtincts and ſofter Virtues, which are peculi⯑arly Ornamental to Womankind. Their timo⯑rous, gentle, modeſt Behaviour; their Affabili⯑ty, Meekneſs, Good-Breeding, and many other beautiful Diſpoſitions of Mind muſt be ſa⯑crificed to a blind and furious Zeal for they do not know what. A Man is ſtartled when he ſees a pretty Boſom heaving with ſuch Party-Rage, as is diſagreeable even in that Sex which is of a more coarſe and rugged Make. And yet ſuch is our Misfortune, that we ſometimes ſee a Pair of Stays ready to burſt with Sedition; and hear the moſt maſculine Paſſions expreſt in the ſweeteſt Voices. I have lately been told of a Countrey-Gentlewoman, pretty much famed for this Virility of Behaviour in Party-Diſputes. who, upon venting her Notions very freely in a ſtrange Place, was carry'd before an honeſt Juſtice of Peace. This prudent Magiſtrate ob⯑ſerving her to be a large black Woman, and finding by her Diſcourſe that ſhe was no bet⯑ter than a Rebel in a Riding-Hood, began to ſuſpect her for my Lord Nithiſdale; till a Stranger came to her Reſcue, who aſſur'd him, with Tears in his Eyes, that he was her Hus⯑band.

[145] In the next Place our Britiſh Ladies may conſider, that by intereſting themſelves ſo zea⯑louſly in the Affairs of the Publick, they are engaged, without any neceſſity, in the Crimes which are often committed even by the Beſt of Parties, and which they are naturally exempted from by the Privilege of their Sex. The worſt Character a Female could formerly arrive at, was of being an ill Woman; but by their pre⯑ſent Conduct, ſhe may likewiſe deſerve the Cha⯑racter of an ill Subject. They come in for their Share of political Guilt, and have found a Way to make themſelves much greater Criminals, than their Mothers before them.

I have great Hopes that theſe Motives, when they are aſſiſted by their own Reflections, will incline the Fair Ones of the adverſe Party to come over to the National Intereſt, in which their own is ſo highly concern'd; eſpecially if they conſider, that by theſe ſuperfluous Em⯑ployments which they take upon them as Par⯑tiſans, they do not only dip themſelves in an unneceſſary Guilt, but are obnoxious to a Grief and Anguiſh of Mind, which doth not proper⯑ly fall within their Lot. And here I would adviſe every one of theſe exaſperated Ladies, who indulges that opprobrious Eloquence which is ſo much in faſhion, to reflect on Aeſop's Fa⯑ble of the Viper. This little Animal, ſays the old Moraliſt, chancing to meet with a File, began to lick it with her Tongue till the Blood came; which gave her a very ſilly Satisfaction, as imagin⯑ing the Blood came from the File, notwithſtanding an the Smart was in her own Tongue.

No. 27. Friday, March 23.

IT is an old Obſervation, that a Time of Peace is always a Time of Prodigies; for as our News-Writers muſt adorn their Papers with that which the Criticks call, The Marvellous, they are forced in a dead calm of Affairs, to ranſack every Element for proper Amuſements, and ei⯑ther to aſtoniſh their Readers from Time to Time with a ſtrange and wonderful Sight, or be con⯑tent to loſe their Cuſtom. The Sea is generally filled with Monſters when there are no Fleets upon it. Mount Aetna immediately began to rage upon the Extinction of the Rebellion: And woe to the People of Catanea, if the Peace conti⯑nues; for they are ſure to be ſhaken every Week with Earthquakes, till they are relieved by the Siege of ſome other great Town in Europe. The Air has likewiſe contributed its Quota of Prodi⯑gies. We had a Blazing Star by the laſt Mail from Genea; and in the preſent Dearth of Battels have been very opportunely entertained, by Per⯑ſons of undoubted Credit, with a Civil War in the Clouds, where our ſharp-ſighted Malecon⯑tents diſcovered many Objects inviſible to an Eye that is dim'd by Whig-Principles.

I queſtion not but this Paper will fall in with the preſent Humour, ſince it contains a very remarkable Viſion of a Highland Seer, who is famous among the Mountains, and known by the Name of Second-Sighted-Sawney. Had he been [147] able to Write, we might probably have ſeen this Viſion ſooner in Print; for it happened to him very early in the late hard Winter; and is tranſ⯑mitted to me by a Student of Glaſgow, who took the whole Relation from him, and ſtuck cloſe to the Facts, though he has delivered them in his own Style.

Sawney was deſcended of an ancient Family, very much renowned for their Skill in Prog⯑noſticks. Moſt of his Anceſtors were Second-Sighted, and his Mother but narrowly eſcaped being burnt for a Witch. As he was going out one Morning very early to ſteal a Sheep, he was ſeized on the ſudden with a Fit of Se⯑cond-Sight. The Face of the whole Countrey about him was changed in the Twinkling of an Eye, and preſented him with a wide Proſpect of new Scenes and Objects, which he had ne⯑ver ſeen till that Day.

He diſcovered at a great Diſtance from him a large Fabrick, which caſt ſuch a gliſtering Light about it, that it looked like a huge Rock of Diamond. Upon the Top of it was planted a Standard, ſtreaming in a ſtrong Northern Wind, and embroidered with a Mixture of Thi⯑ſles and Flower-de-luces. As he was amuſing himſelf with this ſtrange Sight, he heard a [...] at ſome Diſtance behind him, and, turn⯑ing about, ſaw a General, who ſeemed very much animated with the Sound of it, marching towards him at the Head of a numerous Ar⯑ [...]. He learnt, upon Enquiry, that they were [...] Proceſſion to the Structure which ſtood [...], and which he found was the Tem⯑ [...] [...]. He immediately ſtruck in with [...] deſcribed this March to the Temple [148] with ſo much Horrour, that he ſhivered eve⯑ry Joynt all the while he ſpoke of it. They were forced to clamber over ſo many Rocks, and to tread upon the Brink of ſo many Preci⯑pices, that they were very often in danger of their Lives. Sawney declared, that, for his own Part, he walked in fear of his Neck every Step he took. Upon their coming within a few Furlongs of the Temple, they paſſed through a very thick Grove, conſecrated to a Deity who was known by the Name of Treaſon. They here diſperſed themſelves into abundance of Labyrinths and covered Walks which led to the Temple. The Path was ſo very ſlippery, the Shade ſo exceeding gloomy, and the whole Wood ſo full of Ecchoes, that they were forced to march with the greateſt Warineſs, Circumſpection and Silence. They at length arrived at a great Gate, which was the principal Avenue to that magnifi⯑cent Fabrick. Sawney ſtood ſome Time at the En⯑trance to obſerve the Splendour of the Building, and was not a little entertained with a prodi⯑gious Number of Statues, which were planted up and down in a ſpacious Court that lay be⯑fore it; but, upon examining it more nicely, he found the whole Fabrick, which made ſuch a glittering Appearance, and ſeemed Impregnable was compoſed of Ice, and that the ſeveral Statues which ſeemed at a diſtance to be made of the whiteſt Marble, were nothing elſe but ſo many Figures in Snow. The Front of the Temple [...] very curiouſly adorned with Stars and Garters▪ Ducal Coronets, General's Staffs, and many o⯑ther Emblems of Honour wrought in the [...] beautiful Froſt-Work. After having ſtood at ga [...] ſome Time before this great Gate, he diſcover⯑ed on it an Inſcription, ſignifying it to be [...] [149] Gate of Perjury. There was erected near it a great Coloſſus in Snow that had two Faces, and was dreſt like a Jeſuit, with one of its Hands upon a Book, and the other graſping a Dagger. Upon entring into the Court, he took a particu⯑lar Survey of ſeveral of the Figures. There was Sedition with a Trumpet in her Hand, and Rapine in the Garb of a Highlander: Ambiti⯑on, Envy, Diſgrace, Poverty, and Diſappoint⯑ment, were all of them repreſented under their proper Emblems. Among other Statues, he obſerved that of Rumour whiſpering an Ideot in the Ear, who was the Repreſentative of Cre⯑dulity; and Faction embracing with her hun⯑dred Arms an old-faſhioned Figure in a Steeple-Crown'd Hat, that was deſign'd to expreſs a cunning old Gipſy, call'd Paſſive-Obedience. Zeal too had a Place among the reſt, with a Bandage over her Eyes, tho' one would not have expected to have ſeen her repreſented in Snow. But the moſt remarkable Object in this Court-Yard, was a huge Tree that grew up be⯑fore the Porch of the Temple, and was of the ſame kind with that, which Virgil tells us flou⯑riſhed at the Entrance of the infernal Regions. For it bore nothing but Dreams, which hung in Cluſters under every Leaf of it. The Travellers refreſhed themſelves in the Shade of this Tree before they entered the Temple of Rebellion, and after their Frights and Fatigues, received great Comfort in the Fruit which fell from it. At length the Gates of the Temple flew open, and the Crowd ruſhed into it. In the Centre of it was a grim Idol, with a Sword in the Right Hand, and a Firebrand in the Left. The Fore-part of the Pedeſtal was curiouſly emboſ⯑ſed with a Triumph, while the Back-part, that [150] lay more out of Sight, was filled with Gibbets and Axes. This dreadful Idol is worſhipped like ſeveral of old, with human Sacrifices, and his Votaries were conſulting among themſelves, how to gratify him with Hecatombs; when, on a ſudden, they were ſurprized with the Alarm of a great Light which appeared in the Southern Part of the Heavens, and made its Progreſs di⯑rectly towards them. This Light appeared as a great Maſs of Flame, or rather Glory, like that of the Sun in its Strength. There were three Figures in the midſt of it, who were known by their ſeveral Hieroglyphicks, to be Religion, Loyalty, and Valour. The laſt had a graceful Air, a blooming Countenance, and a Star upon its Breaſt, which ſhot forth ſeveral pointed Beams of a peculiar Luſtre. The Glory which encompaſſed them, covered the Place, and darted its Rays with ſo much Strength, that the whole Fabrick and all its Ornaments began to melt. The ſeveral Emblems of Honour, which were wrought on the Front in the brittle Materials above-mentioned, trickled away un⯑der the firſt Impreſſions of the Heat. In ſhort, the Thaw was ſo violent, that the Temple and Statues ran off in a ſudden Torrent, and the whole Winter-Piece was diſſolved. The cove⯑red Walks were laid open by the Light which ſhone through every Part of them, and the Dream-Tree withered like the famous Gourd, that was ſmitten by the Noon-Day Sun. As for the Votaries, they left the Place with the greateſt Precipitation, and diſperſed themſelves by Flight into a Thouſand different Paths a⯑mong the Mountains.

No. 28. Monday, March 26.

SIR Francis Bacon, in the Dedication before his Hiſtory of Henry the Seventh, obſerves, that peaceable Times are the beſt to live in, though not ſo proper to furniſh Materials for a Writer: As hilly Countries afford the moſt en⯑tertaining Proſpects, though a Man would chuſe to travel through a plain One. To this we may add, That the Times, which are full of Diſor⯑ders and Tumults, are likewiſe the fulleſt of In⯑ſtruction. Hiſtory indeed furniſhes us with very diſtinct Accounts of Factions, Conſpiracies, Civil Wars and Rebellions, with the fatal Con⯑ſequences that attend them: But they do not make ſuch deep and laſting Impreſſions on our Minds, as Events of the ſame Nature, to which we have our ſelves been Witneſſes, and in which we or our Friends and Acquaintance have been Sufferers. As Adverſity makes a Man Wiſe in his private Affairs, civil Calamities give him Prudence and Circumſpection in his publick Conduct.

The Miſeries of the Civil War under the Reign of King Charles the Firſt, and the Con⯑ſequences which enſued upon them, did, for many Years, deter the Inhabitants of our Iſland from the Thoughts of engaging anew in ſuch deſperate Undertakings; and convinced them, [152] by fatal Experience, that nothing could be ſo pernicious to the Engliſh, and ſo oppoſite to the Genius of the People, as the Subverſion of Monarchy. In the like Manner we may hope that the great Expences brought upon the Na⯑tion by the preſent Rebellion; the Sufferings of innocent People, who have lived in that Place which was the Scene of it; with that dreadful Proſpect of Ruine and Confuſion which muſt have followed its Succeſs; will ſecure us from the like Attempts for the future, and fix His Ma⯑jeſty upon the Throne of Great Britain; eſpeci⯑ally when thoſe who are prompted to ſuch wick⯑ed Practices reflect upon the Puniſhments to which the Criminals have expoſed themſelves, and the Miſeries in which they have involved their Relations, Friends and Families.

It will be likewiſe worth their while to con⯑ſider, how ſuch Tumults and Riots, as have been encouraged by many, who, we may hope did not propoſe to themſelves ſuch fatal Conſe⯑quences, lead to a Civil War: and how natu⯑rally that ſeditious kind of Converſation, which many ſeem to think conſiſtent with their Reli⯑gion and Morality, ends in an open Rebellion. I queſtion not but the more virtuous and con⯑ſiderate Part of our Malecontents are now ſtung with a very juſt Remorſe for this their Manner of Proceeding, which has ſo viſibly tended to the Deſtruction of their Friends, and the Suffer⯑ings of their Countrey. This may, at the ſame Time, prove an inſtructive Leſſon to the Boldeſt and Braveſt among the Diſſaffected, not to build any Hopes upon the talkative Zealots of their Party; who have ſhewn by their whole Beha⯑viour, that their Hearts are equally filled with Treaſon and Cowardice. An Army of Trumpe⯑ters [153] would give as great a Strength to a Cauſe, as this Confederacy of Tongue-Warriours; who like thoſe military Muſicians, content themſelves with animating their Friends to Battel, and run out of the Engagement upon the firſt Onſet.

But one of the moſt uſeful Maxims we can learn from the preſent Rebellion, is, That no⯑thing can be more contemptible and inſignifi⯑cant, than the Scum of a People, when they are inſtigated againſt a King, who is ſupported by the Two Branches of the Legiſlature. A Mob may pull down a Meeting Houſe, but will ne⯑ver be able to over-turn a Government, which has a courageous and wiſe Prince at the Head of it, and one who is zealouſly aſſiſted by the great Council of the Nation, that beſt know the Value of him. The Authority of the Lords and Com⯑mons of Great Britain, in Conjunction with that of their Soveraign, is not to be controul'd by a tumultuary Rabble. It is big with Fleets and Armies, can fortify itſelf with what Laws it ſhall judge proper for its own Defence, can command the Wealth of the Kingdom for the Security of the People, and engage the whole Proteſtant Intereſt of Europe in ſo good and juſt a Cauſe. A diſorderly Multitude contending with the Body of the Legiſlature, is like a Man in a Fit under the Conduct of one in the Full⯑neſs of his Health and Strength. Such a one is ſure to be over-ruled in a little Time, though he deals about his Blows, and exerts himſelf in the moſt furious Convulſions while the Diſtemper is upon him.

We may farther learn from the Courſe of the preſent Rebellion, who among the foreign States in our Neighbourhood are the true and natural Friends of Great Britain, if we obſerve [154] which of them gave us their Aſſiſtance in re⯑ducing our Countrey to a State of Peace and Tranquillity; and which of them uſed their En⯑deavours to heighten our Confuſions, and plunge us into all the Evils of a Civil War. I ſhall only take Notice under this Head, that in for⯑mer Ages it was the conſtant Policy of France to raiſe and cheriſh inteſtine Feuds and Diſcords in the Iſle of Great Britain, that we might ei⯑ther fall a Prey into their Hands, or that they might proſecute their Deſigns upon the Conti⯑nent with leſs Interruption. Innumerable In⯑ſtances of this Nature occur in Hiſtory. The moſt remarkable One was that in the Reign of King Charles the Firſt. Though that Prince was married to a Daughter of France, and was perſo⯑nally beloved and eſteemed in the French Court, it is well known that they abetted both Parties in the Civil War, and always furniſhed Supplies to the weaker Side, leſt there ſhould be an End put to thoſe fatal Diviſions.

We might alſo obſerve, that this Rebellion has been a Means of diſcovering to His Maje⯑ſty, how much he may depend upon the Pro⯑feſſions and Principles of the ſeveral Parties among his own Subjects; who are thoſe Per⯑ſons that have eſpouſed his Intereſts with Zeal or Indifference; and who among them are in⯑fluenced to their Allegiance by Places, Duty, or Affection. But as theſe, and ſeveral other Conſiderations, are obvious to the Thoughts of every Reader. I ſhall conclude, with obſerving how naturally many of thoſe, who diſtinguiſh themſelves by the Name of the High-Church, unite themſelves to the Cauſe of Popery; ſince it is manifeſt that all the Proteſtants concerned [155] in the Rebellion, were ſuch as gloried in this Diſtinction.

It would be very unjuſt, to charge all who have ranged themſelves under this new Deno⯑mination, as if they had done it with a Deſign to favour the Intereſts of Popery. But it is cer⯑tain that many of them, who at their firſt ſet⯑ting out were moſt averſe to the Doctrines of the Church of Rome, have by the Cunning of our Adverſaries, been inſpired with ſuch an un⯑reaſonable Averſion to their Proteſtant Brethren, and taught to think ſo favourably of the Roman-Catholick Principles, (not to mention the Endea⯑vours that have been uſed to reconcile the Do⯑ctrines of the Two Churches, which are in themſelves as oppoſite as Light and Darkneſs) that they have been drawn over inſenſibly in⯑to its Intereſts. It is no wonder, therefore, that ſo many of theſe deluded Zealots have been engaged in a Cauſe which they at firſt abhorr'd, and have wiſhed or acted for the Succeſs of an Enterprize, that might have ended in the Extir⯑pation of the Proteſtant Religion in this King⯑dom, and in all Europe. In ſhort, they are like the Syrians, who were firſt ſmitten with Blind⯑neſs, and unknowingly led out of their Way into the Capital of their Enemy's Countrey; inſomuch that the Text tells us, When they open⯑ed their Eyes, they found themſelves in the midſt of Samaria.

No. 29. Friday, March 30.

THis being a Day in which the Thoughts of our Countreymen are, or ought to be em⯑ployed on ſerious Subjects, I ſhall take the Op⯑portunity of that Diſpoſition of Mind in my Rea⯑ders, to recommend to them the Practice of thoſe Religious and Moral Virtues, without which all Policy is vain, and the beſt Cauſe de⯑prived of its greateſt Ornament and Support.

Common Senſe, as well as the Experience of all Ages, teaches us, that no Government can flouriſh which doth not encourage and propa⯑gate Religion and Morality among all its parti⯑cular Members. It was an Obſervation of the ancient Romans, that their Empire had not more increaſed by the Strength of their Arms, than by the Sanctity of their Manners: And Cicero, who ſeems to have been better verſed than any of them, both in the Theory and the Practice of Politicks, makes it a Doubt, whether it were poſſible for a Community to exiſt that had not a prevailing Mixture of Piety in its Conſtituti⯑on. Juſtice, Temperance, Humility, and al⯑moſt every other Moral Virtue, do not only de⯑rive the Bleſſings of Providence upon thoſe who exerciſe them, but are the natural Means for acquiring the publick Proſperity. Beſides; Re⯑ligious [157] Motives and Inſtincts are ſo buſy in the Heart of every reaſonable Creature, that a Man who would hope to govern a Society without any regard to theſe Principles, is as much to be contemned for his Folly, as to be deteſted for his Impiety.

To this we may add, that the World is never ſunk into ſuch a State of Degeneracy, but they pay a natural Veneration to Men of Virtue; and rejoyce to ſee themſelves conducted by thoſe, who act under the Awe of a ſupreme Being, and who think themſelves accountable for all their Proceedings to the great Judge and Superintendent of human Affairs.

Thoſe of our Fellow-Subjects, who are ſen⯑ſible of the Happineſs they enjoy in His Maje⯑ſty's Acceſſion to the Throne, are obliged, by all the Duties of Gratitude, to adore that Pro⯑vidence which has ſo ſignally interpoſed in our Behalf, by clearing a Way to the Proteſtant Succeſſion through ſuch Difficulties as ſeemed inſuperable; by detecting the Conſpiracies which have been formed againſt it; and, by many wonderful Events, weakening the Hands and baffling the Attempts of all His Majeſty's Ene⯑mies, both foreign and domeſtick.

The Party, who diſtinguiſh themſelves by their Zeal for the preſent Eſtabliſhment, ſhould be careful, in a particular Manner, to diſcover in their whole Conduct ſuch a Reverence for Religion, as may ſhew how groundleſs that Reproach is which is caſt upon them by their Enemies, of being averſe to our national Wor⯑ſhip. While others engroſs to themſelves the Name of The Church, and, in a Manner, ex-communicate the beſt Part of their Fellow-Sub⯑jects; let us ſhew our ſelves the genuine Sons [158] of it, by practiſing the Doctrines which it teach⯑es. The Advantage will be viſibly on our Side▪ if we ſtick to its Eſſentials; while they triumph in that empty Denomination which they beſtow upon themſelves. Too many of them are al⯑ready dipt in the Guilt of Perjury and Sedition▪ and as we remain unblemiſhed in theſe Particu⯑lars, let us endeavour to excel them in all the other Parts of Religion, and we ſhall quickly find, that a regular Morality is, in its own Na⯑ture, more popular, as well as more meritori⯑ous, than an intemperate Zeal.

We have likewiſe, in the preſent Times of Confuſion and Diſorder, an Opportunity of ſhewing our Abhorrence of ſeveral Principles which have been aſcribed to us by the Malice of our Enemies. A Diſaffection to Kings and Kingly Government, with a Proneneſs to Re⯑bellion, have been often very unjuſtly charged on that Party which goes by the Name of Whigs. Our ſteady and continued Adherence to His Ma⯑jeſty and the preſent happy Settlement, will the moſt effectually confute this Calumny. Our Adverſaries, who know very well how odious Common-wealth Principles are to the Engliſh Nation, have inverted the very Senſe of Words and Things, rather than not continue to brand us with this imaginary Guilt: For with ſome of theſe Men, at preſent, Loyalty to our King is Republicaniſm, and Rebellion Paſſive-Obe⯑dience.

It has been an old Objection to the Principles of the Whigs, that ſeveral of their Leaders, who have been zealous for redreſſing the Grievances of Government, have not behaved themſelves better than the Tories in domeſtick Scenes of Life: But at the ſame time have been publick [159] Patriots and private Oppreſſors. This Obje⯑ction, were it true, has no Weight in it, ſince the Misbehaviour of particular Perſons does not at all affect their Cauſe, and ſince a Man may act laudably in ſome Reſpects, who does not ſo in others. However, it were to be wiſhed, that Men would not give occaſion even to ſuch In⯑vectives; but at the ſame time they conſult the Happineſs of the Whole, that they would pro⯑mote it to their utmoſt in all their private Deal⯑ings among thoſe who lie more immediately within their Influence. In the mean while I muſt obſerve, that this Reproach, which may be of⯑ten met with both in Print and Converſation, tends in reality to the Honour of the Whigs, as it ſuppoſes that a greater Regard to Juſtice and Humanity is to be expected from them, than from thoſe of the oppoſite Party: And it is cer⯑tain we cannot better recommend our Princi⯑ples, than by ſuch Actions as are their natural and genuine Fruits.

Were we thus careful to guard our ſelves in a particular Manner againſt theſe groundleſs Im⯑putations of our Enemies, and to riſe above them as much in our Morality as in our Politicks, our Cauſe would be always as flouriſhing as it is juſt. It is certain, that our Notions have a more natural Tendency to ſuch a Practice, as we eſpouſe the Proteſtant Intereſt in Oppoſition to that of Popery, which is ſo far from advancing Morality by its Doctrines, that it has weakned or entirely ſubverted, many of the Duties even of Natural Religion.

I ſhall conclude, with recommending one Vir⯑tue more to the Friends of the preſent Eſtabliſh⯑ment, wherein the Whigs have been remarkably deficient; which is a general Unanimity and [160] Concurrence in the Purſuit of ſuch Meaſures as are neceſſary for the well-being of their Coun⯑trey. As it is a laudable Freedom of Thought which unſhackles their Minds from the poor and narrow Prejudices of Education, and opens their Eyes to a more extenſive View of the pub⯑lick Good; the ſame Freedom of Thought diſ⯑poſes ſeveral of them to the embracing of par⯑ticular Schemes and Maxims, and to a certain Singularity of Opinion which proves highly prejudicial to their Cauſe; eſpecially when they are encouraged in them by a vain Breath of Po⯑pularity, or by the artificial Praiſes which are beſtowed on them by the oppoſite Party. This Temper of Mind, though the Effect of a noble Principle, very often betrays their Friends, and brings into Power the moſt pernicious and im⯑placable of their Enemies. In Caſes of this Na⯑ture, it is the Duty of an honeſt and prudent Man, to ſacrifice a doubtful Opinion to the concurring Judgment of thoſe whom he believes to be well intentioned to their Countrey, and who have better Opportunities of looking into all its moſt complicated Intereſts. An honeſt Party of Men acting with Unanimity, are of in⯑finitely greater Conſequence than the ſame Party aiming at the ſame End by different Views: As a large Diamond is of a thouſand Times greater Value whilſt it remains entire, than when it is cut into a Multitude of ſmaller Stones, notwithſtanding they may, each of them, be ve⯑ry curiouſly ſet, and are all of the ſame Water.

No. 30. Monday, April 2. 1716.

AS I was ſome Years ago engaged in Conver⯑ſation with a Faſhionable French Abbé up⯑on a Subject which the People of that Kingdom love to ſtart in Diſcourſe, the comparative Greatneſs of the two Nations; he asked me, How many Souls I thought there might be in Lon⯑don? I replied, being willing to do my Coun⯑trey all the Honour I fairly could, That there were ſeveral who computed them at near a Mil⯑lion: But not finding that Surprize I expected in his Countenance, I returned the Queſtion up⯑on him, How many he thought there might be in Paris? To which he anſwered, with a certain Grimace of Coldneſs and Indifference, About ten or twelve Millions.

It would, indeed, be incredible to a Man who has never been in France, ſhould one relate the extravagant Notion they entertain of themſelves and the mean Opinion they have of their Neigh⯑bours. There are certainly (notwithſtanding the viſible Decay of Learning and Taſte which has appear'd among them of late Years) many par⯑ticular Perſons in that Countrey, who are emi⯑nent in the higheſt Degree for their Good Senſe, as well as for their Knowledge in all the Arts and Sciences. But I believe every one, who is ac⯑quainted with them, will allow, that the People in general fall far ſhort of thoſe, who border upon them, in Strength and Solidity of Underſtand⯑ing. [162] One would therefore no more wonder to ſee the moſt ſhallow Nation of Europe the moſt Vain, than to find the moſt empty Fellows in every diſtinct Nation more conceited and cenſorious than the reſt of their Countreymen. Prejudice and Self-Sufficiency naturally proceed from Inexperience of the World, and Ignorance of Mankind. As it requires but very ſmall A⯑bilities to diſcover the Imperfections of another, we find that none are more apt to turn their Neighbours into Ridicule, than thoſe who are the moſt Ridiculous in their own private Conduct.

Thoſe among the French, who have ſeen no⯑thing but their own Countrey, can ſcarce bring themſelves to believe, that a Nation, which lies never ſo little North of them, is not full of Goths and Vandals. Nay thoſe among them who travel into foreign Parts are ſo prejudiced in favour of their own imaginary Politeneſs, that they are apt to look upon every thing as barbarous in Propor⯑tion as it deviates from what they find at Home. No leſs a Man than an Ambaſſador of France being in Converſation with our King of glori⯑ous Memory, and willing to encourage his Ma⯑jeſty, told him, that he talked like a Frenchman. The King ſmiled at the Encomium which was given him, and only reply'd, Sir, I am ſure you do. An eminent Writer of the laſt Age was ſo offended at this Kind of Inſolence, which ſhewed itſelf very plentifully in one of their Travellers who gave an Account of England, that he vin⯑dicated the Honour of his Countrey in a Book full of juſt Satyr and Ingenuity. I need not ac⯑quaint my Reader, that I mean Biſhop Sprat's Anſwer to Sorbiere.

[163] Since I am upon this Head, I cannot forbear mentioning ſome profound Remarks that I have been lately ſhewn in a French Book, the Author of which lived it ſeems, ſome Time in England. The Engliſh, ſays this curious Traveller, very much delight in Pudding. This is the favourite Diſh not only of the Clergy, but of the People in general. Provided there be a Pudding upon the Table, no matter what are the other Diſhes; they are ſure to make a Feaſt. They think themſelves ſo happy when they have a Pudding before them, that if any one would tell a Friend he is arrived in a lucky Juncture, the ordinary Salutation is, Sir, I am glad to ſee you; you are come in Pudding-Time.

One cannot have the Heart to be angry at this judicious Obſerver, notwithſtanding he has treated us like a Race of Hottentots, becauſe he only taxes us with our inordinate Love of Pud⯑ding, which it muſt be confeſs'd, is not ſo ele⯑gant a Diſh as Frog and Sallat. Every one who has been at Paris, knows that Un gros Milord Anglois is a frequent Jeſt upon the French Stage; as if Corpulence was a proper Subject for Satyr, or a Man of Honour could help his being Fat, who Eats ſuitable to his Quality.

It would be endleſs to recount the Invectives which are to be met with among the French Hi⯑ſtorians, and even in Mezeray himſelf, againſt the Manners of our Countreymen. Their Au⯑thors in other Kinds of Writing are likewiſe very liberal in Characters of the ſame Nature. I cannot forbear mentioning the learned Mon⯑ſieur Patin in particular; who tells us in ſo ma⯑ny Words, That the Engliſh are a People, whom he naturally abhors: And in another place, That he looks upon the Engliſh among the ſeveral Nati⯑ons [164] of Men, as he does upon Wolves among the ſe⯑veral Species of Beaſts. A Britiſh Writer would be very juſtly charged with want of Politeneſs, who in return to this Civility, ſhould look up⯑on the French as that Part of Mankind which anſwers to a Species in the Brute Creation, whom we call in Engliſh by the Name of Monkies.

If the French load us with theſe Indignities, we may obſerve, for our Comfort, that they give the reſt of their Borderers no better Quar⯑ter. If we are a dull, heavy, phlegmatick Peo⯑ple, we are it ſeems no worſe than our Neigh⯑bours. As an Inſtance, I ſhall ſet down at large a remarkable Paſſage in a famous Book intituled Chevraeana, written many Years ago by the celebrated Monſieur Chevreau; after having advertiſed my Reader that the Dutcheſs of Hanover, and the Princeſs Elizabeth of Bohemia, who are mentioned in it, were the late excel⯑lent Princeſs Sophia and her Siſter.

Tilenus pour un Allemand, parle & ecrit bi⯑en François, dit Scaliger: Gretzer a bien de l'e⯑ſprit pour un Allemand, dit le Cardinal du Per⯑ron: Et le P. Bouhours met en queſtion, Si un Al⯑lemand peut être bel eſprit? On ne doit juger ni bien ni mal d'une Nation par un particulier, ni d'un particulier par ſa Nation. Il y a des Allemands, comme des François, qui n'ont point d'eſprit; des Allemands, qui ont ſcû plus d' Hebreu, plus de Grec, que Scaliger & le Cardinal du Perron: J'ho⯑nore fort le P. Bouhours, qui a du merite; mais J'oſe dire, que la France n'a point de plus bel Eſprit que Madame la Ducheſſe de Hanovre d'aujourdhui, ni de perſonne plus ſolidement ſavante en Philoſo⯑phie que l'etoit Madame la Princeſſe Elizabeth de Boheme, ſa Soeur: Et je ne croi pas que 'on [165] refuſe le même titre à beaucoup d'Academiciens d'Allemagne dont les Ouvrages meriteroient bien d'être traduits. Il y a d'autres Princeſſes en Alle⯑magne, qui ont infiniment de l'eſprit. Les Fran⯑çois diſent ce'ſt un Allemand, pour exprimer un homme peſant, brutal: & les Allemands comme les Italiens, c'eſt un François, pour dire un fou & un etourdi. C'eſt aller trop loin: comme le Prince de Salé dit de Ruyter, Il eſt honnête homme, c'eſt bien dommage qu'il ſoit Chrétien. Chev⯑raeana, Tom. I.

Having already run my Paper out to its uſual Length, I have not room for many Reflections on that which is the Subject of it. The laſt ci⯑ted Author has been before hand with me in its proper Moral. I ſhall only add to it, that there has been an unaccountable Diſpoſition among the Engliſh of late Years, to fetch the Faſhion from the French, not only in their Dreſs and Behavi⯑our, but even in their Judgments and Opinions of Mankind. It will however be reaſonable for us, if we concur with them in their Con⯑tempt of other neighbouring Nations, that we ſhould likewiſe regard our ſelves under the ſame View in which they are wont to place us. The Repreſentations they make of us, are as of a Nation the leaſt favoured by them; and, as theſe are agreeable to the natural Averſion they have for us, are more diſadvantageous than the Pictures they have drawn of any other People in Europe.

No. 31. Friday, April 6.

I Have purpoſely avoided, during the whole Courſe of this Paper, to ſpeak any thing con⯑cerning [167] the Treatment which is due to ſuch Per⯑ſons as have been concerned in the late Rebel⯑lion, becauſe I would not ſeem to irritate Ju⯑ſtice againſt thoſe who are under the Proſecu⯑tion of the Law, nor incenſe any of my Rea⯑ders againſt unhappy though guilty Men. But when we find the Proceedings of our Govern⯑ment in this Particular traduced and miſrepre⯑ſented, it is the Duty of every good Subject to ſet them in their proper Light.

I am the more prompted to this Undertaking by a Pamphlet entituled, An Argument to prove the Affections of the People of England to be the beſt Security of the Government; humbly offer'd to the Conſideration of the Patrons of Severity, and ap⯑ply'd to the preſent Juncture of Affairs. Had the whole Scope of the Author been anſwerable to his Title, he would have only undertaken to prove what every Man in his Wits is already convinced of. But the Drift of the Pamphlet is to ſtir up our Compaſſion towards the Rebels, and our Indignation againſt the Government. The Author, who knew that ſuch a Deſign as this, could not be carried on without a great deal of Artifice and Sophiſtry, has puzzled and per⯑plex'd his Cauſe, by throwing his Thoughts to⯑gether in ſuch a ſtudy'd Confuſion, that upon this Account, if upon any, his Pamphlet is, as the Party have repreſented it, Unanſwerable.

The famous Monſieur Bayle compares the anſwering of an immethodical Author to the Hunting of a Duck: When you have him full in your Sight, and fancy your ſelf within reach [...], he gives you the Slip, and becomes in⯑ [...]ble. His Argument is loſt in ſuch a Varie⯑ [...] of Matter, that you muſt catch it where you [...] as it riſes and diſappears in the ſeveral [...] of his Diſcourſe.

[168] The Writer of this Pamphlet could, doubt⯑leſs, have ranged his Thoughts in much bette [...] Order, if he had pleaſed: But he knew very well, that Error is not to be advanced by Per⯑ſpicuity. In order therefore to anſwer this Pamphlet, I muſt reduce the Subſtance of it un⯑der proper Heads; and diſembroil the Thoughts of the Author, ſince he did not think fit to do it himſelf.

In the firſt Place I ſhall obſerve, that the Terms which the Author makes uſe of are looſe, general, and undefined, as will be ſhewn in the Sequel of this Paper; and what leſs be⯑comes a fair Reaſoner, he puts wrong and in⯑vidious Names on every thing to colour a falſe Way of Arguing. He allows that the Rebels indiſputably merit to be ſeverely Chaſtiſed; that they deſerve it according to Law; and that if they are puniſhed they have none to thank but themſelves, (p. 7.) How can a Man after ſuch a Conceſſion make uſe ſometimes of the Word Cruelty, but generally of Revenge, when he pleads againſt the Exerciſe of what, according to his own Notion, is at the moſt but rigid Juſtice! Or why are ſuch Executions, which, according to his own Opinion, are legal, ſo often to be cal⯑led Violences and Slaughter? Not to mention the Appellations given to thoſe who do not agree with him in his Opinion for Clemency, as the Blood-thirſty, the Political Butchers, State Chiru⯑geons, and the like.

But I ſhall now ſpeak of that Point, which is the great and reigning Fallacy of the Pamphlet, and runs more or leſs through every Paragraph. His whole Argument turns upon this ſingle Con⯑ſideration; Whether the King ſhould exert Mer⯑cy or Juſtice towards thoſe who have openly [169] appeared in the preſent Rebellion? By Mercy he means a general Pardon, by Juſtice a general Puniſhment: So that he ſuppoſes no other Me⯑thod practicable in this Juncture, than either the Forgiving All, or the Executing All. Thus he puts the Queſtion, Whether it be the Intereſt of the Prince to deſtroy the Rebels by Fire, Sword, or Gibbet? (p. 4.) And, ſpeaking of the Zealots for the Government, he tells us, They think no Re⯑medy ſo good, as to make clear Work; and that they declare for the utter Extirpation of All who are its Enemies in the moſt minute Circumſtance: As if Amputation were the ſole Remedy theſe political Butchers cou'd find out for the Diſtempers of a State; or that they thought the only Way to make the Top flou⯑riſh, were to lop off the Under Branches. (p. 5.) He then ſpeaks of the Coffee-houſe Polititians, and the Caſuiſts in Red-Coats; Who, he tells us, are for the utmoſt Rigour that their Laws of War or Laws of Convenience can inſpire them with. (p. 5.) Again, It is repreſented, ſays he, that the Rebels deſerve the higheſt Puniſhment the Laws can inflict. (p. 7.) And afterwards tells us, The Queſtion is, Whe⯑ther the Government ſhall ſhew Mercy, or take a Reverend Divine's Advice, to ſlay Man and Wo⯑man, Inſant and Suckling? (p. 8) Thus again he tells us, The Friends to ſevere Counſels alledge, that the Government ought not to be moved by com⯑paſſion; and that the Law ſhould have its Courſe. (p. 9.) And in another Place puts theſe Words in their Mouths, He may ſtill retain their Affe⯑ction, and yet let the Laws have their Courſe in puniſhing the Guilty. (p. 18.) He goes upon the ſame Suppoſition in the following Paſſages; It is impracticable in ſo general a Corruption, to de⯑ſtroy All who are infected; and unleſs you deſtroy All you do nothing to the purpoſe (p 10.) Shall our [170] Rightful King ſhew himſelf leſs the true Father of his People, and afford his Pardon to None of thoſe People, who (like King Lear to his Daughters) had ſo great a Confidence in his Virtue as to give him All. (p. 25.) I ſhall only add, that the con⯑cluding Paragraph, which is worked up with ſo much artificial Horrour, goes upon a Sup⯑poſition anſwerable to the whole Tenor of the Pamphlet; and implies, that the Impeach'd Lords were to be Executed without Exception or Diſ⯑crimination.

Thus we ſee what is the Author's Idea of that Juſtice againſt which all his Arguments are le⯑vell'd. If, in the next Place, we conſider the Nature of that Clemency which he recom⯑mends, we find it to be no leſs univerſal and unreſtrain'd.

He declares for a General Act of Indemnity. (p. 20.) and tells us, It is the Senſe of every diſ⯑paſſionate Man of the Kingdom, that the Rebels may, and ought to be Pardoned, (p. 19.) One po⯑pular Act, ſays he, wou'd even yet retrieve all, (p. 21.) He declares himſelf not over-fond of the Doctrines of making Examples of Traitors. (ibid.) And that the Way to prevent Things from being brought to an Extremity, is to deal mildly with thoſe unfortunate Gentlemen engaged in the Rebellion.

The Reader may now ſee in how fallacious a Manner this Writer has ſtated the Contro⯑verſy: He ſuppoſes there are but two Methods of treating the Rebels; that is, by cutting oft every one of them to a Man, or pardoning eve⯑ry one of them without Diſtinction. Now it there be a third Method between theſe two Ex⯑tremes, which is on all Accounts more eligible than either of them, it is certain that the whole Courſe of his Argumentation comes to nothing [171] Every Man of the plaineſt Underſtanding will eaſily conclude, that in the Caſe before us, as in moſt others, we ought to avoid both Ex⯑tremes; that to deſtroy every Rebel would be an exceſſive Severity, and to forgive every one of them an unreaſonable Weakneſs. The pro⯑per Method of Proceeding, is that which the Author has purpoſely omitted: Namely, to tem⯑per Juſtice with Mercy; and, according to the different Circumſtances that aggravate or alle⯑viate the Guilt of the Offenders, to reſtrain the Force of the Laws, or to let them take their proper Courſe. Puniſhments are neceſſary to ſhew there is Juſtice in a Government, and Pardons to ſhew there is Mercy; and both to⯑gether convince the People, that our Conſti⯑tution under a good Adminiſtration does not only make a Difference between the Guilty and the Innocent, but even among the Guilty be⯑tween ſuch as are more or leſs criminal.

This middle Method which has been always practiſed by wiſe and good Governors, has hi⯑therto been made uſe of by our Soveraign. If, indeed, a Stranger, and one who is altogether unacquainted with His Majeſty's Conduct, ſhould read this Pamphlet, he would conclude that every Perſon engaged in the Rebellion was to die by the Sword, the Halter, or the Axe; nay, that their Friends and Abettors were involved in the ſame Fate. Would it be poſſible for him to imagine, that of the ſeveral Thouſands open⯑ly taken in Arms, and liable to Death by the Laws of their Countrey, not above Forty have yet ſuffered? How would he be ſurpriz'd to hear, that, notwithſtanding His Majeſty's Troops have been Victorious in every Engagement, more of His Friends have loſt their Lives in [172] this Rebellion, than of His traiterous Subjects; though we add to thoſe who have dy'd by the Hand of Juſtice thoſe of them who fell in Bat⯑tel? And yet we find a more popular Compaſ⯑ſion endeavoured to be raiſed for the Deaths of the Guilty, who have brought ſuch Calamities on their Countrey, than for the Innocent who periſhed in the Defence of it.

This middle Method of Proceeding, which has been purſued by His Majeſty, and is wil⯑fully overlooked by the Author, beſt anſwers the Ends of Government; which is to maintain the Safety of the Publick by Rewards and Pu⯑niſhments. It is alſo incumbent on a Gover⯑nor, according to the received Dictates of Re⯑ligion: Which inſtructs us, That he beareth not the Sword in vain; but ought to be a Terror to E⯑vil-doors, and a Praiſe to them that do Well. It is likewiſe in a particular manner the Duty of a Britiſh King, who obliges himſelf by his Coro⯑nation-Oath to execute Juſtice in Mercy, that is, to mix them in his Adminiſtration, and not to exerciſe either of them to the total Excluſion of the other.

But if we conſider the Arguments which this Author gives for Clemency, from the good Ef⯑fects it would produce, we ſhall find, that they hold true only when apply'd to ſuch a Mercy as ſerves rather to mitigate than exclude Juſtice. The Excellence of that unlimited Clemency which the Author contends for, is recommend⯑ed by the following Arguments.

Firſt, That it endears a Prince to his People. This he deſcants on in ſeveral Parts of his Book. Clemency will endear his Perſon to the Nation; and then they will neither have the Power nor Wi [...] to diſturb him. (p. 8.) Was there ever a cruel [173] Prince, that was not hated by his Subjects? (p. 24.) A mercifull good-natur'd Diſpoſition is of all others the moſt amiable Quality, and in Princes always attended with a popular Love, (p. 18.)

It is certain, that ſuch a popular Love will always riſe towards a Good Prince, who exer⯑ciſes ſuch a Mercy as I have before deſcribed, which is conſiſtent with the Safety of the Con⯑ſtitution, and the Good of his Kingdom. But if it be thrown away at random, it loſes its Virtue, leſſens the Eſteem and Authority of a Prince, and cannot long recommend him, even to the weakeſt of his Subjects, who will find all the Effects of Cruelty in ſuch an ill-ground⯑ed Compaſſion. It was a famous Saying of William Rufus, and is quoted to his Honour by Hiſtorians. "Whoſoever ſpares perjured Men, Robbers, Plunderers and Traitors, deprives all good Men of their Peace and Quietneſs, and lays a Foundation of innumerable Miſchiefs to the Virtuous and Innocent."

Another Argument for unlimited Clemency, is, that it ſhews a couragious Temper: Clemen⯑cy is likewiſe an Argument of Fearleſſneſs; where⯑as Cruelty not only betrays a weak, abject, depra⯑ved Spirit, but alſo is for the moſt part a certain Sign of Cowardice. (p. 19.)—He had a truly great Soul, and ſuch will always diſdain the Coward's Vir⯑tue, which is Fear; and the Conſequence of it, which is Revenge. (p. 27.) This Panegyrick on Cle⯑mency, when it is governed by Reaſon, is like⯑wiſe very right; but it may ſo happen, that the putting of Laws in Execution againſt Traitors to their Countrey may be the Argument of Fear⯑leſſneſs, when our Governors are told that they dare not do it; and ſuch Methods may be made uſe of to extort Pardons, as would make it look [174] like Cowardice to grant them. In this laſt Caſe the Author ſhould have remembred his own Words, that then only Mercy is meritorious when it is voluntary, and not extorted by the Neceſſity of Affairs, (p. 13.) Beſides the Author ſhould have conſidered, that another Argument which he makes uſe of for his Clemency, are the Reſent⯑ments that may ariſe from the Execution of a Rebel: An Argument adapted to a cowardly, not a fearleſs Temper. This he infers from the Diſpoſition of the Friends, Well-wiſhers, or Aſſo⯑ciates of the Sufferers, (p. 4.) Reſentment will in⯑flame ſome; in others Compaſſion will, by degrees, riſe into Reſentment. This will naturally beget a Diſpoſition to overturn what they diſlike, and then there will want only a fair Opportunity, (p. 12.) This Argument like moſt of the others, pleads equal⯑ly for Malefactors of all kinds, whom the Go⯑vernment can never bring to Juſtice, without diſobliging their Friends, Well-wiſhers, or Aſ⯑ſociates. But, I believe, if the Author would Converſe with any Friend, Well-wiſher, or Aſſociate of theſe Sufferers, he would find them rather deterr'd from their Practices by their Suf⯑ferings, than diſpoſed to riſe in a new Rebellion to revenge them. A Government muſt be in a ve⯑ry weak and melancholy Condition, that is not armed with a ſufficient Power for its own De⯑fence againſt the Reſentment of its Enemies, and is afraid of being overturn'd if it does Ju⯑ſtice on thoſe who attempt it. But I am afraid the main Reaſon, why theſe Friends, Well-wiſhers and Aſſociates are againſt Puniſhing any of the Rebels, is that which muſt be an Argu⯑ment with every wiſe Governor for doing Ju⯑ſtice upon ſome of them; namely, that it is a likely Means to come at the Bottom of this [175] Conſpiracy, and to detect thoſe who have been the private Abettors of it, and who are ſtill at work in the ſame Deſign; if we give Credit to the Suggeſtions of our Malecontents themſelves, who labour to make us believe that there is ſtill Life in this wicked Project.

I am wonderfully ſurprized to ſee another Argument made uſe of for a general Pardon, which might have been urged more properly for a general Execution. The Words are theſe; The Generality will never be brought to believe, but that thoſe who ſuffer only for Treaſon have very hard Meaſure, nor can you with all your Severity unde⯑ceive them of their Error. If the Generality of the Engliſh have ſuch a favourable Opinion of Treaſon, nothing can cure them of an Error ſo fatal to their Countrey as the Puniſhment of thoſe who are guilty of it. It is evident, that a General Impunity would confirm them in ſuch an Opinion: For the Vulgar will never be brought to believe, that there is a Crime where they ſee no Penalty. As it is certain no Error can be more deſtructive to the very Being of Government than this, a proper Remedy ought to be applied to it: And I would ask this Au⯑thor, Whether upon this Occaſion, The Doctrine of making Examples of Traitors be not very ſea⯑ſonable; though he declares himſelf not over⯑fond of it. The way to awaken Men's Minds to the Senſe of this Guilt, is to let them ſee by the Sufferings of ſome who have incurr'd it how hainous a Crime it is in the Eye of the Law.

The foregoing Anſwer may be apply'd like⯑wiſe to another Argument of the ſame Nature. If the Faction be as numerous as is pretended; if the Spirit has ſpread itſelf over the whole Kingdom; if it has mixed with the Maſs of the People; then [176] certainly all bloody Meaſures will but whet Men the more for Revenge. If Juſtice inflicted on a few of the moſt flagrant Criminals, with Mercy ex⯑tended to the Multitude, may be called bloody Meaſures, they are without doubt abſolutely ne⯑ceſſary, in caſe the Spirit of Faction be thus ſpread among the Maſs of the People; who will readily conclude, that if open Rebellion goes unpuniſhed, every Degree of Faction which leads to it muſt be altogether innocent.

I am come now to another Argument for Pardoning all the Rebels, which is, that it would inſpire them all with Gratitude, and reduce them to their Allegiance. It is truly Heroick to over⯑come the Hearts of one's Enemies; and when it is compaſſed, the Undertaking is truly Politick. (p. 8.) He has now a fair Opportunity of Conquering more Enemies by one Act of Clemency, than the moſt ſucceſsful General will be able to do in many Cam⯑paigne. (p. 9.) Are there not infinite Numbers who would become moſt Dutiful upon any fair Invitation, upon the leaſt Appearance of Grace? (p. 13.) Which of the Rebels could be ungrateful enough to reſiſt or abuſe Goodneſs exemplified in Practice, as well as extoll'd in Theory? (p. 20.) Has not His Majeſty then ſhewn the leaſt Appearance of Grace in that generous Forgiveneſs which he has already extended to ſuch great Numbers of his Rebel⯑lious Subjects, who muſt have died by the Laws of their Countrey, had not his Mercy interpos'd in their Behalf? But if the Author means (as he doth, thro' this whole Pamphlet by the like Expreſſions) an univerſal Forgiveneſs, no unpre⯑judiced Man can be of his Opinion, that it wou'd have had this good Effect. We may ſee how little the Converſion of Rebels is to be depend⯑ed on, when we obſerve that ſeveral of the [177] Leaders in this Rebellion were Men who had been pardoned for Practices of the ſame Nature: And that moſt of thoſe who have ſuffered, have avowed their Perſeverance in their Rebellious Principles, when they ſpoke their Minds at the Place of Execution, notwithſtanding their Pro⯑feſſions to the contrary while they ſolicited Forgiveneſs. Beſides, were Pardon extended indifferently to All, which of them would think himſelf under any particular Obligation? Where⯑as by that prudent Diſcrimination which His Majeſty has made between the Offenders of dif⯑ferent Degrees, He naturally obliges thoſe whom he has conſidered with ſo much Tender⯑neſs, and diſtinguiſhed as the moſt proper Ob⯑jects of Mercy. In ſhort, thoſe who are pardoned would not have known the Value of Grace, if none had felt the Effects of Juſtice.

I muſt not omit another Reaſon which the Author makes uſe of againſt Puniſhments; Be⯑cauſe, he ſays, thoſe very Means, or the Appre⯑henſions of them, have brought Things to the paſs in which they are, and conſequently will reduce them from bad to worſe, (p. 10.) And afterwards, This Growth of Diſſaffection is in a great Meaſure owing to the groundleſs Jealouſies Men entertain'd of the preſent Adminiſtration, as if they were to ex⯑pect nothing but Cruelty under it. If our Author would have ſpoken out, and have applied theſe Effects to the real Cauſe, he could aſcribe this Change of Affections among the People to no⯑thing elſe but the Change of the Miniſtry: For we find that a great many Perſons loſt their Loyalty with their Places; and that their Friends have ever ſince made uſe of the moſt baſe Me⯑thods to infuſe thoſe groundleſs Diſcontents into the Minds of the Common People, which [178] have brought ſo many of them to the Brink of Deſtruction, and proved ſo detrimental to their Fellow-Subjects. However, this Proceeding has ſhewn how dangerous it would have been for His Majeſty to have continued in their Pla⯑ces of Truſt a Set of Men, ſome of whom have ſince actually joined with the Pretender to His Crown: While others may be juſtly ſuſpected never to have been faithfull to Him in their Hearts, or, at leaſt, whoſe Principles are pre⯑carious, and viſibly conducted by their Intereſt. In a Word, if the Removal of theſe Perſons from their Poſts has produced ſuch popular Com⯑motions, the Continuance of them might have produced ſomething much more fatal to their King and Countrey, and have brought about that Revolution, which has now been in vain attempted. The Condition of a Britiſh King would be very poor indeed, ſhould a Party of his Subjects threaten Him with a Rebellion up⯑on his bringing Malefactors to Juſtice, or up⯑on his refuſing to employ thoſe whom he dares not truſt.

I ſhall only mention another Argument againſt the Puniſhment of any of the Rebels, whoſe Ex⯑ecutions he repreſents as very ſhocking to the People, becauſe they are their Countreymen, (p. 12.) And again, The Quality of the Sufferers, their Alliances, their Characters, their being En⯑gliſhmen, with a thouſand other Circumſtances, will contribute to breed more ill Blood than all the State-Chirurgeons can poſſibly let out, (p. 12.) The Impeached Lords likewiſe, in the laſt Paragraph of the Pamphlet, are recommended to our Pity, becauſe they are our Countreymen. By this way of Reaſoning, no Man that is a Gentleman, or born within the three Seas ſhould be ſubject [179] to Capital Puniſhment. Beſides, who can be guilty of Rebellion that are not our Countrey⯑men? As for the endearing Name of Engliſh⯑man, which he beſtows upon every one of the Criminals, he ſhould conſider, that a Man de⯑ſervedly cuts himſelf off from the Affections as well as the Privileges of that Community, which he endeavours to ſubvert.

Theſe are the ſeveral Arguments which ap⯑pear in different Forms and Expreſſions thro' this whole Pamphlet, and under which every one that is urged in it may be reduced. There is in⯑deed another Set of them, derived from the Ex⯑ample and Authority of Great Perſons, which the Author produces in Favour of his own Scheme. Theſe are William the Conqueror, Henry IV^th of France, our late King William, King Solomon, and the Pretender. If a Man were diſpoſed to draw Arguments for Severity out of Hiſtory, how many Inſtances might one find of it among the greateſt Princes of every Nation? But as different Princes may act very laudably by different Methods in different Con⯑junctures, I cannot think this a concluſive Way of Reaſoning. However, let us examine this Set of Arguments, and we ſhall find them no leſs defective than thoſe abovementioned.

One of the greateſt of our Engliſh Monarchs, ſays our Author, was William the Conqueror; and he was the greater, becauſe he put to Death only one Perſon of Quality that we read of, and him af⯑ter repeated Treacheries; yet he was a Foreigner, had Power ſufficient, and did not want Provoca⯑tions to have been more bloody. (p. 27.) This Per⯑ſon of Quality was the Earl Waltheof, who being overtaken with Wine, engaged in a Conſpira⯑cy againſt this Monarch, but repenting of it the [180] next Morning, repaired to the King who was then in Normandy, and diſcovered the whole Matter. Notwithſtanding which, he was beheaded upon the Defeat of the Conſpiracy for having but thus far tampered in it. And as for the reſt of the Con⯑ſpirators, who roſe in an actual Rebellion, the King uſed them with the utmoſt Rigour, he cut off the Hands of ſome, put out the Eyes of others, ſome were hanged upon Gibbets, and thoſe who fared the beſt, were ſent into Baniſhment. There are indeed, the moſt dreadful Examples of Severity in this Reign: Tho' it muſt be con⯑feſs'd, that, after the Manner of thoſe Times, the Nobility generally eſcaped with their Lives, tho' Multitudes of them were puniſhed with Ba⯑niſhment, perpetual Impriſonment, Forfeitures, and other great Severities: While the poor Peo⯑ple, who had been deluded by theſe their Ring⯑leaders, were executed with the utmoſt Rigour. A Partiality which I believe no Commoner of Eng⯑land will ever think to be either juſt or reaſonable.

The next Inſtance is Henry the IV^th of France, who (ſays our Author) ſo handſomely expreſſed his Tenderneſs for his People, when, at ſigning the Trea⯑ty of Vervins, he ſaid, That by one Daſh of his Pen he had overcome more Enemies, than he cou'd ever be able to do with his Sword. Would not an ordinary Reader think that this Treaty of Vervins was a Treaty between Henry the IV^th and a Party of his Subjects? For otherwiſe how can it have a Place in the preſent Argument? But inſtead of that it was a Treaty between France and Spain; ſo that the Speech expreſſed an equal Tender⯑neſs to the Spaniards and French; as Multitudes of either Nation muſt have fallen in that War, had it continued longer. As for this King's Treatment of Conſpirators, (tho' he is quoted [181] thrice in the Pamphlet as an Example of Cle⯑mency) you have an eminent Inſtance of it in his Behaviour to the Mareſchal de Biron, who had been his old faithful Servant, and had con⯑tributed more than any one to his Advancement to the Throne. This Mareſchal, upon ſome Diſcontent, was enter'd into a Conſpiracy a⯑gainſt his Maſter, and refuſing to open the whole Secret to the King, he was ſent to the Baſtile, and there beheaded, notwithſtanding he ſought for Mercy with great Importunities, and in the moſt moving Manner. There are other Inſtan⯑ces in this King's Reign, who notwithſtanding was remarkabable for his Clemency, of Rebels and Conſpirators who were hanged, beheaded, or broken alive on the Wheel.

The late King William was not diſturbed by any Rebellion from thoſe who had once ſubmitted to him. But we know he treated the Perſons concerned in the Aſſaſſination-Plot as ſo horrid a Conſpiracy deſerved. As for the Saying which this Author imputes to that Monarch, it being a Piece of ſecret Hiſtory, one doth not know when it was ſpoken, or what it alluded to, unleſs the Author had been more particular in the Account of it.

The Author proceeds in the next Place to no leſs an Authority, than that of Solomon: Among all the general Obſervations of the wiſeſt Princes we know of, I think there is none holds more uni⯑verſally than Mercy and Truth preſerve a King, and his Throne is eſtabliſhed in Mercy. (p. 18.) If we compare the different Sayings of this wiſe King, which relate to the Conduct of Princes, we cannot queſtion but that he means by this Mercy, that kind of it, which is conſiſtent with Reaſon and Government, and by which we [182] hope to ſee his Majeſty's Throne eſtabliſhed. But our Author ſhou'd conſider that the ſame wiſe Man has ſaid in another Place, that "An evil Man ſeeketh Rebellion, therefore a cru⯑el Meſſenger ſhall be ſent againſt him." Ac⯑cordingly his Practice was agreeable to his Pro⯑verb: No Prince having ever given a greater Teſtimony of his Abhorrence to Undertakings of this treaſonable Nature. For he diſpatched ſuch a cruel Meſſenger as is here mentioned to thoſe who had been engaged in a Rebellion ma⯑ny Years before he himſelf was on the Throne, and even to his elder Brother, upon the bare Suſpicion that he was projecting ſo wicked an Enterprize.

How the Example of the Pretender came into this Argument, I am at a Loſs to find out. The Pretender declared a general Pardon to All: And ſhall our rightful King ſhew himſelf leſs the true Father of his People, and afford his Pardon to none, &c. (p. 25.) The Pretender's general Pardon was to a People who were not in his Power; and had he ever reduced them under it, it was only promiſed to ſuch as immediately join⯑ed with him for the Recovery of what he called his Right. It was ſuch a general Pardon as would have been conſiſtent with the Execution of more than nine Parts in ten of the Kingdom.

There is but one more Hiſtorical Argument which is drawn from King Philip's Treatment of the Catalans. I think it would not be unſeaſon⯑able for ſome Men to recollect what their own Notions were of the Treatment of the Catalans; how many Declamations were made on the Barbarity uſed to⯑wards them by King Philip, &c. (p. 29.) If the Au⯑thor remembers theſe Declamations, as he calls them were not made ſo much on the Barbarity [183] uſed towards them by King Philip, as on the Bar⯑barity uſed towards them by the Engliſh Govern⯑ment. King Philip might have ſome Colour for treating them as Rebels, but we ought to have re⯑garded them as Allies; and were obliged by all the Ties of Honour, Conſcience, and publick Faith, to have ſhelter'd them from thoſe Sufferings, which were brought upon them by a firm and inviolable Adherence to our Intereſt. How⯑ever, none can draw into a Parallel the Cruel⯑ties which have been inflicted on that unhappy People, with thoſe few Inſtances of Severity which our Government has been obliged to ex⯑ert towards the Britiſh Rebels. I ſay no Man would make ſuch a Parallel, unleſs his Mind be ſo blinded with Paſſion and Prejudice, as to aſſert, in the Language of this Pamphlet, That no Inſtances can be produced of the leaſt Lenity under the preſent Adminiſtration from the firſt Hour it commenc'd to this Day, (p. 20.) with other a⯑ſtoniſhing Reflexions of the ſame Nature, which are contradicted by ſuch innumerable Matters of Fact, that it would be an Affront to a Rea⯑der's Underſtanding to endeavour to confute them. But to return to the Catalans; During the whole Courſe of the War, ſays the Author, which ever of them ſubmitted to Diſcretion, were received to Mercy, (p. 22.) This is ſo far from being truly related, that in the beginning of the War, they were executed without Mercy. But when in Conjunction with their Allies, they became Superior to King Philip's Party in Strength, and extended their Conqueſts up to the very Gates of Madrid, it cannot be ſuppoſed the Spaniſh Court would be ſo infatuated as to perſiſt in their firſt Severities, againſt an Enemy that could make ſuch terrible Reprizals. How⯑ever, [184] when this Reaſon of State ceaſed, how dreadful was the Havock made among this brave, but unhappy People! The whole Kingdom without any Diſtinction to the many Thouſands of its innocent Inhabitants, was ſtript of its Immunities, and reduced to a State of Slavery. Barcelona was filled with Executions; and all the Patriots of their antient Liberties either be⯑headed, ſtowed in Dungeons, or condemned to work in the Mines of America.

God be thanked we have a King who puniſhes with Reluctancy, and is averſe to ſuch Cruel⯑ties as were us'd among the Catalans, as much as to thoſe practiſed on the Perſons concern'd in Monmouth's Rebellion. Our Author indeed, condemns theſe Weſtern Aſſizes in King James's Reign, (p. 26.) And it would be well if all thoſe who ſtill adhere to the Cauſe of that unfor⯑tunate King, and are clamorous at the Proceed⯑ings of his preſent Majeſty, would remember, that notwithſtanding that Rebellion fell very much ſhort of this both in the Number and Strength of the Rebels, and had no Tendency either to deſtroy the National Religion, to in⯑troduce an Arbitrary Government, or to ſub⯑ject us to a Foreign Power; not only the Chief of the Rebels was beheaded, but even a Lady, who had only harbour'd one of the Offenders in her Houſe was in her extreme old Age put to the ſame kind of Death: That about two hundred and thirty were hanged, drawn, and quartered, and their Limbs diſperſed through ſeveral Parts of the Countrey, and ſet up as Spectacles of Terror to their Fellow-Subjects. It would be too tedious a Work to run through the numberleſs Fines, Impriſonments, Corpo⯑ral Puniſhments, and Tranſportations, which [185] were then likewiſe practiſed as wholſome Se⯑verities.

We have now ſeen how fallaciouſly the Author has ſtated the Cauſe he has undertaken, by ſup⯑poſing that nothing but unlimited Mercy, or unlimited Puniſhment, are the Methods that can be made uſe of in our preſent Treatment of the Rebels: That he has omitted the middle way of Proceeding between theſe two Extremes: That this middle Way is the Method in which His Majeſty, like all other wiſe and good Kings, has choſen to proceed: That it is agreeable to the Nature of Government, Religion, and our Britiſh Conſtitution: And that every Argument which the Author has produced from Reaſon and Example, would have been a true one, had it been urged for that reſtrain'd Clemency which His Majeſty has exerciſed: But is a falſe one, when apply'd to ſuch a general, undiſtin⯑guiſhing Mercy as the Author would recom⯑mend.

Having thus anſwered that which is the main Drift and Deſign of this Pamphlet, I ſhall touch upon thoſe other Parts of it, which are inter⯑woven with the Arguments, to put Men out of Humour with the preſent Government.

And here we may obſerve, that it is our Au⯑thor's Method to ſuppoſe Matters of Fact which are not in being, and afterwards to deſcant upon them. As he is very ſenſible that the Cauſe will not bear the Teſt of Reaſon, he has indeed every where choſen rather Topicks for Decla⯑mation than Argument▪ Thus he entertains us with a laboured Invective againſt a ſtanding Army. But what has this to do in the preſent Caſe? I ſuppoſe he wou'd not adviſe his Ma⯑jeſty to disband his Forces while there is an [186] Army of Rebels in his Dominions. I can⯑not imagine he would think the Affections of the People of England a Security of the Government in ſuch a Juncture, were it not at the ſame time defended with a ſufficient Body of Troops. No Prince has ever gi⯑ven a greater Inſtance of his Inclinations to rule without a Standing-Army, if we conſider, that upon the very firſt News of the Defeat of the Rebels, he declared to both Houſes of Parlia⯑ment, that he had put an immediate Stop to the Levies which he had begun to raiſe at their Re⯑queſt, and that he would not make uſe of the Power which they had entruſted him with, un⯑leſs any new Preparations of the Enemy ſhould make it neceſſary for our Defence. This Speech was receiv'd with the greateſt Gratitude by both Houſes; and it is ſaid, that in the Houſe of Com⯑mons a very can did and honourable Gentleman (who generally votes with the Minority) de⯑clared, that he had not heard ſo gracious a Speech from the Throne for many Years laſt paſt.

In another Place, he ſuppoſes that the Go⯑vernment has not endeavoured to gain the Ap⯑plauſe of the Vulgar, by doing ſomething for the Church; and very gravely makes Excuſes for this their pretended Neglect. What greater In⯑ſtances could His Majeſty have given of his Love to the Church of England, than thoſe he has ex⯑hibited by his moſt ſolemn Declarations; by his daily Example; and by his Promotions of the moſt eminent among the Clergy to ſuch Vacan⯑cies as have happened in his Reign. To which we muſt add, for the Honour of his Government in this Particular, That it has done more for the Advantage of the Clergy, than thoſe, who are the [187] moſt zealous for their Intereſt, could have ex⯑pected in ſo ſhort a Time; which will farther ap⯑pear, if we reflect upon the valuable and Royal Donative to one of our Univerſities, and the Proviſion made for thoſe who are to officiate in the Fifty New Churches. His Majeſty is, in⯑deed, a Prince of too much Magnanimity and Truth, to make uſe of the Name of the Church for drawing his People into any thing that may be prejudicial to them; for what our Author ſays, to this Purpoſe, redounds as much to the Honour of the preſent Adminiſtration, as to the Diſgrace of others. Nay, I wiſh with all my Soul they had ſtooped a little ad captum vulgi, to take in thoſe ſhallow fluttering Hearts, which are to be caught by any thing baited with the Name of Church, (p. 11.)

Again; The Author asks, Whether Terror is to become the only National Principle? With other Queſtions of the ſame Nature: And in ſeveral Parts of his Book, harangues very plentifully againſt ſuch a Notion. Where he talks in Ge⯑nerals upon this Topick, there is no queſtion but every Whig and Tory in the Kingdom per⯑fectly agree with him in what he ſays. But if he would inſinuate, as he ſeems to do in ſeve⯑ral Places, that there ſhould be no Impreſſions of Awe upon the Mind of a Subject, and that a Government ſhould not create Terror in thoſe who are diſpoſed to do ill, as well as encourage thoſe that do their Duty: In ſhort, if he is for an entire Excluſion of that Principle of Fear which is ſuppoſed to have ſome Influence in e⯑very Law, he oppoſes himſelf to the Form of every Government in the World, and to the Common Senſe of Mankind.

The Artifice of this Author in ſtarting Obje⯑ctions [188] to the Friends of the Government, and the fooliſh Anſwers which he ſuppoſes they re⯑turn to them is ſo very viſible, that every one ſees they are deſigned rather to divert his Rea⯑der, than to inſtruct him.

I have now examined this whole Pamphlet, which, indeed, is written with a great deal of Art, and as much Argument as the Cauſe would bear: And after having ſtated the true Notion of Clemency, Mercy, Compaſſion, Good-nature, Humanity, or whatever elſe it may be called, ſo far as it is conſiſtent with Wiſdom, and the Good of Mankind, or, in o⯑ther Words, ſo far as it is a moral Virtue, I ſhall readily concur with the Author in the higheſt Panegyricks that he has beſtowed upon it. As likewiſe, I heartily join with him in every thing he has ſaid againſt Juſtice, if it in⯑cludes, as his Pamphlet ſuppoſes, the Extir⯑pation of every Criminal, and is not exerci⯑ſed with a much greater Mixture of Clemency than Rigour. Mercy, in the true Senſe of the Word, is that Virtue by which a Prince ap⯑proaches neareſt to Him, whom he repreſents; and whilſt he is neither remiſs nor extreme to a⯑nimadvert upon thoſe who offend him, that Logick will hold true of him which is ap⯑ply'd to the Great Judge of all the Earth; With thee there is Mercy, therefore ſhalt thou be Feared.

No. 32. Monday, April 9.

I Queſtion not but the Britiſh Ladies are ve⯑ry well pleaſed with the Compliment I have payed them in the Courſe of my Papers, by regarding them, not only as the moſt amia⯑ble, but as the moſt important Part of our Com⯑munity. They ought, indeed, to reſent the Treatment they have met with from other Au⯑thors, who have never troubled their Heads a⯑bout them, but addreſs'd all their Arguments to the Male Half of their Fellow-Subjects; and taken it for granted, that if they could bring theſe into their Meaſures, the Females would of Courſe follow their political Mates. The Ar⯑guments they have made uſe of, are like Hudi⯑bras's Spur, which he apply'd to one Side of his Horſe, as not doubting but the other would keep Pace with it. Theſe Writers ſeem to have regarded the Fair Sex but as the Garniture of a Nation; and when they conſider them as Parts of the Commonwealth, it is only as they are of uſe to the Conſumption of our Manufacture. Could we perſwade our Britiſh Women (ſays one of our eminent Merchants in a Letter to his Friend in the Countrey upon the Subject of Commerce) to cloath themſelves in the comely Ap⯑parel which might be made out of the Wooll of their own Countrey; and inſtead of Coffee, Tea and Cho⯑colate, to delight in thoſe wholſome and palatable [190] Liquors which may be extracted from our Britiſh Simples; they would be of great Advantage to Trade, and therein to the Publick Weal.

It is now, however, become neceſſary to treat our Women as Members of the Body Politick; ſince it is viſible that great Numbers of them have of late eloped from their Allegiance, and that they do not believe themſelves obliged to draw with us, as Yoke-Fellows in the Conſti⯑tution. They will judge for themſelves; look into the State of the Nation with their own Eyes; and be no longer led Blindfold by a Male Legiſlature. A Friend of mine was lately complaining to me, that his Wife had turned off one of the beſt Cook-Maids in England, be⯑cauſe the Wench had ſaid ſomething to her Fel⯑low-Servants, which ſeemed to favour the Su⯑ſpenſion of the Habeas-Corpus Act.

When Errors and Prejudices are thus ſpread among the Sex, it is the hardeſt thing in the World to root them out. Arguments, which are the only proper Means for it, are of little uſe; They have a very ſhort Anſwer to all Rea⯑ſonings that turn againſt them, Make us believe That, if you can; which is in Latin, if I may upon this occaſion be allowed the Pedantry of a Quotation, Non perſuadebis, etiamſi perſuaſeris. I could not but ſmile at a young Univerſity Diſ⯑putant, who was complaining the other Day of the Unreaſonableneſs of a Lady with whom he was engaged in a Point of Controverſy. Being left alone with her, he took the opportunity of purſuing an Argument which had been before ſtarted in Diſcourſe, and put it to her in a Syl⯑logiſm: Upon which, as he informed us with ſome Heat, ſhe granted him him both the Ma⯑jor [191] and the Minor, but deny'd him the Con⯑cluſion.

The beſt Method, therefore, that can be made uſe of with theſe polemical Ladies, who are much more eaſy to be Refuted than Silenced, is to ſhew them the ridiculous Side of their Cauſe, and to make them laugh at their own Politicks. It is a kind of ill Manners to offer Objections to a fine Woman; and a Man would be out of Countenance that ſhould gain the Su⯑periority in ſuch a Conteſt. A Coquette Lo⯑gician may be railly'd but not contradicted. Thoſe who would make uſe of ſolid Argu⯑ments and ſtrong Reaſonings to a Reader or Hearer of ſo delicate a Turn, would be like that fooliſh People whom Aelian ſpeaks of, that worſhipped a Fly, and ſacrificed an Ox to it.

The Truth of it is, a Man muſt be of a very diſputatious Temper, that enters into State-Controverſies with any of the fair Sex. If the Malignant be not Beautiful, ſhe cannot do much Miſchief; and if ſhe is, her Arguments will be ſo enforced by the Charms of her Perſon, that her Antagoniſt may be in danger of betraying his own Cauſe. Milton puts this Confeſſion into the Mouth of our Father Adam; who tho' he aſſerts his Superiority of Reaſon in his De⯑bates with the Mother of Mankind, adds,

[192] If there is ſuch a native Lovelineſs in the Sex, as to make them Victorious even when they are in the wrong, how reſiſtleſs is their Pow⯑er when they are on the Side of Truth! And indeed, it is a peculiar good Fortune to the Government, that our Fair Malecontents are ſo much over-matched in Beauty, as well as Number, by thoſe who are Loyal to their King, and Friends to their Countrey.

Every Paper, which I have hitherto addreſs'd to our beautiful Incendiaries, hath been filled with Conſiderations of a different Kind; by which Means I have taken Care that thoſe, who are Enemies to the Sex, or to my ſelf, may not accuſe me of Tautology, or pretend that I at⯑tack them with their own Weapon. For this Reaſon I ſhall here lay together a new Set of Re⯑marks, and obſerve the ſeveral Artifices by which the Enemies to our Eſtabliſhment do raiſe ſuch unaccountable Paſſions and Prejudices in the Minds of our diſcontented Females.

In the firſt Place; it is uſual among the moſt Cunning of our Adverſaries, to repreſent all the Rebels as very handſome Men. If the Name of a Traitor be mentioned, they are very par⯑ticular in deſcribing his Perſon; and when they are not able to extenuate his Treaſon, commend his Shape. This has ſo good an Effect in one of our Female Audiences, that they repreſent to themſelves a thouſand poor, tall, innocent, freſh-coloured young Gentlemen, who are di⯑ſpers'd among the ſeveral Priſons of Great Bre⯑tain; and extend their generous Compaſſion to⯑wards a Multitude of agreeable Fellows that never were in being.

Another Artifice is, to inſtill Jealouſies into their Minds of Deſigns upon the Anvil to re⯑trench [193] the Privileges of the Sex. Some repre⯑ſent the Whigs as Enemies to Flanders-Lace: Others had ſpread a Report that in the late Act of Parliament for four Shillings in the Pound upon Land, there would be inſerted a Clauſe for raiſing a Tax upon Pin-Money. That the Ladies may be the better upon their Guard a⯑gainſt Suggeſtions of this Nature, I ſhall beg Leave to put them in mind of the Story of Pa⯑pirius, the Son of a Roman Senator. This young Gentleman, after having been preſent in publick Debates, was uſually teazed by his Mother to inform her of what had paſſed. In order to de⯑liver himſelf from this Importunity, he told her one Day, upon his Return from the Senate-Houſe, that there had been a Motion made for a Decree to allow every Man two Wives. The good Lady ſaid nothing; but managed Matters ſo well among the Roman Matrons, that the next Day they met together in a Body before the Senate-Houſe, and preſented a Petition to the Fathers againſt ſo unreaſonable a Law. This groundleſs Credulity raiſed ſo much Raillery up⯑on the Petitioners, that we do not find the La⯑dies offer'd to direct the Law-givers of their Countrey ever after.

There has been another Method lately made uſe of, which has been practiſed with extraor⯑dinary Succeſs; I mean the ſpreading abroad Reports of Prodigies, which has wonderfully gratified the Curioſity, as well as the Hopes of our fair Malignants. Their Managers turn Water into Blood for them; frighten them with Sea-Monſters; make them ſee Armies in the Air; and give them their Word, the more to ingratiate themſelves with them, that they ſig⯑nify nothing leſs than future Slaughter and De⯑ſolation. [194] The diſloyal Part of the Sex imme⯑diately hug themſelves at the News of the Bloody Fountain; look upon theſe Fiſh as their Friends; have great Expectations from the Clouds; and are very angry with you, if you think they do not All portend Ruine to their Countrey.

Secret Hiſtory and Scandal have always had their Allurements; and I have in other Diſ⯑courſes ſhewn the great Advantage that is made of them in the preſent Ferment among the fair Ones.

But the Maſter Engine, to overturn the Minds of the Female World, is the Danger of the Church. I am not ſo uncharitable as to think there is any thing in an Obſervation made by ſeveral of the Whigs, that there is ſcarce a Woman in England who is troubled with the Vapours, but is more or leſs affected with this Cry: Or, to remark with others, that it is not utter'd in any part of the Nation with ſo much Bitterneſs of Tongue and Heart, as in the Diſtricts of Drury-lane. On the contra⯑ry, I believe there are many devout and honou⯑rable Women who are deluded in this Point by the Artifice of deſigning Men. To theſe, therefore, I would apply my ſelf, in a more ſe⯑rious Manner, and deſire them to conſider how that laudable Piety, which is natural to the Sex, is apt to degenerate into a groundleſs and furi⯑ous Zeal, when it is not kept within the Bounds of Charity and Reaſon. Female Zeal, though proceeding from ſo good a Principle, has been infinitely detrimental to Society, and to Reli⯑gion itſelf. If we may believe the French Hi⯑ſtorians, it often put a Stop to the Proceedings of their Kings, which might have ended in a [195] Reformation. For, upon their breaking with the Pope, the Queens frequently interpoſed, and by their Importunities, reconciled them to the Uſurpations of the Church of Rome. Nay, it was this vicious Zeal which gave a remarka⯑ble Check to the firſt Progreſs of Chriſtianity, as we find it recorded by a ſacred Hiſtorian in the following Paſſage, which I ſhall leave to the Conſideration of my Female Readers. But the Jews ſtirred up the devout and honourable Women and the chief Men of the City, and raiſed a Perſe⯑cution againſt Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their Coaſts.

No. 33. Friday, April 13.

WE find by our publick Papers, the Uni⯑verſity of Dublin have lately preſented to the Prince of Wales, in a moſt humble and du⯑tiful Manner, their Diploma for conſtituting His Royal Highneſs Chancellor of that Learned Body; and that the Prince received this their Offer with the Goodneſs and Condeſcenſion which is natural to his illuſtrious Houſe. As the College of Dublin have been long famous for their great Learning, they have now given us an Inſtance of their Good Senſe; and it is [196] with Pleaſure that we find ſuch a Diſpoſi⯑tion in this famous Nurſery of Letters to pro⯑pagate ſound Principles, and to act, in its proper Sphere, for the Honour and Dignity of the Roy⯑al Family. We hope that ſuch an Example will have its Influence on other Societies of the ſame Nature; and cannot but rejoice to ſee the Heir of Great Britain vouchſafing to Patronize in ſo peculiar a Manner that Noble Seminary, which is perhaps at this Time training up ſuch Perſons as may hereafter be Ornaments to his Reign.

When Men of Learning are acted thus by a Knowledge of the World as well as of Books, and ſhew that their Studies naturally inſpire them with a Love to their King and Countrey; they give a Reputation to Literature, and con⯑vince the World of its Uſefulneſs. But when Arts and Sciences are ſo perverted as to diſpoſe Men to act in Contradiction to the reſt of the Community, and to ſet up for a kind of ſepa⯑rate Republick among themſelves, they draw upon them the Indignation of the Wiſe, and the Contempt of the Ignorant.

It has indeed, been obſerved, that Perſons, who are very much eſteemed for their Know⯑ledge and Ingenuity in their private Characters, have acted like Strangers to Mankind, and to the Dictates of right reaſon, when joined to⯑gether in a Body. Like ſeveral Chymical Wa⯑ters, that are each of them clear and tranſparent when ſeparate, but ferment into a thick trou⯑bled Liquor when they are mixed in the ſame Vial.

There is a Piece of Mythology which bears ve⯑ry hard upon Learned Men; and which I ſhall here relate, rather for the Delicacy of the Sa⯑tyr, [197] than for the Juſtneſs of the Moral. When the City of Athens was finiſhed, we are told that Neptune and Minerva preſented themſelves as Candidates for the Guardianſhip of the Place. The Athenians, after a full Debate upon the Mat⯑ter, came to an Election, and made choice of Minerva. Upon which, Neptune, who very much reſented the Indignity, upbraided them with their Stupidity and Ignorance; that a Maritime Town ſhould reject the Patronage of him who was the God of the Seas, and could defend them againſt all the Attacks of their Enemies. He concluded with a Curſe upon the Inhabi⯑tants, which was to ſtick to them and their Po⯑ſterity; namely, That they ſhould be all Fools. When Minerva their Tutelary Goddeſs, who preſides over Arts and Sciences, came among them to receive the Honour they had conferr'd upon her, they made heavy Complaints of the Curſe which Neptune had laid upon the City; and begg'd her, if poſſible, to take it off. But ſhe told them it was not in her Power; for that one Deity could not reverſe the Act of ano⯑ther. However, ſaid ſhe, I may alleviate the Curſe which I cannot remove: It is not poſſible for me to hinder you from being Fools, but I will take care that you ſhall be Learned.

There is nothing which Bodies of Learned Men ſhould be more careful of, than, by all due Me⯑thods, to cultivate the Favour of the Great and Powerful. The Indulgence of a Prince is abſolute⯑ly neceſſary to the Propagation, the Defence, the Honour and Support of Learning. It naturally creates in Men's Minds an Ambition to diſtin⯑guiſh themſelves by Letters; and multiplies the Number of thoſe who are dedicated to the Pur⯑ſuits of Knowledge. It protects them againſt [198] the Violence of Brutal Men; and gives them Opportunities to purſue their Studies in a State of Peace and Tranquillity. It puts the Learn⯑ed in Countenance; and gives them a Place among the faſhionable Part of Mankind. It di⯑ſtributes Rewards; and encourages Speculative Perſons, who have neither Opportunity nor a Turn of Mind to increaſe their own Fortunes, with all the Incentives of Place, Profit and Pre⯑ferment. On the contrary, nothing is in itſelf ſo pernicious to Communities of Learned Men, nor more apprehended by thoſe that wiſh them well, than the Diſpleaſure of their Prince, which thoſe may juſtly expect to feel, who would make uſe of his Favour to his own Prejudice, and put in Practice all the Methods that lye within their Power to vilify his Perſon, and diſtreſs his Go⯑vernment. In both theſe Caſes, a Learned Bo⯑dy is in a more particular Manner expoſed to the Influence of their King, as deſcribed by the wiſeſt of Men, The Wrath of a King is as the Roaring of a Lion; but his Favour is as the Dew upon the Graſs.

We find in our Engliſh Hiſtories, that the Empreſs Matilda, (who was the great Anceſtor of His preſent Majeſty, and whoſe Grand-daugh⯑ter of the ſame name has a Place upon ſeveral of the Hanover Medals) was particularly favoured by the Univerſity of Oxford, and defended in that Place, when moſt Parts of the Kingdom had re⯑volted againſt her. Nor is it to be queſtioned, but an Univerſity ſo famous for Learning and ſound Knowledge, will ſhew the ſame Zeal for her il⯑luſtrious Deſcendent, as they will every Day diſcern His Majeſty's Royal Virtues, through thoſe Prejudices which have been raiſed in their Minds by artful and deſigning Men. It is [199] with much Pleaſure we ſee this great Foun⯑tain of Learning already beginning to run clear, and recovering its Natural Purity and Brightneſs. None can imagine that a Community which is taxed by the worſt of its Enemies, only for over⯑ſtraining the Notions of Loyalty even to bad Princes, will fall ſhort of a due Allegiance to the beſt.

When this happy Temper of Mind is fully e⯑ſtabliſhed among them, we may juſtly hope to ſee the largeſt Share of His Majeſty's Favours fall upon that Univerſity, which is the Greateſt, and upon all Accounts the moſt Conſiderable not only in his Dominions, but in all Europe.

I ſhall conclude this Paper with a Quotation out of Cambden's Hiſtory of Queen Elizabeth, who, after having deſcribed that Queen's Re⯑ception at Oxford, gives an Account of the Speech which ſhe made to them at her Depar⯑ture; concluding with a Piece of Advice to that Univerſity. Her Counſel was, That they would firſt ſerve God, not after the Curioſity of ſome, but according to the Laws of God and the Land, that they would not go before the Laws, but follow them; nor diſpute whether better might be preſcribed, but keep thoſe preſcribed already; obey their Superiors; and laſtly embrace one another in Brotherly Piety and Concord.

No. 34. Monday, April 16.

IT is very juſtly, as well as frequently obſer⯑ved, that if our Nation be ever ruined, it muſt be by itſelf. The Parties and Diviſions which reign among us may ſeveral Ways bring Deſtruction upon our Countrey, at the ſame Time that our united Force would be ſufficient to ſecure us againſt all the Attempts of a fo⯑reign Enemy. Whatever Expedients therefore can be found to allay thoſe Heats and Animoſi⯑ties, which break us into different Factions and Intereſts, cannot but be uſeful to the Publick, and highly tend to its Safety, Strength, and Re⯑putation.

This dangerous Diſſention among us diſco⯑vers itſelf in all the moſt indifferent Circum⯑ſtances of Life. We keep it up, and cheriſh it with as much Pains, as if it were a kind of National Bleſſing. It inſinuates itſelf into all our Diſcourſes, mixes in our Parties of Plea⯑ſure, has a Share in our Diverſions, and is an Ingredient in moſt of our publick Entertain⯑ments.

I was not long ago at the Play call'd Sir Courtly Nice, where to the eternal Reproach of good Senſe, I found the whole Audience had very gravely ranged themſelves into two Parties, un⯑der Hot-head and Teſtimony. Hot-head was the applauded Hero of the Tories, and Teſtimony no [201] leſs the Favourite of the Whigs. Each Party followed their Champion. It was wonderful to ſee ſo polite an Aſſembly diſtinguiſhing them⯑ſelves by ſuch extraordinary Repreſentatives, and avowing their Principles as conformable either to the Zeal of Hot-head, or the Modera⯑tion of Teſtimony. Thus the two Parts which were deſigned to expoſe the Faults of both Sides, and were accordingly received by our Anceſtors in King Charles the Second's Reign, meet with a kind of Sanction from the Applauſes which are reſpectively beſtowed on them by their wiſe Poſterity. We ſeem to imagine that they were written as Patterns for Imitation, not as Objects of Ridicule.

This Humour runs ſo far, that moſt of our late Comedies owe their Succeſs to it. The Audience liſtens after nothing elſe. I have ſeen little Dicky place himſelf with great Approba⯑tion at the Head of the Tories for five Acts to⯑gether, and Pinky eſpouſe the Intereſt of the Whigs with no leſs Succeſs. I do not find that either Party has yet thrown themſelves under the Patronage of Scaramouch, or that Harle⯑quin has violated that Neutrality, which, upon his late Arrival in Great Britain, he profeſſed to both Parties, and which it is thought he will punctually obſerve, being allowed on all Sides to be a Man of Honour. It is true, that upon his firſt Appearance, a violent Whig Tradeſman in the Pit begun to compliment him with a Clap, as overjoyed to ſee him mount a Lad⯑der, and fancying Him to be dreſt in a Highland Plad.

I queſtion not but my Readers will be ſur⯑priſed to find me animadverting on a Practice that has been always favourable to the Cauſe [102] which now prevails. The Britiſh Theatre was Whig even in the worſt of Times; and in the laſt Reign did not ſcruple to teſtify its Zeal for the Good of our Countrey, by many magnanimous Claps in its lower Regions, anſwered with loud Huzzas from the upper Gallery. This good Diſpoſition is ſo much heightened of late, that the whole Neighbourhood of the Drury-lane The⯑ater very often ſhakes with the Loyalty of the Audience. It is ſaid, that a young Author, who very much relies on this prevailing Hu⯑mour, is now writing a Farce to be called A Match out of Newgate, in Alluſion to the Title of a Comedy called A Match in Newgate; and that his chief Perſon is a round-ſhoulder'd Man with a pretty large Noſe and a wide Mouth, making his Addreſſes to a lovely black Woman that paſſes for a Peereſs of Great Britain. In ſhort, the whole Play is built upon the late E⯑ſcape of General Forſter, who is ſuppoſed upon the Road to fall in Love with my Lord Nithiſ⯑dale, whom the Ingenious Author imagines to be ſtill in his Riding-Hood.

But notwithſtanding the good Principles of a Britiſh Audience in this one Particular, it were to be wiſhed that every thing ſhould be baniſh⯑ed the Stage which has a Tendency to exaſpe⯑rate Men's Minds, and enflame that Party Rage which makes us ſuch a miſerable and divided Peo⯑ple. And that in the firſt Place, becauſe ſuch a Proceeding as this diſappoints the very De⯑ſign of all publick Diverſions and Entertain⯑ments. The Inſtitution of Sports and Shews was intended by all Governments, to turn off the Thoughts of the People from buſying themſelves in Matters of State, which did not belong to them; to reconcile them to one another by the [203] common Participations of Mirth and Pleaſure; and to wear out of their Minds that Rancour which they might have contracted by the interfe⯑ring Views of Intereſt and Ambition. It would therefore be for the Benefit of every Society, that is diſturbed by contending Factions, to en⯑courage ſuch innocent Amuſements as may thus diſembitter the Minds of Men, and make them mutually rejoice in the ſame agreeable Satisfa⯑ctions. When People are accuſtomed to ſit to⯑gether with Pleaſure, it is a Step towards Re⯑conciliation: But as we manage Matters, our politeſt Aſſemblies are like boiſterous Clubs, that meet over a Glaſs of Wine, and before they have done, throw Bottles at one another's Heads. Inſtead of multiplying thoſe deſirable Oppor⯑tunities where we may agree in Points that are indifferent, we let the Spirit of Contention in⯑to thoſe very Methods that are not only foreign to it, but ſhould in their Nature diſpoſe us to be Friends. This our Anger in our Mirth is like Poiſon in a Perfume, which taints the Spi⯑rits inſtead of chearing and refreſhing them.

Another manifeſt Inconvenience which ariſes from this Abuſe of publick Entertainments, is, that it naturally deſtroys the Taſte of an Audi⯑ence. I do not deny, but that ſeveral Perfor⯑mances have been juſtly applauded for their Wit, which have been written with an Eye to this pre⯑dominant Humour of the Town: But it is vi⯑ſible even in theſe, that it is not the Excellence, but the Application of the Sentiment, that has raiſed Applauſe. An Author is very much diſ⯑appointed to find the beſt Parts of his Producti⯑ons received with Indifference, and to ſee the Audience diſcovering Beauties which he never intended. The Actors, in the midſt of an in⯑nocent [204] old Play, are often ſtartled with unex⯑pected Claps or Hiſſes; and do not know whe⯑ther they have been talking like good Subjects, or have ſpoken Treaſon. In ſhort, we ſeem to have ſuch a Reliſh for Faction, as to have loſt that of Wit; and are ſo uſed to the Bit⯑terneſs of Party Rage, that we cannot be grati⯑fied with the higheſt Entertainment that has not this kind of Seaſoning in it. But as no Work muſt expect to live long, which draws all its Beauty from the Colour of the Times; ſo nei⯑ther can that Pleaſure be of greater Continuance, which ariſes from the Prejudice or Malice of its Hearers.

To conclude; Since the preſent Hatred and Violence of Parties is ſo unſpeakably pernicious to the Community, and none can do a Better Service to their Countrey than thoſe who uſe their utmoſt endeavours to extinguiſh it, we may reaſonably hope, that the more elegant Part of the Nation will give a good Example to the reſt; and put an end to ſo abſurd and fooliſh a Practice, which makes our moſt re⯑fined Diverſions detrimental to the Publick, and, in a particular Manner deſtructive of all Politeneſs.

No. 35. Friday, April 20.

GRATIAN, among his Maxims for raiſing a Man to the moſt conſummate Character of Greatneſs, adviſes firſt to perform extraor⯑dinary Actions, and in the next Place to ſecure a good Hiſtorian. Without the laſt, he conſi⯑ders the firſt as thrown away; as indeed they are in a great Meaſure by ſuch illuſtrious Per⯑ſons, as make Fame and Reputation the End of their Undertakings. The moſt ſhining Me⯑rit goes down to Poſterity with Diſadvantage, when it is not placed by Writers in its proper Light.

The Misfortune is, that there are more In⯑ſtances of Men who deſerve this kind of Im⯑mortality, than of Authors who are able to be⯑ſtow it. Our Countrey, which has produced Writers of the firſt Figure in every other kind of Work, has been very barren in good Hiſto⯑rians. We have had ſeveral who have been able to compile Matters of Fact, but very few who have been able to digeſt them with that Purity and Elegance of Style, that Nicety and [206] Strength of Reflection, that Subtilty and Diſ⯑cernment in the Unravelling of a Character, and that Choice of Circumſtances for enliven⯑ing the whole Narration, which we ſo juſtly admire in the antient Hiſtorians of Greece and Rome, and in ſome Authors of our neighbouring Nations.

Thoſe who have ſucceeded beſt in Works of this kind, are ſuch, who, beſides their natural good Senſe and Learning, have themſelves been ver⯑ſed in publick Buſineſs, and thereby acquired a thorough Knowledge of Men and Things. It was the Advice of the great Duke of Schom⯑berg, to an eminent Hiſtorian of his Acquain⯑tance, who was an Eccleſiaſtick, That he ſhould avoid being too particular in the drawing up of an Army, and other Circumſtances of the Day of Battel; for that he had always obſerved moſt notorious Blunders and Abſurdities committed on that Occaſion, by ſuch Writers as were not converſant in the Art of War. We may rea⯑ſonably expect the like Miſtakes in every other kind of Publick Matters, recorded by thoſe who have only a diſtant Theory of ſuch Af⯑fairs. Beſides; it is not very probable, that Men, who have paſſed all their Time in low and vulgar Life, ſhould have a ſuitable Idea of the ſeveral Beauties and Blemiſhes in the Acti⯑ons or Characters of Great Men. For this Reaſon I find an old Law quoted by the famous Mon⯑ſieur Bayle that no Perſon below the Dignity of a Roman Knight ſhould preſume to write an Hiſtory.

In England there is ſcarce any one, who has had a Tincture of Reading or Study, that is not apt to fancy himſelf equal to ſo great a Task; tho' it is plain, that many of our Countrey⯑men, [207] who have tampered in Hiſtory, frequently ſhew, that they do not underſtand the very Na⯑ture of thoſe Tranſactions which they recount. Nay, nothing is more uſual than to ſee every Man, who is verſed in any particular Way of Buſineſs, finding fault with ſeveral of theſe Au⯑thors, ſo far as they treat of Matters within his Sphere.

There is a Race of Men lately ſprung up among this ſort of Writers, whom one cannot reflect upon without Indignation as well as Con⯑tempt. Theſe are our Grub-Street Biographers, who watch for the Death of a great Man, like ſo many Undertakers, on purpoſe to make a Penny of him. He is no ſooner laid in his Grave, but he falls into the Hands of an Hiſto⯑rian; who, to ſwell a Volume, aſcribes to him Works which he never wrote, and Actions which he never performed; celebrates Virtues which he was never famous for, and excuſes Faults which he was never guilty of. They fetch their only authentick Records out of Do⯑ctors Commons; and when they have got a Copy of his laſt Will and Teſtament, they fancy them⯑ſelves furniſhed with ſufficient Materials for his Hiſtory. This might indeed enable them in ſome Meaſure to write the Hiſtory of his Death; but what can we expect from an Author that undertakes to write the Life of a Great Man, who is furniſhed with no other Matters of Fact, beſides Legacies; and inſtead of being able to tell us what he did, can only tell us what he bequeathed? This manner of expoſing the pri⯑vate Concerns of Families, and ſacrificing the Secrets of the Dead to the Curioſity of the Li⯑ving, is one of thoſe licentious Practices which might well deſerve the Animadverſion of our [208] Government, when it has Time to contrive Expedients for remedying the many crying A⯑buſes of the Preſs. In the mean while, what a poor Idea muſt Strangers conceive of thoſe Perſons, who have been famous among us in their Generation, ſhould they form their No⯑tions of them from the Writings of theſe our Hiſtoriographers! What would our Poſterity think of their illuſtrious Forefathers, ſhould they only ſee them in ſuch weak and diſadvan⯑tageous Lights! But to our Comfort, Works of this Nature are ſo ſhort-lived, that they can⯑not poſſibly diminiſh the Memory of thoſe Pa⯑triots which they are not able to preſerve.

The Truth of it is, as the Lives of Great Men cannot be written with any tolerable Degree of Elegance or Exactneſs, within a ſhort Space after their Deceaſe; ſo neither is it fit that the Hiſtory of a Perſon, who has acted among us in a publick Character, ſhould appear, till Envy and Friendſhip are laid aſleep, and the Prejudice both of his Antagoniſts and Adherents be, in ſome Degree, ſoftned and ſubdued. There is no queſtion but there are ſeveral eminent Per⯑ſons in each Party, however they may repreſent one another at preſent, who will have the ſame Admirers among Poſterity, and be equally cele⯑brated by thoſe, whoſe Minds will not be diſ⯑tempered by Intereſt, Paſſion, or Partiality. It were happy for us, could we prevail upon our ſelves to imagine, that one, who differs from us in Opinion, may poſſibly be an honeſt Man; and that we might do the ſame Juſtice to one another, which will be done us hereafter by thoſe who ſhall make their Appearance in the World, when this Generation is no more. But in our preſent miſerable and divided Condition, [209] how juſt ſoever a Man's Pretenſions may be to a great or blameleſs Reputation, he muſt expect his Share of Obloquy and Reproach; and, even with regard to his Poſthumous Character, con⯑tent himſelf with ſuch a kind of Conſideration, as induced the famous Sir Francis Bacon, after having bequeathed his Soul to God, and his Body to the Earth, to leave his Fame to foreign Nations; and after ſome Years, to his own Countrey.

No 36. Monday, April 23.

AMONG all the Paradoxes in Politicks which have been advanced by ſome among us, there is none ſo abſurd and ſhocking to the moſt ordinary Underſtanding, as that it is poſ⯑ſible for Great Britain to be quietly governed by a Popiſh Sovereign. King Henry the Fourth found it impracticable for a Proteſtant to reign even in France, notwithſtanding the Reformed Religion does not engage a Prince to the Perſe⯑cution of any other; and notwithſtanding the Authority of the Sovereign in that Countrey is more able to ſupport it ſelf, and command the Obedience of the People, than in any other European Monarchy. We are convinced by the Experience of our own Times, that our Con⯑ſtitution is not able to bear a Popiſh Prince at the Head of it. King James the Second was endowed with many Royal Virtues, and might have made a Nation of Roman-Catholicks happy [210] under his Adminiſtration. The Grievances we ſuffered in his Reign proceeded purely from his Religion: But they were ſuch as made the whole Body of the Nobility, Clergy, and Commonal⯑ty, riſe up as one Man againſt him, and oblige him to quit the Throne of his Anceſtors. The Truth of it is, we have only the Vices of a Pro⯑teſtant Prince to fear, and may be made happy by his Virtues: But in a Popiſh Prince we have no Chance for our Proſperity; his very Piety obliges him to our Deſtruction; and in Pro⯑portion as he is more Religious, he becomes more Inſupportable. One would wonder, therefore, to find many who call themſelves Proteſtants, favouring the Pretenſions of a Per⯑ſon who has been bred up in the utmoſt Bitter⯑neſs and Bigotry of the Church of Rome; and who, in all Probability, within leſs than a Twelve-month, would be oppoſed by thoſe very Men that are induſtrious to ſet him upon the Throne, were it poſſible for ſo wicked and unnatural an Attempt to ſucceed.

I was ſome Months ago in a Company, that diverted themſelves with the Declaration which he had then publiſhed, and particularly with the Date of it, In the Fourteenth Year of our Reign. The Company was ſurprized to find there was a King in Europe who had Reigned ſo long and made ſuch a Secret of it. This gave occaſion to one of them, who is now in France, to en⯑quire into the Hiſtory of this remarkable Reign, which he has digeſted into Annals, and lately tranſmitted hither for the Peruſal of his Friends. [...] have ſuppreſſed ſuch Perſonal Reflexions as are mixed in this ſhort Chronicle, as not being to the Purpoſe; and find that the whole Hiſto⯑ry of his Regal Conduct and Exploits may be [211] comprized in the remaining Part of this Half-Sheet.

• ANno Regni 1^o. He made Choice of his Mini⯑ſtry, the Firſt of whom was his Confeſſor. This was a Perſon recommended by the Soci⯑ety of Jeſuits, who repreſented him as one very proper to guide the Conſcience of a King, that hoped to rule over an Iſland which is not with⯑in the Pale of the Church. He then proceeded to name the Preſident of his Council, his Se⯑cretaries of State, and gave away a very honou⯑rable Sine-cure to his principal Favourite, by conſtituting him his Lord-High-Treaſurer. He likewiſe ſigned a dormant Commiſſion for ano⯑ther to be his High-Admiral, with Orders to produce it whenever he had Sea-Room for his Employment.
• Anno Regni 2^o. He perfected himſelf in the Minuet Step.
• Anno Regni 3^o. He grew half a Foot.
• Anno Regni 4^o. He wrote a Letter to the Pope, deſiring him to be as kind to him as his Predeceſſor had been, who was his Godfather. In the ſame Year he ordered the Lord-High-Treaſurer to pay off the Debts of the Crown, which had been contracted ſince his Acceſſion to the Throne; particularly, a Milk-Score of three Years ſtanding.
• Anno Regni 5^o. He very much improved him⯑ſelf in all Princely Learning, having read over the Legends of the Saints, with the Hiſtory of thoſe ſeveral Martyrs in England, who had [212] attempted to blow up a whole Parliament of Hereticks.
• Anno Regni 6^o. He apply'd himſelf to the Arts of Government with more than ordinary Diligence; took a Plan of the Baſtile with his own hand; viſited the Galleys; and ſtudied the Edicts of his great Patron Louis XIV.
• Anno Regni 7^o. Being now grown up to Years of Maturity, he reſolved to ſeek Adventures; but was very much divided in his Mind, whe⯑ther he ſhould make an Expedition to Scotland, or a Pilgrimage to Loretto; being taught to look upon the latter in a religious Senſe, as the Place of his Nativity. At length he reſolved upon his Scotch Expedition; and, as the firſt Exertion of that Royal Authority, which he was going to aſſume, he Knighted himſelf. After a ſhort Piece of Errantry upon the Seas, he got ſafe back to Dunkirk, where he paid his Devotions to St. Antony, for having delivered him from the Dangers of the Sea, and Sir George Byng.
• Anno Regni 8^o. He made a Campaign in Flan⯑ders, where, by the Help of a Teleſcope, he ſaw the Battle of Oudenarde, and the Prince of Hanover's Horſe ſhot under him; being poſted on a high Tower with two French Princes of the Blood.
• Anno Regni 9^o. He made a ſecond Campaign in Flanders; and, upon his Return to the French Court, gained a great Reputation, by his Per⯑formance in a Rigadoon.
• Anno Regni 10^o. The Pope having heard the Fame of theſe his Military Atchievements, made him the Offer of a Cardinal's Cap; which he was adviſed not to accept, by ſome of his Friends in England.
• [213] Anno Regni 11^o. He retir'd to Lorrain, where every Morning he made great Havock among the Wild-Fowl, by the Advice, and with the Aſſiſtance of his Privy-Council. He is ſaid, this Summer to have ſhot with his own Hands fifty Brace of Pheaſants, and one wild Pig; to have ſet thirty Coveys of Partridges; and to have hunted down forty Brace of Hares; to which he might have added as many Foxes, had not moſt of them made their Eſcape, by running out of his Friend's Dominions, before his Dogs could finiſh the Chace. He was particularly animated to theſe Diverſions by his Miniſtry, who thought they would not a little recommend him to the good Opinion and kind Offices of ſeveral Britiſh Fox-Hunters.
• Anno Regni 12^o. He made a Viſit to the Duke d'Aumont, and paſſed for a French Marquis in a Maſquerade.
• Anno Regni 13^o. He viſited ſeveral Convents, and gathered Subſcriptions from all the well-diſpoſed Monks and Nuns, to whom he com⯑municated his Deſign of an Attempt upon Great Britain.
• Anno Regni 14^o. He now made great Prepa⯑rations for the Invaſion of England, and got to⯑gether vaſt Stores of Ammunition, conſiſting of Reliques, Gun-Powder and Cannon-Ball. He received from the Pope a very large Contribu⯑tion, one Moiety in Money, and the other in Indulgences. An Iriſh Prieſt brought him an authentick Tooth of St. Thomas a Becket, and it is thought, was to have for his Reward, the Archbiſhoprick of Canterbury. Every Mona⯑ſtery contributed ſomething: One gave him a thouſand Pound; and another as many Maſſes.

[214] This Year containing farther the Battels which he fought in Scotland, and the Towns which he took, is ſo freſh in every one's Me⯑mory, that we ſhall ſay no more of it.

No. 37. Friday, April 27.

IT is a melancholy Reflection, that our Coun⯑trey, which in times of Popery was called the Nation of Saints, ſhould now have leſs ap⯑pearance of Religion in it, than any other neigh⯑bouring State or Kingdom; whether they be ſuch as continue ſtill immerſed in the Errors of the Church of Rome, or ſuch as are recovered out of them. This is a Truth that is obvious to e⯑very one, who has been converſant in foreign Parts. It was formerly thought dangerous for a young Man to Travel, leſt he ſhould return an Atheiſt to his native Countrey: But at pre⯑ſent it is certain, that an Engliſhman, who has any tolerable Degree of Reflection, cannot be better awakened to a Senſe of Religion in ge⯑neral, than by obſerving how the Minds of all Mankind are ſet upon this important Point; how every Nation is ſerious and attentive to the great Buſineſs of their Being; and that in o⯑ther Countries a Man is not out of the Faſhion, [215] who is bold and open in the Profeſſion and Pra⯑ctice of all Chriſtian Duties.

This Decay of Piety is by no Means to be imputed to the Reformation, which in its firſt Eſtabliſhment produced its proper Fruits, and diſtinguiſhed the whole Age with ſhining In⯑ſtances of Virtue and Morality. If we would trace out the Original of that flagrant and a⯑vowed Impiety, which has prevailed among us for ſome Years, we ſhould find that it owes its Riſe to that oppoſite Extream of Cant and Hy⯑pocriſie, which had taken Poſſeſſion of the Peo⯑ple's Minds in the Times of the great Rebelli⯑on, and of the Uſurpation that ſucceeded it. The Practices of theſe Men, under the Covert of a feigned Zeal, made even the Appearances of ſincere Devotion ridiculous and unpopular. The Raillery of the Wits and Courtiers, in King Charles the Second's Reign, upon every thing which they then called Preciſe, was car⯑ried to ſo great an Extravagance, that it almoſt put Chriſtianity out of Countenance. The Ri⯑dicule grew ſo ſtrong and licentious, that from this time we may date that remarkable Turn in the Behaviour of our faſhionable Engliſhmen, that makes them Shame-faced in the Exerciſe of thoſe Duties which they were ſent into the World to perform.

The late Cry of the Church has been an Arti⯑fice of the ſame Kind with that made uſe of by the Hypocrites of the laſt Age, and has had as fatal an Influence upon Religion. If a Man would but ſeriouſly conſider how much greater Comfort he would receive in the laſt Moments of his Life from a Reflection that he has made one virtuous Man, than that he has made a thou⯑ſand Tories, we ſhould not ſee the Zeal of ſo [216] many Good Men turned off from its proper End, and employed in making ſuch a kind of Converts. What Satisfaction will it be to an Immoral Man, at ſuch a Time, to think he is a good Whig! Or to one that is conſcious of Sedition, Perjury, or Rebellion, that he dies with the Reputation of a High-Churchman!

But to conſider how this Cry of the Church has corrupted the Morals of both Parties. Thoſe, who are the loudeſt in it, regard themſelves ra⯑ther as a political, than a religious Communi⯑on; and are held together rather by State-Noti⯑ons, than by Articles of Faith. This fills the Minds of weak Men, who fall into the Snare, with groundleſs Fears and Apprehenſions, un⯑ſpeakable Rage towards their Fellow Subjects, wrong Ideas of Perſons whom they are not ac⯑quainted with, and uncharitable Interpretations of thoſe Actions of which they are not compe⯑tent Judges. It inſtills into their Minds the ut⯑moſt Virulence and Bitterneſs, inſtead of that Charity, which is the Perfection and Ornament of Religion, and the moſt indiſpenſable and ne⯑ceſſary Means for attaining the End of it. In a Word, among theſe miſtaken Zealots, it ſan⯑ctifies Cruelty and Injuſtice, Riots and Trea⯑ſon.

The Effects which this Cry of the Church has had on the other Party, are no leſs manifeſt and deplorable. They ſee themſelves unjuſtly aſ⯑perſed by it, and vindicate themſelves in Terms no leſs opprobrious, than thoſe by which they are attacked. Their Indignation and Reſent⯑ment riſes in Proportion to the Malice of their Adverſaries. The unthinking Part of them are apt to contract an unreaſonable Averſion even to that Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitution to which they [217] are repreſented as Enemies; and not only to particular Perſons, but to that Order of Men in general, which will be always held Sacred and Honourable, ſo long as there is Reaſon and Religion in the World.

I might mention many other Corruptions common to both Parties, which naturally flow from this Source; and might eaſily ſhew, upon a full Diſplay of them, that this Clamour, which pretends to be raiſed for the Safety of Religion, has almoſt worn out the very Appearance of it; and rendered us not only the moſt divided, but the moſt immoral People upon the Face of the Earth.

When our Nation is overflowed with ſuch a Deluge of Impiety, it muſt be a great Pleaſure to find any Expedient take Place, that has a Tendency to recover it out of ſo diſmal a Con⯑dition. This is one great Reaſon why an ho⯑neſt Man may rejoyce to ſee an Act ſo near taking effect, for making Elections of Members to ſerve in Parliament leſs frequent. I find my ſelf prevented by other Writings (which have conſidered the Act now depending, in this particular Light) from expatiating upon this Subject. I ſhall only mention two ſhort Pieces which I have been juſt now reading, un⯑der the following Titles, Arguments about the Alteration of the Triennial Elections of Parliament: And, The Alteration in the Triennial Act conſi⯑dered.

The Reaſons for this Law, as it is neceſſary for ſettling His Majeſty in his Throne; for ex⯑tinguiſhing the Spirit of Rebellion; for procur⯑ing foreign Alliances; and other Advantages of the like Nature; carry a great Weight with them. But I am particularly pleaſed with it, as [218] it may compoſe our unnatural Feuds and Ani⯑moſities, revive an honeſt Spirit of Induſtry in the Nation, and cut off frequent Occaſions of brutal Rage and Intemperance. In ſhort, as it will make us not only a more ſafe, a more flouriſh⯑ing, and a more happy, but alſo a more Vertu⯑ous People.

No. 38. Monday April 30.

IT is the Ambition of the Male-Part of the World to make themſelves Eſteemed, and of the Female to make themſelves Beloved. As this is the laſt Paper which I ſhall addreſs to my Fair Readers; I cannot perhaps oblige them more, than by leaving them as a kind of Le⯑gacy a certain Secret which ſeldom fails of procuring this Affection, which they are natu⯑rally formed both to Deſire and to Obtain. This Noſtrum is comprized in the following Sentence of Seneca, which I ſhall tranſlate for the Service of my Countrey-women. Ego tibi monſtrabo Amatorium ſine medicamento, ſine herba, ſine ullius Veneficae carmine: ſi vis Amari, Ama. I will diſcover to you a Philter that has neither Drug nor Simple, nor Enchantment in it. Love, if you would raiſe Love. If there be any Truth in this Diſcovery, and this be ſuch a Specifick as the Author pretends, there is nothing which makes the Sex more unamiable than Party-Rage. The fineſt Woman, in a Tranſport of Fury, [219] loſes the Uſe of her Face. Inſtead of charm⯑ing her Beholders, ſhe frights both Friend and Foe. The latter can never be ſmitten by ſo bitter an Enemy, nor the former captivated by a Nymph, who, upon Occaſion, can be ſo very Angry. The moſt endearing of our beautiful Fellow-Subjects, are thoſe whoſe Minds are the leaſt imbittered with the Paſſions and Prejudices of either Side; and who diſcover the native Sweetneſs of the Sex in every part of their Con⯑verſation and Behaviour. A lovely Woman, who thus flouriſhes in her Innocence and Good-Hu⯑mour, amidſt that mutual Spite and Rancour which prevails among her exaſperated Siſter⯑hood, appears more amiable by the Singularity of her Character; and may be compared, with Solomon's Bride, to a Lilly among Thorns.

A Stateſwoman is as ridiculous a Creature as a Cott-Quean. Each of the Sexes ſhould keep within its particular Bounds, and content them⯑ſelves to excel within their reſpective Diſtricts. When Venus complained to Jupiter of the wound which ſhe had received in Battel, the Father of the Gods ſmiled upon her, and put her in mind, that inſtead of mixing in a War, which was not her Buſineſs, ſhe ſhould have been officiating in her proper Miniſtry, and carrying on the De⯑lights of Marriage. The Delicacy of ſeveral modern Criticks has been offended with Homer's Billingſgate Warriors; but a ſcolding Heroe is, at the worſt, a more tolerable Character than a Bully in Petticoats. To which we may add, that the keeneſt Satyriſt, among the Antients, looked upon nothing as a more proper Subject of Raillery and Invective, than a Female Gla⯑diator.

[220] I am the more diſpoſed to take into Conſi⯑deration theſe Ladies of Fire and Politicks, be⯑cauſe it would be very monſtrous to ſee Feuds and Animoſities kept up among the ſoft Sex, when they are in ſo hopeful a Way of being compoſed among the Men, by the Septennial Bill, which is now ready for the Royal Aſſent. As this is likely to produce a Ceſſation of Arms, till the Expiration of the preſent Parliament, among one half of our Iſland, it is very reaſo⯑nable that the more beautiful Moiety of His Majeſty's Subjects ſhould eſtabliſh a Truce a⯑mong themſelves for the ſame Term of Years. Or rather it were to be wiſhed, that they would ſummon together a kind of Senate, or Parlia⯑ment of the faireſt and wiſeſt of our Siſter Sub⯑jects, in order to enact a perpetual Neutrality among the Sex. They might at leaſt appoint ſomething like a Committee, choſen from a⯑mong the Ladies reſiding in London and Weſt⯑minſter, in order to prepare a Bill to be laid be⯑fore the Aſſembly upon the firſt Opportunity of their Meeting. The Regulation might be as follows:

'That a Committee of Toaſts be forthwith appointed; to conſider the preſent State of the Sex in the Britiſh Nation.

'That this Committee do meet at the Houſe of every reſpective Member of it on her Vi⯑ſiting-Day; and that every one who comes [...] it ſhall have a Vote, and a Diſh of Tea

'That the Committee be empowered to [...] for Billets-doux, Libels, Lampoons, Li [...], Toaſts, or any other the like Papers and R [...] ⯑cords.

'That it be an Inſtruction to the ſaid Com⯑mittee, to conſider or proper Ways and M [...] ⯑thods [221] to reclaim the obſtinately Opprobrious and Virulent; and how to make the Ducking-Stool more uſeful.'

Being always willing to contribute my Aſſi⯑ſtances to my Countrey-women, I would pro⯑poſe a Preamble, ſetting forth, 'That the late Civil War among the Sex has tended very much to the Leſſening of that antient and undoubted Authority, which they have claim⯑ed over the Male Part of the Iſland; to the Ruin of good Houſwifery; and to the Betray⯑ing of many important Secrets: That it has produced much Bitterneſs of Speech, many ſharp and violent Conteſts, and a great Effu⯑ſion of Citron-Water: That it has raiſed Ani⯑moſities in their Hearts, and Heats in their Faces: That it has broke out in their Rib⯑bons, and cauſed unſpeakable Confuſions in their Dreſs: And above all, That it has intro⯑duced a certain Frown into the Features, and a Soureneſs into the Air of our Britiſh Ladies, to the great Damage of their Charms, and vi⯑ſible Decay of the National Beauty.'

As for the enacting Part of the Bill, it may [...] of many Particulars, which will natural⯑ly ariſe from the Debates of the Tea-Table; and muſt, therefore, be left to the Diſcretion and Experience of the Committee. Perhaps it might not be amiſs to enact, among other Things,

'That the Diſcourſing on Politicks ſhall be [...] upon as dull as Talking on the Wea⯑ [...].

'That if any Man troubles a Female Aſſem⯑bly with Parliament-News, he ſhall be mark⯑ed out as a Blockhead, or an Incendiary.

[222] 'That no Woman ſhall henceforth preſume to ſtick a Patch upon her Forehead, unleſs it be in the very middle, that is, in the neutral part of it.

'That all Fans and Snuff-Boxes, of what Principles ſoever, ſhall be called in: And that Orders be given to Motteux and Mathers, to deliver out, in exchange for them, ſuch as have no Tincture of Party in them.

'That when any Lady beſpeaks a Play, ſhe ſhall take effectual Care, that the Audience be pretty equally checquered with Whigs and Tories.

'That no Woman of any Party preſume to influence the Legiſlature.

'That there be a general Amneſty and Obli⯑vion of all former Hoſtilities and Diſtinctions, all publick and private Failings on either ſide: And that every one who comes into this Neu⯑trality within the Space of Weeks, ſhall be allowed an Ell extraordinary, above the preſent Standard, in the Circumference of her Petticoat.

'Provided always nevertheleſs, That nothing herein contained ſhall extend, or be conſtrued to extend, to any Perſon or Perſons, Inhabit⯑ing and Practiſing within the Hundreds of Drury, or to any other of that Society in what Part ſoever of the Nation in like manner Pra⯑ctiſing and Reſiding; who are ſtill at liberty to Rail, Calumniate, Scold, Frown and Pout, as in afore-times, any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithſtanding.'

No. 39. Friday May 4. 1716.

IT often happens, that extirpating the Love of Glory, which is obſerved to take the deepeſt Root in noble Minds, tears up ſeveral Virtues with it; and that ſuppreſſing the Deſire of Fame, is apt to reduce Men to a State of Indolence and Supineneſs. But when, with⯑out any Incentive of Vanity, a Perſon of great Abilities is zealous for the Good of Mankind; and as ſolicitous for the Concealment, as the Performance of illuſtrious Actions; we may be ſure that he has ſomething more than ordinary in his Compoſition, and has a Heart filled with Goodneſs and Magnanimity.

There is not perhaps, in all Hiſtory, a greater Inſtance of this Temper of Mind, than what ap⯑peared in that excellent Perſon, whoſe Motto I have placed at the Head of this Paper. He had worn himſelf out in his Application to ſuch Studies as made him uſeful or ornamental to the World, in concerting Schemes for the Wel⯑fare of his Countrey, and in proſecuting ſuch Meaſures as were neceſſary for making thoſe Schemes effectual: But all this was done with a View to the Publick Good that ſhould riſe out of theſe generous Endeavours, and not to the Fame which ſhould accrue to himſelf. Let the Reputation of the Action fall where it would; ſo his Countrey reaped the Benefit of it, he was [224] ſatisfied. As this Turn of Mind threw off in a great Meaſure the Oppoſitions of Envy and Competition, it enabled him to gain the moſt Vain and Impracticable into his Deſigns, and to bring about ſeveral great Events for the Safe⯑ty and Advantage of the Publick, which muſt have died in their Birth, had he been as deſirous of appearing Beneficial to Mankind, as of be⯑ing ſo.

As he was admitted into the ſecret and moſt retired Thoughts and Counſels of his Royal Maſter King William, a great Share in the Plan of the Proteſtant Succeſſion is univerſally aſ⯑cribed to him. And if he did not entirely pro⯑ject the Union of the two Kingdoms, and the Bill of Regency, which ſeem to have been the only Methods in Humane Policy, for ſecuring to us ſo ineſtimable a Bleſſing, there is none who will deny him to have been the chief Con⯑ductor in both theſe glorious Works. For Po⯑ſterity are obliged to allow him that Praiſe af⯑ter his Death, which he induſtriouſly declined while he was Living. His Life indeed ſeems to have been prolonged beyond its Natural Term, under thoſe Indiſpoſitions which hung upon the latter part of it, that he might have the Satisfaction of ſeeing the happy Settlement take Place, which he had propoſed to himſelf as the principal End of all his publick Labours. Nor was it a ſmall Addition to his Happineſs, that by this Means he ſaw thoſe who had been always his moſt intimate Friends, and who had concerted with him ſuch Meaſures for the Gua⯑ranty of the Proteſtant Succeſſion, as drew up⯑on them the Diſpleaſure of Men who were a⯑verſe to it, advanced to the higheſt Poſts of Truſt and Honour under His preſent Majeſty. [225] I believe there are none of theſe Patriots, who will think it a Derogation from their Merit to have it ſaid, that they received many Lights and Advantages from their Intimacy with my Lord Somers: Who had ſuch a general Knowledge of Affairs, and ſo tender a Concern for his Friends, that whatever Station they were in, they uſual⯑ly applied to him for his Advice in every Per⯑plexity of Buſineſs, and in Affairs of the greateſt Difficulty.

His Life, was in every Part of it, ſet off with that graceful Modeſty and Reſerve, which made his Virtues more beautiful, the more they were caſt in ſuch agreeable Shades.

His Religion was ſincere, not oſtentatious; and ſuch as inſpired him with an univerſal Be⯑nevolence towards all his Fellow-Subjects, not with Bitterneſs againſt any Part of them. He ſhewed his firm Adherence to it as model'd by our national Conſtitution, and was conſtant to its Offices of Devotion, both in Publick and in his Family. He appeared a Champion for it with great Reputation in the Cauſe of the ſeven Biſhops, at a Time when the Church was Real⯑ly in Danger. To which we may add, that he held a ſtrict Friendſhip and Correſpondence with the Great Archbiſhop Tillotſon, being acted by the ſame Spirit of Candor and Moderation; and moved rather with Pity than Indignation towards the Perſons of thoſe, who differed from him in the uneſſential Parts of Chriſtianity.

His great Humanity appeared in the minuteſt Circumſtances of his Converſation. You found it in the Benevolence of his Aſpect, the Com⯑placency of his Behaviour, and the Tone of his Voice. His great Application to the ſeverer Studies of the Law, had not infected his Tem⯑per [226] with any thing poſitive or litigious. He did not know what it was to wrangle on indifferent Points, to triumph in the Superiority of his Underſtanding, or to be Supercilious on the Side of Truth. He joined the greateſt Delica⯑cy of Good-Breeding to the greateſt Strength of Reaſon. By approving the Sentiments of a Perſon, with whom he converſed, in ſuch Par⯑ticulars as were juſt, he won him over from thoſe Points in which he was miſtaken; and had ſo agreeable a Way of conveying Knowledge, that whoever conferred with him grew the wi⯑ſer, without perceiving that he had been in⯑ſtructed. We may probably aſcribe to this ma⯑ſterly and engaging Manner of Converſation, the great Eſteem which he had gained with the late Queen, while ſhe purſued thoſe Meaſures which had carried the Britiſh Nation to the higheſt Pitch of Glory; notwithſtanding ſhe had entertained many unreaſonable Prejudices againſt him, before ſhe was acquainted with his perſo⯑nal Worth and Behaviour.

As in his political Capacity we have before ſeen how much he contributed to the Eſtabliſh⯑ment of the Proteſtant Intereſt, and the Good of his Native Countrey, he was always true to theſe great Ends. His Character was uniform and conſiſtent with itſelf, and his whole Con⯑duct of a Piece. His Principles were founded in Reaſon, and ſupported by Virtue; and there⯑fore did not lie at the Mercy of Ambition, A⯑varice, or Reſentment. His Notions were no leſs ſteady and unſhaken, than juſt and upright. In a Word, he concluded his Courſe among the ſame well-choſen Friendſhips and Alliances, with which he began it.

[227] This Great Man was not more Conſpicuous as a Patriot and a Stateſman, than as a Perſon of univerſal Knowledge and Learning. As by di⯑viding his Time between the publick Scenes of Buſineſs, and the private Retirements of Life, he took care to keep up both the Great and Good Man; ſo by the ſame Means he accom⯑pliſhed himſelf not only in the Knowledge of Men and Things, but in the Skill of the moſt refined Arts and Sciences. That unwearied Di⯑ligence, which followed him through all the Stages of his Life, gave him ſuch a thorough Inſight into the Laws of the Land, that he paſ⯑ſed for one of the greateſt Maſters of his Pro⯑feſſion, at his firſt Appearance in it. Though he made a regular Progreſs through the ſeveral Honours of the Long Robe, he was always looked upon as one who deſerved a Superior Station to that he was poſſeſſed of; till he ar⯑rived at the higheſt Dignity to which thoſe Stu⯑dies could advance him.

He enjoyed in the higheſt Perfection two Ta⯑lents, which do not often meet in the ſame Per⯑ſon, the greateſt Strength of good Senſe, and the moſt exquiſite Taſte of Politeneſs. With⯑out the firſt, Learning is but an Incumbrance; and without the laſt, is ungraceful. My Lord Somers was Maſter of theſe two Qualifications in ſo eminent a Degree, that all the Parts of Knowledge appeared in him with ſuch an addi⯑tional Strength and Beauty, as they want in the Poſſeſſion of others. If he delivered his Opini⯑on of a Piece of Poetry, a Statue, or a Picture, there was ſomething ſo juſt and delicate in his Obſervations, as naturally produced Pleaſure and Aſſent in thoſe who heard him.

[228] His Solidity and Elegance, improved by the reading of the fineſt Authors both of the Learn⯑ed and Modern Languages, diſcovered itſelf in all his Productions. His Oratory was maſcu⯑line and perſuaſive, free from every thing tri⯑vial and affected. His Style in Writing was chaſte and pure, but at the ſame time full of Spirit and Politeneſs; and fit to convey the moſt intricate Buſineſs to the Underſtanding of the Reader, with the utmoſt Clearneſs and Per⯑ſpicuity. And here it is to be lamented, that this extraordinary Perſon, out of his natural Averſion to Vain-glory, wrote ſeveral Pieces as well as performed ſeveral Actions, which he did not aſſume the Honour of: Though at the ſame time ſo many Works of this Nature have appeared, which every one has aſcribed to him, that I believe no Author of the greateſt Emi⯑nence would deny my Lord Somers to have been the beſt Writer of the Age in which he lived.

This noble Lord, for the great Extent of his Knowledge and Capacity, has been often com⯑pared with the Lord Verulam, who had alſo been Chancellor of England. But the Conduct of theſe two extraordinary Perſons, under the ſame Circumſtances, was vaſtly different. They were both Impeached by a Houſe of Commons. One of them, as he had given juſt Occaſion for it, ſunk under it; and was reduced to ſuch an abject Submiſſion, as very much diminiſhed the Luſtre of ſo exalted a Character: But my Lord Somers was too well fortified in his Inte⯑grity to fear the Impotence of an Attempt upon his Reputation; and though his Accuſers would gladly have dropped their Impeachment, he was inſtant with them for the Proſecution of it, and [229] would not let that Matter reſt till it was brought to an Iſſue. For the ſame Virtue and Great⯑neſs of Mind which gave him a Diſregard of Fame, made him impatient of an undeſerved Reproach.

There is no queſtion but this wonderful Man will make one of the moſt diſtinguiſh'd Figures in the Hiſtory of the preſent Age; but we can⯑not expect that his Merit will ſhine out in its proper Light, ſince he wrote many things which are not publiſhed in his Name; was at the Bot⯑tom of many excellent Counſels, in which he did not appear; did Offices of Friendſhip to many Perſons, who knew not from whom they were derived; and performed great Services to his Countrey, the Glory of which was trans⯑fer'd to others: In ſhort, ſince he made it his Endeavour rather to do worthy Actions than to gain an illuſtrious Character.

No. 40. Monday, May 7.

IT requires no ſmall Degree of Reſolution, to be an Author in a Countrey ſo Faceti⯑ous and Satyrical as this of Great Britain. Such a one raiſes a kind of Alarm among his Fel⯑low-Subjects, and by pretending to diſtinguiſh himſelf from the Herd, becomes a Mark of pub⯑lick Cenſure, and ſometimes a ſtanding Object of Raillery and Ridicule. Writing is indeed a Pro⯑vocation to the Envious, and an Affront to the [230] Ignorant. How often do we ſee a Perſon, whoſe Intentions are viſibly to do Good by the Works which he publiſhes, treated in as ſcurri⯑lous a Manner, as if he were an Enemy to Mankind? All the little Scramblers after Fame fall upon him, publiſh every Blot in his Life, de⯑pend upon Hear-ſay to defame him, and have recourſe to their own Invention, rather than ſuffer him to erect himſelf into an Author with Impunity. Even thoſe who write on the moſt indifferent Subjects, and are converſant only in Works of Taſte, are looked upon as Men that make a kind of Inſult upon Society, and ought to be humbled as Diſturbers of the publick Tran⯑quillity. Not only the Dull and the Malicious, which make a formidable Party in our Iſland, but the whole Fraternity of Writers riſe up in Arms againſt every new Intruder into the World of Fame; and a thouſand to one, before they have done, prove him not only to be a Fool, but a Knave. Succeſsful Authors do what they can to exclude a Competitor, while the Unſuc⯑ceſsful with as much Eagerneſs lay in their Claim to him as a Brother. This natural An⯑tipathy to a Man who breaks his Ranks, and endeavours to ſignalize his Parts in the World, has very probably hindered many Perſons from making their Appearance in Print, who might have enriched our Countrey with better Produ⯑ctions in all kinds than any that are now extant. The Truth of it is, the active Part of Mankind, as they do moſt for the Good of their Contem⯑poraries, very deſervedly gain the greateſt Share in their Applauſes; whilſt Men of Speculative Endowments, who employ their Talents in Writing, as they may equally benefit or amuſe ſucceeding Ages, have generally the greateſt [231] Share in the Admiration of Poſterity. Both good and bad Writers may receive great Satis⯑faction from the Proſpects of Futurity; as in After-ages the former will be remember'd and the latter forgotten.

Among all Sets of Authors, there are none who draw upon themſelves more Diſpleaſure, than thoſe who deal in political Matters, which indeed is very often too juſtly incurred; conſi⯑dering that Spirit of Rancour and Virulence, with which Works of this Nature generally a⯑bound. Theſe are not only regarded as Au⯑thors, but as Partiſans, and are ſure to exaſpe⯑rate at leaſt one half of their Readers. Other Writers offend only the Stupid or Jealous a⯑mong their Countreymen; but theſe, let their Cauſe be never ſo Juſt, muſt expect to irritate a ſupernumerary Party of the ſelf-intereſted, prejudiced, and ambitious. They may howe⯑ver comfort themſelves with conſidering, that if they gain any unjuſt Reproach from one Side, they generally acquire more Praiſe than they de⯑ſerve from the other: and that Writings of this kind, if conducted with Candour and Imparti⯑ality, have a more particular Tendency to the Good of their Countrey, and of the preſent Age, than any other Compoſitions whatſoever.

To conſider an Author farther, as the Sub⯑ject of Obloquy and Detraction. We may ob⯑ſerve with what Pleaſure a Work is received by the invidious Part of Mankind, in which a Wri⯑ter falls ſhort of himſelf, and does not anſwer the Character which he has acquired by his for⯑mer Productions. It is a fine Simile in one of Mr. Congreve's Prologues, which compares a Writer to a Buttering Gameſter, that ſtakes [232] all his Winnings upon every Caſt: So that if he loſes the laſt Throw, he is ſure to be undone. It would be well for all Authors, if, like that Gentleman, they knew when to give over, and to deſiſt from any farther Purſuits after Fame, whilſt they are in the full Poſſeſſion of it. On the other Hand there is not a more melancholy Object in the Learned World, than a Man who has written himſelf down. As the Publick is more diſpoſed to Cenſure than to Praiſe, his Readers will ridicule him for his laſt Works, when they have forgot to applaud thoſe which preceded them. In this Caſe, where a Man has loſt his Spirit by old Age and Infirmity, one could wiſh that his Friends and Relations would keep him from the uſe of Pen, Ink and Paper, if he is not to be reclaimed by any other Methods.

The Author indeed often grows old before the Man, eſpecially if he treats on Subjects of Invention, or ſuch as ariſe from Reflections upon Human Nature: For in this caſe, neither his own Strength of Mind, nor thoſe Parts of Life which are commonly unobſerved, will furniſh him with ſufficient Materials to be at the ſame Time both pleaſing and voluminous. We find even in the outward Dreſs of Poetry, that Men, who write much without taking Breath, very often return to the ſame Phraſes and Forms of Expreſſion, as well as to the ſame Manner of Thinking. Au⯑thors, who have thus drawn off the Spirit of their Thoughts, ſhould lie ſtill for ſome Time, till their Minds have gathered freſh Strength, and by Reading, Reflection and Converſation, laid in a new Stock of Elegancies, Sentiments, and Images of Nature. The Soil, that is worn with [233] too frequent Culture, muſt lie fallow for a while, till it has recruited its exhauſted Salts, and again enriched itſelf by the Ventilations of the Air, the Dews of Heaven, and the kindly Influences of the Sun.

For my own Part, notwithſtanding this ge⯑neral Malevolence towards thoſe who commu⯑nicate their Thoughts in Print, I cannot but look with a friendly Regard on ſuch as do it, provided there is no Tendency in their Writings to Vice and Prophaneneſs. If the Thoughts of ſuch Authors have nothing in them, they at leaſt do no harm, and ſhew an honeſt Induſtry and a good Intention in the Compoſer. If they teach me any thing I did not know before, I cannot but look upon my ſelf as obliged to the Writer, and conſider him as my particular Benefactor, if he conveys to me one of the greateſt Gifts that is in the Power of Man to beſtow, an Improve⯑ment of my Underſtanding, an innocent A⯑muſement, or an Incentive to ſome moral Vir⯑tue. Were not Men of Abilities thus com⯑municative, their Wiſdom would be in a great Meaſure uſeleſs, and their Experience uninſtru⯑ctive. There would be no Buſineſs in Solitude, nor proper Relaxations in Buſineſs. By theſe Aſſiſtances, the retir'd Man lives in the World, if not above it; Paſſion is compoſed; Thought hindred from being barren; and the Mind from preying upon itſelf. That Eſteem, indeed, which is paid to good Writers by their Poſterity, ſuf⯑ficiently ſhews the Merit of Perſons who are thus employed. Who does not now more ad⯑mire Cicero as an Author, than as a Conſul of Rome! And does not oftner talk of the celebra⯑ted Writers of our own Countrey, who lived in former Ages, than of any other particular [234] [...] [235] [...] [232] [...] [233] [...] [234] Perſons among their Contemporaries and Fel⯑low-Subjects!

When I conſider my ſelf as a Britiſh Free-holder, I am in a particular Manner pleaſed with the Labours of thoſe who have improved our Language with the Tranſlation of old Latin and Greek Authors; and by that Means let us into the Knowledge of what paſſed in the famous Governments of Greece and Rome. We have already moſt of their Hiſtorians in our own Tongue: And what is ſtill more for the Honour of our Language, it has been taught to expreſs with Elegance the Greateſt of their Poets in each Nation. The illiterate among our Coun⯑treymen, may learn to judge from Dryden's Vir⯑gil of the moſt perfect Epic Performance: And thoſe Parts of Homer, which have already been publiſhed by Mr. Pope, give us reaſon to think that the Iliad will appear in Engliſh with as little Diſadvantage to that immortal Poem.

There is another Author, whom I have long wiſhed to ſee well tranſlated into Engliſh, as his Work is filled with a Spirit of Liberty, and more directly tends to raiſe Sentiments of Honour and Virtue in his Reader, than any of the poeti⯑cal Writings of Antiquity. I mean the Pharſa⯑lia of Lucan. This is the only Author of Con⯑ſideration among the Latin Poets, who was not explained for the Uſe of the Dauphin, for a very obvious Reaſon; becauſe the whole Phar⯑ſalia would have been no leſs than a Satyr upon the French Form of Government. The Tranſ⯑lation of this Author is now in the Hands of Mr. Rowe, who has already given the World ſome admirable Specimens of it; and not only kept up the Fire of the Original, but delivered [235] the Sentiments with greater Perſpicuity, and in a finer Turn of Phraſe and Verſe.

As Undertakings of ſo difficult a Nature re⯑quire the greateſt Encouragements, one cannot but rejoyce to ſee thoſe general Subſcriptions which have been made to them; eſpecially ſince if the two Works laſt mentioned are not finiſh⯑ed by thoſe maſterly Hands, which are now em⯑ployed in them, we may deſpair of ſeeing them attempted by others.

No. 41. Friday, May 11.

AS the Care of our National Commerce re⯑dounds more to the Riches and Proſperity of the Publick, than any other Act of Govern⯑ment, it is pity that we do not ſee the State of it marked out in every particular Reign with greater Diſtinction and Accuracy, than what is uſual among our Engliſh Hiſtorians. We may however obſerve in general, that the beſt and wiſeſt of our Monarchs have not been leſs in⯑duſtrious to extend their Trade, than their Do⯑minions; as it manifeſtly turns in a much higher Degree to the Welfare of the People, if not to the Glory of the Soveraign.

The firſt of our Kings who carried our Com⯑merce, and conſequently our Navigation to a ve⯑ry great Height, was Edward the Third. This victorious Prince, by his many excellent Laws [236] for the Encouragement of Trade, enabled his Subjects to ſupport him in his many glorious Wars upon the Continent, and turned the Scale ſo much in Favour of our Engliſh Merchandiſe, that, by a Balance of Trade taken in his Time, the Exported Commodities amounted to Two Hundred Ninety Four Thouſand Pounds, and the Imported but to Thirty Eight Thouſand.

Thoſe of his Succeſſors, under whoſe Regu⯑lations our Trade flouriſh'd moſt, were Henry the Seventh, and Queen Elizabeth. As the firſt of theſe was for his great Wiſdom very often ſtyled the Engliſh Solomon, he followed the Ex⯑ample of that wiſe King in nothing more, than by advancing the Traffick of his People. By this Means he reconciled to him the Minds of his Subjects, ſtrengthened himſelf in their Affe⯑ctions, improved very much the Navigation of the Kingdom, and repelled the frequent At⯑tempts of his Enemies

As for Queen Elizabeth, ſhe had always the Trade of her Kingdom very much at Heart, and we may obſerve the Effects of it through the whole Courſe of her Reign, in the Love and O⯑bedience of her People, as well as in the Defeats and Diſappointments of her Enemies.

It is with great Pleaſure that we ſee our pre⯑ſent Soveraign applying his Thoughts ſo ſuc⯑ceſsfully to the Advancement of our Traffick and conſidering himſelf as the King of a Tra⯑ding Iſland. His Majeſty has already gained very conſiderable Advantages for his People and is ſtill employed in concerting Schemes and forming Treaties, for retrieving and en⯑larging our Privileges in the World of Com⯑merce.

[237] I ſhall only in this Paper take Notice of the Treaty concluded at Madrid on the 14^th of De⯑cember laſt, 1715; and by comparing it with that concluded at Utrecht on the 9^th of Decem⯑ber, 1713, ſhew ſeveral particulars in which the Treaty made with his preſent Majeſty is more advantageous to Great Britain, than that which was made in the laſt Reign; after this general Obſervation, that it is equally ſurprizing how ſo bad a Treaty came to be made at the end of a glorious and ſucceſsful War; and how ſo good a One has been obtained in the Beginning of a Reign diſturbed by ſuch inteſtine Commotions. But we may learn from hence, that the Wiſdom of a Soveraign, and the Integrity of his Miniſters, are more neceſſary for bringing about Works of ſuch Conſequence for the publick Good, than any Juncture of Time, or any other the moſt favourable Circumſtance.

We muſt here premiſe that by the Treaty con⯑cluded at Madrid in 1667, the Duties of Impor⯑tation payable upon the Manufactures and Pro⯑ducts of Great Britain, amounted upon the e⯑ſtabliſhed Valuation in the Spaniſh Book of Rates, (after the Deduction of the Gratia's). In Anda⯑luſia to 11⅓ per Cent. in Valentia, to 5 per Cent. and in Catalonia to about 7 per Cent. or leſs; and conſequently upon the whole aforeſaid Trade, thoſe Duties could not exceed 10 per Cent. in a medium.

After this ſhort Account of the State of our Trade with Spain, before the Treaty of Utrecht under the late Queen, we muſt obſerve, that by the explanatory Articles of this laſt mention⯑ed Treaty, the Duties of Importation upon the Products and Manufactures of Great Britain [238] were augmented in Andaluſia to 27 ⅕ per Cent at a Medium.

But by the late Treaty made with His preſent Majeſty at Madrid, the ſaid Duties are again re⯑duced according to the aforeſaid Treaty of 1667 And the Deduction of the Gratia's is eſtabliſh⯑ed as an inviolable Law, whereas, before, the Gratia's of the Farmers particularly were alto⯑gether precarious, and depended entirely upon Courteſy.

That the common Reader may underſtand the Nature of theſe Gratia's, he muſt know that when the King of Spain had laid higher Du⯑ties upon our Engliſh Goods, than what the Merchants were able or willing to comply with, he uſed to abate a certain Part: which Indulgence, or Abatement, went under the Name of a Gratia. But when he had Farmed out theſe his Cuſtoms to ſeveral of his Subjects, the Farmers, in order to draw more Merchan⯑diſe to their reſpective Ports, and thereby to in⯑creaſe their own particular Profits, uſed to make new Abatements, or Gratia's to the Bri⯑tiſh Merchants, endeavouring ſometimes to out⯑vy one another in ſuch Indulgences, and by that Means to get a greater Proportion of Cuſtom into their own Hands.

But to proceed: The Duties on Exportation may be computed to be raiſed by the Utrecht Treaty, near as much as the foreſaid Duties of Importation: Whereas, by the Treaty made with His preſent Majeſty, they are reduced to their ancient Standard.

Complaint having been made, that the Spani⯑ards after the Suſpenſion of Arms had taken ſe⯑veral New-England and other Britiſh Ships ga⯑thering Salt at the Iſland of Tertuga, a very full [239] and juſt Report concerning that Affair was laid before Her late Majeſty, of which I ſhall give the Reader the following Extract:

Notwithſtanding it appears from what is a⯑bove-written, that our Sugar-Iſlands were like to ſuffer conſiderably for want of Fiſh from New-England, no Care was taken to have this Matter remedied by the Explanatory Articles, which were poſterior to the above mentioned Report.

However in the Third Article of the Treaty made with His preſent Majeſty, this Buſineſs is fully ſettled to our Advantage.

The Britiſh Merchants having had ſeveral Hardſhips put upon them at Bilboa, which oc⯑caſioned the Decay of our Trade at that Place the ſaid Merchants did make and execute in the Year 1700, a Treaty of Privileges with the Ma⯑giſtrates and Inhabitants of St. Ander, very much to the Advantage of this Kingdom, in order to their removing and ſettling there: The Effect of which was prevented by the Death of King Charles the Second of Spain, and the War which ſoon after enſued. This Matter it ſeems, wa [...] ſlighted or neglected by the Managers of the U⯑trecht Treaty: For, by the 14^th Article of tha [...] Treaty, there is only a Liberty given to the Bri+ [241] tiſh Subjects to ſettle and dwell at St. Ander, upon the Terms of the 9^th and 30^th Articles of the Trea⯑ty of 1667, which are general. But no Regard was had to the forementioned Treaty of Privi⯑leges in 1700; whereas by the Second Article of the Treaty now made with His preſent Ma⯑jeſty, the forementioned Treaty of Privileges with St. Ander is confirmed and ratified.

Another conſiderable Advantage is, that the French, by the Treaty made with His preſent Majeſty, are to pay the ſame Duties at the Dry-Ports, through which they paſs by Land-Car⯑tiage, as we pay upon Importation or Exporta⯑tion by Sea: Which was not provided for by the Utrecht Treaty.

By the Cedula's annexed to the Treaty of 1667, the valuable Privilege of having Judge-Conſer⯑vators (appointed to make a more ſpeedy and leſ expenſive Determination of all Controver⯑ſies ariſing in Trade) was fully eſtabliſhed. But by the 15^th Article of Utrecht that Privilege was in effect given up. For it is therein only ſtipu⯑lated, That in caſe any other Nation have that Pri⯑vilege, we ſhall in like Manner enjoy it. But by the 5^th Article of the Treaty now made with his preſent Majeſty it is ſtipulated, that We ſhall enjoy all the Rights, Privileges, Franchiſes, Ex⯑emptions, and Immunities whatſoever, which we enjoyed by virtue of the Royal Cedula's or Ordinan⯑ces by the Treaty of 1667. So that hereby the Privilege of Judge-Conſervators is again con⯑firmed to us.

As nothing but the Reputation of His Maje⯑ſty in foreign Countries, and of his fixed Pur⯑poſes to purſue the real Good of His Kingdoms, could bring about Treaties of this Nature: So 'tis impoſſible to reflect with Patience on the [242] Folly and Ingratitude of thoſe Men, who la⯑bour to diſturb Him in the midſt of theſe His Royal Cares, and to miſrepreſent His generous Endeavours for the Good of His People.

No. 42. Monday, May 14.

SEveral Authors have written on the Advan⯑tage of Trade in general; which is indeed ſo copious a Subject, that as it is impoſſible to exhauſt it in a ſhort Diſcourſe, ſo it is very dif⯑ficult to obſerve any thing new upon it. I ſhall, therefore, only conſider Trade in this Pa⯑per, as it is abſolutely neceſſary and eſſential to the Safety, Strength, and Proſperity of our own Nation.

In the firſt Place, as we are an Iſland accom⯑modated on all Sides with convenient Ports, and encompaſſed with navigable Seas, we ſhould be inexcuſable, if we did not make theſe Bleſ⯑ſings of Providence and Advantages of Nature turn to their proper Account. The moſt cele⯑brated Merchants in the World, and thoſe who make the greateſt Figure in Antiquity, were ſituated in the little Iſland of Tyre, which, by the prodigious Increaſe of its Wealth and Strength at Sea, did very much influence the moſt conſi⯑derable Kingdoms and Empires on the neigh⯑bouring Continent, and gave birth to the Car⯑thaginians, who afterwards exceeded all other Nations in Naval Power. The old Tyre was [243] indeed ſeated on the Continent, from whence the Inhabitants, after having been beſieged by the Great King of Aſſyria for the Space of thir⯑teen Years, withdrew themſelves and their Ef⯑fects into the Iſland of Tyre; where, by the Be⯑nefit of ſuch a Situation, a Trading People were enabled to hold out for many Ages againſt the Attempts of their Enemies, and became the Merchants of the World.

Further; as an Iſland, we are acceſſible on every Side, and expoſed to perpetual Invaſions; againſt which it is impoſſible to fortify ourſelves ſufficiently, without ſuch a Power at Sea, as is not to be kept up, but by a People who flouriſh in Commerce. To which we muſt add, that our inland Towns being deſtitute of Fortificati⯑ons, it is our indiſpenſable Concern to preſerve this our Naval Strength, which is as a general Bulwark to the Britiſh Nation.

Beſides; as an Iſland, it has not been thought agreeable to the true Britiſh Policy to make Ac⯑quiſitions upon the Continent. In lieu, there⯑fore, of ſuch an Increaſe of Dominion, it is our Buſineſs to extend to the utmoſt our Trade and Navigation. By this means, we reap the Advan⯑tages of Conqueſt, without Violence or Inju⯑ſtice; we not only ſtrengthen ourſelves, but gain the Wealth of our Neighbours in an ho⯑neſt Way; and, without any Act of Hoſtility, lay the ſeveral Nations of the World under a kind of Contribution.

Secondly, Trade is fitted to the Nature of our Countrey, as it abounds with a great Profuſion of Commodities of its own Growth very con⯑venient for other Countries, and is naturally [...]titute of many Things ſuited to the Exigen⯑ces, Ornaments and Pleaſures of Life, which [244] may be fetched from foreign Parts. But, that which is more particularly to be remarked, our Britiſh Products are of ſuch Kinds and Quan⯑tities, as can turn the Balance of Trade to our Advantage, and enable us to ſell more to Fo⯑reigners, than we have occaſion to buy from them.

To this we muſt add, that by extending a well-regulated Trade, we are as great Gainers by the Commodities of many other Countries, as by thoſe of our own Nation; and by ſup⯑plying foreign Markets with the Growth and Manufactures of the moſt diſtant Regions, we receive the ſame Profit from them, as if they were the Produce of our own Iſland.

Thirdly, We are not a little obliged to Trade, as it has been a great Means of civilizing our Nation, and baniſhing out of it all the Remains of its antient Barbarity. There are many bitter Sayings againſt Iſlanders in general, repreſent⯑ing them as fierce, treacherous, and inhoſpita⯑ble. Thoſe who live on the Continent have ſuch Opportunities of a frequent Intercourſe with Men of different Religions and Langua⯑ges, and who live under different Laws and Governments, that they become more kind▪ benevolent, and open-hearted to their Fellow Creatures, than thoſe who are the Inhabitant [...] of an Iſland, that hath not ſuch Converſation [...] with the reſt of the Species. Caeſar's Obſerva⯑tion upon our Fore-fathers is very much to [...] preſent Purpoſe; who remarks, That thoſe [...] 'em that lived upon the Coaſt, or in Sea Port Towns, were much more Civilized, tha [...] thoſe who had their Dwellings in the Inlan [...] Countrey, by reaſon of frequent Communica⯑tions with their Neighbours on the Continent.

[245] In the laſt Place. Trade is abſolutely neceſ⯑ſary for us, as our Countrey is very populous. It employs Multitudes of Hands both by Sea and Land, and furniſhes the pooreſt of our Fel⯑low-Subjects with the Opportunities of gaining an honeſt Livelihood. The skilful or induſtri⯑ous find their Account in it: And many, who have no fixed Property in the Soil of our Coun⯑trey, can make themſelves Maſters of as conſi⯑derable Eſtates, as thoſe who have the greateſt Portions of the Land deſcending to them by Inheritance.

If what has been often charged upon us by our Neighbours has any Truth in it, That we are prone to Sedition and delight in Change, there is no Cure more proper for this Evil than Trade, which thus ſupplies Buſineſs to the A⯑ctive, and Wealth to the Indigent. When Men are eaſy in their Circumſtances, they are natu⯑rally Enemies to Innovations: And indeed we ſee in the Courſe of our Engliſh Hiſtories, ma⯑ny of our popular Commotions have taken their Riſe from the Decay of ſome Branch of Com⯑merce, which created Diſcontents among Per⯑ſons concerned in the Manufactures of the King⯑dom. When Men are ſowred with Poverty, and unemployed, they eaſily give into any Pro⯑ſpect of Change, which may better their Conditi⯑on, and cannot make it much worſe.

Since therefore it is manifeſt, that the pro⯑moting of our Trade and Commerce is neceſſa⯑ry and eſſential to our Security and Strength, our Peace and Proſperity, it is our particular Happineſs to ſee a Monarch on the Throne, who is ſenſible of the true Intereſt of his King⯑doms, and applies himſelf with ſo much Suc⯑ceſs to the Advancement of our National Com⯑merce.

[246] The Reader may ſee, in my laſt Paper, the Advantages which His Majeſty has gained for us in our Spaniſh Trade. In this, I ſhall give a ſhort Account of thoſe procured for us from the Auſtrain Low-Countries, by Virtue of the 26^th Article of the Barrier Treaty made at Ant⯑werp the 15^th of November laſt.

This Branch of our Trade was regulated by a Tariff, or Declaration of the Duties of Import and Export in the Year 1670. which was ſuper⯑ſeded by another made in 1680. that continued till this laſt Tariff ſettled in 1715. with His pre⯑ſent Majeſty. As for the two former, thoſe who are at the Pains of peruſing them will find, the Tariff of 1670. laid higher Duties on ſeve⯑ral conſiderable Branches of our Trade, than that of 1680, but in many Particulars, was more favourable to us than the latter. Now, by the preſent Tariff of 1715. theſe Duties are fixed and regulated for the future by thoſe which were moſt favourable in either of the former Tariffs: And all our Products and Manufa⯑ctures (one only excepted, which I ſhall name by and by) ſettled upon rather an eaſier foot than ever.

Our Woollen Cloths, being the moſt profita⯑ble Branch of our Trade into theſe Countries, have by this means gained a very conſiderable Advantage. For the Tariff of 1680. having laid higher Duties upon the finer ſorts, and lower Duties on ordinary Cloth, than what were ſet⯑tled in the Tariff of 1670. His Majeſty has, by the preſent Treaty, reduced the Duties on the finer ſorts to the Tariff of 1670. and confirmed the Duties on ordinary Cloth according to the Tariff of 1680. Inſomuch that this preſent Tariff of 1 [...]15. conſidered, with relation to this valu+ [247] able part of our Trade, reduces the Duties at leaſt one ſixth Part, ſuppoſing the Exportation of all ſorts to be equal. But as there is always a much greater Exportation of the ordinary Cloth, than of the finer ſorts, the Reduction of theſe Duties becomes ſtill much more conſi⯑derable.

We muſt farther obſerve, that there had been ſeveral Innovations made to the Detriment of the Engliſh Merchant ſince the Tariff of 1680. all which Innovations are now entirely ſet aſide upon every Species of Goods, except Butter, which is here particularly mentioned, becauſe we cannot be too minute and circumſtantial in Accounts of this Nature. This Article howe⯑ver is moderated, and is rated in proportion to what has been, and is ſtill to be, paid by the Dutch.

As our Commerce with the Netherlands is thus ſettled to the Advantage of our Britiſh Mer⯑chants, ſo is it much to their Satisfaction: And if His Majeſty, in the ſeveral ſucceeding Parts of his Reign (which we hope may be many Years prolonged) ſhould advance our Com⯑merce in the ſame Proportion as he has already done, we may expect to ſee it in a more flou⯑riſhing Condition, than under any of His Royal Anceſtors. He ſeems to place his Greatneſs in the Riches and Proſperity of his People; and what may we not hope from him in a Time of Quiet and Tranquillity? Since, during the late Diſtractions, he has done ſo much for the Ad⯑vantage of our Trade, when we could not rea⯑ſonably expect he ſhould have been able to do any thing.

No. 43. Friday, May 18.

ONE would wonder how any Perſon en⯑dowed with the ordinary Principles of Pru⯑dence and Humanity, ſhould deſire to be King of a Countrey, in which the Eſtabliſhed Religi⯑on is directly oppoſite to that which he himſelf profeſſes. Were it poſſible for ſuch a one to accompliſh his Deſigns, his own Reaſon muſt tell him, there could not be a more uneaſy Prince, not a more unhappy People. But how it can enter into the Wiſhes of any private Per⯑ſons to be the Subjects of a Man, whoſe Faith obliges him to uſe the moſt effectual means for extirpating their Religion, is altogether incom⯑prehenſible, but upon the Suppoſition that what⯑ever Principles they ſeem to adhere to, their In⯑tereſt, Ambition, or Revenge, is much more active and predominant in their Minds, than the Love of their Countrey, or of its National Worſhip.

I have never heard of any one particular Be⯑nefit, which either the Pretender himſelf, or the Favourers of his Cauſe, could promiſe to the Britiſh Nation from the Succeſs of his Preten⯑ſions; though the Evils which would ariſe from it, are numberleſs and evident. Theſe Men content themſelves with one general Aſſertion which often appears in their Writings, and in their Diſcourſe; That the Kingdom will never be Quiet till he is upon the Throne. If by [249] this Poſition is meant, that thoſe will never be quiet who would endeavour to place him there, it may poſſibly have ſome Truth in it; tho' we hope even theſe will be reduced to their Obedience by the Care of their Safety, if not by the Senſe of their Duty. But on the other ſide, how ineffectual would this ſtrange Expedient be, for eſtabliſhing the publick Quiet and Tran⯑quillity, ſhould it ever take place! for, by way of Argument, we may ſuppoſe Impoſſibilities. Would that Party of Men which comprehends the moſt wealthy, and the moſt valiant, of the Kingdom, and which, were the Cauſe put to a Tryal, would undoubtedly appear the moſt nu⯑merous, (for I am far from thinking all thoſe who are diſtinguiſhed by the Name of Tories, to be Favourers of the Pretender) can we, I ſay, ſuppoſe theſe Men would live Quiet under a Reign which they have hitherto oppoſed, and from which they apprehend ſuch a manifeſt De⯑ſtruction to their Countrey? Can we ſuppoſe our preſent Royal Family, who are ſo power⯑ful in foreign Dominions, ſo ſtrong in their Relations and Alliances, and ſo univerſally ſup⯑ported by the Proteſtant Intereſt of Europe, would continue Quiet, and not make vigorous and repeated Attempts for the Recovery of their Right, ſhould it ever be wreſted out of their Hands? Can we imagine that our Britiſh Clergy would be Quiet under a Prince, who is zealous for his Religion, and obliged by it to ſubvert thoſe Doctrines, which it is their Duty to defend and propagate? Nay, would any of thoſe Men themſelves, who are the Champions of this deſperate Cauſe, unleſs ſuch of them as are profeſſed Roman-Catholicks, or diſpoſed to be ſo, live Quiet under a Government which [250] at the beſt would make uſe of all indirect Me⯑thods in favour of a Religion, that is inconſi⯑ſtent with our Laws and Liberties, and would impoſe on us ſuch a Yoke, as neither We nor our Fathers were able to bear? All the Quiet that could be expected from ſuch a Reign, muſt be the Reſult of abſolute Power on the one Hand, and a deſpicable Slavery on the other: And I believe every reaſonable Man will be of the Roman Hiſtorian's Opinion, That a diſturb⯑ed Liberty is better than a quiet Servitude.

There is not indeed a greater Abſurdity than to imagine the Quiet of a Nation can ariſe from an Eſtabliſhment, in which the King would be of one Communion, and the People of ano⯑ther; eſpecially when the Religion of the Sove⯑raign carries in it the utmoſt Malignity to that of the Subject. If any of our Engliſh Monarchs might have hoped to Reign quietly under ſuch Circumſtances, it would have been K. Charles II. who was received with all the Joy and Good⯑will that are natural to a People, newly reſcu'd from a Tyranny which had long oppreſſed them in ſeveral Shapes. But this Monarch was too wiſe to own himſelf a Roman Catholick, even in that Juncture of Time; or to imagine it pra⯑cticable for an avowed Popiſh Prince to govern a Proteſtant People. His Brother tryed the Ex⯑periment, and every one knows the Succeſs of it.

As Speculations are beſt ſupported by Facts, I ſhall add to theſe domeſtick Examples one or two parallel Inſtances out of the Swediſh Hiſto⯑ry, which may be ſufficient to ſhew us, that a Scheme of Government is impracticable in which the Head does not agree with the Body, in that Point, which is of the greateſt Concern to rea⯑ſonable [251] Creatures. Sweden is the only Prote⯑ſtant Kingdom in Europe beſides this of Great Britain, which has had the Misfortune to ſee Popiſh Princes upon the Throne; and we find that they behaved themſelves as we did, and as it is natural for Men to do, upon the ſame Oc⯑caſion. Their King Sigiſmond having, contrary to the Inclinations of his People, endeavour'd by ſeveral clandeſtine Methods, to promote the Roman Catholick Religion among his Subjects, and ſhewn ſeveral Marks of Favour to their Prieſts and Jeſuits, was, after a very ſhort Reign, depoſed by the States of that Kingdom, being re⯑preſented as one who could neither be held by Oaths nor Promiſes, and over-ruled by the In⯑fluence of his Religion, which diſpenſes with the Violation of the moſt ſacred Engagements that are oppoſite to its Intereſts. The States, to ſhew farther their Apprehenſions of Popery, and how incompatible they thought the Prin⯑ciples of the Church of Rome in a Soveraign were with thoſe of the Reform'd Religion in his Subjects, agreed that his Son ſhould ſucceed to the Throne, provided he were brought up a Pro⯑teſtant. This the Father ſeemingly complyed with; but afterwards refuſing to give him ſuch an Education, the Son was likewiſe ſet aſide, and for ever excluded from that Succeſſion. The famous Queen Chriſtina, Daughter to the Great Guſtavus, was ſo ſenſible of thoſe Trou⯑bles which would accrue both to her ſelf and her People, ſhould ſhe avow the Roman Catholick Religion while ſhe was upon the Throne of Sweden; that ſhe did not make an open Pro⯑feſſion of that Faith, till ſhe had reſigned her Crown, and was actually upon her Journey to Rome.

[252] In ſhort, if there be any political Maxim, which may be depended upon as ſure and in⯑fallible, this is one; that it is impoſſible for a Nation to be happy, where a People of the Reformed Religion are govern'd by a King that is a Papiſt. Were he indeed only a nominal Roman Catholick, there might be a poſſibili⯑ty of Peace and Quiet under ſuch a Reign; but if he is ſincere in the Principles of his Church, he muſt treat Heretical Subjects as that Church directs him, and knows very well, that he cea⯑ſes to be Religious, when he ceaſes to be a Perſecutor.

No. 44. Monday, May 21.

AS I was laſt Friday taking a Walk in the Park, I ſaw a Countrey Gentleman at the ſide of Roſamond's Pond, pulling a Handful of Oats out of his Pocket, and with a great deal of Pleaſure, gathering the Ducks about him. Upon my coming up to him, who ſhould it be but my Friend the Fox-hunter, whom I gave [253] ſome Account of in my 22^d Paper! I immedi⯑ately joined him, and partook of his Diverſion, till he had not an Oat left in his Pocket. We then made the Tour of the Park together, when after having entertained me with the Deſcription of a Decoy-Pond that lay near his Seat in the Countrey, and of a Meeting Houſe that was going to be re-built in a neighbouring Market-Town, he gave me an Account of ſome very odd Adventures which he had met with that Morning; and which I ſhall lay together in a ſhort and faithful Hiſtory, as well as my Memo⯑ry will give me Leave.

My Friend, who has a natural Averſion to London, would never have come up, had not he been ſubpaena'd to it, as he told me, in or⯑der to give his Teſtimony for one of the Rebels, whom he knew to be a very fair Sports-man. Having travelled all Night, to avoid the Inconve⯑niencies of Duſt and Heat, he arrived with his Guide, a little after break of Day, at Charing-Croſs; where, to his great Surprize, he ſaw a running Footman carried in a Chair, followed by a Water-man in the ſame kind of Vehicle. He was wondering at the Extravagance of their Maſters, that furniſhed them with ſuch Dreſſes and Accommodations, when on a ſudden he be⯑held a Chimney-Sweeper, convey'd after the ſame manner, with three Footmen running be⯑fore him. During his Progreſs through the Strand, he met with ſeveral other Figures no leſs wonderful and ſurprizing. Seeing a great many in rich Morning-Gowns, he was amazed to find that Perſons of Quality were up ſo early: And was no leſs aſtoniſhed to ſee many Lawyers in their Bar-Gowns, when he knew by his Al⯑manack the Term was ended. As he was ex⯑tremely [] [...] [] [...] [252] [...] [253] [...] [252] [...] [253] [...] [254] puzzled and confounded in himſelf what all this ſhould mean, a Hackney-Coach chancing to paſs by him, Four Batts popp'd out their Heads all at once, which very much fright⯑ed both him and his Horſe. My Friend, who always takes Care to cure his Horſe of ſuch ſtarting Fits, ſpurred him up to the very ſide of the Coach, to the no ſmall Diverſion of the Batts; who, ſeeing him with his long Whip, Horſe-hair Perriwig, Jockey Belt, and Coat without Sleeves, fancied him to be one of the Maſqueraders on Horſeback, and received him with a loud Peal of Laughter. His Mind being full of idle Stories, which are ſpread up and down the Nation by the Diſaffected, he immediately concluded that all the Perſons he ſaw in theſe ſtrange Habits were Foreigners, and conceived a great Indignation againſt them, for pretending to laugh at an Engliſh Countrey-Gentleman. But he ſoon recovered out of his Error, by hearing the Voices of ſeveral of them, and particularly of a Shepherdeſs quarrelling with her Coachman, and threatning to break his Bones in very intel⯑ligible Engliſh, though with a maſculine Tone. His Aſtoniſhment ſtill increaſed upon him, to ſee a continued Proceſſion of Harlequins, Sea⯑ramouches, Punchinello's, and a thouſand o⯑ther merry Dreſſes, by which People of Quality diſtinguiſh their Wit from that of the Vulgar.

Being now advanced as far as Somerſet-Houſe, and obſerving it to be the great Hive whence this Swarm of Chimeras iſſued forth from Time to Time, my Friend took his Station among a Cluſter of Mob, who were making themſelves merry with their Betters. The firſt that came out was a very venerable Matron, with a Noſe and Chin, that were within a very littl [...] of [255] touching one another. My Friend, at the firſt View fancying her to be an old Woman of Quality, out of his good breeding put off his Hat to her, when the Perſon pulling off her Maſque, to his great Surprize appear'd a Smock-faced young Fellow. His Attention was ſoon taken off from this Object, and turned to another that had very hollow Eyes and a wrinkled Face, which flouriſhed in all the Bloom of Fifteen. The Whiteneſs of the Lilly was blended in it with the Bluſh of the Roſe. He miſtook it for a very whimſical kind of Maſque; but upon a nearer View he found that ſhe held her Vizard in her Hand, and that what he ſaw was only her natural Countenance, touched up with the uſual Improvements of an aged Coquette.

The next who ſhew'd her ſelf was a Female Quaker, ſo very pretty, that he could not forbear licking his Lips, and ſaying to the Mob about him, 'Tis ten thouſand Pities ſhe is not a Church-Woman. The Quaker was followed by half a dozen Nuns, who filed off one after another up Catherine-ſtreet, to their reſpective Convents in Drury-lane.

The 'Squire obſerving the Preciſeneſs of their Dreſs, began now to imagine after all, that this was a Neſt of Sectaries; for he had often heard that the Town was full of them. He was confirmed in this Opinion upon ſeeing a Conjurer, whom he gueſs'd to be the Holder-forth. However, to ſatisfie himſelf he asked a Porter, who ſtood next him, What Religion theſe People were of? The Porter reply'd, They are of no Religion; 'tis a Maſquerade. Upon that, ſays my Friend, I began to ſmoak that they were a Parcel of Mummers; and being himſelf one of the Quorum in his own County, [256] could not but wonder that none of the Middleſex Juſtices took Care to lay ſome of them by the Heels. He was the more provoked in the Spi⯑rit of Magiſtracy, upon diſcovering two very unſeemly Objects: The firſt was a Judge, who rapp'd out a great Oath at his Footman; and the other a big belly'd Woman, who upon ta⯑king a Leap into the Coach, miſcarry'd of a Cu⯑ſhion. What ſtill gave him greater Offence was a drunken Biſhop, who reeled from one ſide of the Court to the other, and was very ſweet up⯑on an Indian Queen. But his Worſhip, in the midſt of his Auſterity, was mollify'd at the Sight of a very lovely Milk-maid, whom he began to regard with an Eye of Mercy, and conceived a particular Affection for her, 'till he found to his great Amazement, that the Standers by ſu⯑ſpected her to be a Dutcheſs.

I muſt not conclude this Narrative without mentioning one Diſaſter which happened to my Friend on this Occaſion. Having for his better Convenience diſmounted, and mixed among the Crowd, he found upon his Arrival at the Inn, that he had loſt his Purſe and his Alma⯑nack. And though 'tis no Wonder ſuch a Trick ſhould be played him by ſome of the curious Spectators, he cannot beat it out of his Head, but that it was a Cardinal who picked his Poc⯑ket, and that this Cardinal was a Presbyterian in Diſguiſe.

No. 45. Friday, May 25.

I Have lately read with much Pleaſure, the Eſſays upon ſeveral Subjects publiſhed by Sir Richard Blackmore; and though I agree with him in many of his excellent Obſervations, I cannot but take that reaſonable Freedom, which he him⯑ſelf makes uſe of, with regard to other Writers, to diſſent from him in ſome few particulars. In his Reflections upon Works of Wit and Hu⯑mour, he obſerves how unequal they are to combat Vice and Folly; and ſeems to think, that the fineſt Raillery and Satyr, though di⯑rected by theſe generous Views, never reclaim⯑ed one vicious Man, or made one Fool depart from his Folly.

This is a Poſition very hard to be contradict⯑ed, becauſe no Author knows the Number or Names of his Converts. As for the Tatlers and Spectators in particular, which are obliged to this ingenious and uſeful Author for the Character he has given of them, they were ſo generally diſperſed in ſingle Sheets, and have ſince been printed in ſo great Numbers, that it is to be hoped they have made ſome Proſelytes to the Intereſts, if not to the Practice of Wiſdom and Virtue, among ſuch a Multitude of Readers.

I need not remind this learned Gentleman, that Socrates, who was the greateſt Propagator of Morality in the Heathen World, and a Martyr [258] for the Unity of the Godhead, was ſo famous for the Exerciſe of this Talent among the po⯑liteſt People of Antiquity, that he gained the Name of ( [...]) the Drole.

There are very good Effects which viſibly a⯑roſe from the above-mentioned Performances and others of the like Nature; as, in the firſt Place, they diverted Raillery from improper Ob⯑jects, and gave a new Turn to Ridicule, which for many Years had been exerted on Perſons and Things of a ſacred and ſerious Nature. They endeavoured to make Mirth inſtructive, and if they failed in this great End they muſt be al⯑lowed at leaſt to have made it Innocent. If Wit and Humour begin again to relapſe into their former Licentiouſneſs, they can never hope for Approbation from thoſe who know that Raillery is Uſeleſs when it has no Moral under it, and Pernicious when it attacks any thing that is either unblameable or praiſe-wor⯑thy. To this we may add, what has been commonly obſerved, that it is not difficult to be merry on the ſide of Vice, as ſerious Ob⯑jects are the moſt capable of Ridicule; as the Party, which naturally favour ſuch a Mirth, is the moſt numerous; and as there are the moſt ſtand⯑ing Jeſts and Patterns for Imitation in this kind of Writing.

In the next Place: Such Productions of Wit and Humour, as have a Tendency to expoſe Vice and Folly, furniſh uſeful Diverſions to all kinds of Readers. The good, or prudent Man may, by theſe Means, be diverted, without Prejudice to his Diſcretion, or Morality. Rail⯑lery under ſuch Regulations, unbends the Mind from ſerious Studies and ſeverer Contempla⯑tions, without throwing it off from its proper [259] Byaſs. It carries on the ſame Deſign that is promoted by Authors of a graver Turn, and only does it in another manner. It alſo awa⯑kens Reflection in thoſe who are the moſt indif⯑ferent in the Cauſe of Virtue or Knowlege, by ſetting before them the Abſurdity of ſuch Prac⯑tices as are generally unobſerved, by reaſon of their being Common or Faſhionable: Nay, it ſometimes catches the Diſſolute and Abandon⯑ed before they are aware of it; who are often betrayed to laugh at themſelves, and upon Re⯑flection find, that they are merry at their own Expence. I might farther take Notice, that by Entertainments of this Kind, a Man may be cheerful in Solitude, and not be forced to ſeek for Company every Time he has a Mind to be merry.

The laſt Advantage I ſhall mention from Compoſitions of this Nature, when thus re⯑ſtrained, is, that they ſhew Wiſdom and Vir⯑tue are far from being inconſiſtent with Polite⯑neſs and good Humour. They make Mora⯑lity appear amiable to People of gay Diſpo⯑ſitions, and refute the common Objection a⯑gainſt Religion, which repreſents it as only fit for gloomy and melancholy Tempers. It was the Motto of a Biſhop very eminent for his Piety and good Works in King Charles the Second's Reign, Inſervi Deo et Laetare, Serve God and be cheerful. Thoſe therefore who ſup⯑ply the World with ſuch Entertainments of Mirth as are inſtructive, or at leaſt harmleſs, may be thought to deſerve well of Mankind; to which I ſhall only add, that they retrieve the Honour of polite Learning, and anſwer thoſe ſower Enthuſiaſts who affect to ſtigmatize the ſineſt and moſt elegant Authors, both ancient [260] and modern, (which they have never read) as dan⯑gerous to Religion, and deſtructive of all ſound and ſaving Knowledge.

Our Nation are ſuch Lovers of Mirth and Humour, that it is impoſſible for detached Pa⯑pers, which come out on ſtated Days, either to have a general Run, or long Continuance, if they are not diverſify'd, and enlivened from Time to Time, with Subjects and Thoughts, accommodated to this Taſte, which ſo prevails among our Countreymen. No Periodical Au⯑thor, who always maintains his Gravity, and does not ſometimes ſacrifice to the Graces, muſt expect to keep in vogue for any conſide⯑rable Time. Political Speculations in parti⯑cular, however Juſt and Important, are of ſo dry and auſtere a Nature, that they will not go down with the Publick without frequent Sea⯑ſonings of this Kind. The Work may be well performed, but will never take, if it is not ſet off with proper Scenes and Decorations. A mere Politician is but a dull Companion, and, if he is always wiſe, is in great Danger of being tireſome or ridiculous.

Beſides, Papers of Entertainment are ne⯑ceſſary to increaſe the Number of Readers, e⯑ſpecially among thoſe of different Notions and Principles; who by this Means may be betray'd to give you a fair Hearing, and to know what you have to ſay for your ſelf. I might likewiſe obſerve, that in all political Writings there is ſomething that grates upon the Mind of the moſt candid Reader, in Opi⯑nions which are not conformable to his own Way of thinking; and that the Harſhneſs of Reaſoning is not a little ſoftned and ſmoothed by the Infuſions of Mirth and Pleaſantry.

[261] Political Speculations do likewiſe furniſh us with ſeveral Objects that may very innocently be ridiculed, and which are regarded as ſuch by Men of Senſe in all Parties; of this Kind are the Paſſions of our States-women, and the Reaſon⯑ings of our Fox-hunters.

A Writer who makes Fame the chief End of his Endeavours, and would be more deſirous of pleaſing than of improving his Readers, might find an inexhauſtible Fund of Mirth in Politicks. Scandal and Satyr are never-failing Gratifications to the Publick. Detraction and Obloquy are received with as much Eagerneſs as Wit and Humour. Should a Writer ſingle out particular Perſons, or point his Raillery at any Order of Men, who by their Profeſſion ought to be exempt from it; ſhould be ſlander the Innocent, or ſatyrize the Miſerable; or ſhould he, even on the proper Subjects of De⯑riſion, give the full Play to his Mirth, without regard to Decency and good Manners; he might be ſure of pleaſing a great Part of his Readers, but muſt be a very ill Man, if by ſuch a Proceeding he could pleaſe himſelf.

No. 46. Monday, May 28.

THE uſual Salutation to a Man upon his Birth day among the ancient Romans was Multos et Foe [...]ices; in which they wiſhed him ma⯑ny happy Returns of it. When Auguſtus cele⯑brated the Secular Year, which was kept but once in a Century, and received the Congratu⯑lations of his People on that Account, an emi⯑nent Court-Wit ſaluted him in the Birth day Form (Multos et Foe [...]ices) which is recorded as a beautiful Turn or Compliment, expreſſing a Deſire that he might enjoy a happy Life of many Hundreds of Years. This Salutation cannot be taxed with Flattery, ſince it was directed to a Prince, of whom it is ſaid by a great Hiſtori⯑an, It had been happy for Rome, if he had never been [...] he had never died. Had he never been born. Rome would, in all Probability, have recovered its former Liberty: Had he never died, it would have been more happy under his Government, than it could have been in the Poſſeſſion of its ancient Freedom.

It is our good Fortune that our Soveraign whoſe Nativity is celebrated on this Day, [263] gives us a Proſpect, which the Romans wanted under the Reign of their Auguſtus, of his being ſucceeded by an Heir, both to his Virtues and his Dominions. In the mean Time it happens ve⯑ry luckily, for the Eſtabliſhment of a new Race of Kings upon the Britiſh Throne, that the firſt of this Royal Line has all thoſe high Qualifica⯑tions which are neceſſary to fix the Crown up⯑on his own Head, and to tranſmit it to his Po⯑ſterity. We may indeed obſerve, that every Series of Kings who have kept up the Succeſ⯑ſion in their reſpective Families, in ſpite of all Pretenſions and Oppoſitions formed againſt them, has been headed by Princes famous for Valour and Wiſdom. I need only mention the Names of William the Conqueror, Henry II. Hen⯑ry IV. Edward IV. and Henry VII. As for King James I. the Founder of the Stuart Race, had he been as well turned for the Camp, as the Cabi⯑net, and not confined all his Views to the Peace and Tranquillity of his own Reign, his Son had not been involved in ſuch fatal Troubles and Confuſions.

Were an honeſt Briton to wiſh for a Soveraign, who in the preſent Situation of Affairs would be moſt capable of advancing our national Happi⯑neſs, what could he deſire more than a Prince mature in Wiſdom and Experience; renowned for his Valour and Reſolution; ſucceſsful and fortunate in his Undertakings; zealous for the Reformed Religion; related or allied to all the moſt conſiderable Proteſtant Powers of Europe; and bleſt with a numerous Iſſue! A Failure in any one of theſe Particulars has been the Cauſe of in⯑finite Calamities to the Britiſh Nation; but when they all thus happily concur in the ſame Perſon, they are as much as can be ſuggeſted, even by [264] our Wiſhes, for making us a happy People, ſo far as the Qualifications of a Monarch can contri⯑bute to it.

I ſhall not attempt a Character of his preſent Majeſty, having already given an imperfect Sketch of it in my ſecond Paper; but ſhall chuſe rather to obſerve that cruel Treatment which this excellent Prince has met with from the Tongues and Pens of ſome of his diſaffect⯑ed Subjects. The Baſeneſs, Ingratitude, and In⯑juſtice of which Practice will appear to us, if we conſider,

Firſt, that it reflects highly upon the good Senſe of the Britiſh Nation, who do not know how to ſet a juſt Value upon a Prince, whoſe Virtues have gained him the univerſal Eſteem of foreign Countries. Thoſe Potentates who, as ſome may ſuppoſe, do not wiſh well to his Affairs, have ſhewn the greateſt Reſpect to his perſonal Character, and teſtified their Readi⯑neſs to enter into ſuch Friendſhips and Alli⯑ances as may be advantageous to his People. The Northern Kings ſolicite him with Impati⯑ence to come among them, as the only Perſon capable of ſettling the ſeveral Claims and Pre⯑tenſions, which have produced ſuch unſpeakable Calamities in that Part of the World. Two of the moſt remote and formidable Powers of Europe have entertained Thoughts of ſubmitting their Diſputes to his Arbitration. Every one knows His ancient Subjects had ſuch a long Ex⯑perience of his Soveraign Virtues, that at his Departure from them his whole People were in Tears; which were anſwered with all thoſe Sentiments of Humanity, that ariſe in the Heart of a good Prince on ſo moving an Occaſion. What a Figure therefore muſt we make among [265] Mankind, if we are the only People of Europe who derogate from his Merit, that may be made happy by it! and, if in a Kingdom which is grown glorious by the Reputation of ſuch a Soveraign, there are Multitudes who would endeavour to leſſen and undervalue it.

In the next Place; ſuch a Treatment from any part of our Fellow-Subjects, is by no means anſwerable to what we receive from His Ma⯑jeſty. His Love and Regard for our Conſtitu⯑tion is ſo remarkable, that, as we are told by thoſe whoſe Office it is to lay the Buſineſs of the Nation before him, it is his firſt Queſtion, upon any Matter of the leaſt Doubt or Difficulty, whether it be in every Point according to the Laws of the Land? He is eaſy of Acceſs to thoſe who deſire it, and is ſo gracious in his Behavi⯑our and Condeſcenſion on ſuch Occaſions, that none of his Subjects retire from his Preſence without the greateſt Idea of his Wiſdom and Goodneſs. His continued Application to ſuch publick Affairs as may conduce to the Benefit of his Kingdoms, diverts him from thoſe Plea⯑ſures and Entertainments which may be indul⯑ged by Perſons in a lower Station, and are pur⯑ſued with Eagerneſs by Princes who have not the Care of the Publick ſo much at Heart. The leaſt Return, which we can make to ſuch a Soveraign, is that Tribute which is always paid by honeſt Men, and is always acceptable to great Minds, the Praiſe and Approbation that are due to a virtuous and noble Character. Common Decency forbids opprobrious Lan⯑guage, even to a bad Prince; and common Ju⯑ſtice will exact from us, towards a good Prince, the ſame Benevolence and Humanity with which he treats his Subjects. Thoſe who are influen⯑ced [266] by Duty and Gratitude, will riſe much higher in all the Expreſſions of Affection and Reſpect, and think they can never do too much to advance the Glory of a Soveraign, who takes ſo much Pains to advance their Happineſs.

When we have a King, who has gain'd the Reputation of the moſt unblemiſh'd Probity and Honour, and has been fam'd, through the whole Courſe of his Life, for an inviolable Adherence to his Promiſes, we may acquieſce (after his many ſolemn Declarations) in all thoſe Mea⯑ſures which it is impoſſible for us to judge right⯑ly of, unleſs we were let into ſuch Schemes of Council and Intelligence as produce them; and therefore we ſhould rather turn our Thoughts upon the Reaſonableneſs of his Proceedings, than buſy our ſelves to form Objections againſt them. The Conſideration of His Majeſty'd Character ſhould at all Times ſuppreſs our Cenſure of his Conduct: And ſince we have never yet ſeen, or heard of any falſe Steps in his Behaviour, we ought in Juſtice to think, that he governs himſelf by his uſual Rules of Wiſdom and Honour, 'till we diſcover ſome⯑thing to the contrary.

Theſe Conſiderations ought to reconcile to His Majeſty the Hearts and Tongues of all His People: But as for thoſe who are the obſtinate, irreclaimable, profeſſed Enemies to our preſent Eſtabliſhment, we muſt expect their Calumnies will not only continue, but riſe againſt him in proportion as he purſues ſuch Meaſures as are likely to prove ſucceſsful, and ought to recom⯑mend him to his People.

No. 47. Friday, June 1. 1716.

I Queſtion not but moſt of my Readers will be very well pleaſed to hear, that my Friend the Fox-hunter, of whoſe Arrival in Town, I gave Notice in my 44^th Paper, is become a Convert to the preſent Eſtabliſhment, and a good Subject to King GEORGE. The Motives to his Con⯑verſion ſhall be the Subject of this Paper, as they may be of uſe to other Perſons who labour un⯑der thoſe Prejudices and Prepoſſeſſions, which hung ſo long upon the Mind of my worthy Friend. Theſe I had an Opportunity of learn⯑ing the other Day, when, at his Requeſt, we took a Ramble together to ſee the Curioſities of this great Town.

The firſt Circumſtance, as he ingenuouſly confeſſed to me (while we were in the Coach together) which helped to diſabuſe him, was ſeeing King Charles I. on Horſeback, at Cha⯑ring-Croſs; for he was ſure that Prince could never have kept his Seat there, had the Stories been true he had heard in the Countrey, that Forty One was come about again.

He owned to me that he looked with Hor⯑ror on the new Church that is half built in the Strand, as taking it at firſt ſight to be half de⯑moliſhed: But upon enquiring of the Work⯑men, was agreeably ſurprized to find, that in⯑ſtead of pulling it down, they were building it [268] up; and that Fifty more were raiſing in other Parts of the Town.

To theſe I muſt add a third Circumſtance, which I find had no ſmall Share in my Friend's Converſion. Since his coming to Town, he chanced to look into the Church of St. Paul, about the middle of Sermon-time, where ha⯑ving firſt examined the Dome, to ſee if it ſtood ſafe, (for the Screw-Plot ſtill ran in his Head) he obſerved, that the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and City Sword were a part of the Congrega⯑tion. This Sight had the more Weight with him, as by good Luck not above two of that Venerable Body were fallen a-ſleep.

This Diſcourſe held us till we came to the Tower; for our firſt Viſit was to the Lions. My Friend, who had a great deal of Talk with their Keeper, enquired very much after their Health, and whether none of them had fallen ſick upon the taking of Perth, and the Flight of the Pretender? and hearing they were never better in their Lives, I found he was extremely ſtartled: For he had learned from his Cradle, that the Lions in the Tower were the beſt Judg⯑es of the Title of our Britiſh Kings, and al⯑ways ſympathized with our Soveraigns.

After having here ſatiated our Curioſity, we repaired to the Monument, where my Fellow-Traveller, being a well-breathed Man, mount⯑ed the Aſcent with much Speed and Activity. I was forced to halt ſo often in this perpendicu⯑lar March, that, upon my joining him on the Top of the Pillar, I found he had counted all the Steeples and Towers which were diſcernible from this advantageous Situation, and was en⯑deavouring to compute the Number of Acres [269] they ſtood upon. We were both of us very well pleaſed with this part of the Proſpect; but I found he caſt an evil Eye upon ſeveral Ware⯑houſes, and other Buildings, that looked like Barns, and ſeemed capable of receiving great Multitudes of People. His Heart miſgave him that theſe were ſo many Meeting-Houſes, but, upon communicating his Suſpicions to me, I ſoon made him eaſy in this particular.

We then turned our Eyes upon the River, which gave me an Occaſion to inſpire him with ſome favourable Thoughts of Trade and Mer⯑chandize, that had fill'd the Thames with ſuch Crowds of Ships, and covered the Shore with ſuch Swarms of People.

We deſcended very leiſurely, my Friend be⯑ing careful to count the Steps, which he regi⯑ſter'd in a blank Leaf of his new Almanack. Upon our coming to the bottom, obſerving an Engliſh Inſcription upon the Baſis, he read it over ſeveral Times, and told me he could ſcarce believe his own Eyes, for that he had often heard from an old Attorney, who lived near him in the Countrey, that it was the Presbyterians who burned down the City; whereas, ſays he, this Pillar poſitively affirms in ſo many Words, that the burning of this ancient City was begun and carried on by the Treachery and Malice of the Po⯑piſh Faction, in order to the carrying on their hor⯑rid Plot for extirpating the Proteſtant Religion, and old Engliſh Liberty and introducing Popery and Slavery. This Account, which he looked upon to be more authentick, than if it had been in Print, I found, made a very great Impreſſion upon him.

We now took Coach again, and made the beſt of our Way for the Royal Exchange, though I [270] found he did not much care to venture himſelf into the Throng of that Place; for he told me he had heard they were, generally ſpeaking, Re⯑publicans, and was afraid of having his Pocket pick'd amongſt them. But he ſoon conceived a better Opinion of them, when he ſpied the Statue of King Charles II. ſtanding up in the mid⯑dle of the Crowd, and moſt of the Kings in Ba⯑ker's Chronicle ranged in order over their Heads; from whence he very juſtly concluded, that an Antimonarchical Aſſembly could never chuſe ſuch a Place to meet in once a Day.

To continue this good Diſpoſition in my Friend, after a ſhort ſtay at Stocks Market, we drove away directly for the Meuſe, where he was not a little edified with the Sight of thoſe fine Sets of Horſes which have been brought over from Hanover, and with the Care that is taken of them. He made many good Remarks upon this Occaſion, and was ſo pleaſed with his Company, that I had much ado to get him out of the Stable.

In our Progreſs to St. James's Park (for that was the end of our Journey) he took Notice, with great Satisfaction, that, contrary to his In⯑telligence in the Countrey, the Shops were all open and full of Buſineſs; that the Soldiers walked civilly in the Streets; that Clergymen, inſtead of being affronted, had generally the Wall given them; and that he had heard the Bells ring to Prayers from Morning to Night, in ſome Part of the Town or another.

As he was full of theſe honeſt Reflections, it happened very luckily for us that one of the King's Coaches paſſed by with the three young Princeſſes in it, whom by an accidental Stop we had an Opportunity of ſurveying for ſome [271] Time: My Friend was raviſhed with the Beau⯑ty, Innocence, and Sweetneſs, that appeared in all their Faces. He declared ſeveral Times that they were the fineſt Children he had ever ſeen in all his Life; and aſſured me that, before this Sight, if any one had told him it had been poſ⯑ſible for three ſuch pretty Children to have been born out of England, he ſhould never have be⯑lieved them.

We were now walking together in the Park, and as it is uſual for Men who are naturally warm and heady, to be tranſported with the greateſt Fluſh of Good-nature when they are once ſweetened; he owned to me very frankly, he had been much impoſed upon by thoſe falſe Accounts of things he had heard in the Coun⯑trey; and that he would make it his Buſineſs, upon his Return thither, to ſet his Neighbours right, and give them a more juſt Notion of the preſent State of Affairs.

What confirm'd my Friend in this excellent Temper of Mind, and gave him an inexpreſſible Satisfaction, was a Meſſage he received, as we were walking together, from the Priſoner, for whom he had given his Teſtimony in his late Tryal. This Perſon having been condemned for his Part in the late Rebellion, ſent him word that His Majeſty had been graciouſly pleaſed to Reprieve him, with ſeveral of his Friends, in order, as it was thought, to give them their Lives; and that he hoped before he went out of Town they ſhould have a cheerful Meeting, and drink Health and Proſperity to King George.

No. 48. Monday, June 4.

THE Condition of a Miniſter of State is on⯑ly ſuited to Perſons, who, out of a Love to their King and Countrey, deſire rather to be uſeful to the Publick, than eaſy to themſelves. When a Man is poſted in ſuch a Station, what⯑ever his Behaviour may be, he is ſure, beſide the natural Fatigue and Trouble of it to incur the Envy of ſome, and the Diſpleaſure of others; as he will have many Rivals, whoſe Ambition he cannot ſatisfy, and many Dependents whoſe Wants he cannot provide for. Theſe are Mis⯑fortunes inſeparable from ſuch publick Employ⯑ments in all Countries; but there are ſeveral o⯑thers which hang upon this Condition of Life in our Britiſh Government, more than any other Soveraignty in Europe: As in the firſt Place, there is no other Nation which is ſo equally di⯑vided into two oppoſite Parties, whom it is im⯑poſſible to pleaſe at the ſame Time. Our No⯑tions of the publick Good, with relation both to our ſelves and Foreigners, are of ſo different a Nature, that thoſe Meaſures which are extol⯑led by one half of the Kingdom, are naturally decryed by the other. Beſides, that in a Britiſh Adminiſtration, many Acts of Government are [273] abſolutely neceſſary, in which one of the Par⯑ties muſt be favoured and obliged, in oppoſition to their Antagoniſts. So that the moſt perfect Adminiſtration, conducted by the moſt conſum⯑mate Wiſdom and Probity, muſt unavoidably produce Oppoſition, Enmity, and Defamation, from Multitudes who are made happy by it.

Farther, It is peculiarly obſerved of our Na⯑tion, that almoſt every Man in it is a Politician, and hath a Scheme of his own, which he thinks preferable to that of any other Perſon. Whether this may proceed from that Spirit of Liberty which reigns among us, or from thoſe great Numbers of all Ranks and Conditions, who from Time to Time are concerned in the Britiſh Legiſlature, and by that Means are let into the Buſineſs of the Nation, I ſhall not take upon me to determine. But for this Reaſon it is certain, that a Britiſh Miniſtry muſt expect to meet with many Cenſurers, even in their own Party, and ought to be ſatisfied, if, allowing to every parti⯑cular Man that his private Scheme is wiſeſt, they can perſuade him that next to his own Plan that of the Government is the moſt eligible.

Beſides, We have a Set of very honeſt and well-meaning Gentlemen in England, not to be met with in other Countries, who take it for granted, they can never be in the wrong, ſo long as they oppoſe Miniſters of State. Thoſe, whom they have admired through the whole Courſe of their Lives for their Honour and Integrity, though they ſtill perſiſt to act in their former Cha⯑racter, and change nothing but their Stations, appear to them in a diſadvantageous Light, as ſoon as they are placed upon State-Eminences. Many of theſe Gentlemen have been uſed to think there is a kind of Slavery in concurring with [274] the Meaſures of Great Men, and that the Good of the Countrey is inconſiſtent with the Incli⯑nations of the Court: By the Strength of theſe Prejudices, they are apt to fancy a Man loſes his Honeſty, from the very Moment that it is made the moſt capable of being uſeful to the Publick; and will not conſider that it is every whit as honourable to aſſiſt a good Miniſter, as to oppoſe a bad one.

In the laſt Place, We may obſerve, that there are greater Numbers of Perſons who ſolicit for Places, and perhaps are fit for them, in our own Countrey, than in any other. To which we muſt add, That, by the Nature of our Conſtitu⯑tion, it is in the Power of more particular Per⯑ſons in this Kingdom, than in any other, to di⯑ſtreſs the Government when they are diſobliged. A Britiſh Miniſter muſt therefore expect to ſee many of thoſe Friends and Dependents fall off from him, whom he cannot gratify in their De⯑mands upon him; ſince, to uſe the Phraſe of a late Stateſman, who knew very well how to form a Party, The Paſture is not large enough.

Upon the Whole: The Condition of a Britiſh Miniſter labours under ſo many Difficulties, that we find in almoſt every Reign ſince the Con⯑queſt, the chief Miniſters have been New Men, or ſuch as have raiſed themſelves to the greateſt Poſts in the Government, from the State of pri⯑vate Gentlemen. Several of them neither roſe from any Conſpicuous Family, nor left any be⯑hind them, being of that Claſs of eminent Per⯑ſons, whom Sir Francis Bacon ſpeaks of, who, like Comets or blazing Stars, draw upon them the whole Attention of the Age in which they ap⯑pear, though no Body knows whence they came, not where they are loſt. Perſons of Hereditary [275] Wealth and Title have not been over forward to engage in ſo great a Scene of Cares and Per⯑plexities, nor to run all the Riſques of ſo dangerous a Situation. Nay, many whoſe Greatneſs and Fortune were not made to their Hands, and had ſufficient Qualifications and Opportunities of ri⯑ſing to theſe high Poſts of Truſt and Honour, have been deterred from ſuch Purſuits by the Difficulties that attend them, and choſe rather to be Eaſie than Powerful; or, if I may uſe the Expreſſion, to be Carried in the Chariot than to Drive it.

As the Condition of a Miniſter of State in ge⯑neral is ſubject to many Burthens and Vexati⯑ons; and as that of a Britiſh Miniſter in particu⯑lar is involved in ſeveral Hazards and Difficul⯑ties peculiar to our own Countrey: ſo is this high Station expoſed more than ordinary to ſuch Inconveniencies in the preſent Juncture of Af⯑fairs; firſt, as it is the beginning of a new Eſta⯑bliſhment among us; and ſecondly, as this Eſta⯑bliſhment hath been diſturbed by a dangerous Rebellion.

If we look back into our Engliſh Hiſtory, we ſhall always find the firſt Monarch of a new Line received with the greateſt Oppoſition, and reconciling to himſelf by Degrees the Duty and Affection of his People. The Government, on ſuch Occaſions, is always ſhaken before it ſettles. The Inveteracy of the Peoples Prejudices, and the Artifices of domeſtick Enemies, compelled their Rulers to make uſe of all Means for re⯑ducing them to their Allegiance, which perhaps, after all was brought about rather by Time than by Policy. When Commotions and Diſturban⯑ces are of an extraordinary and unuſual Nature, the Proceedings of the Government muſt be ſo [276] too. The Remedy muſt be ſuited to the Evil, and I know no Juncture more difficult to a Mi⯑niſter of State, than ſuch as requires uncommon Methods to be made uſe of; when at the ſame Time no others can be made uſe of, than what are preſcribed by the known Laws of our Con⯑ſtitution. Several Meaſures may be abſolutely neceſſary in ſuch a Juncture, which may be repre⯑ſented as hard and ſevere, and would not be pro⯑per in a Time of publick Peace and Tranquillity. In this Caſe Virgil's Excuſe, which he puts in the Mouth of a fictitious Sovereign upon a Com⯑plaint of this Nature, hath the utmoſt force of Reaſon and Juſtice on its Side.

In the next Place: As this Eſtabliſhment has been diſturbed by a dangerous Rebellion, the Miniſtry has been involved in many additional and ſupernumerary Difficulties. It is a common Remark, that Engliſh Miniſters never fare ſo well as in a Time of War with a foreign Power, which diverts the private Feuds and Animoſities of the Nation, and turns their Efforts upon the common Enemy. As a foreign War is favou⯑rable to a Miniſtry, a Rebellion is no leſs dan⯑gerous; if it ſucceeds, they are the firſt Perſons who muſt fall a Sacrifice to it; if it is defeated, they naturally become odious to all the ſecret Favourers and Abettors of it. Every Method they make uſe of for preventing or ſuppreſſing it, and for deterring others from the like Practices for the future, muſt be unacceptable and diſplea⯑ſing [277] to the Friends, Relations and Accomplices of the Guilty. In Caſes where it is thought ne⯑ceſſary to make Examples, it is the Humour of the Multitude to forget the Crime and re⯑member the Puniſhment. However, we have already ſeen, and ſtill hope to ſee, ſo many In⯑ſtances of Mercy in his Majeſty's Government, that our chief Miniſters have more to fear from the Murmurs of their too violent Friends, than from the Reproaches of their Enemies.

No. 49. Friday, June 8.

YEſterday was ſet apart as a Day of Publick Thankſgiving for the late extraordinary Succeſſes, which have ſecured to us every Thing that can be eſteemed, and delivered us from eve⯑ry Thing that can be apprehended, by a Prote⯑ſtant and a Free People. I cannot but obſerve, upon this Occaſion, the natural Tendency in ſuch a National Devotion, to inſpire Men with Sentiments of religious Gratitude, and to ſwell their Hearts with inward Tranſports of Joy and Exultation.

When Inſtances of Divine Favour, are great in themſelves, when they are freſh upon the Me⯑mory, when they are peculiar to a certain Coun⯑trey, and commemorated by them in large and ſolemn Aſſemblies; A Man muſt be of a very cold or degenerate Temper, whoſe Heart doth not burn within him in the midſt of that Praiſe [278] and Adoration, which ariſes at the ſame Hour in all the different Parts of the Nation, and from the many Thouſands of the People.

It is impoſſible to read of Extraordinary and National Acts of Worſhip, without being warm⯑ed with the Deſcription, and feeling ſome De⯑gree of that Divine Enthuſiaſm, which ſpreads it ſelf among a joyful and religious Multitude. A Part of that exuberant Devotion, with which the whole Aſſembly raiſed and animated one a⯑nother, catches a Reader at the greateſt Di⯑ſtance of Time, and makes him a kind of Sharer in it.

Among all the publick Solemnities of this Nature there is none in Hiſtory ſo glorious as that under the Reign of King Solomon, at the De⯑dication of the Temple. Beſides the great Of⯑ficers of State, and the Inhabitants of Jeruſalem, all the Elders and Heads of Tribes, with the whole Body of the People ranged under them, from one end of the Kingdom to the other, were ſummoned to aſſiſt in it. We may gueſs at the prodigious Number of this Aſſembly from the Sacrifice on which they feaſted, conſiſting of a Hundred and Twenty Thouſand Sheep, and Two Hundred and Twenty Hecatombs of Oxen. When this vaſt Congregation was for⯑med into a regular Proceſſion to attend the Ark of the Covenant, the King marched at the Head of his People, with Hymns and Dances to the new Temple, which he had erected for its Re⯑ception. Joſephus tells us, that the Levites ſprinkled the Way as they paſſed with the Blood of Sacrifices, and burned the holy Incenſe in ſuch Quantities as refreſhed the whole Multitude with its Odours, and filled all the Region about them with Perfume. When the Ark was depoſited [279] under the Wings of the Cherubims in the holy Place, the great Conſort of Praiſe began. It was enlivened with a Hundred and Twenty Trumpets, aſſiſted with a proportionable Num⯑ber of other kinds of muſical Inſtruments, and accompanied with innumerable Voices of all the Singers of Iſrael, who were inſtructed and ſet apart to religious Performances of this kind. As this mighty Chorus was extolling their Ma⯑ker, and exciting the whole Nation thus aſſem⯑bled to the Praiſe of his never-ceaſing Goodneſs and Mercy, the Shekinah deſcended: Or to tell it in the more emphatical Words of holy Writ, It came to paſs, as the Trumpets and Singers were as one, to make one Sound to be heard in praiſing and thanking the Lord, and when they lift up their Voice with the Trumpets and Cymbals, and Inſtru⯑ments of Muſick, and praiſed the Lord ſaying, For he is good, for his Mercy endureth for ever; that then the Houſe was filled with a Cloud. The Prieſts themſelves, not able to bear the Awful⯑neſs of the Appearance, retired into the Court of the Temple, where the King being placed upon a brazen Scaffold, ſo as to be ſeen by the whole Multitude, bleſſed the Congregation of Iſrael, and afterwards, ſpreading forth his Hands to Heaven, offered up that Divine Prayer which is twice recorded at length in Scripture, and has always been looked upon as a Compoſition fit to have proceeded from the wiſeſt of Men. He had no ſooner finiſhed his Prayer, when a Flaſh of Fire fell from Heaven and burned up the Sacrifice which lay ready upon the Altar. The People, whoſe Hearts were gradually mo⯑ved by the Solemnity of the whole Proceeding, having been exalted by the religious Strains of Muſick, and aw'd by the Appearance of that [280] Glory which filled the Temple, ſeeing now the miraculous Conſumption of the Sacrifice, and obſerving the Piety of their King, who lay pro⯑ſtrate before his Maker, bowed themſelves with their Faces to the Ground upon the Pavement, and worſhipped and praiſed the Lord, ſaying, For he is good, for his Mercy endureth for ever.

What Happineſs might not ſuch a Kingdom promiſe to itſelf, where the ſame elevated Spi⯑rit of Religion ran through the Prince, the Prieſts, and the People! But I ſhall quit this Head, to obſerve that ſuch an uncommon Fervour of Devotion ſhewed itſelf among our own Coun⯑treymen, and in the Perſons of three Princes, who were the greateſt Conquerors in our Engliſh Hiſtory. Theſe are Edward the Third, his Son the Black Prince, and Henry the Fifth. As for the firſt, we are told that, before the famous Battel of Creſſy, he ſpent the greateſt Part of the Night in Prayer, and in the Morning received the Sacrament with his Son, the chief of his Of⯑ficers, and Nobility. The Night of that glo⯑rious Day was no leſs piouſly diſtinguiſhed by the Orders, which he gave out to his Army, that they ſhould forbear all inſulting of their E⯑nemies, or boaſting of their own Valour, and employ their Time in returning Thanks to the great Giver of the Victory. The Black Prince, before the Battel of Poictiers, declared, that his whole Confidence was in the Divine Aſſiſtance; and after that great Victory, behaved himſelf in all Particulars like a truly Chriſtian Conqueror. Eight Days ſucceſſively were appointed by his Father in England, for a Solemn and Publick Thankſgiving; and when the young Prince re⯑turned in Triumph with a King of France as his Priſoner, the Pomp of the Day conſiſted chiefly [281] in extraordinary Proceſſions, and Acts of De⯑votion. The Behaviour of the Black Prince, after a Battel in Spain, whereby he reſtored the King of Caſtile to his Dominions, was no leſs remarkable. When that King, tranſported with his Succeſs, flung himſelf upon his Knees to thank him, the generous Prince ran to him, and, taking him by the Hand, told him it was not He who could lay any Claim to his Grati⯑tude, but deſired they might go to the Altar to⯑gether, and jointly return their Thanks to whom only it was due.

Henry V. (who at the Beginning of his Reign, made a publick Prayer in the Preſence of his Lords and Commons, that he might be cut off by an immediate Death, if Providence foreſaw he would not prove a juſt and good Governor, and promote the Welfare of his People) mani⯑feſtly derived his Courage from his Piety, and was ſcrupulouſly careful not to aſcribe the Suc⯑ceſs of it to himſelf. When he came within Sight of that prodigious Army, which offered him Battel at Agincourt, he ordered all his Ca⯑valry to diſmount, and with the reſt of his For⯑ces, to implore upon their Knees a Bleſſing on their Undertaking. In a noble Speech, which he made to his Soldiers immediately before the firſt Onſet, he took Notice of a very remarka⯑ble Circumſtance, namely, that this very Day of Battel was the Day appointed in his own Kingdom, to offer up publick Devotions for the Proſperity of his Arms, and therefore bid them not doubt of Victory, ſince at the ſame Time that they were fighting in the Field, all the People of England were lifting up their Hands to Heaven for their Succeſs. Upon the cloſe of that me⯑morable Day, in which the King had performed [282] Wonders wirh his own Hand, he ordered the CXV^th Pſalm to be repeated in the midſt of his victorious Army, and at the Words, Not unto us, not unto us, but unto thy Name be the Praiſe, He himſelf, with his whole Hoſt, fell to the Earth upon their Faces, aſcribing to Omnipotence the whole Glory of ſo great an Action.

I ſhall conclude this Paper with a Reflection, which naturally riſes out of it. As there is no⯑thing more beautiful in the Sight of God and Man, than a King and his People concurring in ſuch extraordinary Acts of Devotion, one cannot ſuppoſe a greater Contradiction and Ab⯑ſurdity in a Government, than where the King is of one Religion and the People of another. What Harmony or Correſpondence can be ex⯑pected between a Soveraign and his Subjects, when they cannot join together in the moſt joy⯑ful, the moſt ſolemn, and moſt laudable Action of reaſonable Creatures; in a word, where the Prince conſiders his People as Hereticks, and the People look upon their Prince as an Idolater!

No. 50. Monday, June 11.

WHEN Mahomet had for many Years en⯑deavoured to propagate his Impoſture a⯑mong [283] his Fellow-Citizens, and, inſtead of gain⯑ing any Number of Proſelytes, found his Am⯑bition fruſtrated, and his Notions ridiculed; he forbad his Followers the Uſe of Argument and Diſputation in the advancing of his Doctrines, and to rely only upon the Scimeter for their Suc⯑ceſs. Chriſtianity, he obſerved, had made its way by Reaſon and Miracles, but he profeſs'd it was his Deſign to ſave Men by the Sword. From that time he began to knock down his Fellow-Citizens with a great deal of Zeal, to plunder Caravans with a moſt exemplary Sanctity, and to fill all Arabia with an unnatural Medly of Religion and Bloodſhed.

The Enemies of our happy Eſtabliſhment ſeem at preſent to copy out the Piety of this ſe⯑ditious Prophet, and to have Recourſe to his laudable Method of Club Law, when they find all other Means for enforcing the Abſurdity of their Opinions to be ineffectual. It was uſual among the antient Romans, for thoſe, who had ſaved the Life of a Citizen, to be dreſt in an Oaken Garland; but among us, This has been a Mark of ſuch well-intentioned Perſons, as would betray their Countrey, if they were able, and beat out the Brains of their Fellow-Sub⯑jects. Nay, the Leaders of this poor unthink⯑ing Rabble, to ſhew their Wit, have lately deck⯑ed them out of their Kitchen Gardens in a moſt inſipid Pun, very well ſuited to the Capacity of ſuch Followers.

This manner of proceeding has had an Ef⯑fect quite contrary to the Intention of theſe in⯑genious Demagogues: For by ſetting ſuch an unfortunate Mark on their Followers, they have expoſed them to innumerable Drubs and Confuſions. They have been cudgell'd moſt [284] unmercifully in every part of London and Weſt⯑minſter; and over all the Nation have avowed their Principles, to the unſpeakable Damage of their Bones. In ſhort, if we may believe our Accounts both from Town and Countrey, the Noſes and Ears of the Party are very much di⯑miniſhed, ſince they have appeared under this unhappy Diſtinction.

The Truth of it is, there is ſuch an unac⯑countable Frenzy and Licentiouſneſs ſpread through the baſeſt of the People, of all Parties and Denominations, that if their Skirmiſhes did not proceed to too great an Extremity, one would not be ſorry to ſee them beſtowing ſo liberally, upon one another, a Chaſtiſement which they ſo richly deſerve. Their Thumps and Bruiſes might turn to account, and ſave the Government a great deal of Trouble, if they could beat each other into good Manners.

Were not Advice thrown away on ſuch a thoughtleſs Rabble, one would recommend to their ſerious Conſideration what is ſuſpected, and indeed known, to be the Cauſe of theſe po⯑pular Tumults and Commotions in this great City. They are the Popiſh Miſſionaries, that lie concealed under many Diſguiſes in all Quar⯑ters of the Town, who mix themſelves in theſe dark Scuffles, and animate the Mob to ſuch mu⯑tual Outrages and Inſults. This profligate Spe⯑cies of Modern Apoſtles divert themſelves at the Expence of a Government, which is oppo⯑ſite to their Intereſts, and are pleaſed to ſee the broken Heads of Hereticks, in what Party ſoever they have liſted themſelves. Their Treatment of our ſilly Countreymen, puts me in mind of an Account in Tavernier's Travels through the Eaſt Indies. This Author tells us, there is a [285] great Wood in thoſe Parts very plentifully ſtock⯑ed with Monkies; that a large High-way runs through the middle of this Wood; and that the Monkies who live on the one Side of this High-way, are declared Enemies to thoſe who live on the other. When the Inhabitants of that Coun⯑trey have a Mind to give themſelves a Diverſion, it is uſual for them to ſet theſe poor Animals together by the Ears; which they do after this Manner. They place ſeveral Pots of Rice in the middle of the Road, with great Heaps of Cudgels in the Neighbourhood of every Pot. The Monkies, on the firſt Diſcovery of theſe Proviſions, deſcend from the Trees on either Side in prodigious Numbers, take up the Arms, with which their good Friends have furniſhed them, and belabour one another with a Storm of Thwacks, to the no ſmall Mirth and Enter⯑tainment of the Beholders. This Mob of Mon⯑kies act however ſo far reaſonably in this Point, as the victorious Side of the Wood find, upon the Repulſe of their Enemies, a conſiderable Booty on the Field of Battel; whereas our Par⯑ty-Mobs are betrayed into the Fray without any Proſpect of the Feaſt.

If our common People have not Virtue enough left among them, to lay aſide this wicked and unnatural Hatred which is crept into their Hearts againſt one another, nor Senſe enough to reſiſt the Artifice of thoſe Incendiaries, who would animate them to the Deſtruction of their Coun⯑trey; it is high time for the Government to ex⯑ert it ſelf in the repreſſing of ſuch ſeditious Tu⯑mults and Commotions. If that extraordinary Lenity and Forbearance which has been hitherto ſhewn on thoſe Occaſions, proves ineffectual to that Purpoſe, theſe Miſcreants of the Commu⯑nity [286] ought to be made ſenſible, that our Con⯑ſtitution is armed with a ſufficient Force for the Reformation of ſuch Diſorders, and the Settle⯑ment of the publick Peace.

There cannot be a greater Affront to Religion, than ſuch a tumultuous Riſing of the People, who diſtinguiſh the Times ſet apart for the Natio⯑nal Devotions by the moſt brutal Scenes of Vio⯑lence, Clamour, and Intemperance. The Day begins with a Thankſgiving, and ends in a Riot. Inſtead of the Voice of mutual Joy and Gladneſs, there is nothing heard in our Streets but oppro⯑brious Language, Ribaldry and Contention.

As ſuch a Practice is ſcandalous to our Religi⯑on, ſo it is no leſs a Reproach to our Govern⯑ment. We are become a By-word among the Nations for our ridiculous Feuds and Animo⯑ſities, and fill all the publick Prints of Europe with the Accounts of our Mid-night Brawls and Confuſions.

The Miſchiefs ariſing to private Perſons from theſe vile Diſturbers of the Common wealth are too many to be enumerated. The Great and Innocent are inſulted by the Scum and Refuſe of the People. Several poor Wretches, who have engaged in theſe Commotions, have been diſ⯑abled, for their Lives, from doing any Good to their Families and Dependents; nay, ſeveral of them have fallen a Sacrifice to their own in⯑excuſable Folly and Madneſs. Should the Go⯑vernment be wearied out of its preſent Patience and Forbearance, and forced to execute all thoſe Powers with which it is inveſted for the Preſer⯑vation of the publick Peace; what is to be ex⯑pected by ſuch Heaps of turbulent and ſeditious Men!

[287] Theſe and the like Conſiderations, though they may have no Influence on the headſtrong unruly Multitude, ought to ſink into the Minds of thoſe who are their Abettors, and who, if they eſcape the Puniſhment here due to them, muſt very well know that theſe ſeveral Miſchiefs will be one Day laid to their Charge.

No. 51. Friday, June 15.

AS there is nothing which more improves the Mind of Man, than the reading of antient Authors, when it is done with Judgment and Diſcretion; ſo there is nothing which gives a more unlucky Turn to the Thoughts of a Reader, when he wants Diſcernment, and loves and ad⯑mires the Characters and Actions of Men in a wrong Place. Alexander the Great was ſo in⯑flamed with falſe Notions of Glory, by reading the Story of Achilles in the Iliad, that after ha⯑ving taken a Town, he ordered the Governor, who had made a gallant Defence, to be bound by the Feet to his Chariot; and afterwards dragg'd the brave Man round the City, becauſe Hector had been treated in the ſame barbarous manner by his admired Hero.

Many Engliſhmen have proved very pernicious to their own Countrey, by following blindly the Examples of Perſons to be met with in Greek and Roman Hiſtory, who acted in Conformity with their own Governments, after a quite dif⯑ferent [288] manner, than they would have acted in a Conſtitution like that of ours. Such a Method of proceeding is as unreaſonable in a Politician, as it would be in a Husbandman to make uſe of Virgil's Precepts of Agriculture, in managing the Soil of our Countrey, that lies in a quite different Climate, and under the Influence of almoſt another Sun.

Our Regicides in the Commiſſion of the moſt execrable Murder uſed to juſtify themſelves from the Conduct of Brutus, not conſidering that Caeſar, from the Condition of a Fellow-Citizen, had riſen by the moſt indirect Methods, and broken through all the Laws of the Commu⯑nity, to place himſelf at the Head of the Govern⯑ment, and enſlave his Countrey. On the other ſide, ſeveral of our Engliſh Readers, having ob⯑ſerved that a Paſſive and Unlimited Obedience was payed to Roman Emperors, who were poſ⯑ſeſſed of the whole Legiſlative, as well as Ex⯑ecutive Power, have formerly endeavoured to inculcate the ſame kind of Obedience, where there is not the ſame kind of Authority.

Inſtructions therefore to be learned from Hi⯑ſtories of this Nature, are only ſuch as ariſe from Particulars agreeable to all Communities, or from ſuch as are common to our own Conſtitu⯑tion, and to that of which we read. Atenacious Adherence to the Rights and Liberties tranſmit⯑ted from a wiſe and virtuous Anceſtry, Publick Spirit and a Love of ones Countrey, Submiſſion to eſtabliſhed Laws, impartial Adminiſtrations of Juſtice, a ſtrict Regard to National Faith, with ſeveral other Duties, which are the Supports and Ornaments of Government in general, cannot bee too much admired among the States of Greece and Rome, nor too much imitated by our own Community.

[289] But there is nothing more abſurd, than for Men, who are converſant in theſe Antient Au⯑thors, to contract ſuch a Prejudice in favour of Greeks and Romans, as to fancy we are in the wrong in every Circumſtance whereby we de⯑viate from their Moral or Political Conduct. Yet nothing hath been more uſual, than for Men of warm Heads to refine themſelves up into this kind of State-Pedantry: Like the Countrey School-maſter, who, being uſed for many Years to admire Jupiter, Mars, Bacchus and Apollo, that appear with ſo much Advantage in Claſſick Authors, made an Attempt to revive the Wor⯑ſhip of the Heathen Gods. In ſhort, we find many worthy Gentlemen, whoſe Brains have been as much turned by this kind of reading, as the grave Knight's of Mancha were by his un⯑wearied Application to Books of Knight-Er⯑rantry.

To prevent ſuch Miſchiefs from ariſing out of Studies, which, when rightly conducted, may turn very much to our Advantage, I ſhall ven⯑ture to aſſert, that in our peruſal of Greek or Roman Authors, it is impoſſible to find a Reli⯑gious or Civil Conſtitution, any way compara⯑ble to that which we enjoy in our own Coun⯑trey. Had not our Religion been infinitely pre⯑ferable to that of the antient Heathens, it would never have made its way through Paganiſm, with that amazing Progreſs and Activity. It's Victories were the Victories of Reaſon unaſſiſt⯑ed by the Force of human Power, and as gentle as the Triumphs of Light over Darkneſs. The ſudden Reformation which it made among Mankind, and which was ſo juſtly and frequent⯑ly boaſted of by the firſt Apologiſts for Chri⯑ſtianity, ſhew how infinitely preferable it is [290] to any Syſtem of Religion, that prevailed in the World before its Appearance. This Pre-emi⯑nence of Chriſtianity to any other general Re⯑ligious Scheme, which preceded it, appears like⯑wiſe from this Particular, that the moſt eminent and the moſt enlightned among the Pagan Phi⯑loſophers diſclaimed many of thoſe ſuperſtitious Follies, which are condemned by revealed Re⯑ligion, and preached up ſeveral of thoſe Do⯑ctrines which are ſome of the moſt eſſential Parts of it.

And here I cannot but take Notice of that ſtrange Motive which is made uſe of in the Hi⯑ſtory of Free-thinking, to incline us to depart from the revealed Doctrines of Chriſtianity, as adhered to by the People of Great Britain, be⯑cauſe Socrates, with ſeveral other eminent Greeks, and Cicero, with many other learned Romans, did in the like Manner depart from the religious Notions of their own Countrey-men. Now this Author ſhould have conſider'd, that thoſe very Points, in which theſe wiſe Men diſagreed from the Bulk of the People, are Points in which they agreed with the received Doctrines of our Nation. Their Free-thinking conſiſted in aſſert⯑ing the Unity and Immateriality of the Godhead, the Immortality of the Soul, a State of future Rewards and Puniſhments, and the neceſſity of Virtue, excluſive of all ſilly and ſuperſtitious Practices, to procure the Happineſs of a ſe⯑parate State. They were therefore only Free-thinkers, ſo far forth as they approach'd to the Doctrines of Chriſtianity, that is, to thoſe very Doctrines which this kind of Authors would perſuade us, as Free thinkers, to doubt the Truth of. Now I would appeal to any reaſonable Perſon, whether theſe great Men ſhould not [291] have been propoſed to our Imitation, rather as they embraced theſe divine Truths, than only upon the Account of their breaking looſe from the common Notions of their Fellow-Citizens. But this would diſappoint the general Tendency of ſuch Writings.

I ſhall only add under this Head, that as Chri⯑ſtianity recovered the Law of Nature out of all thoſe Errors and Corruptions, with which it was overgrown in the Times of Paganiſm, our National Religion has reſtored Chriſtianity it ſelf to that Purity and Simplicity in which it ap⯑peared, before it was gradually diſguiſed and loſt among the Vanities and Superſtitions of the Romiſh Church.

That our Civil Conſtitution is preferable to any among the Greeks or Romans, may appear from this ſingle Conſideration; that the greateſt Theoriſts in Matters of this Nature, among thoſe very People have given the Preference to ſuch a Form of Government, as that which obtains in this Kingdom, above any other Form whatſoever. I ſhall mention Ariſtotle, Polybi⯑us and Cicero, that is, the greateſt Philoſopher, the moſt impartial Hiſtorian, and the moſt con⯑ſummate Stateſman of all Antiquity. Theſe famous Authors give the Pre-eminence to a mixt Government conſiſting of three Branches, the Regal, the Noble, and the Popular. It would be very eaſie to prove, not only the Reaſonable⯑neſs of this Poſition, but to ſhew, that there was never any Conſtitution among the Greeks or Romans, in which theſe three Branches were ſo well diſtinguiſhed from each other, inveſted with ſuch ſuitable Proportions of Power, and concurred together in the Legiſlature, that is, in the moſt ſoveraign Acts of Government, with [292] ſuch a neceſſary Conſent and Harmony, as are to be met with in the Conſtitution of this King⯑dom. But I have obſerved, in a foregoing Pa⯑per, how defective the Roman Commonwealth was in this Particular, when compared with our own Form of Government, and it will not be difficult for the Reader, upon ſingling out any other ancient State; to find how far it will ſuffer in the Parallel.

No. 52. Monday, June 18.

THERE is in all Governments a certain Temper of Mind, natural to the Patriots and Lovers of their Conſtitution, which may be called State-Jealouſy. It is this which makes them apprehenſive of every Tendency in the People, or in any particular Member of the Community, to endanger or diſturb that Form of Rule, which is eſtabliſhed by the Laws and Cuſtoms of their Countrey. This political Jealouſy is abſolutely requiſite in ſome degree [293] for the Preſervation of a Government, and ve⯑ry reaſonable in Perſons who are perſuaded of the Excellency of their Conſtitution, and believe that they derive from it the moſt valuable Bleſ⯑ſings of Society.

This publick-ſpirited Paſſion is more ſtrong and active under ſome Governments, than others. The Commonwealth of Venice, which hath ſub⯑ſiſted by it for near fourteen hundred Years, is ſo jealous of all its Members, that it keeps conti⯑nual Spies upon their Actions; and if any one of them preſume to cenſure the eſtabliſhed Plan of that Republick, or touch upon any of its Fundamentals, he is brought before a Secret Council of State, tried in a moſt rigorous man⯑ner, and put to Death without Mercy. The uſual way of proceeding with Perſons who diſ⯑cover themſelves unſatisfied with the Title of their Soveraign in Deſpotick Governments, is to confine the Malecontent, if his Crimes are not Capital, to ſome Caſtle or Dungeon for Life. There is indeed no Conſtitution, ſo tame and careleſs of their own Defence, where any Per⯑ſon dares to give the leaſt Sign or Intimation of being a Traitour in his Heart. Our Engliſh Hi⯑ſtory furniſhes us with many Examples of great Severities during the Diſputes between the Houſes of York and Lancaſter, inflicted on ſuch Perſons as ſhew'd their Diſaffection to the Prince who was on the Throne. Every one knows, that a factious Inn-keeper, in the Reign of Hen⯑ry the Seventh, was hanged, drawn, and quar⯑tered for a ſaucy Pun, which reflected, in a ve⯑ry dark and diſtant manner, upon the Title of that Prince to the Crown. I do not mention the Practice of other Governments, as what ſhould be imitated in ours, which God be thank⯑ed, [294] affords us all the reaſonable Liberty of Speech and Action, ſuited to a Free People; nor do I take Notice of this laſt Inſtance of Se⯑verity in our own Countrey, to juſtify ſuch a Proceeding, but only to diſplay the Mildneſs and Forbearance made uſe of under the Reign of His preſent Majeſty. It may, however, turn to the Advantage of thoſe, who have been in⯑ſtrumental in ſtirring up the late Tumults and Seditions among the People, to conſider the Treatment which ſuch a lawleſs ungoverned Rabble would have met with in any other Coun⯑trey, and under any other Soveraign.

Theſe Incendiaries have had the Art to work up into the moſt unnatural Ferments, the moſt heavy and ſtupid part of the Community; and, if I may uſe a fine Saying of Terence upon a⯑nother Occaſion, to convert Fools into Madmen. This Frenzy hath been raiſed among them to ſuch a degree, that it has lately diſcovered it ſelf in a Sedition which is without a Parallel. They have had the Fool-hardineſs to ſet a Mark upon themſelves on the Pretender's Birth-day, as the declared Friends to his Cauſe, and profeſt Enemies to their King and Countrey. How fatal would ſuch a diſtinction, of which every one knew the meaning, have proved in former Reigns, when many a Circumſtance of leſs Significancy has been conſtrued into an Overt Act of High Treaſon! This unexampled Piece of Inſolence will appear under its juſt Aggrava⯑tions, if we conſider in the firſt place, that it was aimed perſonally at the King.

I do not remember among any of our popu⯑lar Commotions, when Marks of this Nature have been in Faſhion, that either Side were ſo void of common Senſe, as to intimate by them [295] an Averſion to their Soveraign. His Perſon was ſtill held as ſacred by both Parties. The Contention was not who ſhould be the Mo⯑narch over them, but whoſe Scheme of Policy ſhould take Place in his Adminiſtration. This was the Conduct of Whigs and Tories under King Charles the Second's Reign, when Men hung out their Principles in different coloured Ribbons. Nay, in the Times of the Great Re⯑bellion, the avowed Diſaffection of the People always terminated in evil Counſellors. Such an open Outrage upon Majeſty, ſuch an Oſten⯑tation of Diſloyalty, was reſerved for that in⯑famous Rabble of Engliſhmen, who may be juſt⯑ly looked upon as the Scandal of the preſent Age, and the moſt ſhameleſs and abandoned Race of Men that our Nation has yet produced.

In the next Place. It is very peculiar to this Mob of Malecontents, that they did not only diſtinguiſh themſelves againſt their King, but a⯑gainſt a King poſſeſſed of all the Power of the Nation, and one who had ſo very lately cruſhed all thoſe of the ſame Principles, that had Bra⯑very enough to avow them in the Field of Bat⯑tel. When ever was there an Inſtance of a King who was not contemptible for his Weakneſs, and want of Power to reſent, inſulted by a few of his unarmed daſtard Subjects?

It is plain from this ſingle Conſideration, that ſuch a baſe ungenerous Race of Men could rely upon nothing for their Safety in this Affront to His Majeſty, but the known Gentleneſs and Lenity of his Government. Inſtead of being deterred by knowing that he had in his Hands the Power to puniſh them, they were encou⯑raged by knowing that he had not the Inclina⯑tion. In a word, they preſumed upon that Mer⯑cy, [296] which in all their Converſations they en⯑deavour to depreciate and miſrepreſent.

It is a very ſenſible Concern to every one, who has a true and unfeigned Reſpect for our National Religion, to hear theſe vile Miſcreants calling themſelves Sons of the Church of Eng⯑land, amidſt ſuch impious Tumults and Diſor⯑ders; and joining in the Cry of High-Church at the ſame Time that they wear a Badge, which implies their Inclination to deſtroy the Reform⯑ed Religion. Their Concern for the Church al⯑ways riſes higheſt, when they are acting in direct oppoſition to its Doctrines. Our Streets are filled at the ſame Time with Zeal and Drunkenneſs, Riots and Religion. We muſt confeſs, if Noiſe and Clamour, Slander and Calumny, Treaſon and Perjury, were Articles of their Communi⯑on, there would be none living more punctu⯑al in the Performance of their Duties; but if a peaceable Behaviour, a love of Truth, and a Submiſſion to Superiors, are the genuine Marks of our Profeſſion, we ought to be very heartily aſhamed of ſuch a profligate Brotherhood. Or if we will ſtill think and own theſe Men to be true Sons of the Church of England, I dare ſay there is no Church in Europe who will envy her the Glory of ſuch Diſciples. But it is to be hoped we are not ſo fond of Party, as to look upon a Man, becauſe he is a bad Chriſtian, to be a good Church of England Man.

No. 53. Friday, June 22.

THERE is ſcarce any Man in England, of what Denomination ſoever, that is not a Free-thinker in Politicks, and hath not ſome particular Notions of his own, by which he diſtinguiſhes himſelf from the reſt of the Com⯑munity. Our Iſland, which was formerly cal⯑led a Nation of Saints, may now be called a Nation of Stateſmen. Almoſt every Age, Profeſſi⯑on, and Sex among us, has its Favourite Set of Miniſters, and Scheme of Government.

Our Children are initiated into Factions be⯑fore they know their Right Hand from their Left. They no ſooner begin to ſpeak, but Whig and Tory are the firſt Words they learn. They are taught in their Infancy to hate one half of the Nation; and contract all the Virulence and Paſſion of a Party, before they come to the Uſe of their Reaſon.

As for our Nobility, they are Politicians by Birth; and though the Commons of the Na⯑tion delegate their Power in the Community to certain Repreſentatives, every one reſerves to himſelf a private Juriſdiction, or Privilege, of cenſuring their Conduct, and rectifying the Le⯑giſlature. There is ſcarce a Freſh-man in either Univerſity, who is not able to mend the Con⯑ſtitution in ſeveral Particulars. We ſee 'Squires and Yeomen coming up to Town every Day, ſo full of Politicks, that, to uſe the Thought of [298] an ingenious Gentleman, we are frequently put in mind of Roman Dictators, who were called from the Plough. I have often heard of a Se⯑nior Alderman in Buckinghamſhire, who, at all publick Meetings, grows drunk in Praiſe of A⯑riſtocracy, and is as often encountered by an old Juſtice of Peace who lives in the Neigh⯑bourhood, and will talk you from Morning till Night on the Gothic Balance. Who hath not obſerved ſeveral Pariſh Clerks, that have ran⯑ſacked Hopkins and Sternbold for Staves in fa⯑vour of the Race of Jacob; after the Example of their Politick Predeceſſors in Oliver's Days, who on every Sabbath were for binding Kings in Chains, and Nobles in Links of Iron! You can ſcarce ſee a Bench of Porters without two or three Caſuiſts in it, that will ſettle you the Right of Princes, and ſtate the Bounds of the Civil and Eccleſiaſtical Power, in the drinking of a Pot of Ale. What is more uſual than on a Rejoicing Night to meet with a drunken Cob⯑ler bawling out for the Church, and perhaps knocked down a little after, by an Enemy in his own Profeſſion, who is a Lover of Mode⯑ration!

We have taken notice in former Papers of this Political Ferment being got into the Female Sex, and of the wild Work it makes among them. We have had a late moſt remarkable In⯑ſtance of it in a Conteſt between a Siſter of the White Roſe, and a beautiful and loyal young La⯑dy, who to ſhew her Zeal for Revolution-Principles, had adorned her pretty Boſom with a Sweet William. The Rabble of the Sex have not been aſhamed very lately to gather about Bonfires, and to ſcream out their Principles in the Publick Streets. In ſhort, there is hardly [299] a Female in this our Metropolis, who is not a competent Judge of our higheſt Controverſies in Church and State. We have ſeveral Oiſter-women that hold the Unlawfulneſs of Epiſco⯑pacy; and Cinder wenches that are great Stick⯑lers for indefeaſible Right.

Of all the Ways and Means by which this Po⯑litical Humour hath been propagated among the People of Great Britain, I cannot ſingle out a⯑ny ſo prevalent and univerſal, as the late con⯑ſtant Application of the Preſs to the publiſhing of State-Matters. We hear of ſeveral that are newly erected in the Countrey, and ſet apart for this particular Uſe. For, it ſeems, the Peo⯑ple of Exeter, Salisbury, and other large Towns, are reſolved to be as great Politicians as the In⯑habitants of London and Weſtminſter; and deal out ſuch News of their own Printing, as is beſt ſuited to the Genius of the Market-People, and the Taſte of the County.

One cannot but be ſorry, for the ſake of theſe Places, that ſuch a pernicious Machine is erect⯑ed among them; for it is very well known here, that the making of the Politician is the breaking of the Tradeſman. When a Citizen turns a Machiavel, he grows too cunning to mind his own Buſineſs; and I have heard a curious Ob⯑ſervation, that the Woollen Manufacture has of late Years decayed in Proportion as the Paper Manufacture has encreaſed. Whether the one may not properly be looked upon as the Occa⯑ſion of the other, I ſhall leave to the Judgment of Perſons more profound in political Enquiries.

As our News-writers record many Facts which, to uſe their own Phraſe, afford great Matter of Speculation, their Readers ſpeculate accordingly, and by their variety of Conjectures, [300] in a few Years become conſummate Stateſmen; beſides, as their Papers are filled with a different Party-Spirit, they naturally divide the People into different Sentiments, who generally con⯑ſider rather the Principles, than the Truth of the News-writer. This Humour prevails to ſuch a Degree, that there are ſeveral well-mean⯑ing Perſons in the Nation, who have been ſo miſled by their favourite Authors of this kind, that in the preſent Contention between the Turk and the Emperor, they are gone over inſenſibly from the Intereſts of Chriſtianity, and become Well-wiſhers to the Mahometan Cauſe. In a word, almoſt, every News-writer has his Sect, which (conſidering the natural Genius of our Countreymen to mix, vary, or refine in No⯑tions of State) furniſhes every Man, by Degrees, with a particular Syſtem of Policy. For, how⯑ever any one may concur in the general Scheme of his Party, it is ſtill with certain Reſerves and Deviations, and with a Salvo to his own pri⯑vate Judgment.

Among this innumerable Herd of Politicians, I cannot but take Notice of one Sett, who do not ſeem to play fair with the reſt of the Frater⯑nity, and make a very conſiderable Claſs of Men. Theſe are ſuch as we may call the Af⯑terwiſe, who, when any Project fails, or hath not had its deſired Effect, foreſaw all the Incon⯑veniencies that would ariſe from it, though they kept their Thoughts to themſelves till they diſcovered the iſſue. Nay, there is nothing more uſual than for ſome of theſe wiſe Men, who applauded publick Meaſures, before they were put in Execution, to condemn them upon their proving unſucceſsful. The Dictators in Coffee-houſes are generally of this Rank, who [301] often give ſhrewd Intimations that Things would have taken another Turn, had They been Members of the Cabinet.

How difficult muſt it be for any Form of Go⯑vernment to continue undiſturbed, or any Ru⯑ler to live uncenſured, where every one of the Community is thus qualified for modelling the Conſtitution, and is ſo good a Judge in Matters of State! A famous French Wit; to ſhew how the Monarch of that Nation, who has no Part⯑ners in his Soveraignty, is better able to make his Way through all the Difficulties of Govern⯑ment, than an Emperor of Germany, who acts in concert with many inferior Fellow-Sove⯑raigns; compares the firſt to a Serpent with ma⯑ny Tails to one Head; and the other to a Ser⯑pent with one Tail to many Heads; and puts the Queſtion, which of them is like to glide with moſt Eaſe and Activity through a Thicket? The ſame Compariſon will hold in the Buſineſs of a Nation conducted by a Miniſtry, or a whole Kingdom of Politicians.

No. 54. Monday, June 25.

THE general Diviſion of the Britiſh Nation is into Whigs and Tories, there being very few, if any, who ſtand Neuters in the Diſpute, [302] without ranging themſelves under one of theſe Denominations. One would therefore be apt to think, that every Member of the Community, who embraces with Vehemence the Principles of either of theſe Parties, had thoroughly ſifted and examined them, and was ſecretly convinced of their Preference to thoſe of that Party which he rejects. And yet it is certain, that moſt of our Fellow-Subjects are guided in this particular, ei⯑ther by the Prejudice of Education, private In⯑tereſt, perſonal Friendſhips, or a Deference to the Judgment of thoſe, who, perhaps in their own Hearts diſapprove the Opinions which they induſtriouſly ſpread among the Multitude. Nay, there is nothing more undoubtedly true, than that great Numbers of one ſide concur in reality with the Notions of thoſe whom they oppoſe, were they able to explain their implicit Senti⯑ments, and to tell their own Meaning.

However, as it becomes every reaſonable Man to examine thoſe Principles by which he acts, I ſhall in this Paper ſelect ſome Conſiderations, out of many, that might be inſiſted on, to ſhew the Preference of what is generally called the Whig-Scheme, to that which is eſpouſed by the Tories.

This will appear in the Firſt place, if we re⯑flect upon the Tendency of their reſpective Prin⯑ciples, ſuppoſing them carried to their utmoſt Extremity. For if, in this caſe, the worſt Con⯑ſequences of the one are more eligible than the worſt Conſequences of the other, it is a plain Argument, that thoſe Principles are the moſt e⯑ligible of the two, whoſe Effects are the leaſt pernicious. Now the Tendency of theſe two different Sets of Principles, as they are charged upon each Party by its Antagoniſts, is as follows. [303] The Tories tell us, that the Whig-Scheme would end in Presbyterianiſm and a Common-wealth. The Whigs tell us on the other ſide, that the Tory-Scheme would terminate in Popery and Arbitrary Government. Were theſe Reproaches mutually true; which would be moſt preferable to any Man of common Senſe, Presbyterianiſm and a Republican Form of Government, or Po⯑pery and Tyranny? Both Extremes are indeed dreadful, but not equally ſo; both to be regard⯑ed with the utmoſt Averſion by the Friends of our Conſtitution, and Lovers of our Countrey: But if one of them were inevitable, who would not rather chuſe to live under a State of exceſſive Liberty, than of Slavery, and not prefer a Religion that differs from our own in the Cir⯑cumſtantials, before one that differs from it in the Eſſentials of Chriſtianity!

Secondly, Let us look into the Hiſtory of Eng⯑land, and ſee under which of theſe two Schemes the Nation hath enjoyed moſt Honour and Pro⯑ſperity. If we obſerve the Reigns of Queen Eli⯑zabeth and King James I. (which an impudent Frenchman calls the Reigns of King Elizabeth and Queen James) We find the Whig-Scheme took place under the firſt, and the Tory-Scheme under the latter. The firſt, in whom the Whigs have always gloried, oppoſed and humbled the moſt powerful among the Roman Catholick Princes; raiſed and ſupported the Dutch; aſſiſted the French Proteſtants; and made the Reformed Religion an Over-balance for Popery through all Europe. On the contrary, her Succeſſor aggrandized the Catholick King; alienated himſelf from the Dutch; ſuffered the French Power to increaſe, till it was too late to remedy it; and abandoned the Intereſts of the King of Bohemia, Grand-father [304] to His preſent Majeſty, which might have ſpread the Reformed Religion through all Germany. I need not deſcribe to the Reader the different ſtate of the Kingdom▪ as to its Reputation, Trade, and Wealth, under theſe two Reigns. We might, after this, compare the Figure in which theſe Kingdoms, and the whole Proteſtant Inte⯑reſt of Europe, were placed by the Conduct of King Charles the Second, and that of King Wiliam; and every one knows which of the Schemes prevailed in each of thoſe Reigns. I ſhall not impute to any Tory Scheme the Admi⯑niſtration of King James the Second, on Condi⯑tion that they do not reproach the Whigs with the Uſurpation of Oliver; as being ſatisfied that the Principles of thoſe Governments are reſpe⯑ctively diſclaimed and abhorred by all the Men of Senſe and Virtue in both Parties, as they now ſtand. But we have a freſh Inſtance which will be remembred with Grief by the preſent Age and all our Poſterity, of the Influence both of Whig and Tory Principles in the late Reign. Was England ever ſo glorious in the Eyes of Eu⯑rope, as in that Part of it when the firſt prevail⯑ed? Or was it ever more contemptible than when the laſt took Place.

I ſhall add, under this Head, the Preference of the Whig-Scheme, with regard to Foreign⯑ners. All the Proteſtant States of Europe, who may be conſidered as Neutral Judges between both Parties, and are Well wiſhers to us in gene⯑ral, as to a Proteſtant People, rejoice upon the Succeſs of a Whig-Scheme; whilſt all of the Church of Rome, who contemn, hate and deteſt us as the great Bulwark of Hereſy, are as much pleaſed when the oppoſite Party triumphs in its Turn. And here let any impartial Man put this [305] Queſtion to his own Heart, whether that Party doth not act reaſonably, who look upon the Dutch as their genuine Friends and Allies, conſi⯑dering that they are of the Reformed Religion, that they have aſſiſted us in the greateſt Times of Neceſſity, and that they can never entertain a Thought of reducing us under their Power. Or, on the other hand, let him conſider whether that Party acts with more Reaſon, who are the avow⯑ed Friends of a Nation, that are of the Roman Ca⯑tholick Religion, that have cruelly perſecuted our Brethren of the Reformation, that have made Attempts in all Ages to conquer this Iſland, and ſupported the Intereſt of that Prince, who abdi⯑cated the Throne, and had endeavoured to ſub⯑vert our Civil and Religious Liberties.

Thirdly, Let us compare theſe two Schemes from the Effects they produce among our ſelves within our own Iſland; and theſe we may con⯑ſider, firſt with regard to the King, and ſecond⯑ly with regard to the People.

1ſt. With regard to the King. The Whigs have always profeſſed and practiſed an Obedience which they conceive agreeable to the Conſtitu⯑tion; whereas the Tories have concurred with the Whigs in their Practice, though they differ from them in their Profeſſions; and have avow⯑ed a Principle of Paſſive-Obedience to the Temp⯑tation, and afterwards to the Deſtruction, of thoſe who have relied upon it. Nor muſt I here omit to take Notice of that firm and zealous Ad⯑herence which the Whig-Party have ſhewn to the Proteſtant Succeſſion, and to the Cauſe of His preſent Majeſty. I have never heard of any in this Principle, who was either guilty or ſuſpect⯑ed of Meaſures to defeat this Eſtabliſhment, or to overturn it, ſince it has taken effect. A Con⯑ſideration, [306] which it is hoped, may put to ſilence thoſe who upbraid the Whig-Schemes of Go⯑vernment, with an Inclination to a Common-wealth, or a Diſſaffection to Kings.

2^dly With regard to the People. Every one muſt own, that thoſe Laws which have moſt conduced to the Eaſe and Happineſs of the Sub⯑ject, have always paſſed in thoſe Parliaments, which their Enemies branded with the Name of Whig, and during the Time of a Whig-Mini⯑ſtry. And, what is very remarkable, the Tories are now forced to have Recourſe to thoſe Laws for Shelter and Protection: by which they tacit⯑ly do Honour to the Whig-Scheme, and own it more accommodated to the Happineſs of the People, than that which they eſpouſe.

I hope I need not quality theſe Remarks with a Suppoſition which I have gone upon through the whole Courſe of my Papers, that I am far from conſidering a great Part of thoſe who call themſeves Tories, as Enemies to the preſent E⯑ſtabliſhment; and that by the Whigs I always mean thoſe who are Friends to our Conſtitution, both in Church and State. As we may look up⯑on theſe to be, in the main, true Lovers of their Religion and Countrey, they ſeem rather to be divided by accidental Friendſhips and Circum⯑ſtances, than by any eſſential Diſtinction.

No. 55. Friday, June 29.

A Riſing of Parliament being a kind of Ceſ⯑ſation from Politicks, the Free-holder cannot [307] let his Paper drop at a more proper Juncture. I would not be acceſſary to the continuing of our Political Ferment, when Occaſions of Diſ⯑pute are not adminiſter'd to us by Matters de⯑pending before the Legiſlature; and when De⯑bates without Doors naturally fall with thoſe in the two Houſes of Parliament. At the ſame time a Britiſh Freeholder would very ill diſcharge his Part, if he did not acknowledge, with beco⯑ming Duty and Gratitude, the Excellency and Seaſonableneſs of thoſe Laws, by which the Re⯑preſentatives of Men in his Rank have recover'd their Countrey in a great meaſure out of its Confuſions, and provided for its future Peace and Happineſs under the preſent Eſtabliſhment. Their unanimous and regular Proceeding, under the Conduct of that honourable Perſon who fills their chair with the moſt conſummate abilities, and hath juſtly gained the Eſteem of all ſides by the Im⯑partiality of his Behaviour; the abſolute Neceſ⯑ſity of ſome Acts which they have paſſed, and their Diſ-inclination to extend them any longer, than that Neceſſity required; Their manifeſt Aver⯑ſion to enter upon Schemes, which the Enemies of our Peace had inſinuated to have been their Deſign; together with that Temper ſo ſuitable to the Dignity of ſuch an Aſſembly, at a Juncture when it might have been expected that very un⯑uſual Heats would have ariſen in a Houſe of Commons, ſo zealous for their King and Coun⯑trey; will be ſufficient to quiet thoſe ground⯑leſs Jealouſies and Suſpicions, which have been induſtriouſly propagated by the Ill wiſhers to our Conſtitution.

The Undertaking, which I am now laying down, was entered upon in the very Criſis of the late Rebellion, when it was the Duty of e⯑very [308] Briton to contribute his utmoſt Aſſiſtance to the Government, in a manner ſuitable to his Station and Abilities. All Services, which had a Tendency to this End, had a Degree of Merit in them, in proportion as the Event of that Cauſe which they eſpouſed was then doubtful. But at preſent they might be regarded, not as Duties of private Men to their endanger'd Countrey, but as Inſults of the ſucceſsful over their defeat⯑ed Enemies.

Our Nation indeed continues to be agitated with Confuſions and Tumults; but, God be thanked, theſe are only the impotent Remains of an unnatural Rebellion, and are no more than the After-toſſings of a Sea when the Storm is laid. The Enemies of His preſent Majeſty, inſtead of ſeeing him driven from his Throne, as they vain⯑ly hoped, find him in a Condition to viſit his Dominions in Germany, without any Danger to himſelf or to the Publick; whilſt his dutiful Sub⯑jects would be in no ordinary Concern upon this occaſion, had they not the Conſolation to find themſelves left under the Protection of a Prince who makes it his Ambition to copy out his Royal Father's Example; and who, by his Duty to His Majeſty, and Affection to His People, is ſo well qualified to be the Guardian of the Realm.

It would not be difficult to continue a Paper of this kind, if one were diſpoſed to reſume the ſame Subjects, and weary out the Reader with the ſame Thoughts in a different Phraſe, or to ramble through the Cauſe of Whig and Tory, without any certain Aim or Method, in every particular Diſcourſe. Such a Practice in Politi⯑cal Writers, is like that of ſome Preachers taken Notice of by Dr. South, who being prepared only upon two or three Points of Doctrrine, run the [309] ſame Round with their Audience, from one end of the Year to the other, and are always forced to tell them, by way of Preface, Theſe are Parti⯑culars of ſo great Importance, that they cannot be ſufficiently inculcated. To avoid this Method of Tautology, I have endeavoured to make every Paper a diſtinct Eſſay upon ſome particular Sub⯑ject, without deviating into Points foreign to the Tenor of each Diſcourſe. They are indeed moſt of them Eſſays upon Government, but with a View to the preſent Situation of Affairs in Great Britain; ſo that if they have the good Fortune to live longer than Works of this Nature gene⯑rally do, future Readers may ſee in them, the Complexion of the Times in which they were written. However, as there is no Employment ſo irkſome, as that of tranſcribing out of one's ſelf, next to that of tranſcribing out of others, I ſhall let drop the Work, ſince there do not occur to me any material Points ariſing from our preſent Situation, which I have not already touched upon.

As to the Reaſonings in theſe ſeveral Papers, I muſt leave them to the Judgment of others. I have taken particular Care that they ſhould be conformable to our Conſtitution, and free from that Mixture of Violence and Paſſion, which ſo often creeps into the Works of Political Writers. A good Cauſe doth not want any Bitterneſs to ſupport it, as a bad one cannot ſubſiſt without it. It is indeed obſervable, that an Author is ſcurrilous in proportion as he is dull; and ſeems rather to be in a Paſſion, becauſe he cannot find out what to ſay for his own Opinion, than be⯑cauſe he has diſcovered any pernicious Abſurdi⯑ties in that of his Antagoniſts. A Man ſatiri⯑zed by Writers of this Claſs, is like one burnt [310] in the Hand with a cold Iron: There may be ignominious Terms and Words of Infamy in the Stamp, but they leave no Impreſſion behind them.

It would indeed have been an unpardonable In⯑ſolence for a Fellow-Subject to treat in a vindi⯑ctive and cruel Style, thoſe Perſons whom His Majeſty has endeavoured to reduce to Obedience by Gentle Methods, which he has declared from the Throne to be moſt agreeable to his Inclinations. May we not hope that all of this kind, who have the leaſt Sentiments of Honour or Grati⯑tude, will be won over to their Duty by ſo ma⯑ny Inſtances of Royal Clemency, in the midſt of ſo many repeated Provocations! May we not expect that Cicero's Words to Caeſar, in which he ſpeaks of thoſe who were Caeſar's Enemies, and of his Conduct towards them, may be applied to His Majeſty; Omnes enim qui fuerunt, aut ſuá per⯑tinaciâ vitam amiſerunt, aut tuá Miſericordid reti⯑nuerunt; ut aut nulli ſuperſint de inimicis, aut qui ſuperfuerunt, amiciſſimi ſint.—Quare gaude tuo [...] tam excellenti bono, et fruere cum fortuná, et gloriá, tum etiam naturá, et moribus tuis. Ex quo quidem maximus eſt fructus, jucunditaſque ſa⯑pienti—Nihil habet nec fortuna tua majus, quam ut poſſis, nec natura tua melius, quam ut velis, quamplurimos conſervare.

As for thoſe Papers of a gayer Turn, which may be met with in this Collection, my Reader will of himſelf, conſider, how requiſite they are to gain and keep up an Audience to Matters of this Nature; and will perhaps be the more In⯑dulgent to them, if he obſerves, that they are none of them without a Moral, nor contain any thing but what is conſiſtent with Decency and Good Manners.

[311] It is obvious that the Deſign of the whole Work, has been to free the Peoples Minds from thoſe Prejudices conveyed into them by the Ene⯑mies to the preſent Eſtabliſhment againſt the King and Royal Family, by opening and explaining their real Characters; to ſet forth His Majeſty's Proceedings, which have been very groſſly miſ⯑repreſented, in a fair and impartial Light; to ſhew the Reaſonableneſs and Neceſſity of our oppoſing the Pretender to his Dominions, if we have any Regard to our Religion and Liberties: And, in a word, to incline the Minds of the People to the Deſire and Enjoyment of their own Happineſs. There is no Queſtion, humanly ſpeaking, but theſe great Ends will be brought a⯑bout inſenſibly, as Men will grow weary of a fruitleſs Oppoſition; and be convinced by Experi⯑ence, of a Neceſſity to acquieſce under a Govern⯑ment which daily gathers Strength, and is able to diſappoint the utmoſt Efforts of its Enemies. In the mean while, I would recommend to our Malecontents, the Advice given by a great Mo⯑raliſt to his Friend upon another Occaſion; that he would ſhew it was in the Power of Wiſdom to compoſe his Paſſions; and let that be the Work of Reaſon which would certainly be the Effect of Time.

I ſhall only add, that if any Writer ſhall do this Paper ſo much Honour, as to inſcribe the Title of it to others, which may be publiſhed upon the laying down of this Work; the whole Praiſe, or Diſpraiſe of ſuch a Performance, will belong to ſome other Author; this 55^th being the laſt Paper that will come from the Hand of the Free-holder.