And what if the Pretender ſhould come? OR, SOME Conſiderations, &c.

IF the Danger of the Pretender is real⯑ly ſo great as the Noiſe which ſome make about it ſeems to ſuppoſe, if the Hopes of his Coming are ſo well grounded, as ſome of his Friends ſeem to boaſt, it behoves us who are to be the Sub⯑jects of the Approaching Revolution, which his Succeſs muſt neceſſarily bring with it, to apply ourſelves ſeriouſly to examine what our Part will be in the Play, that ſo we may prepare ourſelves to act as becomes us, both with Reſpect to the Government we are now under, and with Reſpect to the Government we may be under, when the Succeſs he promiſes himſelf ſhall (if ever it ſhall) anſwer his Expectation.

[4] In order to this it is neceſſary to ſtate, with what Plainneſs the Circumſtances of the Caſe will admit, the ſeveral Appear⯑ances of the Thing itſelf. (1.) As they are offered to us by the reſpective Parties who are for or againſt it. (2.) As they really appear by an Impartial Deduction from them both, without the leaſt Byaſs either to one Side or other; that ſo the People of Britain may ſettle and compoſe their Thoughts a little in this Great, and at preſent Popular Debate, and may neither be terrified or affrighted with Miſchiefs, which have no Reaſon or Foundation in them, and which give no Ground for their Apprehenſions; and on the other Hand, may not promiſe to themſelves greater Things from the Pretender, if he ſhould come hither, than he will be able to perform for them; in order to this we are to conſider the Pretender in his Perſon, and in his Circumſtances. (1.) The Per⯑ſon who we call the Pretender: It has been ſo much debated, and ſuch ſtrong Parties have been made on both Sides to prove or diſprove the Legitimacy of his Birth, that it ſeems needleſs here to enter into that Diſpute; the Author of the Review, one of the moſt Furious Oppoſers of the Name and Intereſt of the Pretender, openly grants his Legitimacy, and pretends to ar⯑gue [5] againſt his Admiſſion from Principles and Foundations of his own Forming; we ſhall let alone his Principles and Foundati⯑ons here, as we do his Arguments, and on⯑ly take him by the Handle which he fairly gives us, (viz.) that he grants the Perſon of the Pretender Legitimate; if this be ſo, if the Perſon we contend about be the Lawful true Son of King James's Queen, the Diſpute whether he be the Real Son of the King will be quite out of the Queſtion; becauſe by the Laws of Great-Britain, and of the whole World, a Child Born in Wedlock ſhall inherit, as Heir of the Mother's Husband, whether Begotten by him, as his Real Father, or not. Now to come at the true Deſign of this Work, the Buſineſs is, to hear (as above) what either Side have to ſay to this Point. The Friends of his Birth and Succeſſion argue upon it thus, if the Perſon be lawfully Begotten, that is, if Born really of the Body of the Queen Dowager, during the Life of King James, he was without any Exception his Lawful Son; if he was his Lawful Son, he was his Lawful Heir; if he was his Law⯑ful Heir, why is he not our Lawful King? Since Hereditary Right is Indefeaſible, and is lately acknowledged to be ſo; and that the Doctrine of Hereditary Right being In⯑defeaſible, is a Church of England, Doctrine [6] ever received by the Church, and inſe⯑parable from the true Members of the Church, the contrary being the ſtigmati⯑zing Character of Republicans, King-killers, Enemies to Monarchy, Presbyterians, and Phanaticks: The Enemies of the Birth and Succeſſion of the Perſon called the Pre⯑tender argue upon it thus, That he is the Lawfully Begotten, or Son Born really of the Body of the Queen Dowager of the late King James, they doubt; and they are juſtified in doubting of it, becauſe no ſufficient Steps were taken in the proper Seaſon of it, either before his Birth, to convince ſuch Perſons as were more immediately concerned to know the Truth of it, that the Queen was really with Child, which might have been done paſt all Contradiction at that Time, more than ever after: Or at his Birth, to have ſuch Perſons as were more immediately con⯑cern'd, ſuch as Her Preſent Majeſty, &c. thoroughly convinc'd of the Queen being really deliver'd of a Child, by being Preſent at the Time of the Queen's Labour and De⯑livery. This being omitted, which was the Affirmative, ſay they, which ought to have been proved, we ought not to be concerned in the Proof of the Negative, which by the Nature of the Thing could not be equally certain; and therefore we might be juſtly permitted to conclude, that the Child was [7] a Spurious, Unfair Production, put upon the Nation; for which Reaſon we reject him, and have now, by a Legal and Juſt Authority, depoſed his Father and him, and ſettled the Succeſſion upon the Houſe of Hanover, being Proteſtants.

The Matter of his Title ſtanding thus, divides the Nation into Two Parties, one Side for, and the other againſt, the Succeſ⯑ſion, either of the Pretender, or the Houſe of Hanover, and either Side calling the other the Pretender; ſo that if we were to uſe the Parties Language, we muſt ſay, one Side is for, and the other Side againſt, either of the Pretenders; what the Viſible Probabi⯑lities of either of theſe Claims ſucceeding are, is not the Preſent Caſe; the Nation appears at this Time ſtrangely agitated between the Fears of one Party, and the Hopes of the other, each extenuating and aggravating, as their ſeveral Parties and Affections guide them, by which the Publick Diſorder is very much encreaſed; what either of them have to alledge is our preſent Work to en⯑quire; but more particularly what are the real or pretended Advantages of the expect⯑ed Reign of him, who we are allow'd to diſtinguiſh by the Name of the Pretender; for his Friends here would have very little to ſay to move us to receive him, if they were not able to lay before us ſuch Pro⯑ſpects [8] of National Advantages, and ſuch Views of Proſperity, as would be ſufficient to prevail with thoſe who have their Eyes upon the Good of their Country, and of their Poſterity after them.

That then a Caſe ſo Popular, and of ſo much Conſequence as this is, may not want ſuch due Supports as the Nature of the Thing will allow, and eſpecially ſince the Advantages and good Conſequences of the Thing itſelf are ſo many, and ſo eaſie to be ſeen as his Friends alledge; why ſhould not the Good People of Britain be made eaſie, and their Fears be turned into Peaceable Satisfa⯑ction, by ſeeing that this Devil may not be ſo Black as he is Painted; and that the Noiſe made of the Pretender and the frightful Things ſaid of his Coming, and of his being receiv'd here, may not be made greater Scarecrows to us, than they really are; and after all that has been ſaid, if it ſhould appear that the Advantages of the Pretender's Succeſſion are really greater to us, and the Dangers leſs to us, than thoſe of the Succeſſion of HANOVER, then much of their Dif⯑ficulties would be over, who ſtanding Neu⯑ter as to Perſons appear againſt the Preten⯑der, only becauſe they are made to believe ſtrange and terrible Things of what ſhall befal the Nation in Caſe of his Coming in, ſuch as Popery, Slavery, French Power, [9] deſtroying of our Credit, and devouring our Funds, (as that Scandalous Scribler, the Review, has been labouring to ſuggeſt,) with many other Things which we ſhall endeavour to expoſe to you, as they deſerve. If we ſay it ſhould appear then that the Dangers and Diſadvantages of the Pretender's Succeſſion are leſs than thoſe of the Houſe of HANOVER, who, becauſe of an Act of Parliament, you know muſt not be called Pretenders; then there will re⯑main nothing more to be ſaid on that Score, but the Debate muſt be of the Reaſonableneſs and Juſtice on either Side, for their Admittance, and there we que⯑ſtion not but the Side we are really plead⯑ing for will have the Advantage.

To begin then with that moſt Popular and Affrighting Argument now made Uſe of, as the Bugbear of the People, againſt ſeveral other Things beſides Jacobitiſm, we mean French Greatneſs: It is moſt evi⯑dent that the Fear of this muſt, by the Na⯑ture of the Thing, be effectually removed upon our receiving the Pretender; the Grounds and Reaſons why French Great⯑neſs is rendred Formidable to us, and ſo much Weight ſuppoſed to be in it, that like the Name of Scanderberg, we fright our very Children with it, lye only in this, that we ſuggeſt the King of France being a pro⯑feſt [10] Enemy to the Peace, and the Liberty of Great-Britain, will moſt certainly, as ſoon as he can a little recover himſelf, ex⯑erciſe all that Formidable Power to put the Pretender upon us, and not only to place him upon the Throne of Great-Britain, but to Maintain and Hold him up in it, againſt all the Oppoſition, either of the People of Britain, or the Confederate Princes Leagued with the Elector of Hanover, who are in the Intereſt of his Claim, or of his Party. Now it is evident, that upon a Peaceable ad⯑mitting this Perſon, whom they call the Pretender, to Receive and Enjoy the Crown here, all that Formidable Power becomes your Friend, and the being ſo muſt neceſ⯑ſarily take off from it every Thing that is called Terrible; foraſmuch as the greater Terror and Amuſement the Power we ap⯑prehend really carries with it, the greater is the Tranquility and Satisfaction which accrues to us, when we have the Friend⯑ſhip of that Power which was ſo Formida⯑ble to us before: The Power of France is repreſented at this Time very terrible, and the Writers who ſpeak of it apply it warm to our Imaginations, as that from whence we ought juſtly to apprehend the Impoſſi⯑bility of keeping out the Pretender, and this, notwithſtanding they allow themſelves at the ſame Time to ſuppoſe all the Confede⯑rate [11] Powers of Europe to be Engaged, as well by their own Intereſt, as by the New Treaties of Barrier and Guarantee, to Sup⯑port and to Aſſiſt the Claim of the Elector of Hanover, and his Party. Now if this Power be ſo Great, and ſo Formidable, as they alledge, will it not on the other Side add a Proportion of Encreaſe to our Satiſ⯑faction, that this Power will be wholly in Friendſhip and League with us; and en⯑gaged to concern itſelf for the quieting our Fears of other Foreign Invaders; foraſmuch as having once concern'd itſelf to ſet the Perſon of the Pretender upon the Throne, it cannot be ſuppoſed but it ſhall be equal⯑ly concern'd to Support and Maintain him in that Poſſeſſion, as what will mightily conduce to the carrying on the other Pro⯑jects of his Greatneſs and Glory with the reſt of Europe; in which it will be very much his Intereſt to ſecure himſelf from any Op⯑poſition he might meet with from this Nati⯑on, or from ſuch as might be rendred Pow⯑erful by our Aſſiſtance. An Eminent In⯑ſtance we have of this in the Mighty Efforts the French Nation have made for Planting, and Preſerving when Planted, a Grandſon of France upon the Throne of Spain; and how Eminent are the Advantages to France from the Succeſs of that Undertaking; of what leſs Conſequence then would it be to [12] the Auguſt Monarchy of France, to Secure and Engage to himſelf the conſtant Friend⯑ſhip and Aſſiſtance of the Power of Great-Britain, which he would neceſſarily do, by the placing this Perſon upon the Throne, who would thereby in Gratitude be engaged to contribute his utmoſt in Return to the King of France, for the carrying on his Glorious Deſigns in the reſt of Europe. While then we become thus neceſſary to the King of France, Reaſon dictates that he would be our Faſt Friend, our Conſtant Confederate, our Allie, firmly engaged to Secure our Sovereign, and Protect our People from the Inſults and Attempts of all the World: Being thus engaged reciprocal⯑ly with the King of France, there muſt ne⯑ceſſarily be an End of all the Fears and Jealouſies, of all the Apprehenſions and Doubts, which now ſo Amuſe us, and appear ſo Formidable to us from the Proſpect of the Power and Greatneſs of France; then we ſhall on the contrary ſay to the World, the ſtronger the King of France is, the bet⯑ter for the King of England; and what is beſt for the King, muſt be ſo for his Peo⯑ple; for it is a moſt unnatural Way of Arguing, to ſuppoſe the Intereſt of a King, and of his People, to be different from one another.

[13] And is not this then an Advantage in⯑comparably greater to Britain, when the Pretender ſhall be upon the Throne, than any we can propoſe to ourſelves in the pre⯑ſent uneaſie Poſture of Affairs, which it muſt be acknowledged we are in now, when we cannot ſleep in Quiet, for the terrible Apprehenſions of being over-run by the For⯑midable Power of France.

Let us alſo conſider the many other Ad⯑vantages which may accrue to this Nation, by a nearer Conjunction, and cloſer Union, with France, ſuch as Encreaſe of Com⯑merce, Encouragement of Manufactures, Ballance of Trade; every one knows how vaſt an Advantage we reaped by the French Trade in Former Times, and how many Hundred Thouſand Pounds a Year we gain'd by it, when the Ballance of Trade between us and France run ſo many Milli⯑ons of Livres Annually againſt the French by the vaſt Exportation of our Goods to them, and the ſmall Import which we re⯑ceiv'd from them again, and by the Con⯑ſtant Flux of Money in Specie, which we drew from them every Year, upon Court Occaſions, to the inexpreſſible Benefit of the Nation, and Enriching of the Subject, of which we ſhall have Occaſion to ſpeak here⯑after more fully.

[14] In the mean Time it were to be wiſhed that our People, who are ſo bugbear'd with Words, and terrified with the Name of French, French Power, French Greatneſs, and the like, as if England could not Subſiſt, and the Queen of England was not Able to keep upon Her Throne any longer than the King of France pleaſed, and that Her Majeſty was going to be a meer Servant to the French King, would conſider that this is an unanſwerable Argument for the Coming of the Pretender, that we may make this ſo Formidable Prince our Friend, have all his Power engaged in our Intereſt, and ſee him going on Hand in Hand with us, in the ſecuring us againſt all Sorts of Encroachments whatſoever: For if the King of France be ſuch an Invin⯑cible Mighty Monarch, that we are nothing in his Eyes, or in his Hands; and that nei⯑ther Britain, or all the Friends Britain can make, are able to deliver us from him; then it muſt be our great Advantage to have the Pretender be our King, that we may be out of the Danger of this Formida⯑ble French Power, being our Enemy; and that on the other Hand, we may have ſo Potent, ſo Powerful, ſo Invincible, a Prince be our Friend. The Caſe is evidently laid down to every common Underſtanding, in the Example of Spain; till now, the Spani⯑ards for many Ages have been over-run, [15] and impoveriſhed, by their continued Wars with the French, and it was not doubted but one Time or other they would have been entirely conquered by the King of France, and have become a meer Province of France; whereas now, having but con⯑ſented to receive a King from the Hands of the invincible Monarch, they are made eaſie as to the former Danger they were always in, are now moſt ſafe under the Protection of France; and he who before was their Terror, is now their Safety, and being ſafe from him, it appears they are ſo from all the World.

Would it not then be the manifeſt Ad⯑vantage of this Nation to be likewiſe ſe⯑cur'd from the dangerous Power of France, and make that Potentate our faſt Friend, who it is ſo apparent we are not able to reſiſt as an Enemy? This is reducing the French Power the ſofteſt Way, if not the beſt and ſhorteſt Way; for if it does not reduce the Power itſelf, it brings it into ſuch a Circumſtance, as that all the Terror of it is removed, and we embrace that as our Safety and Satisfaction, which really is, and ought to be, our Terror and Averſion; this muſt of Neceſſity be our great Ad⯑vantage.

[16] How ſtrange is it that none of our Peo⯑ple have yet thought of this Way of ſecu⯑ring their Native Country from the Inſults of France? Were but the Pretender once re⯑ceived as our King, we have no more Diſ⯑putes with the King of France, he has no Pretence to Invade or Diſturb us; what a quiet World would it be with us in ſuch a Caſe, when the greateſt Monarch in the Univerſe ſhould be our faſt Friend, and be in our Intereſt to prevent any of the Incon⯑veniencies which might happen to us from the Diſguſt of other Neighbours, who may be diſſatisfied with us upon other Accounts: As to the terrible Things which ſome Peo⯑ple fright us, and themſelves with, from the Influence which French Councils may have upon us, and of French Methods of Government being introduced among us; theſe we ought to eſteem only Clamours and Noiſe, raiſed by a Party to amuſe and affright us; for pray let us enquire a little into them, and ſee if there be any Reaſon for us to be ſo terrified at them; ſuppoſe they were really what is alledged, which we hope they are not; for Example, the ab⯑ſolute Dominion of the King of France over his Subjects, is ſuch, ſay our People, as makes them Miſerable; well, but let us examine then, are we not already miſerable for Want of this Abſolute Dominion? Are [17] we not miſerably divided? Is not our Go⯑vernment miſerably weak? Are we not miſerably ſubjected to the Rabbles and Mob? Nay, is not the very Crown mobb'd here every now and then, into whatever our Soveraign Lord the People demand? whereas on the contrary, we ſee France entirely united as one Man; no virulent Scriblers there dare Affront the Govern⯑ment; no Impertinent P [...]ments there diſturb the Monarch with their Addreſſes and Repreſentations; no Superiority of Laws reſtrain the Adminiſtration; no In⯑ſolent Lawyers talk of the Sacred Conſtitu⯑tion, in Oppoſition to the more Sacred Pre⯑rogative; but all with Harmony and Ge⯑neral Conſent agree to Support the Majeſty of their Prince, and with their Lives and Fortunes; (not in Complimenting Sham Ad⯑dreſſes only, but in Reality, and effectually) Support the Glory of their Great Monarch. In doing this they are all united together ſo firmly, as if they had but one Heart, and one Mind, and that the King was the Soul of the Nation: What if they are what we fooliſhly call Slaves to the Abſolute Will of their Prince? That Slavery to them is meer Liberty; they entertain no Notions of that fooliſh Thing Liberty, which we make ſo much Noiſe about; nor have they any Oc⯑caſion of it, or any Uſe for it if they had [18] it; they are as Induſtrious in Trade, as Vigorous in Purſuit of their Affairs, go on with as much Courage, and are as well ſatiſ⯑fied when they have wrought hard 20 or 30 Years to get a little Money for the King to take away, as we are to get it for our Wives and Children; and as they plant Vines, and plow Lands, that the King and his Great Men may eat the Fruit thereof, they think it as great a Felicity as if they Eat it themſelves. The Badge of their Poverty, which we make ſuch a Noiſe of, and Inſult them about ſo much, (viz.) their Wooden Shoes, their Peaſants make nothing of it; they ſay they are as happy in their Wooden Shoes, as our People are with their Luxury and Drunkenneſs; beſides, do not our Poor People wear Iron Shoes, and Leather Doublets, and where is the Odds between them? All the Buſineſs forſooth is this Trifle we call Liberty, which rather than be plagued with ſo much Strife and Diſſen⯑tion about it as we are, who would be troubled with? Now it is evident the Peace and Union which we ſhould enjoy under the like Methods of Government here, which we hope for under the Happy Government of the Pretender, muſt needs be a full Equivalent for all the pretended Rights and Priviledges which we ſay we ſhall looſe; and how will our Rights and [19] Privileges be loſt? Will they not rather be Centred in our Common Receptacle, (viz.) the Sovereign, who is according to the King of France's happy Govern⯑ment the Common Magazine of Univerſal Privilege, communicating it to, and pre⯑ſerving it for, the general Uſe of his Subjects, as their Safety and Happineſs requires. Thus he protects their Commerce, encourages their Foreign Settlements, en⯑larges their Poſſeſſions Abroad, encreaſes their Manufactures, gives them Room for ſpreading their numerous Race over the World; at Home he rewards Arts and Sci⯑ences, cultivates Learning, employs innu⯑merable Hands in the Labours of the State, and the like; what if it be true that all they Gain is at his Mercy? Does he take it away, except when needful, for the Sup⯑port of his Glory and Grandeur, which is their Protection? Is it not apparent, that under all the Oppreſſions they talk ſo much of, the French are the Nation the moſt Im⯑proved and Encreaſed in Manufactures, in Navigation, in Commerce, within theſe 50 Years, of any Nation in the World? And here we pretend Liberty, Property, Conſti⯑tutions, Rights of Subjects, and ſuch Stuff as that, and with all theſe fine Gewgaws, which we pretend propagate Trade, and [20] encreaſe the Wealth of the Nation, we are every Day Declining, and become Poor; how long will this Nation be blinded by their own fooliſh Cuſtoms? And when will they learn to know, that the Abſolute Go⯑vernment of a Vertuous Prince, who makes the Good of his People his Ultimate End, and eſteems their Proſperity his Glory, is the Beſt, and moſt Godlike, Government in the World.

Let us then be no more rendred uneaſie with the Notions, that with the Pretender we muſt entertain French Methods of Go⯑vernment, ſuch as Tyranny and Arbitrary Power; Tyranny is no more Tyranny, when improv'd for the Subjects Advantage; perhaps when we have tried it we may find it as much for our Good many Ways, nay, and more too, than our preſent Exor⯑bitant Liberties, eſpecially unleſs we can make a better Uſe of them, and Enjoy them, without being always going by the Ears about them, as we ſee daily, not only with our Governours, but even with one ano⯑ther; a little French Slavery, though it be a frightful Word among us, that is, being made ſo by Cuſtom, yet may do us a great deal of Good in the Main, as it may teach us not to Over (Under) Value our Liber⯑ties, when we have them, ſo much as ſome⯑times we have done; and this is not one of [21] the leaſt Advantages which we ſhall gain by the Coming of the Pretender, and conſe⯑quently one of the good Reaſons why we ſhould be very willing to receive him.

The next Thing which they fill us with Apprehenſions of in the Coming of the Pretender, is the Influence of French Coun⯑cils, which they Conſtrue thus, (viz.) That the Pretender being reſtor'd here by the Aſſiſtance of France, will not only Rule us by French Methods, (viz.) by French Tyranny, but in Gratitude to his Reſtorer he will cauſe us to be always ready with Engliſh Blood and Treaſure to Aſſiſt and Support the French Ambition in the Invaſi⯑ons he will ever be making upon Europe, and in the Oppreſſions of other Nations; till at laſt he obtain the Superiority over them all, and turn upon us too, devouring the Liberties of Europe in his ſo long pur⯑poſed and reſolved Univerſal Monarchy. As to the Gratitude of the Pretender to the King of France, why ſhould you make that a Crime? Are not all People bound in Ho⯑nour to retaliate Kindneſs? And would you have your Prince be ungrateful to him that brought him hither? By the ſame Rule you would expect he could be ungrateful to us that receive him; beſides, if it be ſo great an Advantage to us to have him brought in, we ſhall be all concern'd alſo in Gratitude [22] to the King of France for helping us to him; and ſure we ſhall not decline making a ſuitable Return to him for the Kindneſs; and is this any Thing more than common? Did we not pay the Dutch Six Hundred Thouſand Pound Sterling for aſſiſting the Late King William? And did we not imme⯑diately Embark with them in the War againſt the King of France? And has not that Revolution coſt the Nation One Hundred Millions of Britiſh Money to Support it? And ſhall we grutch to Support the Pre⯑tender, and his Benefactor, at the ſame Expence, if it ſhould be needful, for carry⯑ing on the New Scheme of French Li⯑berty, which when that Time comes may be in a likely and forward Way to prevail over the whole World, to the General Hap⯑pineſs of Europe?

There ſeems to be but one Thing more which thoſe People, who make ſuch a Cla⯑mour at the Fears of the Pretender, take hold of, and this is Religion; and they tell us, that not only French Government, and French Influence, but French Religion, that is to ſay, Popery, will come upon us; but theſe People know not what they talk of, for it is evident that they ſhall be ſo far from being loaden with Religion, that they will rather obtain that ſo long deſired Hap⯑pineſs, of having no Religion at all. This [23] we may eaſily make appear has been the Advantage which has been long labour'd for in this Nation; and as the Attainments we are arriv'd to of that Kind are very conſiderable already, ſo we cannot doubt but that if once the Pretender were ſettled quietly among us, an Abſolute Subjection, as well of Religious Principles, as Civil Li⯑berties, to the Diſpoſal of the Sovereign, would take Place. This is an Advantage ſo fruitful of ſeveral other manifeſt Improve⯑ments, that though we have not Room in this Place to enlarge upon the Particulars, we cannot doubt but it muſt be a moſt grate⯑ful Piece of News to a great Part of the Nation, who have long groan'd under the Oppreſſions and cruel Severities of the Clergy, occaſion'd by their own ſtrict Lives, and rigorous Virtue, and their impoſing ſuch Auſterities and Reſtraints upon the People; and in this Particular the Cla⯑mour of Slavery will appear very ſcanda⯑lous in the Nation, for the Slavery of Religion being taken off, and an Univerſal Freedom of Vice being introduced, what greater Liberty can we enjoy.

But we have yet greater Advantages at⯑tending this Nation by the Coming of the Pretender than any we have yet taken No⯑tice of; and though we have not Room in [24] this ſhort Tract to name them all, and en⯑large upon them as the Caſe may require, yet we cannot omit ſuch due Notice of them, as may ſerve to ſatisfie our Readers, and convince them, how much they ought to favour the Coming of the Pretender, as the great Benefit to the whole Nation; and therefore we ſhall begin with our Brethren of Scotland; and here we may tell them, that they, of all the Parts of this Iſland, ſhall receive the moſt evident Advantages, in that the ſetting the Pretender upon the Throne ſhall effectually ſet them free from the Bondage they now groan under, in their abhorr'd Subjection to England by the Union, which may, no queſtion, be de⯑clar'd Void, and Diſſolv'd, as a Violence upon the Scottiſh Nation, as ſoon as ever the Pretender ſhall be Eſtabliſhed upon the Throne; a few Words may ſerve to recom⯑mend this to the Scots, ſince we are very well ſatisfied we ſhall be ſure to oblige every Side there, by it: The Oppoſition all Sides made to the Union at the Time of the Tranſaction of the Union in the Parliament there, cannot but give us Reaſon to think thus; and the preſent Scruple, even the Presbyterians themſelves make, of taking the Abjuration, if they do not, as ſome pretend, aſſure us that the ſaid Presbyterian Non⯑jurers are in the Intereſt of the Pretender, [25] yet they undeniably prove, and put it out of all queſtion, that they are ill-pleaſed with the Yoke of the Union, and would embrace every juſt Occaſion of being qui⯑etly and freely diſcharged from the Fetters which they believe they bear by the ſaid Union; now there is no Doubt to be made, but that upon the very firſt Appear⯑ance of the Pretender, the Antient King⯑dom of Scotland ſhould recover her former well-known Condition, we mean, of being perfectly free, and depending upon none but the King of France. How Ineſtimable an Advantage this will be to Scotland and how effectually he will Support and Defend the Scots againſt their Antient Enemies, the Engliſh, foraſmuch as we have not Room to enlarge upon here, we may take Occaſion to make out more particularly on another Occaſion. But it may not be for⯑gotten here, that the Union was not only juſtly Diſtaſteful to the Scots them⯑ſelves, but alſo to many Good Men, and Noble Patriots of the Church, ſome of whom entred their Proteſts againſt Paſſing and Confirming, or Ratifying the ſame, ſuch as the late Lord Hav [...]ſham, and the Right Wiſe, and Right Noble, E [...] of Nott [...], whoſe Reaſons for being againſt the ſaid Union, beſides thoſe they gave in the Houſe of P [...], which we do by [26] no Means mean or reflect upon in the leaſt in this Place; we ſay, whoſe other Reaſons for oppoſing the ſaid Union were found⯑ed upon an Implacable Hatred to the Scots Kirk, which has been Eſtabliſhed thereby: It may then not admit of any Queſtion, but that they would think it a very great Advantage to be delivered from the ſame, as they would effectually be by the Coming of the Pretender; wherefore by the con⯑curring Judgment of theſe Noble and Wiſe Perſons who on that Account oppoſed the Ʋnion, the Coming of the Pretender muſt be an Inexpreſſible Advantage to this Nation; nor is the diſſolving the Union ſo deſirable a Thing, meerly as that Union was an Eſtabliſhing among us a Wicked Schiſ⯑matical Presbyterian Generation, and giving the Sanction of the Laws to their Odious Conſtitution, which we Eſteem (you know) worſe than Popery; but even on Civil Accounts, as particularly on Account of the P [...]s of Scotland, who many of them think themſelves Egregiouſly maltrea⯑ted, and robb'd of their Birthright, as P [...]s, and have expreſs'd themſelves ſo in a ſomething Publick Manner. Now we cannot think that any of theſe will be at all offended that all this New Eſtabliſh⯑ment ſhould be revoked; nay, we have heard it openly ſaid, that the Scots are [27] ſo little ſatisfied with the Ʋnion at this Time, that if it were now to be put to the Vote, as it was before, whether they ſhould Unite with England, or no, there would not be one Man in Fifteen, through⯑out Scotland, that would Vote for it. If then it appears that the whole Nation thus ſeems to be averſe to the Union, and by the Coming in of this moſt Glorious Pre⯑tender that Union will be in all Appear⯑ance diſſolved, and the Nation freed from the Encumbrance of it, will any Scots Man, who is againſt the Union, refuſe to be for the Pretender? Sure it cannot be; I know it is alledged, that they will lay aſide their Diſcontent at the Union, and Unite together againſt the Pretender, be⯑cauſe that is to Unite againſt Popery; we will not ſay what a few, who have their Eyes in their Heads, may do; but as the Generality of the People there are not ſo well reconciled together, as ſuch a Thing requires, it is not unlikely that ſuch a Uniting may be prevented, if the Pretender's Friends there can but play the Game of di⯑viding them farther, as they ſhould do; to which End it cannot but be very ſerviceable to them to have the real Advantages of re⯑ceiving the Pretender laid before them, which is the true Intent and Meaning of the Preſent Undertaking.

[28] But we have more and greater Advan⯑tages of the Coming of the Pretender, and ſuch as no queſtion will invite you to receive him with great Satisfaction and Ap⯑plauſe; and it cannot be unneceſſary to inform you, for your Direction in other Caſes, how the Matter, as to Real and Imaginary Advantage, ſtands with the Na⯑tion in this Affair; and Firſt, The Coming of the Pretender will at once put us all out of Debt. Theſe Abomination-Whigs, and theſe Bloody Wars, carried on ſo long for little or nothing, have, as is evident to our Senſes now, (whatever it was all along,) brought a heavy Debt upon the Nation; ſo that if what a known Author lately Publiſhed is true, the Government pays now almoſt Six Millions a Year to the Common People for Intereſt of Money; that is to ſay, the Uſurers Eat up the Na⯑tion, and Devour Six Millions Yearly; which is paid, and muſt be paid now for a long Time, if ſome kind Turn, ſuch as this of the Coming of the Pretender, or ſuch like, does not help us out of it; the Weight of this is not only Great, inſuperably Great, but moſt of it is entailed for a terrible Time, not only for our Age, but beyond the Age of our Grand-children, even for Ninety-nine Years: By how much the Con⯑ſideration of this Debt is Intolerable and [29] Afflicting to the laſt Degree, by ſo much the greater muſt the Obligation be to the Perſon, who will Eaſe the Nation of ſuch a Burthen, and therefore we place it among the Principal Advantages which we are to receive from the Admiſſion of the Preten⯑der, that he will not fail to rid us of this Grievance, and by Methods peculiar to himſelf, deliver us from ſo great a Burthen as theſe Debts are now, and, unleſs he de⯑liver us, are like to be to the Ages to come: Whither he will do this at once, by remitting moſt Graciouſly to the Na⯑tion the whole Payment, and conſequently take off the Burthen, Brevi Manu, as with a Spunge wiping out the Infamous Score, leaving it to fall as Fate directs, or by pru⯑dent Degrees, we know not, nor is it our Buſineſs to determine it here; no Doubt the doing it with a Jerk, as we call it, Comme une Coup de Grace, muſt be the moſt expe⯑ditious Way; nay, and the kindeſt Way of putting the Nation out of its Pain; for lingering Deaths are counted cruel; and tho' Ʋne coup d'Eclat may make an Impreſ⯑ſion for the Preſent, yet the Aſtoniſhment is ſooneſt over; beſides, where is the Loſs to the Nation in this Senſe? Tho' the Money be ſtopt from the Subject on one Hand, if it be ſtopt to the Subjects on the other, the Nation Loſes or Gains Nothing; we [30] know if will be Anſwer'd, that it is unjuſt, and that Thouſands of Families will be ruin'd, becauſe they who Looſe, will not be thoſe who Gain. But what is this to the Purpoſe in a National Revolution; unjuſt! Alas! Is that an Argument? Go and ask the Pretender! Does not he ſay you have all done unjuſtly by him? And ſince the Na⯑tion in general loſes Nothing, what Obli⯑gation has he to regard the particular In⯑jury that ſome Families may ſuſtain? And yet farther, is it not remarkable, that moſt Part of the Money is paid by the Curſed Party of Whigs, who from the Beginning officiouſly appear'd to keep him from his Right? And what Obligation has he upon him to concern himſelf for doing them Right in Particular, more than other Peo⯑ple? But to avoid the Scandal of Partia⯑lity, there is another Thought offers to our View, which the Nation is beholding to a Particular Author for putting us in Mind of; if it be unjuſt that we ſhould ſuppoſe the Pretender ſhall ſtop the Pay⯑ment on both Sides, becauſe it is doing the Whigs Wrong, ſince the Tories, who per⯑haps being chiefly Landed Men, pay the moſt Taxes; then, to keep up a juſt Bal⯑lance, he need only continue the Taxes to be paid in, and only ſtop the Annuities and Intereſt which are to be paid out. [31] Thus both Sides having no Reaſon to Envy or Reproach one another with Hardſhips, or with ſuffering Unequally; they may eve⯑ry one loſe their Proportion, and the Mo⯑ney may be laid up in the Hands of the New Sovereign, for the Good of the Na⯑tion.

This being thus happily propoſed, we cannot paſs over the great Advantages which would accrue to this Nation in ſuch a Caſe, by having ſuch a Maſs of Money laid up in the Exchequer at the Abſolute Command of a moſt Gracious French So⯑vereign. But as theſe Things are ſo Glo⯑rious, and ſo Great, as to admit of no compleat Explication in this ſhort Tract, give us Leave, O People of Great-Britain, to lay before you a little Scetch of your future Felicity, under the Auſpicious Reign of ſuch a Glorious Prince, as we all hope, and believe, the Pretender to be. (1.) You are to allow, that by ſuch a Juſt and Righ⯑teous ſhutting up of the Exchequer in about Seven Years Time, he may be ſuppoſed to have received about Forty Millions Sterling from his People, which not being to be found in Specie in the Kingdom, will, for the Benefit of Circulation, enable him to Treaſure up Infinite Funds of Wealth in Foreign Banks, a prodigious Maſs of Foreign Bullion, Gold, Jewels, and [32] Plate, to be ready in the Tower, or elſe⯑where, to be iſſued upon Future Emer⯑gency, as Occaſion may allow. This pro⯑digious Wealth will neceſſarily have theſe happy Events, to the Infinite Satisfaction and Advantage of the whole Nation, and the Benefit of which I hope none will be ſo Unjuſt, or Ungrateful, to deny. (1.) It will for ever after deliver this Nation from the Burthen, the Expence, the Formality, and the Tyranny, of Parliaments. No one can perhaps at the firſt View be rightly ſenſible of the many Advantages of this Article, and from how many Miſchiefs it will deliver this Nation. (1.) How the Countrey Gentlemen will be no longer har⯑raſs'd to come, at the Command of every Court Occaſion, and upon every Summons by the Prince's Proclamation, from their Families, and other Occaſions, whether they can be ſpared from their Wives, &c. or no, or whether they can truſt their Wives be⯑hind them, or no; nay, whether they can ſpare Money or no for the Journey, or whether they muſt come Carriage Paid or no; then they will no more be unneceſſa⯑rily expoſed to Long and Hazardous Jour⯑neys, in the Depth of Winter, from the remoteſt Corners of the Iſland, to come to London, juſt to give away the Countrey's Money, and go Home again; all this will [33] be diſpenced with by the Kind and Graci⯑ous Management of the Pretender, when he, God bleſs us, ſhall be our more Gra⯑cious Sovereign. (2.) In the happy Con⯑ſequence of the Demiſe of Parliaments, the Countrey will be eaſed of that intolerable Burthen of Travelling to Elections, ſome⯑times in the Depth of Winter, ſometimes in the Middle of their Harveſt, whenever the Writs of Elections Arbitrarily Sum⯑mons them. (3.) And with them the Poor Gentlemen will be eaſed of that abominable Grievance of the Nation, (viz.) the Expence of Elections, by which ſo many Gentlemen of Eſtates have been Ruin'd, ſo many innocent People, of ho⯑neſt Principles before, have been De⯑bauched, and made Mercenary, Partial, Perjur'd, and been Blinded with Bribes, to Sell their Countrey and Liberties to who bids moſt. It is well known how often, and yet how in vain, this Diſtem⯑per has been the conſtant Concern of Par⯑liaments, for many Ages, to Cure, and to provide ſufficient Remedies for. Now if ever the effectual Remedy for this is found out, to the inexpreſſible Advantage of the whole Nation; and this perhaps is the only Cure for it that the Nature of the Diſeaſe will admit of; what terrible Ha⯑vock has this kind of Trade made among [34] the Eſtates of the Gentry, and the Morals of the Common People? (4.) How alſo has it kept alive the Factions and Divi⯑ſions of the Countrey People, keeping them in a Conſtant Agitation, and in Tri⯑ennial Commotions? So that what with Forming New Intereſts, and Cultivating Old, the Heats and Animoſities never ceaſe among the People. But once ſet the Pre⯑tender upon the Throne, and let the Funds be but happily ſtopt, and paid into his Hands, that he may be in no more Need of a Parliament, and all theſe Diſtempers will be cur'd as effectually as a Feaver is cur'd by cutting off the Head, or as a Hal⯑ter cures the Bleeding at the Noſe. How Infatuated then is this Nation, that they ſhould ſo obſtinately refuſe a Prince, by the Nature of whoſe Circumſtances, and the avowed Principles of whoſe Party, we are ſure to obtain ſuch Glorious Things, ſuch Ineſtimable Advantages, Things which no Age, no Prince, no Attempt of Parties, or Endeavour, though often aim'd at of Miniſters of State, have ever been able to procure for us. (2.) This Amaſ⯑ſing of Treaſure, by the ſtopping the Funds on one Hand, and the receiving the Taxes on the other, will effectually enable the Pretender to ſet up, and effectually main⯑tain, that Glorious, and ſo often-deſir'd, Me⯑thod [35] of Government, Au Coup de Cannon, Anglice, a Standing Army. This we have the Authority of the Antient Borough of Carliſle, that it is the Safety of the Prince, and the Glory of the Nation, as appears by their Renowned Addreſs to King James II. Then we ſhould ſee a new Face of our Na⯑tion, and Britain would no more be a na⯑ked Nation, as it has formerly been; then we ſhould have Numerous and Gallant Ar⯑mies ſurrounding a Martial Prince, ready to make the World, as well as his own Subjects, tremble; then our Inland Coun⯑ties would appear full of Royal Fortifica⯑tions, Citadels, Forts, and Strong Towns; the Beauty of the Kingdom, and Awe of Factious Rebels: It is a ſtrange Thing that this Refractory People of ours could never be made ſenſible how much it is for the Glory and Safety of this Nation that we ſhould be put into a Poſture of De⯑fence againſt ourſelves: It has been often alledged, that this Nation can never be ruin'd but with their own Conſent: If then we are our own Enemies, is it not highly requiſite that we ſhould be put in a Condi⯑tion to have our Ruin prevented? And that ſince it is apparent we are no more fit to be truſted with our own Liberties, having a Natural and a National Propenſity to de⯑ſtroy and undo ourſelves, and may be [36] brought to Conſent to our own Ruin, we ſhould have ſuch Princes as for the future know how to reſtrain us, and how reaſon⯑able is it to allow them Forces to do ſo?

We might enlarge here upon the Great and Certain Advantages of this beſt of Go⯑vernments, a Standing Army; we might go back to the Perſian, Grecian, and Roman Empires, which had never arriv'd to ſuch a Pitch of Glory if the People and Nati⯑ons who they ſubdued had been able to Noſe them with ſuch Trifles as what we call Conſtitution, National Right, Antient Privileges, and the like; we might deſcend alſo to particular Advantages of Govern⯑ment, which it is hoped we may attain to in Britain when the Pretender arrives, ſome of which are grown Obſolete, and out of Uſe, by Cuſtom, and long Poſſeſſion of thoſe troubleſome Things call'd Liber⯑ties; among theſe may be reckoned,

(1.) The whole Kingdom will be at once eaſed of that ridiculous Feather-caps Expence of Militia and Train'd-bands, which ſerve for little elſe but to juſtifie the Picking the Peoples Pockets, with an An⯑nual Tax of Trophy-Money, and every now and then putting the City of London, and Parts Adjacent, to Ten Thouſand Pound Charge, to beat Drums, and ſhoot Muskets, for nothing; when on the con⯑trary, [37] you ſhall in the Bleſſed Revolution we now invite you to have all this done Gratis, by the Standing Troops kept con⯑ſtantly in Pay; and your Lieutenancy may lay down their Commiſſions among the reſt of Non-Significants of the Nation.

(2.) You ſhall be for ever out of Danger of being ridden again by the Mob, your Meeting-houſes ſhall no more be the Sub⯑ject of the enraged Rabbles; nor ſhall the Bank of England deſire the Drums to beat at Midnight to raiſe a Guard for Grocer's-Hall; your new Monarch will ſuffer none to In⯑ſult or Plunder the City but himſelf; and as the City itſelf ſhall never want Soldiers, how ſhould it, when the whole Kingdom ſhall become a Garriſon? The Money in the Bank ſhall always be defended by a ſtrong Guard, who ſhall, whenever there is any Danger of its being too ſafe, convey it, for its Emi⯑nent Security, from Grocer's-Alley to the Tower, or to the Exchequer, where it ſhall not fail to be kept for the Advantage of the Publick.

(3.) Again, upon this happy Change we ſhall immediately be delivered from that moſt Infamous Practice of Stock-jobbing, of which ſo much has been ſaid to ſo little Purpoſe; for the Funds being turned all into One General Stock, and the Prince be⯑ing himſelf your Security, you may even [38] write upon all your Companies this Gene⯑ral Phraſe, (viz.) No Transfer, as they do when the Books are ſhut up at the Bank, or Eaſt-India Houſe; ſo as all the Rivers of Water are ſwallowed up in the Sea, as One Ocean, to which they are all tending, ſo all theſe petty Cheats will be Ingulph'd at once in the General Ocean of State Trick, and the Exchange-Alley-Men may juſtly be ſaid to Buy the Bear-Skin ever after.

(4.) Then (which is a Bleſſing we fear we cannot hope for before) we may expect to be deliver'd from the Throng of Virulent and Contumatious Libels which now Infeſt our Streets; and the Libellers themſelves being moſt exemplarily Puniſhed, for a Terror to the reſt, will not dare to affront the Government with Ballads and Balder⯑daſh; if an impudent Fellow dares lift up his Pen againſt the Authority and Power of his Prince, he ſhall inſtantly feel the Weight of that Power to cruſh him, which he ought before to have feared; and Pamphleteers ſhall then not be Whipped and Pillor'd, but Hang'd; and when Two or Three of them have ſuffered that Way, it is hoped thoſe wholeſome Severities may put an effectual ſtop to the Noiſe and Clamour they now make in the Nation; above all, the Hands of the Government will then be ſet free from the Fetters of Law; and it ſhall [39] not be always neceſſary for the Miniſters of State to proceed by all the Forms of the Courts of Juſtice, in ſuch Caſes, by which the Scriblers of the Age pretend to ſtand it out againſt the Government, and put their own Conſtruction upon their Libels. But when theſe happy Days arrive, Juries and Judges ſhall find and determine in theſe, and all other Caſes, bring Verdicts, and give Sentence, as the Prince in his Royal Juſtice ſhall direct.

We might enter here upon a long Liſt of other happy Circumſtances we ſhall all ar⯑rive to, and of great Advantages not here named, which the Coming in of the Preten⯑der ſhall infallibly bring us to the Enjoy⯑ment of, particularly in Matters of Religion, Civil Right, Property and Commerce, but the needful Brevity of this Tract will not admit of it; we ſhall only add one Thing more, which gives Weight to all the reſt, (viz.) That the Certainty of theſe Things, and of their being the Natural Conſequen⯑ces of the bringing in the Pretender, adds to the certain Felicity of that Reign. This Sums up the Happineſs of the Pretender's Reign; we need not talk of Security, as the Review has done, and pretend he is not able to give us Security for the Performance of any Thing he promiſes; every Man that has any Senſe of the Principles, Honour, [40] and Juſtice of the Pretender, his Zeal for the Roman Catholick Cauſe, his Gratitude to his Benefactor, the French King, and his Love to the Glory and Happineſs of his Native Countrey, muſt reſt ſatisfied of his punctually performing all theſe Great Things for us; to ask him Security, would be not to Af⯑front him only, but to Affront the whole Nation; No Man can doubt him; the Nature of the Thing allows that he muſt do us all that Kindneſs; he cannot be true to his own Reaſon without it; wherefore this Treaty executes itſelf, and appears ſo rational to believe, that whoever doubts it may be ſuppoſed to doubt even the Veracity of James the Juſt.

What unaccountable Folly then muſt thoſe People be Guilty of, who ſtand ſo much in the Way of their own and their Countrey's Happineſs, as to oppoſe, or pretend to argue againſt, the receiving this Glorious Prince, and would be for having Dutch Men and Foreigners forſooth to come, and all under the Notion of their being PROTE⯑STANTS? To avoid and detect which Fallacy, we ſhall in our next Eſſay enter into the Examina⯑tion of the Religion and Orthodox Principles of the Perſon of the Pretender, and doubt not to make it out, for the Satisfaction of all Tender Conſciences, that he is a true Proteſtant of the Church of Eng⯑land, Eſtabliſh'd by Law, and that in very Natural Primitive Senſe of that Phraſe as it was uſed by His Royal Predeceſſor, of Famous and Pious Memory, Charles II.—and as ſuch, no doubt, he will endeavour for the Recovery of the Crown, which Crown, if he obtains it, you ſee what Glori⯑ous Things he may do for himſelf, and us.