[] AN INQUIRY INTO THE Connection between the preſent advanced PRICE OF PROVISIONS, AND THE SIZE OF FARMS.

CHAPTER I. ON MONOPOLIZING LAND.

TO proceed with all poſſible candor in my inveſtigation of this ſubject, I ſhall enumerate the many evils which are ſaid to ariſe from the monopolizing of land, whereby it is ſuppoſed the preſent ſcarcity is artificially produced. A cool examina⯑tion of facts will probably ſhew us, whether this practice bears any, and what ſhare in the calamity we complain of.

[2] It is ſaid, Firſt, That large farmers, by growing opulent, become negligent of their buſineſs; that they, conſequently, do not cultivate their lands to ſo much advantage as they might, and that by this means their produce is leſs than that of an equal pro⯑portion of land in the hands of many ſmall farmers, who, with their families, did the chief of the work themſelves.

Secondly, That large farmers, being opu⯑lent, are not under the neceſſity of bringing their corn to market, but retain it, to the great diſtreſs of the poor.

Thirdly, That our markets are not ſo well ſupplied with pigs, poultry, butter, and eggs, as when there were ſmall far⯑mers, whoſe wives attended the markets with thoſe articles, which rendered the price of butcher's meat cheap.

Fourthly, That large farms are the occa⯑ſion of depopulation, whereby the num⯑ber of labourers is ſo much diminiſhed, that, in ſome places, there are ſcarcely hands ſufficient to till the ground; conſe⯑quently, that the cropping of the land is neglected, and the harveſt badly got in; both which muſt diminiſh the quantity, and enhance the price of corn.

CHAP. II. On Jobbers, Foreſtallers, and Regrators.

AMONG the many who have aſſigned cauſes for the preſent advanced price of proviſions, there are a ſet of men who do not attribute the ſcarcity to either of the aforementioned cauſes, nor do they confine their compaſſion to the Poor only, but ex⯑tend their pity even to the farmer. Their complaints are poured out againſt jobbers, foreſtallers, and regrators; though I am confident that many of them do not under⯑ſtand [37] the particular occupation of either of theſe, but confound the whole in one maſs. I confeſs that there are many inſtances in the ſale of cattle at Smithfield, which muſt confirm theſe people in their opinion: a very recent and remarkable one happened on the 16th of November laſt, when oxen ſold at 2 d. per pound; and yet there was no viſible alteration in the price of butcher's meat. This would naturally induce them to believe that there is plenty, but that it is withheld by art. It muſt, likewiſe, be ob⯑ſerved, that ſheep were dearer that very day, than had been known for ſome time paſt. However, as tales are told imper⯑fectly, and too often that part of them only which makes for an argument, I am not ſurprized that well-diſpoſed men are fre⯑quently miſled. I ſhall not ſay but that there may be, and is, craft in that buſineſs, as there muſt be in every other where the leaſt reſtriction will always give the attentive artful man an advantage over his neighbour: at the ſame time, it muſt be conceived, that there is in this, as in all other articles, a fluctuation in the price: nor will it be diffi⯑cult to explain that this fluctuation muſt operate by greater ſtrides in live cattle, than in any commodity which can be depoſited in magazines. All that the wiſdom of legiſlature can do, or ought to attempt, is, [38] to let thoſe ſtreams of plenty flow from their ſource in their natural channel; for the dam that occaſions ſtill-water above, is ſure to create a torrent below, which carries every thing before it.

To inveſtigate the truth of what is here advanced, I ſhall explain the natural cauſes of this fluctuation in the price of live cattle: this will account for the ſudden fall of beef on the day abovementioned, and prove that it neither could have, nor ought to have, any great effect on the price of butcher's meat: I ſhall then proceed to point out the channel in which the ſupply of live cattle uſed to flow, till it met with a check, which, I believe, has given ſome foundation for a part of the complaints we have heard. In doing this, I ſhall deſcribe the different occupation of each man concerned in this traffick; and from thence it will appear, that the aboliſhing of either muſt eternally produce the evil complained of.

Firſt then, I ſhall inform the Reader, that the fluctuation in the price of live ſtock does, and ever muſt, depend on the quan⯑tity there is of the different ſorts of food neceſſary to ſupport thoſe cattle in their dif⯑ferent ſtages of age and degree of fatneſs. For example; if after-paſture, fodder and [39] turnips fail, lean ſtock muſt be cheap, be⯑cauſe there will not be purchaſers for them at the fairs; and fat beaſts will, for the ſame reaſon, keep their price, becauſe the grazier knows it will turn to better account for him to beſtow the food he has upon the ſtock which is nearly fit for market, than to divide it among many, which would keep the forward ones too back; nor would it bring the lean ſtock forward enough to make off in the ſpring with any moderate degree of profit. Thus he will conſume the whole with his fattening beaſts, by which means there will not be a ſucceſſion to ſupply the market, and thoſe beaſts which would have come in the ſpring, muſt be kept lean, to another year. This cir⯑cumſtance, and the ſcarcity of food, which will not allow him to have ſo great a ſtock to employ his capital in, muſt naturally, and ought to give him a greater profit on the few he has. Thus will the courſe of market generally be governed; and I believe it was as generally expected that what I have related would have been the caſe this year; for there was in the ſummer little appearance of graſs, fodder was evidently ſcarce, and cabbages and turnips had failed almoſt every where: but a moſt providen⯑tially fine autumn furniſhed the Eſſex and Kentiſh men with ſuch abundance of after⯑paſture, [40] that they gave great prices for all cattle that were forward enough to be brought on. This naturally induced them to make off all their ſtock on hand that was fit, or nearly fit, for market, in order that their new ſtock might have ſufficient plenty to puſh them on before the winter ſet in, when they could be able to finiſh them on oil-cake, &c. To this I impute the great and unexpected glut that there was at Smithfield on the Monday alluded to; and what ſtrengthens me in my opinion is, that it was immediately after Kingſton-Fair, where a great number of Welch beaſts were bought up by the Eſſex and Kentiſh farmers. The preſent high price of hay and oil-cakes might indeed have operated in ſome degree, by inducing many graziers to ſend up ſuch of their beaſts as were fit for market, rather than keep them back for the regular ſupply: but as it is not natural to ſuppoſe that this laſt reaſon ſhould have operated with all on the ſame day, I cannot but think my ſug⯑geſtion right; and what confirms me in it is, that ſheep were dearer that very day than they had been for ſome time paſt. This laſt circumſtance is one reaſon why this extraordinary fall in beef ſhould not have had an immediate effect on the price of butcher's meat: for it is the average of the profits which muſt govern the butcher in his [41] ſale. But ſuppoſing mutton had been equally cheap, no butcher in London would have purchaſed more than was neceſſary for the demand of his uſual cuſtomers: he could neither keep his beaſts nor his ſheep alive; and if he ſlaughtered them, he ran the riſk of having a great part remain to ſpoil on his hands. Thus the overplus of what was wanted for the uſual conſumption, would be naturally bought up by thoſe who had an op⯑portunity of keeping them on; and was it not for ſuch men, from whence ſhould we now expect a regular ſupply, till thoſe beaſts are brought forward, which are not yet fit for market? Let it not, however, be imagined that all their dealings are attended with ſuch profit; they have ſevere blows, as well as men in other trades: it is the average profit of the whole year on which they count their gain; and however it may be the faſhion to ſtigmatiſe theſe dealers with odious appellations, it is on them alone that we can depend for a regular ſupply. Yet, whilſt I am thus ſpeaking in favour of theſe dealers, I will confeſs that I believe there are among them ſome who, as the laws have lately been enforced, have given too great foundation for the clamours of the people; I mean, when the ſaleſman is the dealer. I know that precautions have been taken to guard againſt this inconvenience, [42] by prohibiting them from holding farms: but it is eaſy to conceive that ſuch a law may be evaded: and I know that it is; and though it be a crime to act in violation of the laws, yet that crime is greatly leſſened, if the enactors of the laws lay temptations in the way, to induce people to act in op⯑poſition thereto: and this they have done, by aboliſhing what were called Jobbers; the evil conſequences of which I ſhall pro⯑ceed to explain.

When there were thoſe traders in cattle called Jobbers, Smithfield market was con⯑ſtantly and well ſupplied. They were people who had no fixed reſidence, but tra⯑velled the country in ſearch of ſuch cattle as were fit for market; and having no land in their own poſſeſſion, as ſoon as they had bought a lot of ſheep, or oxen, they im⯑mediately diſpatched them to Smithfield⯑market, where they were conſequently obliged to be ſold. If ſeveral of theſe hap⯑pened to meet at the ſame market, which was frequently the caſe, of courſe their cattle were ſold cheap; but they were con⯑tented with their chance profit; and ſet out immediately on another journey. If the cattle were ever ſo cheap, the butchers could not buy more than for their uſual con⯑ſumption. This neceſſarily called in a ſet [43] of men who had land within a moderate diſtance of the metropolis, and thereby had an opportunity of keeping them on, to ſupply the market regularly. Theſe men naturally ſhould have their profit: but that could not, in general, be great, as they were always liable to have great quantities poured in unexpectedly by the jobbers, whoſe motions were never known, and al⯑ways uncertain. Thus were the markets always fully ſtocked; the grazier got rid of his cattle, at his door, without trouble or expence; and the butcher was always ſure of finding a market well ſupplied by the jobber, or the intermediate man who had always by him a ſtock that had been pur⯑chaſed when the markets were glutted. This was a regular channel of trade, which went on uninterrupted: whereas, when the jobbers were ſuppreſſed, the grazier was obliged either to ſend up his cattle himſelf, or to commit them to the care of a ſaleſman, who, of courſe, became his adviſer when to ſend his ſtock to market; and by this means, being intimately acquainted with the demand and the ſupply, it is natural to believe that ſelf-intereſt, which governs us all, would induce him to become a purchaſer, who had it ſo much in his power to ſupply the butchers as he thought proper, and who, by the ſame knowledge, had it as much in his power to purchaſe his cattle at what [44] price he pleaſed to ſet on them: for it re⯑quired but the combination of a few, to order up the grazier's cattle whenever they wiſhed to make a purchaſe. In this manner has the profit of the latter decreaſed ſo much, as to render it neceſſary for ſome of them to attend Smithfield themſelves, though, when they came there, they could only look on; not having it in their power to ſell to a butcher, who was perhaps as much in the clutches of the ſaleſman as himſelf. By this means we have loſt that intermediate man, ſo neceſſary to all parties, and by this means we have created a real foreſtaller. I will not charge all with being guilty of this practice: there are honeſt men, as well as knaves, in every profeſſion. I have only endeavoured to point out the manner in which this may operate; and I am confident that it will, whenever there is the ſmalleſt reſtriction or interference of legiſlature in any trade; for, as Sir Wil⯑liam Mildmay juſtly obſerves, a general liberty granted to raiſe our neceſſary pro⯑viſions, will procure us a general plenty for ſale; a general indulgence allowed to this ſale, will reduce them to a general cheap⯑neſs, &c. Happy am I to think we have a Miniſter, whoſe wiſdom has induced him to liſten to ſuch men as can give him real in⯑formation on a ſubject he cannot be ſuppoſed to be intimately acquainted with himſelf!

CHAPTER III. On Luxury, as affecting Proviſions and Population.

AMONG the many writers who have favoured us with their productions on the ſubject of Proviſions and Population, there are none who fail to attribute it, in part or the whole, to Luxury. I ſhall not attempt to ſay that Luxury has not an effect on the price of all commodities; among others, on proviſions: but how far it is prejudicial or beneficial to a ſtate, is matter of ſerious conſideration, and ſhould be handled with infinite delicacy whenever the ſubject is taken up by the Legiſlature. It is a known fact, that, in an infant-ſtate, Luxury is a child which ſhould be nou⯑riſhed to ſuch a degree as to procure the conveniencies and comforts of life; for on that depends the improvement of agricul⯑ture, arts, manufactures, and commerce. It is as certain a fact, that Luxury is an attendant on wealth, and that, when it is not accompanied with vice, it is a benefit to a nation. By this it is that wealth be⯑comes more equally diffuſed among all ranks of people: it encourages the manu⯑facturer and artificer; and if it is confined to the table of the rich man, agriculture reaps the benefit of it, without any public [46] detriment: in ſhort, in every inſtance, the poor receive their ſhare of this ſcattered wealth; and in proportion to the luxury of the ſpot, the poor who inhabit are, by the diffuſed riches, enabled to bear their ſhare in the price of proviſions. In proof of what I ſay, draw the compariſon between the labouring poor of the city of London and its neighbourhood, with thoſe of Wales and other remote countries. I do not ſpeak of the worthleſs abandoned poor: they always flock to large cities, and ſubſiſt by charity and theft, where they are not ſo eaſily detected as in the country. This leads me to point out a ſpecies of luxury which I have never heard arraigned, but which, I am confident, does much miſ⯑chief, though proceeding from a laudable motive: I mean, that unbounded charity which, when kept within limits, and ad⯑miniſtred with prudence, is the noble cha⯑racteriſtic of the Engliſh nation; but which I have known, in many inſtances, to do much hurt, and encourage idleneſs, inſtead of rewarding induſtry. I ſay, this evil pro⯑ceeds from luxury, becauſe I fear an oſten⯑tatious vanity is frequently the motive for many whimfical donations.

Why Luxury ſhould be an attendant on wealth is obvious; it is, becaufe money be⯑comes cheap: but in ſuch proportion all [47] commodities riſe in value. In 1307, when the intereſt of money was 45 per cent. all proviſions were what we ſhould now call cheap. In 1604, when the intereſt of mo⯑ney was 9l. 16 s. per cent. proviſions roſe in proportion; and ſo on to this day, mak⯑ing proper allowance for the different cir⯑cumſtances which attended this country when divided by civil wars, or harraſſed by foreign enemies. But as luxury is the conſtant attendant on wealth, it muſt natu⯑rally affect proviſions in a greater propor⯑tion; for it will create waſte; it induces people of fortune to keep a great number of domeſtic ſervants, who are fed on dain⯑ties, inſtead of the coarſe but wholeſome food they were before accuſtomed to; it increaſes the number of horſes which are kept for pleaſure; both which muſt conſi⯑derably increaſe the conſumption of meat and corn. It likewiſe certainly affects pro⯑viſions, by the deſtruction of the number⯑leſs calves and lambs that are ſlaughtered for the London market, which muſt raiſe the price of beef and mutton, as they conſume in three months the amount in value of food which would rear them, to two years old. This is, indeed, an encou⯑ragement to agriculture, and, as I ſaid before, diſperſes the wealth among all ranks and denominations of people, while the [48] taxes on luxury properly fall upon the rich, and the land is ſo far relieved of a part of that burthen which muſt be chearfully borne for the ſupport of a great and power⯑ful nation, I mean that part of the taxes which, lights on the conſumer, which is all exciſeable commodities. It will here be ſaid, that the waſte on the rich man's table, and the corn conſumed by his horſes, would feed many hungry mouths. I allow it:— but the evil points out a remedy; for if it is the real fact, as I believe it to be, that the conſumption is greater than the pro⯑duce, cultivate more land, and ſuffer not barren acres to ſtare us in the face when we are crying out for bread.

There is yet another ſpecies of Luxury, which is in conſequence of wealth; it is, that the inhabitants of the country naturally flock to great cities, where they can enjoy the more refined amuſements of a poliſhed nation. The conveniency of trade indeed brings thither the moſt conſiderable part; the neceſſary calling together of the Legiſla⯑ture brings another part; and the attach⯑ment to courts and other amuſements, brings the third. Theſe neceſſarily carry with them a ſuite of attendants, which I cannot but think miſchievous to a ſtate; for the loitering life of a gentleman's ſer⯑vant not only debauches his own mind, [49] but, by his attendance on the great, and his intercourſe with the inferior claſs, makes him the vehicle of conveyance of thoſe manners which ruin the induſtrious tradeſman, though neceſſary accompliſh⯑ments in the rich. If they unfortunately ſee a bad example, they retail it out with all its miſchievous conſequences; and in this manner does their appearance and ex⯑ample operate when they return with their maſters to the country. They there de⯑bauch the minds of the ruſtic labourers, who envy their fine cloaths and lazy life; and by this means too many of the inferior claſs are drawn to towns, where, I muſt confeſs, they do not continue to be ſuch uſeful members in point of population, as if they had remained in the country; for by all the calculations that have appeared, the lives of children in towns bear no pro⯑portion with thoſe born and bred up in the country. This neceſſary evil, which at⯑tends all great cities, is the natural and inevitable conſequence of wealth. Let us not, however, ſee things in ſo gloomy a light, as to think theſe people entirely loſt to ſociety, or even to that part which de⯑pends on agriculture. What I am going to relate is matter of fact within my own knowledge; namely, that in hay and har⯑veſt time, when labourers are wanted in [50] the country, it is inconceivable what num⯑bers of tradeſmen and handicrafts flock into the country, and as conſiderable is the aſſiſtance we receive from them at the only time they are wanted there. Thus they become doubly beneficial to the nation. The fact is as I ſay, but their motives may be two-fold; the one, that they have not employment at that time of the year; and the other, that nature may dictate to them the deſire of breathing the freſh air they were accuſtomed to in their youth, when they learnt the different branches of huſ⯑bandry buſineſs, which they return to at a time when their town employment falls ſlack, and when, as I ſaid before, we only want them.

I am far from being an advocate for wanton Luxury. There have been too many inſtances in hiſtory, to prove that Luxury, accompanied with vice, which is its laſt ſtage, muſt ever end in ruin to a ſtate. All that I mean to alledge is, that Luxury will attend the wealth of a great trading nation, and that what was once a virtue, cannot be converted into a vice. Let thoſe who exclaim againſt the evil effects of Luxury, keep a watchful eye over them⯑ſelves, and they will not have cauſe to complain.

[51] Let thoſe who reſide in the country ſet a good example to the poor inhabitants of the village; let thoſe who have it in their power diminiſh, if poſſible, at leaſt not increaſe, the number of alehouſes, which are perdition to the poor, and the real cauſe of their diſtreſs. I know many pa⯑riſhes in different parts of the country where labourers maintain themſelves and families comfortably, even in theſe times, on ſix ſhillings a week; whereas in other places they are ſtarving on nine in winter, and ten to twelve in ſummer. But where the former reſide, there are no alehouſes, and they themſelves attribute their comfort to it: however, where they cannot be eaſily aboliſhed, let the reſtrictive laws attending licences be enforced; prevent gambling, and do not ſuffer them to permit a labour⯑ing inhabitant of the pariſh to ſit in their houſes but at the ſtated hours of meal times; this every one has it in his power to pre⯑vent; and this I know to be one of the chief cauſes of the diſtreſs of the poor, as hath juſtly been remarked by the Reverend Mr. Powel, of Fakenham, in his Real Grievances, &c.

CHAPTER IV. On the real cauſes of the advanced price of proviſions.

THE real cauſe of the preſent ſcar⯑city being, in general, too well known to need any formal diſcourſe to aſcertain its origin, it may, perhaps, be thought impertinent in me to undertake that taſk: and, indeed, I honeſtly confeſs, that the original intention of theſe ſheets was only to ſhew, that it is not to be im⯑puted ſolely to any of the various cauſes I have lately ſeen aſſigned for it in print. Moſt of thoſe publications have appeared to me big with miſchief, as blowing the trumpet of diſcontent among every rank of people; and, howſoever inadvertently they may have been ſuffered to creep into the world, they cannot fail to breed, eſpe⯑cially among the lower claſs, that rancour and jealouſy which are the mother of riot and confuſion, and which may, if thus fomented, carry them to ſuch lengths as may ſeriouſly increaſe the misfortunes we complain of. My only motive for thus offering to the public my opinion on this head, proceeds from an ardent deſire to rectify, if I can, the ſtrangely miſcon⯑ceived notion of my countrymen, by prov⯑ing [53] to them, that it is not to any indi⯑vidual, or ſet of individuals, that we ought to aſcribe this calamity; but that it is the hand of God which has viſited us, and that it is patience only, with a proper exertion of thoſe means which Pro⯑vidence hath put in our power, that can afford us relief. But as I find the number⯑leſs complaints of the diſſatisfied have reached the ear of the Legiſlature, and that the Parliament ſeem earneſtly diſpoſed to adopt ſuch meaſures as ſhall appear to them moſt ſalutary; I think it the duty of every one who has conſidered this matter candidly, to lay his thoughts open to Government.

Previous to our entering upon this ſub⯑ject, it will be neceſſary to examine into the truth of what is daily aſſerted about the price of proviſions, and to determine whether they are, or are not, really dear; and, if found to be dear, how far the price exceeds the bounds of what is deemed an equitable one for the farmer. The only method by which this fact can be aſcer⯑tained, is to draw a compariſon between them and other articles of conſumption; for example, if the articles of cloaths, houſe⯑rent, furniture, luxuries of life, and pro⯑viſions, have kept a nearly proportionate [54] advance for any given number of years, we have the cleareſt proof that there is ſome one general extraneous cauſe which affects the whole; and if it appears that the riſe in the price of all the various com⯑modities bears a juſt proportion to the intereſt of money, it is as ſelf-evident that the general cauſe is the riches of the nation: but to fix this with ſuch preciſion as would carry with it univerſal conviction, would require many data not eaſy to be obtained. Thus, among other circumſtances, to make a juſt compariſon, it will be neceſſary that there ſhould have been an equal demand for every article; for on that will depend the value of each. Now as I have de⯑clared that ſuch data as I would only draw concluſions from are, in my opi⯑nion, not to be obtained, I may claim the ſame privilege as others aſſume, of grounding my facts on the general cry, that all the neceſſaries of life are at an enormous price, which, as I ſaid before, muſt proceed from one general cauſe, and that can only be the cheapneſs of money; and therefore, that all commodities bearing that proportion are cheap, at leaſt not dear. However, as an extraordinary demand for, or a ſcarcity of any article, muſt affect that article in a peculiar manner, I will acknowledge that there is an advance in [55] the price of proviſions, though not ſo great as is generally believed, nor ſuch as ought to alarm this nation; nor will I ſcruple to pronounce, that this advance has been oc⯑caſioned by a real ſcarcity of corn, pro⯑ceeding from a failure of crops in gene⯑ral; and that, for theſe five years paſt, we have had, at one or other time of the year, the moſt unfavourable ſeaſons for corn that have been known for a long while paſt. To this muſt be imputed the natural cauſe of the dearneſs of all commodities, and among them, of proviſions.

It is the vaſt influx of wealth, which, though the great encourager of agriculture, brings with it an apparent temporary evil. This is the mother of luxury, which as certainly creates waſte, and, by an extra⯑ordinary conſumption, undoubtedly affects the markets; as was clearly proved to the Houſe of Lords about nine years ago, in the examination of a perſon who had gone through all the various branches of the butcher's buſineſs, and who attributed the great riſe in meat, in a great meaſure, to the luxury of the town, ſaying, that the tradeſman who formerly was contented with a ſhoulder of mutton, muſt now have his fillet of veal, &c. and by this luxury's deſcending to the loweſt claſs, there were [56] not thoſe cuſtomers for the offal-pieces, which were conſequently in a manner thrown away. This might be the opinion of a ſingle man; but certain it is, that the conſumption of veal and lamb has increaſed to a prodigious degree; and, as I mentioned before, the expence of the food neceſſary to bring thoſe young animals to market being as much in four months as would maintain them as a breeding ſtock for two years, that muſt undoubtedly have an effect upon all other butcher's meat, and this will as ſurely affect other proviſions, in a certain proportion.

There is yet another manner in which luxury has operated: it has increaſed the number of poſt-horſes within theſe twenty years, as ten to one. The increaſe of ſtage-coaches too has been very conſider⯑able, as has likewiſe the number of wag⯑gon-horſes: theſe laſt, indeed, have been in conſequence of internal trade: yet all theſe are, directly or indirectly, in conſe⯑quence of luxury, which has eſtabliſhed ſo many faſhionable places of reſort for people of all ranks and denominations, and in which liſt the city of London has furniſhed no inconſiderable part; for money, which, in a trading nation, puts all men on a level, ſoon teaches the tradeſman and his family [57] that they can aſſociate with people of rank and faſhion: thus ſervants, mimicking their maſters and miſtreſſes, as ſoon forget the prudent oeconomy of the pantry and cellar, and vye with my lord's butler and my lady's woman in every wanton extrava⯑gance, which, fatal as it proves in the end, does not at firſt diſpleaſe the good ſober citizen: but this is the natural channel in which riches ever will and ought to flow. It is by theſe means that the wealth acquired by the trading individual becomes equally diffuſed among all ranks of men: it is ex⯑tended even to the chimney-ſweeper's boy, who, inſtead of the cruſt of bread which uſed to be his fee, now receives a morſel of meat: but at laſt, though too late, the tradeſman diſcovers that he and his family have purchaſed a reliſh for pleaſure and ex⯑travagance with a diminution of his capital. He feels with redoubled force every little blow in trade, becauſe he dares not retrench, from a miſconſtrued pride, and fear of in⯑juring his credit: he ſtretches every ſinew to extend that credit and increaſe his trade: perhaps, at laſt, conſcious that his own will not ſupport his extravagance, he flies to that of his neighbour, who, at the ſame moment, may be getting into his. Thus has trade been over-done, and credit, ſo eſſential for a commercial nation, totally [58] ruined. Stock-jobbing, and every ſpecies of gambling, have ſucceeded, and have now brought on a general bankruptcy among thoſe people who were once improperly thought the chief ſupport of this country.

But let not this picture deceive us. It only proves what common ſenſe ought to have taught before, which is, that trade can be extended but to a certain degree, and that the only one which can be bene⯑ſicial to a nation is the export of the produce of the earth. Such part of it as can be manufactured is undoubtedly doubly ad⯑vantageous: it maintains a number of men who are the ſtrength of a nation, whilſt fo⯑reigners, who buy the manufactured goods, pay their wages, which, in fact, becomes an advanced price upon our corn and meat. But as the demand for goods may be limited, do not let us confine ourſelves to the growth of ſo much corn only as will maintain them, let the ſurplus be exported, and though not attended with ſo much profit, it is always an addition to the other; the returns for which, in merchandize or ſpecie, are our riches. Merchants, neceſ⯑ſary as they are, are no more than the carriers of thoſe commodities: take them in any other view, they are men preying upon one another: one individual is enriched, while the other is ruined; and whether the [59] trade is among ourſelves, or with others, ſo ſoon as it exceeds the bounds of our produce and manufactures, it is gambling, and, as in all other games of chance, at the end of the year, the profits will only pay the cards. But miſerable as the preſent ſcene appears, it by no means proves that the country is not rich; it only ſhews how money may be, and how it is, diſperſed and divided among all ranks, and I could prove, happily for this nation, that much of it is ſunk in the bowels of the earth, from which grateful treaſury we are ſure to receive ample returns. The new cultivated lands, and improvements in agriculture, with the great inland navi⯑gations, have ſwallowed up immenſe ſums in the purchaſe of corn to feed the labourers. Theſe are the real riches of a country. It would be wrong to imagine, that becauſe ſome few individuals have over-traded them⯑ſelves, and want money, therefore the nation is poor; look at the riches that are amaſſed among the farmers, and bleſs yourſelves that it has got into the hands of men who will turn it to a national benefit; while they thrive, the intereſt of your funds will con⯑tinue low, and land will keep its price: theſe are the only touchſtones of the value of money.

But before I quit this ſubject, let me hint that I do not draw the diſtinction [60] between agriculture, manufactures and com⯑merce; I know them all to be ſo dependant on each other, that the prevalence of either is prejudicial to this nation: all I contend for is, that the ſource of the whole is agri⯑culture.

Thoſe who attempt to point out the diſtinct advantage ariſing from either agri⯑culture, manufactures, or commerce, are little acquainted with the true policy of this nation; for if they recollect that the natural produce of this country conſiſts in corn for the uſe of man, and other ſtaple com⯑modities for our manufactures, ſuch as hides, wool, tin, lead, and iron, they will conceive that the labourers of the earth and the manufacturers are ſo mutually dependent one on the other, that to obtain the greateſt national advantage from their reciprocal labours, would almoſt ſeem to demand that a juſt proportionate number of each ſhould be preſerved: I ſay, in point of the profit to be made on the produce of the earth, which is the natural riches of a country, this would ſeem to be the caſe, with an ad⯑ditional number in agriculture to provide food for their own body, and the third claſs, which conſiſts of the navy, army, and idle people: but no advantage could ariſe from ſuch a diſtribution without the aſſiſtance of traders, whoſe buſineſs it is to [61] export our manufactured ſtaple commodi⯑ties, or the ſurplus of ſuch as are not required for the different manufactures in their raw ſtate: in return for theſe, the trader brings us back either ſpecie, or, by way of barter, the luxuries of life, or raw materials for ſome manufactures, which we have not within ourſelves, but are neceſſary for them. In this manner are theſe three claſſes ſo intimately dependant on each other, that neither can exiſt alone in this country, I mean to a national advantage; nor in this view is it eaſy to determine to which ſhould be aſcribed the preference in point of rank: for unleſs we grew our own corn, our manufactures would not be ſo be⯑neficial to the country, nor without manufac⯑tures would our corn be exported to ſo great advantage; nor would either be nationally advantageous in point of riches if they could not be exported. This therefore calls in the aſſiſtance of the merchant, whoſe trade would not be beneficial to the nation unleſs his exports conſiſted in the produce of the earth; and in the proportion that ſuch ex⯑ports exceed the value of his imports, the balance is in favour of this country.

Let it however be obſerved, that the ad⯑vantage ariſing from this chain of traffic is limited to a certain pitch, beyond which it [62] cannot extend: it muſt be governed by the demand of foreign markets, which is al⯑ways regulated by the conſumption, but too often ſubject to the caprice of courts; therefore it is impoſſible to determine the exact proportion of hands proper to be al⯑lotted to each different claſs. It muſt then remain an eſtabliſhed maxim, that, as Sir James Stuart has ſo ably ſhewn, each claſs will, from time to time, be ſupplied with the overflowings of the other, as exi⯑gencies direct: but it ſhould be remembered, that manufactories can at no time employ more than are requiſite at that particular time to ſupply the demands of trade; whereas the culture of the earth cannot be over-done. If the quantity of corn and cattle produced ſhould, by being too great for the conſumption, reduce the price below what is a reaſonable profit for the farmer, that cheapneſs will create mouths to eat it, that is, men will flock in from different countries to that ſpot where there is the greateſt plenty. This will make us formi⯑dable in point of people, and the taxes on what they conſume will increaſe the revenue, ſo as to enable the Government to diſcharge part of its debt, at leaſt enable it to protect its territories, without loading the Poor with a freſh burden. This argument would rather ſeemingly lead to give the preference to [63] agriculture: but I ſhall contend for no more than to call it the ſpring of the whole machine.

In contradiction to what I have advanced, I am aware that there are thoſe who will ſay, that the whole of my theory is diſproved by the inſtance of Holland. But let ſuch re⯑member, that what I have ſaid relates to the policy of England only, and that though Holland has ſubſiſted and become powerful by trade alone, it has been owing to the very particular circumſtances which have attended the ſituation of the Dutch: they eſtabliſhed themſelves in a little ſwampy corner, hemmed in on all ſides by enemies, whoſe reciprocal intereſt it was to protect them againſt each other: by this means their little ſpot became an aſylum for trade to all parties, and thus they became like⯑wiſe the carriers and bankers of Europe, and by theſe concomitant circumſtances, art has ſupplied them with what nature furniſhes us.

But to return to the ſubject of horſes, which, I am confident, have helped to raiſe the price of proviſions, for they muſt conſume a great part of the produce of the earth, and in a much greater proportion than other cattle, which are not fed ſo highly. Therefore, unleſs it appears that the importation of oats during theſe laſt [64] twenty years has greatly increaſed, it is evident that either the quantity of other corn grown, has decreaſed, or that more ground has been cultivated, and as certain that unleſs the quantity of graſs land has increaſed in the ſame degree, there cannot remain the ſame proportion for the feeding of young ſteers, as there was before the breeding of theſe additional horſes. With regard to the number that have been exported, as much as it has been exclaimed againſt, ſurely no man who conſiders the matter coolly can ſee it in any other light than as being greatly beneficial to the nation; for whether we export the corn, or the cattle that feed on it, the money received is for the produce of the earth.

We all know that more land has been taken into culture, and that the incloſing of common-field land has increaſed the pro⯑duce: but, I am apt to believe, not in a proportion equal to the conſumption; and I am farther of opinion, that a greater part has been devoted to the growth of food for horſes: for the extraordinary riſe in the price of oats within theſe twenty years paſt, in which that grain has exceeded all pro⯑portion with other corn, and the uniform and ſteady price oats have kept at, are ſuch inducements to a farmer, that it is ſcarcely [65] poſſible to believe he would not attend to the growth of that ſpecies of corn, as well as, in the breeding countries, to the raiſing of colts inſtead of ſteers: for a ſerviceable colt, at three years old, with the aſſiſtance of a few pecks of ground meal, will fetch as much as an ox at ſeven, with a whole ſummer's fattening. By theſe methods, I believe, luxury has operated in the riſe of proviſions: but ſurely no man will ad⯑vance ſo dangerous a doctrine, as to ſay that any thing which encourages agricul⯑ture can be prejudicial to a ſtate.

When I conſider the preſent ſtate of this nation, it is evident to me, that our pro⯑duce, in a middling year, is but barely equal to our conſumption: it is certain, that by the great concourſe of the poorer ſort of people to great cities, the conſump⯑tion of wheaten bread is greater than it was when many of theſe fed on barley, rye, or oats: nor has this ſpecies of luxury failed to diffuſe itſelf thro' many country places. It has likewiſe been demonſtrated by many, but particularly by the ingenious author of the Corn-Tracts, that the conſumption of wheat has been nearly equal to the growth, and that, even in the moſt plentiful years, our exports have not amounted to above the value of 947,000 l. Let thoſe who doubt this fact, [66] conſult Sir James Stewart's Enquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, vol. I. page 58. If theſe are facts, it is pretty evident to me, that our average crops do but barely equal the conſumption, and conſequently, that, when crops fail, we muſt feel that deficiency. It is therefore not to be wondered at, that if after five ſucceſſive bad years, we ſhould be appre⯑henſive of want; at leaſt that proviſions muſt riſe. The evil points out its own remedy. If your conſumption is greater than, or but equal to your produce, increaſe the latter, and plenty muſt reduce the price: for though other cauſes may operate in a certain degree, plenty or ſcarcity muſt go⯑vern the price of all proviſions. This in⯑creaſe can only be produced by a ſenſible encouragement to the farmer, by convin⯑cing him that his intereſt is concerned in it, by ſecuring to him a conſtant conſump⯑tion for his grain, that he may not be ſub⯑ject to ruin by his trade being over-done. As the means of doing this are evident to me, though perhaps not to every one, I ſhall point them out in the following chapter.

CHAPTER V. On the means of procuring plenty.

MY principal aim in the foregoing pages has been to prove that the preſent advanced price of provisions is not occaſioned by the ſuppoſed increaſe of large farms, and to explain to the Legiſlature, that though Luxury and Foreſtallers may bear ſome proportion in the cauſe, the chief one is real ſcarcity. For the truth of this, I moſt ſincerely wiſh the Parliament would examine ſuch men, from the different counties of England, as they think they can rely on: for a few partial examinations cannot determine the point; as local cir⯑cumſtances will ever miſguide. The aver⯑age of the whole will, I fear, prove what I aſſert; and I am ſtill more concerned to ſay, that it is not ſuſceptible of any pre⯑ſent relief. All that can be done by Le⯑giſlature, as the laws now ſtand, has been put in force; I mean, the opening of our ports: But where is the corn to come from? In Holland, it is as dear as with us. The ports in Flanders and France are ſhut. In the Baltic, they have been open and ſhut ſeveral times within theſe twelve months. Sicily is ſhut, except for a limited [68] quantity to be exported for the uſe of the Pope's dominions. In America, wheat is now 5 s. 6 d. ſterling the buſhel, and cannot be imported here at our price. If theſe facts are true, it will be allowed that there is no great proſpect of immediate relief. Pa⯑tience is our only reſource. We have had five ſucceſſive bad crops, and this laſt more generally ſo than any of the former. It has been nearly the ſame all over Europe: therefore, till there is a plentiful year, corn cannot be cheap. All that the Legiſlature can do, is to endeavour to guard againſt ſuch an evil befalling us again; and this, in my opinion, is in their power: but, ſalutary as the meaſure may be, it cannot be effectually accompliſhed till corn is plen⯑tiful, and nearly at an equal price all over Europe.

But corn is not the only article in pro⯑viſions that is thought too dear: meat bears a juſt proportion to it, and till the latter is reduced, it will be vain to expect a fall in the former: in fact, they are, and ought to be, ſo dependant on each other, that the ſame cauſe will produce the ſame effects in each; and it is clear to me, that more land is wanted both for paſture and the plough; for it is not to be diſputed that the number of horſes kept in this country, [69] and the number neceſſary for breeding thoſe that are exported, muſt conſume the pro⯑duce of many of thoſe acres which would be alloted to other purpoſes. This is un⯑doubtedly one of the cauſes of proviſions being riſen in price: but it is an evil at⯑tended with ſo great benefit, that it ought to be endured; for it is an encouragement to agriculture, and by whatſoever mode this is encouraged, it will operate every way to the advantage of this country, which ought to conſider huſbandry as the ſource of her wealth and ſtrength.

The caſe is the ſame in regard to the deſtruction of lambs and calves, which cer⯑tainly conſume as much food as would maintain a much greater number of rear⯑ing ſtock: but this is a ſpecies of luxury which, though attended with ſome preſent inconveniencies, muſt be complied with; excepting in particular times, as when a murrain alarms the nation: for, excluſive of the political ſenſe in which the national advantage of agriculture ſould be conſi⯑dered, it is dangerous to check the inno⯑cent luxury of a free and wealthy people. The extraordinary incentive which Britons have, beyond all other nations, to exert their ingenuity and induſtry, is a perfect ſecurity for their enjoying the fruits of their [70] labours as they pleaſe, uncontrouled by any thing but the laws of the land, which ſhould be, and are, a check on thoſe only who wiſh to go beyond the bounds of civil ſociety; for ſurely every one has a right to enjoy his own inherited poſſeſſions; and how much more ſo is that man entitled to ſuch ſecurity, who acquires his by indu⯑ſtry? Yet this ſecurity encourages luxury, which, in ſome meaſure, increaſes the ſup⯑poſed evil. Againſt this there is not, in my opinion, any ſalutary remedy. A government may indeed avail itſelf of the folly of men, and raiſe a conſiderable ſum by levying a ſevere tax on poſt-horſes, and other different ſpecies of luxury; but how far that is adviſeable, I humbly ſubmit to Legiſlature. I am confident it would in⯑creaſe the revenue, for I am certain it would increaſe the evil, as every man is proud of vying with his neighbour in extravagance: but if it is an evil, let it not meet with ſuch encouragement, and let us attend to thoſe points which only can afford real and conſtant plenty, I mean, the cultivation of more land; for though many waſte acres have lately been brought into culture, it is evident from what has been ſaid above, that the quantity is not equal to the in⯑creaſed conſumption: was it otherwiſe, proviſions would be cheap, becauſe they [71] would be plentiful; which is the only thing that can counterbalance the effect of riches and luxury. In evidence of what I ſay, let me remind the reader of the price of proviſions, and even dainties, at Bath, to which, though a place of diſſipation, many reſort in order to live cheap.

This being my idea, I ſhall not ſcruple to point out, as the firſt neceſſary ſtep to be taken, the incloſing and parcelling out of all the King's Foreſts and Chaces, which now lie a diſgrace to a Miniſter who wiſhes to be thought to liſten to the complaints of a nation. Let corn ſupply the place of thoſe miſerable pollards, and let flocks and herds ſupplant the half-ſtarved deer which prowl about to tempt poor wretches to the gallows; for it is deer-ſtealing that in⯑duces thoſe who are born on the chaces to lead an idle life, which corrupts their mo⯑rals, and makes them the terror of every honeſt man in their neighbourhood. Their example likewiſe corrupts many who might otherwiſe, probably, be uſeful induſtrious ſubjects. By this a miniſter would entail immortal honour on his adminiſtration, and at the ſame time that the poor would be employed and fed, the coffers of his Royal Maſter would be filled. The taſk is not in reality ſo very arduous as ſome may [72] imagine, nor need the Miniſter who under⯑takes it fear the reſentment of thoſe who derive to themſelves emoluments from the preſent uſeleſs and deſolate ſtate of thoſe otherwiſe truly valuable lands. Penſions for their lives, far ſuperior to what they can ever make by their foreſt-tenures, may be ſecured to them, and yet a triple reſidue be left to their Prince, who, in the pre⯑ſent ſtate of thoſe lands, can reap no other benefit from them than that of providing for a good ſervant, and that too in a man⯑ner which no good man would wiſh.

To anſwer the intended good purpoſe, the undertaking muſt be conducted with judgment, and a ſtrict attention to juſtice. Let then the firſt ſtep be the bringing a bill into Parliament, to oblige the ſeveral pa⯑riſhes and perſons who have right of com⯑monage, &c. upon the King's foreſts, to aſcertain thoſe rights, and to mark out ſuch boundaries as ſhall be equivalent for them, and let the turn of the ſcale be in their favour; for the purpoſe of the pub⯑lic will be equally anſwered if theſe lands are but appropriated: they will then by degrees come into culture. Such rights as ſhall not be aſcertained within a certain limited time, to be ſettled by commiſſioners appointed by Parliament; and what ſhall [73] afterwards remain to the Crown, may be diſpoſed of in the following manner;

Allot to each cottager his few acres, and to each little farmer ſuch proportion as he can conveniently add to his farm; if many of theſe two claſſes are near each other, they will form an uſeful village: then let the more open parts be divided into lots of one hundred acres, and be put up to auction on ſuch terms as the Crown can grant, either for three lives, or upon leaſes of thirty-one years, renewable every ſeven years. When I ſay, lots of one hundred acres, I do not mean to confine every pur⯑chaſer to a ſingle lot: let every man pur⯑chaſe what tract he pleaſes; for, certainly, it is from the opulent man that the greateſt benefit is to be expected; but to ſecure that benefit, let it be a condition, that within a certain number of years, the whole of each man's purchaſe ſhall be in culture, on pain of forfeiture of his whole purchaſe, with every partial improvement that has been made thereon. This will ſecure to the Crown ſuch purchaſers as can accompliſh what they undertake, and will prevent the land's being bought up by any rich indi⯑vidual who may wiſh to preſerve it for deer and moor-game: theſe are truly mo⯑nopolizers of lands, and not thoſe who, [74] employing 10,000 l. in agriculture, can, and do, make land produce more than the little farmer who can barely ſubſiſt: how⯑ever, both are neceſſary; for as I have be⯑fore ſaid, every man's farm ought to be in proportion to his capital, and thus both are equally uſeful to the community. I repeat this to ſhew, that though I think the little farmer neceſſary, I would not wiſh the opulent one to be excluded; and under the reſtrictions I have mentioned, no evil can enſue; for though theſe laws are not en⯑forced at the diſtance of America, yet here they might with eaſe. Let every poſſible encouragement be given to the undertakers: let the firſt fine be in lieu of ſo many years rent, which ſhould not commence before the ſeventh year; let theſe lands remain for ever free from tythe, &c. making a proper proviſion for the church by an allotment of a certain number of acres; and for the encouragement of cattle, let thoſe who work oxen be exempted from a certain propor⯑tion of rent: that may once more intro⯑duce the uſe of thoſe noble animals. En⯑couragement may prevail; but taxes and reſtrictions operate too haſtily and too harſh⯑ly, and will never anſwer any good end in a free country. Let but the experiment be made in one ſingle chace or foreſt, and by the effect of that let the reſt be governed, [75] Let an accurate ſurvey be made, and the different lots delineated: this will be the only expence that will attend it; for each lot will find its value. The only reſtriction I would annex to the tenure ſhould be, that thoſe lots which were converted into arable land ſhould, within a certain num⯑ber of years, have a barn and two cottages erected on them; or, if intended for graſs, ſheds and cottages ſuitable to the quantity of land. Let all the trees, excepting only ſuch as might be picked out for his Ma⯑jeſty's yards, and which ſhould be pre⯑viouſly marked, be included in the pur⯑chaſe-money of the lot on which they ſtand. This will be a reciprocal advantage to both: it will, on the one hand, ſave the expence of removing them, and it will enable the tenant either to preſerve ſome in caſe of paſture land, or he will have wood on the ſpot to erect the neceſſary buildings. If ſuch a plan as this ſhould ever take place, it would bring in a con⯑ſiderable revenue to the Crown, and ſet a noble example to gentlemen of landed pro⯑perty to convert their many barren acres into uſeful paſture or corn-fields.

A better authority can no where be produced to ſupport my arguments on this [76] occaſion, than that of the illuſtrious Mr. Evelyn, in his Sylva. His advice on this ſubject does honour to the country that gave him birth. His deſcription of our foreſts, in a quotation from Lawſon, points out their deplorable ſtate in too lively co⯑lours; nor have we reaſon to think they have been improved in the courſe of theſe laſt hundred years. "In our foreſts (ſays he) you ſhall have for one lively thriving tree, four, nay ſometimes twenty-four, evil thriving, rotten, and dying trees; and inſtead of trees, thouſands of buſhes and ſhrubs. What rottenneſs, what hollowneſs, what dead arms, withered tops, curtailed trunks; what loads of moſs, dropping boughs, and dying branches, ſhall you ſee every where!"

On this Mr. Evelyn juſtly obſerves, that the condition they are in ſpeaks them to be the property of a broken and decaying freeholder; and adds, "Let not then the Royal patrimony bear a bankrupt's re⯑proach."

But when I quote ſuch an author, let me here give his opinion of the mode in which he thinks thoſe tracts can be made moſt uſeful to the public.

[77] "There is not, ſays he, a cheaper, eaſier, or more prompt expedient to advance ſhip⯑timber, than to ſolicit that in all his Majeſty's foreſts, woods, and parks, the ſpreading oak, &c. be cheriſhed by plowing and ſow⯑ing." He ſuppoſes the royal foreſts to contain about 200,000 acres, and after pointing out the method of improving them, concludes in the following words: "The care of ſo public and honourable an en⯑terprize is a right noble and royal under⯑taking; and I do pronounce it more worthy of a Prince who truly conſults his glory in the higheſt intereſt of his ſubjects, than that of gaining battles or ſubduing a province."

Mr. Evelyn has ſo properly recommended a provident care of timber for the navy, and ſo judiciouſly pointed out the method in which it ſhould be managed, that I cannot but hope ſome attention may be paid to the inſtructions of ſo juſtly-celebrated a man: therefore all that I ſhall propoſe to myſelf here will be to make my plan coincide as much as poſſible with his ideas. He tells us, that to procure good timber, every oak ſhould ſtand ſingle, and that the frequent plowing of the ground will cheriſh and nouriſh the roots ſo as to make the tree thrive amazingly: but, though it is with [78] the utmoſt diffidence that I ſhall venture to offer an opinion in competition with him, I cannot help remarking, that if his plan is properly executed over the whole foreſt, all thoughts of converting it into arable muſt drop, for the ſhade of thoſe trees diſpoſed as he recommends would render it unfit for corn; and it is as certain, that if they were confined to hedge-rows they would not become ſuch fine timber, for the ditches, which would naturally be cloſe to them, muſt prevent the extenſion of ſome of their roots, and the buſhes and briars would injure them by excluding the air from their trunks. I would therefore propoſe, that half of the land be dedicated to paſture, where the trees might ſtand ſcat⯑tered over the fields, and the diſtance which Mr. Evelyn allots them would rather benefit than prejudice the paſturage, as well as afford ſhade for the cattle. By conſtant feeding, the ground will certainly be en⯑riched, and if it is likewiſe kept free from buſhes, I cannot ſee why the trees upon it ſhould not thrive nearly, if not quite, as well as if it was cultivated by the plough, which operation could be almoſt ſolely for their benefit, as the crops that might grow there would, I doubt, ſcarcely repay the expence of labour. The remaining half of the ground would be ſufficient to grow corn [79] for the inhabitants of the foreſt, who could not be very numerous under this culture, together with cabbages, turnips, and fodder for the beaſts in the winter: thus, ſup⯑poſing, as Mr. Evelyn does, that there are two hundred thouſand acres of land in the foreſts, &c. one hundred thouſand of them will be paſture. To the four trees which he allots to each acre, making in all 400,000 trees, I ſhall add in the intermediate ſpaces, an equal number for ſucceſſion; and I would have all the paſture land be ſur⯑rounded by a nurſery well ſecured with double fences.

This is the way in which, I think, the foreſts and chaces may be converted to the greateſt uſe: for whether they are employed in breeding and fattening of cattle, or in growing of corn, they will equally anſwer the intended purpoſe of producing plenty; and in this manner a valuable treaſure will be kept up for the navy. As to the mode of accompliſhing it, that requires only de⯑termination; for the buſineſs is then done. Let the conditions of planting, fencing, and preſerving, be annexed to the leaſe, under a forfeiture of it upon non-com⯑pliance with the terms; and in conſide⯑ration of the trouble and expence of pre⯑ſerving the trees and nurſeries, let there be [80] a proportionate deduction in the rent. An annual ſurvey, by an honeſt man, would eaſily enforce the execution of whatever might be propoſed.

If what I have thrown out on this ſubject ſhould either coincide with the general opinion, or afford any hint for a better plan, I ſhall think myſelf happy. But at the ſame time that I deliver theſe as my ſenti⯑ments in regard to the advantage which would accrue to the Public from the in⯑cloſure and cultivation of the royal foreſts and chaces, I confeſs that it is without even the ſmalleſt hope of ever ſeeing any part of this plan put in execution. Many difficul⯑ties, which muſt be obvious to every one who knows the diſtribution of places de⯑pendant on theſe foreſts, ſeem almoſt inſu⯑perable.—I therefore beg leave to offer another plan, one that is practicable, and which cannot fail to do honour to the ad⯑miniſtration of the Miniſter who ſhall effect it. Let a ſum of money be voted to his Majeſty, to purchaſe a tract of land on the moors, and let this land be put into the hands of an intelligent induſtrious man, to improve it; and let the profit be his reward. The ſum thus ſunk will be the only ex⯑pence incurred by Government; and ſuch [81] an example to men of landed property will be truly worthy of a great King.

When I appear ſo ſtrenuous an advocate for cultivating waſte lands, it may readily be believed, that I ſhall recommend as ſtrongly the giving of every poſſible encou⯑ragement to incloſing bills. Let not the miſtaken zeal of well-diſpoſed, but ignorant people, perſuade the man of ſenſe that it is prejudicial to the Poor. Create but work for them, and their numbers cannot be too great; nor will they want bread. The benefit which they are ſuppoſed to reap from commons, in their preſent ſtate, I know to be merely nominal; nay, indeed, what is worſe, I know, that, in many in⯑ſtances, it is an eſſential injury to them, by being made a plea for their idleneſs; for, ſome few excepted, if you offer them work, they will tell you, that they muſt go to look up their ſheep, cut furzes, get their cow out of the pound, or perhaps ſay they muſt take their horſe to be ſhod, that he may carry them to a horſe-race or cricket-match. The firſt is plauſible; but I am ſorry to ſay merely ſo, becauſe the benefit which the ſheep are of either to himſelf or the country is not an object worth notice: the little care that ſuch people can take of them, frequently occaſions the loſs of their lambs, [82] and the difficulty, nay indeed impoſſibility, of ſupporting them in the winter, is the death of the few ſcrubby things which have been eating the graſs that would have maintained an uſeful flock: but if there is a farmer in the neighbourhood who does keep a flock, then the benefit which the cottager would have, even in the ſummer, muſt vaniſh; for if there is a ſhepherd to this flock, he will take care that his ſheep have the beſt of the feed; and what is more remarkable, though true, is, that if a large flock are daily turned out on a common by themſelves, they only will re⯑ceive the benefit of it, and the common ſheep will fly before them to ſeek their miſerable ſuſtenance among the buſhes and furzes. It is on this account that our com⯑mons, circumſtanced as they generally are, without limitation, are advantageous only to the moſt conſiderable men of the pariſh; whereas, if they were incloſed, they would produce twice the quantity of food if re⯑ſerved for paſture, becauſe the furzes would be grubbed up; or if they were divided, they would produce their proportion of corn. I mention theſe trivial circumſtances in anſwer to ſome gentlemen who, I am convinced, oppoſe incloſures from a laud⯑able ſpirit of taking care of the Poor, which I would propoſe doing in a much [83] more effectual manner in all future in⯑cloſures.

My plan is, to allot to each cottage three or four acres, which ſhould be annexed to it without power of alienation, and with⯑out rent; but under the covenant of being kept in graſs, except ſuch ſmall part as ſhould be neceſſary for a garden: this would keep the cottager in more plenty than a very extenſive range of common: he and his family muſt then cultivate the garden, or ſuffer as they ought to do: and to ob⯑viate the plea of their wanting fuel, let it be fenced and planted with aſh and other quick growing trees, at the expence of thoſe who are to have the property of the common. This would be a real benefit to him, as it would employ his wife and chil⯑dren, and help to ſupport his family whilſt he is at work for the farmers in the neigh⯑bourhood, inſtead of depending, as they too often do, upon the ſuppoſed profits of their commonage. The commons in the pariſh of Chailley in Suſſex afford remark⯑able inſtances of what I advance. Mr. Young obſerves, in Vol. iii. p. 153, of the Farmer's Tour, that in that pariſh the rates are 9s. in the pound; and on enquiry into the cauſe of it, found, that it was owing to the extenſiveneſs of the commons, which [84] induced many to rely on the cows and ſheep they could keep, to exempt them from la⯑bour; the conſequence of which was their coming on the pariſh upon any loſs they ſuf⯑fered in their cattle, having acquired that idle habit which would not permit them to work. Inſtead of this, an induſtrious life leads them to a knowledge of thoſe real and reaſonable comforts which I wiſh them to enjoy; ſuch as, a good dwelling decently furniſhed, they and their children well fed and clad; and if theſe laſt are early brought up to honeſt labour, inſtead of pilfering, there cannot be a better ſecurity for their not becoming a burden to the pariſh.

I am aware that there may be objections ſtarted to what I have now propoſed, by ſaying, that though this land may be ſe⯑cured to the preſent occupier, yet it will be in the power of the landlord, provided it is not the cottager's own, to raiſe the rent, or that, when the cottagers families grow up, and more cottages are built, the ground being all diſpoſed of, there will not remain any to annex to the new cottages. In my opinion, theſe difficulties are eaſily obvi⯑ated; for as the landlords are to be bene⯑fited by their proportion of the common, they may, by the ſame act, be reſtrained from raiſing the rents of the old ones; and [85] as the land-holders are the only people who will build, or grant building leaſes, they may be obliged in future to annex to each new-erected cottage an equal proportion of land.

There is indeed one other reſtrictive clauſe which I would add to theſe incloſing bills, I mean when commons are to be converted into arable land: it is, that for every hundred acres of arable land, the proprietor ſhould be obliged to erect a barn and threſhing-floor; for confident I am that there are frequently large tracts of land which have not a ſufficient number of them, and that by this means the farmer is often accuſed of retaining his corn, when in fact he cannot threſh it out ſo faſt as he would wiſh to do.

Another improvement in which legiſla⯑ture can interfere, is the incloſure of com⯑mon-field land, which I know requires their cordial aſſiſtance as much, if not more, than the commons I have been ſpeaking of; for, in the preſent ſtate of thoſe lands, they are not capable of producing half what they would otherwiſe do, unleſs in⯑deed the whole belongs to ſome very few, who are ſenſible enough to agree among themſelves on a good mode of culture; but [86] this is rarely the caſe: and though it may appear ridiculous to ſome of my readers that I enter ſo minutely into the little detail of farming, I cannot refrain from enume⯑rating the many diſadvantages which attend their preſent ſituation, that I may be the better able to point out the benefit that would accrue to the nation if they were in⯑cloſed and properly divided. The general face of ſuch common-fields, being divided into narrow ſlips, makes it obvious to every traveller, whether converſant in farming or not, that they belong to different tenants, and it is a certain fact, that, frequently, a man who rents one hundred acres will not have ten acres adjoining to each other, but, often, ſcattered over the whole tract in ſmall parcels, ſometimes ſo ſmall as half acres, but often in ſingle acres. It will not require much rhetoric to prove, even to a man not converſant in the buſi⯑neſs, that this muſt occaſion great loſs of time in ſending the horſes and men from ſpot to ſpot, in plowing, carting, or in harveſt time; nor is it neceſſary to demon⯑ſtrate, that waſte of labour is waſte of produce. Beſides, by theſe ſmall diviſions there is generally a real waſte of land, and in many countries a very conſiderable one, commonly called balks. Theſe balks are of different widths, from two to ſixteen feet: [87] they are never ploughed, but are kept in graſs, under pretence of their being com⯑mon-field paſture. They are, literally, of no benefit to either the occupier or the Poor; for they are too narrow either to mow, or to graze without a boy to attend each beaſt with a halter; and when the corn is off, their graſs is too old to feed: nor ought the common-field to be kept open till it is con⯑ſumed, for that muſt prevent putting in wheat in the proper ſeaſon, and is a total prohibition of turnips and cabbages, often ſo neceſſary to the farmer, and conſequently to the country. Likewiſe, the encourage⯑ment which the plough gives to the ſides of theſe balks encourages the graſs and other weeds to run into the farmer's corn-land. In many inſtances too, where a bad courſe of huſbandry prevails, and while the com⯑mon-field tenure is ſuch that the whole muſt be governed by the cuſtom of the field, it prevents all improvement let an indi⯑vidual be ever ſo induſtrious: it will be ſaid that he has his land accordingly; but that is what I lament.

Can there be a clearer proof of the national advantage of incloſing and pro⯑perly dividing the land, than that the farmer will chearfully give double the rent for the ſame land when incloſed? Does not this point out, that he can make it produce [88] more; and is it not as clear that the nation muſt be benefited by that increaſe?

I ſhould not have dwelt ſo long on this tedious ſubject, but that I am perſuaded plenty is wanting, and that theſe are the moſt likely means to procure it: when that is done, then, and not till then, is the time for the legiſlature to take up the great object of a free port for corn: then, let every act that regards the corn laws be re⯑pealed; make the trade free and open for export or import at all times and on all occaſions, without the leaſt reſtraint; aboliſh every port-charge, nay even the ſmalleſt incumbrance: let corn flow like water, and it will find its level. Then, and by that means only, will be introduced a ſet of traders which this country never knew; I mean, Corn-Merchants, who will moſt chearfully embark in a commerce where ſo quick returns are made. Watchful of their neighbours, and attentive to their own in⯑tereſt, they will not miſs an opportunity of ſupplying the market that is in want. If corn is plentiful here and ſcarce abroad, they will export: that will naturally give a ſtart to the market, and the riſe of the market will as naturally ſtop the ex⯑portation. Thus will the price of corn always be nearly on an equal footing, and not ſubject to the great variations which [89] muſt ever be the conſequence when the opening or ſhutting of the port depends on the price at Bear-key, where an artifi⯑cial riſe or fall may ever miſlead the Legiſ⯑lature, while a few individuals will reap the ſole benefit of what is calculated for a national advantage; not without danger, ſometimes, of bringing on a famine: whereas if the corn-trade was perfectly free, men of capital would engage in it, and the price of corn would be as well regulated and as well known as the price of exchange, which is alternately in favour of London, Amſterdam, Hamburgh, and Cadiz, as circumſtances direct, and in which there cannot be any craft. The balance would, from time to time, be in favour of the exporter. This is a fact, and as well known as that the courſe of exchange points out in whoſe favour is the balance of trade; which is, in other words, that the country which exports moſt of its own produce, muſt have the greateſt remittance made to it.

The dread which ſome may have of monopolies, cannot bear an argument; for, by the account lately laid before the Houſe of Commons, the yearly produce of wheat alone is ſaid to be 4,000,000 of quarters, which I believe far ſhort of the reality^*; [90] but even that quantity, at 30 s. a quarter, would amount to 6,000,000l. per ann. Will any man, or ſet of men, dream of ſuch a monopoly? eſpecially as, if it ſhould take place, it could not fail of being doubled in a few years; for as it is the ſteady and uniform price of a commodity which en⯑gages the real merchant, ſuch as this coun⯑try once knew, to embark his capital, be⯑lieve me, the ſame would operate with the farmer. Let us not run away with a notion that the growth of corn is not to be adopted as a ſyſtem of trade, as much as the growth of rice, or ſugar-canes. Whatever may be the opinion of men in great cities, I know it ought to be, I know it is; for there is not a good farmer in any country, who has not a regular ſyſtem in his buſineſs, and who does not adopt an uniform courſe of crops. In confirmation of what I ſay, look to Norfolk, where the courſe is regularly turnips, barley, clover, wheat: Does not this prove, that the farmer prefers a regu⯑lar certain profit to the chance-gain of ſpe⯑culative huſbandry? Is it not then as evi⯑dent, that the farmers would prefer the reaſonable profits of a ſteady market, to the preſent uncertainty which keeps them in conſtant alarm? and with how much more pleaſure would they deal with the open fair trader, from whom they could not fail [91] having the price of the market, than with the preſent ſpeculators, of whom they are ever jealous, and always ſuſpicious that when ſuch buyers appear in markets, ſome ſudden riſe is expected? But without al⯑lowing them this degree of common ſenſe, and even ſuſpecting them of the practice of retaining their corn, the freedom of the trade in which ſuch capitals would be en⯑gaged would force their corn to market: exportation would induce them to ſend it thither; and importation would render their ſcheme of retention abortive. I have juſt mentioned theſe few circumſtances relative to the farmer, to prove that the freedom of the trade muſt encourage agriculture, and that the natural conſequence muſt be an increaſe in the produce: if ſo, it is as evi⯑dent that England muſt always have a ſur⯑plus to export, and the national advantage that will accrue therefrom cannot, I believe, require explanation.

To thoſe whoſe views do not extend be⯑yond the bellies of the poor, I ſhall pro⯑duce a ſtronger argument. Look up to Amſterdam, and wonder how that city, with every natural diſadvantage that can attend the corn-trade, has, for many years paſt, been the magazine of Europe; com⯑paratively ſpeaking, without a blade of corn [92] growing in its country, with one of the worſt ports in the German Ocean, the Texel, and with a mud-bank within two leagues of the city, namely the Pompus, which will not float a veſſel even of two hundred tuns, except in ſpring-tides; won⯑der, I ſay, that this city ſhould ſupply all Europe. The reaſon is, that there the trade is free, and there the moſt wealthy people of the country are corn merchants. I ſpeak within bounds when I ſay, that one half of the trade of the city of Amſterdam is corn. Corn was as plentiful there, and as cheap as it had been for ſome years before, when, in 1767, England was under the greateſt apprehenſions of a famine; and when it was neceſſary to take, during the receſs of Parliament, a ſtep which this country cannot yet have forgot.

In anſwer to this it may be aſked, By what accident then were the Dutch in ſuch diſtreſs for corn the laſt year? The reaſon is obvious: too great ſecurity will ſome⯑times put men off their guard; unuſed to know the want of corn, they might inad⯑vertently go too great lengths before they perceived the miſchief; the intended mono⯑poly of the courts of Vienna and Berlin, added to the diſtreſs of Poland, might in⯑creaſe the general ſcarcity, and prevent [93] their uſual ſupplies. The like could not probably befal us, who are naturally ſo averſe to the idea of monopolizing, and conſequently would be ever on the watch. Beſides, our ſupplies are within ourſelves, and would, I am confident, annually in⯑creaſe.

I am aware that there is another ſort of men who would oppoſe the free expor⯑tation on a more plauſible foundation, namely, the danger of our manufacturers wanting bread, and being thereby rendered uſeleſs ſubjects, as the raiſing of their prices would fix a prohibition on their goods in foreign markets. To theſe I ſhall reply, that profuſe plenty in manufacturing towns does not produce more labour, but the contrary. It is a fact well known to thoſe who are converſant in that matter, that ſcarcity, to a certain degree, promotes in⯑duſtry, and that the manufacturer who can ſubſiſt on three days work, will be idle and drunken the remainder of the week. I ſhall proceed yet farther, and ſay, that thoſe manufactures in which foreigners can⯑not vye with us, will go abroad under every diſadvantage that may attend them in regard to price; ſuch as Sheffield and Birmingham hard-wares—France muſt and will have them at any rate. In proof of [94] what I ſay, we have continued to ſupply that country with them, notwithſtanding their threat when Mr. C. Townſhend was Chancellor of the Exchequer, that unleſs we would permit the importation of cam⯑bricks, &c. they would prohibit the uſe of our hard-ware, and ſome other of our manufactures. So it will ever be with our woollen manufactures of Norwich, Leeds, Exeter, Colcheſter, and Saliſbury; conſiſt⯑ing in bays, druggets, long-ells, ſhalloons, duroys, flannels, &c. theſe will go to Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Germany, and even into the South of France through Genoa. Ruſſia and the Northern parts muſt have the Leeds manufactory; and Holland and Flanders ſome particular articles in con⯑ſiderable quantities. And let it be obſerved, that theſe articles are the moſt beneficial objects in our woollen manufactory, be⯑ing made of all Engliſh wool, whereas broad-cloth muſt be part Spaniſh. As to the trade to the Levant, which we have loſt, it has not been owing to the price, but to the cloth being of an improper qua⯑lity. France, which has been long in the uſe of making the thin cloths which are required at that market, muſt have the trade; whilſt our manufacturers, ignorantly and obſtinately perſiſting in making that ſtrong cloth which we pride ourſelves in, [95] cannot ſell a piece. Many attempts have been made to obtain the thin cloth; ſam⯑ples have been ſent over to our merchants; the Society of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, throw out premiums, but all to no purpoſe. Not that this was the only cauſe of our loſing that part of the Levant trade, for, notwithſtanding the precautions at Blackwell-hall, frauds were committed by our traders that did diſhonour to this nation. However, allowing every advan⯑tage which attends the exportation of our manufactures, in which the corn that fed the manufacturers is exported to double ad⯑vantage, by feeding thoſe men whoſe la⯑bours we export, it will be agreed, that the demand for our manufactures is limited, and that, under particular treaties of com⯑merce, or ruptures with ſtates, a total pro⯑hibition of them may take place. That never can be the caſe with corn; a remark⯑able inſtance of which appeared in the year 1748, when the French, though at war with us, contracted for 400,000 quar⯑ters. There cannot be a more glaring proof than this, of the great national benefit that would attend the free exportation of grain; and if that can be done, with as great a certainty of having corn cheap at home, is not that country mad, who have it naturally in their power, and will not [96] adopt the ſcheme. That plenty, and a more equal price, which I will maintain is the great encouragement to the farmer, has been produced by exportation, no man who has read the hiſtory of this country can deny.

In 1689, an act paſſed to give a bounty on the exportation of corn, with repeal of cuſtoms on exportation. The wife intention of the Legiſlature is evident; it was to increaſe agriculture, I mean the plough, for that had ever been neglected; the na⯑tural conſequence of a continued ſcene of inteſtine broils. What was the conſequence? Corn became cheaper, and was reduced from 2l. 4s. 4d. to 1l. 15s. 1d. in 1756. The wiſdom of this law, and its ſalutary effects during a courſe of ſeventy years, ſufficiently proves the ſtrength of my ar⯑gument, namely, that exportation, which is conſumption, will encourage agriculture, that this will produce plenty, and that plenty muſt naturally reduce the price. The facts which I allude to have been ac⯑curately ſtated, and the advantages ariſing from the exportation of corn clearly proved by the author of the Corn Tracts, from whom I differ in opinion only with re⯑gard to retaining the bounty, and allow⯑ing any reſtraint whatever in the corn⯑trade. [97] A perfect freedom is all that is now requiſite; but that freedom ought to be without the leaſt check or controul: the very motive for inſtituting the bounty, proves that it is now needleſs.

In former years, when England was divided into many little principalities, and conſequently in eternal warfare, flocks and herds were the natural riches of the people, as being eaſily removed: the plough was of courſe neglected. In the year 1537, the ſize of flocks was limited to 2000, and in 1547 it was reduced to 1550. This was done to encourage the plough; and to the ſame end commons were incloſed. In 1563, the exportation of corn was allowed, and this continued in force, under different modes, till 1688, when a bounty thereon was firſt granted. Thus was agriculture firſt nouriſhed; and of ſuch conſequence was it deemed in a national light, that a bounty was given to the farmer to indem⯑nify him in an undertaking which might afterwards prove beneficial to the nation. In ſhort, that wife legiſlature knew that the produce of the earth, whether gold, lead, or corn, was the riches of the ſtate, and it was a ſenſible encouragement to the ſub⯑ject to ſearch for thoſe riches in the bowels of the earth. In no other light could it [98] be ſeen: for if it was ſuppoſed that the huſbandman could only continue to ſupport himſelf by his labour, and that there would be no ſurplus to export, or that foreigners ſhould be bribed to purchaſe that ſurplus at an equivalent to the value of the national gain, what benefit could enſue? It was evi⯑dently meant, as in the whale and herring fiſhery, to indemniſy adventurers in a hazardous undertaking: but when that undertaking ceaſes to be hazardous, and the trade is become beneficial, the encouragement is no longer neceſſary. Such is now the ſituation of our agriculture; and happily for this country it is in ſo flouriſhing a ſtate, that all the farmer requires is perfect liberty to ſell when and where he pleaſes: but that cannot take place, unleſs the ſame free liberty be given to people to become purchaſers, which can never happen ſo long as the leaſt reſtraint hangs over the trade. The merchant, who engages his capital, muſt be as uncontrouled in the ſale as in the purchaſe, and the benefit which the nation is to expect from the interference of the merchant naturally is, that he will ſettle proper correſpondencies abroad, as well as that he will be intimately acquainted with the ſtate of our markets at home; in ſhort, he will be in corn, what the great remit⯑tancer is in bills of exchange: but if we [99] are to expect the merchant to import when he finds the nation is in want of it, a ſecu⯑rity muſt be given to himſelf and his cor⯑reſpondents, that their property is ſafe, and that if their corn comes to a bad market, they ſhall have liberty to take it back again, and not be treated in the manner they were in 1767: for when their cargoes then came into the river, the factors took the alarm, and ſunk the price below what the foreign corn could be fold at: nor were the im⯑porters ſuffered to carry it out again; but here their corn lay till it was damaged, and ſold to feed hogs. This muſt ever be the caſe with a partial opening or ſhutting of the ports. An artificial price, made for the purpoſe by deſigning ſchemers, may ever miſguide; nor can legiſlature rely on the information they are likely to obtain, at leaſt not in ſo ſhort a time as may be requiſite; and under theſe circumſtances, depend on it, foreigners will ever be averſe to ſend us corn; for if, as in the abovementioned in⯑ſtance, they are only to be made uſe of as tools to check the villainy of our own traders, they will not ſubmit to it; but if the trade was perfectly open, they would deal with us in that as in other commodities.

How much more favourably are we ſitu⯑ated than the Dutch to ſupply all Europe [100] with corn! But to do that there muſt not be the ſmalleſt incumbrance whatever on the trade; not even the ſlighteſt port-charge. Let freight and inſurance be the only bur⯑then. Theſe, for exportation, are, in time of peace,

Thus the average of freight would be about 16s. per ton, or 4s. per quarter, ex⯑cluſive of from 1 to 1 1/2 per cent. inſurance. A ſaving of this to the exporter, with any riſe of our market, would naturally ſtop too great an exportation. To prove the proba⯑bility of what I aſſert, let any one examine Mr. Cook's corn-tables as publiſhed by au⯑thority of parliament. It will be found, throughout the whole of them, that, all along the coaſt where corn has been ſhipped off to ſupply the London market, and under that pretence, with ſtill greater ad⯑vantage to France, corn has been uniformly cheaper than in the inland counties. There may, indeed, likewiſe be other reaſons for it; but I am confident the chief one is, [101] that there being a conſtant demand, a con⯑ſtant ſource of plenty flows in; and though the temptations to ſhip off have been great, a ſaving of freight and inſurance has been thought an adequate profit to the merchant.

I am aware that, though there may be ſome who will agree with me that expor⯑tation will encourage agriculture, and con⯑ſequently produce plenty, yet others will ſay, that free importation may be as great a check, and under particular circumſtances ruin the farmer, and thus affect the landed intereſt; that is, if by chance crops ſhould fail in this country, and there ſhould be univerſal plenty every where elſe, corn might be imported at a much lower price than the farmer could afford to ſell it for; this might occaſion a loſs to him, which this country cannot wiſh, nor ought to permit; for it would naturally be a total diſcouragement to tillage.

Let us ſee how this matter is likely to operate. The only country, in my opinion, from whence we can apprehend ſuch an importation is America; where, ſome ſay, they can afford to export at 20s. but to this muſt be added, commiſſion, freight, inſu⯑rance, wharfage, waſte, and damage. [102]

On the other hand, I am informed that the average price at which wheat has been brought from America, to our market is nearer 48 s.

However, let us conſider at what price the farmer can afford to ſell under the dif⯑ferent circumſtance of good and bad crops, in which I ſhall make ſome allowance for the improved culture of this country, which is, that of ſowing wheat on clover lays in⯑ſtead of a dunged fallow. This will enable him to ſell at a lower price, as I ſhall [103] endeavour to explain by the following calculation, ſuppoſing his courſe to be tur⯑nips, barley, clover, wheat.

This is indeed a very profitable courſe, and indicates good land; but it would be endleſs to take all the courſes that would ſuit different ſoils; nor will it be difficult to form a general opinion from the following calculation.

The product's being valued at 45s. may be deemed too high, becauſe the beſt turnips are often ſold in diſtant countries at 30s. but it [104] muſt be obſerved, that is when there is great plenty, and in diſtricts where plowing and labour is much cheaper than the average I have ſtated it at; likewiſe it muſt be con⯑ſidered that 2 ſ. 5 s. is far ſhort of the profit that is made by feeding them off with their own ſtock; and within 10 or 15 miles from London they are often fold at 3l. to feed off on the land, and 6l. or 7l. per acre to draw: under all theſe circumſtances I can⯑not think I have over-rated them.

Or,

By the foregoing eſtimate, which is in⯑deed on an excellent courſe of huſbandry upon land that is proper for it, it appears that the farmer may, by great care and with good luck, obtain about 25 per cent. per ann. but to do this he muſt ſell his wheat at 46 s. 8 d. and his barley at 24 s. It muſt likewiſe be obſerved, that it is not every ſoil that will admit of a courſe attended with ſo much profit. However, the concluſion to be drawn from the above ſeems to be this, viz. that to obtain this profit, the produce of an acre of wheat ſhould ſell for 7 l. His expences will always be nearly the ſame, but his crop may vary, therefore his wheat ſhould ſell in proportion to his crop; for example: [108]

• When he has 5 Qrs. he can ſell at 28—7l. s.
• When he has 4 ½ he can ſell at about 31
• When he has 4 he can ſell at about 35
• When he has 3 ½ he can ſell at about 40
• When he has 3 he can ſell at about 46 8 d.
• When he has 2 ½ he can ſell at about 56
• When he has 2 he can ſell at about 70

Here it is worthy of obſervation, that by the above table it appears that when the farmer has three quarters he can afford to ſell at 46 s. 8 d. and as the average of the various opinions of the produce of an acre is between 3 Q. and 2½ Q. which would require a price of about 51 s. it ſeems to account for the bounty having been ex⯑tended to 48 s. as ſuppoſing that a price the farmer could not afford to ſell at; for tho' at that price there appears now to be a very handſome profit, it muſt be remembered, that agriculture was in thoſe days in a very unimproved ſtate, and attended with much greater expence, which muſt have rendered a much leſs profit; however, it is evident that the fixing the bounty at 48 s. was the work of upright and intelligent men, but proves that in the preſent improved ſtate of agriculture, the farmer can afford to ſell much cheaper, and that indeed no bounty is requiſite; but if any, that it ſhould not [109] exceed 40 s. It likewiſe proves, in my opi⯑nion, that we need not dread the effects of importation from America; for though land there is cheap, labour is dear, and therefore there is little cauſe to believe that they can underſell us in Europe: nor is it reaſonable to believe that agriculture is there ſo good; and though that climate may be, and is fine, it is not to be expected that they ſhould always have plentiful harveſts when we have ſcanty ones, without which they would be but on a par with us; for ſuppoſing the advantage of climate and cheapneſs of land to be in their favour, the expence of freight, &c. will always make an addition of at leaſt 14 s. per quarter. But there is yet another rea⯑ſon, which is, that if corn ſhould be very dear here, we may reſt aſſured they would have a profit in ſome proportion to ſuch dearneſs. The truth of this is pretty evident from the preſent price of wheat in America, it being now 5 s. 6d. ſterling the buſhel there, and cannot be imported here at our preſent high price: but were it otherwiſe; ſuppoſe the farmer ſhould be curtailed in his profit for one year, it would not be his ruin. As to any quan⯑tity that may come from other parts of the world, I am confident they cannot pre⯑judice the Engliſh farmer: it is true that [110] Holland has formerly imported great quan⯑tities of wheat from Poland, and rye from Ruſſia: but when we conſider the preſent diviſion of Poland, and that Dantzig, thro' which it muſt paſs, is in the hands of Pruſſia, there is greater reaſon to believe that the Dutch will come to us for their ſup⯑ply, than that we need fear an influx from Poland.