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A MAP OF THE WORLD Shewing the Course of MR. DAMPIERS Voyage Round it: From 1679. to 1691.
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A New Voyage ROUND THE WORLD.

Deſcribing particularly,

  • The Iſthmus of America, ſeveral Coaſts and Iſlands in the Weſt Indies, the Iſles of Cape Verd, the Paſſage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea Coaſts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; the Iſle of Guam one of the Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and Eaſt India Iſlands near Cambodia, China, Formoſa, Luconia, Celebes, &c. New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Iſles; the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena.
  • THEIR Soil, Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants.
  • THEIR Cuſtoms, Religion, Government, Trade, &c.

VOL. I.

By Captain William Dampier.

Illuſtrated with Particular Maps and Draughts.

The Fifth Edition Corrected.

LONDON: Printed for James Knapton, at the Crown in St Paul's Church-yard. 1703.

To the Right Honourable Charles Mountague, Eſq Preſident of the Royal Society, One of the Lords Commiſſioners of the Treaſury, &c.

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SIR,

MAY it pleaſe you to pardon the Boldneſs of a Stranger to your Perſon, if upon the encouragement of Common Fame, he preſumes ſo much upon your Candor, as to lay before you this Account of his Travels. As the Scene of them is not only Remote, but for the moſt part little frequented alſo, ſo there may be ſome things in them new even to you; and ſome poſſibly not altogether unuſeful to the Publick: And that juſt Veneration which the World pays, as to your General Worth, ſo eſpecially to that Zeal for the advancement of Knowledge, and the Intereſt of your Country, which you expreſs upon all occaſions, gives you a particular Right to whatever may any way tend to the promoting theſe Intereſts, as an Offering due to your Merit. I have not ſo much of the vanity of a Traveller, as to be fond of telling Stories, eſpecially of this [] kind; nor can I think this plain piece of mine, deſerves a place among your more Curious Collections: much leſs have I the Arrogance to uſe your Name by way of Patronage for the too obvious faults, both of the Author and the Work. Yet dare I avow, according to my narrow ſphere and poor abilities, a hearty Zeal for the promoting of uſeful knowledge, and of any thing that may never ſo remotely tend to my Countries advantage: And I muſt own that Ambition of tranſmitting to the publick through your hands, theſe Eſſays I have made toward thoſe great ends, of which you are ſo deſervedly eſteemed the Patron. This hath been my deſign in this publication, being deſirous to bring in my Gleaning, here and there in Remote Regions, to that general Magazine of the knowledge of Foreign Parts, which the Royal Society thought you moſt worthy the Cuſtody of, when they choſe you for their Preſident: and if in peruſing theſe Papers, your Goodneſs ſhall ſo far diſtinguiſh the Experience of the Author from his Faults as to judge him capable of ſerving his Country, either immediately, or by ſerving you, he will endeavour by ſome real proofs to ſhew himſelf,

SIR,
Your Moſt Faithful, Devoted, Humble Servant, W. Dampier.

THE PREFACE.

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BEfore the Reader proceed any further in the peruſal of this Work, I muſt beſpeak a little of his Patience here, to take along with him this ſhort account of it. It is compoſed of a mixt relation of Places and Actions, In the ſame order of time in which they occurred: for which end I kept a Journal of every days Obſervation.

In the deſcription of Places, their Product, &c. I have endeavoured to give what ſatisfaction I could to my Countrymen; tho poſſibly with the deſcribing ſeveral things that may have been much better accounted for by others: Chooſing to be more particular than might be needful, with reſpect to the intelligent Reader, rather than to omit what I thought might tend to the information of perſons no leſs ſenſible and inquiſitive, tho not ſo Learned or Experienced. For which reaſon, my chief care hath been to be as particular as war conſiſtent with my intended brevity, inſetting down ſuch Obſervables as I met with: Nor have I given my ſelf any great trouble ſince my return to compare my diſcoveries with thoſe of others: The rather, becauſe, ſhould it ſo happen, that I have deſcribed ſome places or things which others have done before me, yet i [...] different accounts, even of the ſame things, it canhardly be but there will be ſome new light afforded by each of [...]. But after all, conſidering that the main of this Voyage hath its Scene laid in long Tracts of the Remoter parts hath of the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, ſome [] of which very ſeldom viſited by Engliſh men, and others as rarely by any Europeans, I may without vanity encourage the Reader to expect many things wholly new to him, and many others more fully deſcrib'd than be may have ſeen elſewhere; for which not only this Voyage, tho it ſelf of many years continuance, but alſo ſeveral former long and diſtant ones have qualified me.

As for the Actions of the Company, among whom I made the greateſt part of this Voyage, a Thread of which I have carried on thro it, 'tis not to divert the Reader with them that I mention them, much leſs that I take any pleaſure in relating them: but for methods ſake, and for the Readers ſatisfaction; who could not ſo well acquieſce in my deſcription of Places, &c. without knowing the particular Traverſes I made among them; nor in theſe, without an account of the Concomitant Circumſtances. Beſides that, I would not prejudice the truth and ſincerity of my Relation, tho by omiſſions only. And as for the Traverſes themſelves they make for the Readers advantage, how little ſoever ſor mine; ſince thereby I have been the better enabled to gratify his Curioſity; as one who rambles about a Country can give uſually a better account of it, than a Carrier who jogs on to his Inn, without ever going out of his Road.

As to my Stile, it cannot be expected, that a Seaman ſhould affect Politeneſs; for were I able to do it, yet I think I ſhould be little ſollicitous about it, in a work of this Nature. I have frequently indeed diveſted my ſelf of Sea Phraſes, to gratify the Land Reader; for which the Seamen will hardly forgive me: And yet poſſibly I ſhall not ſeem Complaiſant enough to the other, becauſe I ſtill retain the uſe of ſo many Sea terms. I conſeſs I have not been at all ſcrupulous in this matter, either as to the one or the other of theſe; for I am perſwaded, that if what I ſay be intellig [...] [...] matters not greatly in what words it is expreſs'd.

For the ſame reaſon I have not been curious art [] the ſpelling of the Names of Places, Plants, Fruits, Animals, &c. which in many of the remoter parts are given at the pleaſure of Travellers, and vary according to their different Humours: Neither have I confined my ſelf to ſuch Names as are given by Learned Authors, or ſo much as enquired after many of them. I write for my Countrymen, and have therefore for the moſt part uſed ſuch Names as are familiar to our Engliſh Seamen, and thoſe of our Colonies abroad, yet without neglecting others that occurr'd. As it may ſuffice me to have given ſuch Names and Deſcriptions as I could, I ſhall leave to thoſe of more leiſure and opportunity, the trouble of comparing them with thoſe which other Authors have aſſigned.

The Reader will find as he goes along, ſome References to an Appendix, which I once deſigned to this Book; as to a Chapter about the Winds in di [...] ferent parts of the World, to a deſcription of the Bay of Campeachy in the Weſt Indies, where I lived long in a former Voyage; and to a particular Chorographical deſcription of all the South Sea Coaſt of America, partly from a Spaniſh MSS, and partly from my own and other Travellers Obſervations, beſide thoſe contained in this Book. But ſuch an Appendix would have ſwelled it too unreaſonably: and therefore I choſe rather to publiſh it hereafter by its ſelf, as opportunity ſhall ſerve. And the ſame muſt be ſaid a [...]ſo to a particular Voyage from Achin in the Iſle of Sumatra, to Tonquin, Malacca, &c. which ſhould have been inſerted as part of this General one; but it would have been too long; and therefore omitting it for the preſent, I have carried on this, next way from Sumatra to England; and ſo made the Tour of the World, correſpondent to the Title.

For the better apprehending the Courſe of the Voyage, and the Situation of the Places mentioned in it, I have cauſed ſeveral Maps to be engraven, [] and ſome particular Draughts of my own Compoſure. Among them, there is in the Map of the American Iſthmus, a new Scheme of the adjoining Bay of Panama and its Iſlands, which to ſome may ſeem ſuperfluous after that which Mr Ringroſe hath publiſhed in the Hiſtory of the Buccaneers; and which he offers as a very exact Draught. I muſt needs diſagree with him in that, and doubt not but this which I here publiſh will be found more agreeable to that Bay, by any who ſhall have opportunity to examine it; for it is a contraction of a larger Map, which I took from ſeveral Stations in the Bay it ſelf. The Reader may judge how well I was able to do it, by my ſeveral Traverſes about it mentioned in this Book; thoſe particularly, which are deſcribed in the 7th Chapter, which I have cauſed to be marked out with a pricked Line: as the Courſe of my Voyage is generally in all the Maps, for the Readers more eaſy tracing it.

I have nothing more to add, but that there are here and there ſome miſtakes made, as to expreſſion and the like, which will need a favourable Correction as they occur upon reading. For inſtance, the Log of Wood lying out at ſome diſtance from the ſides of the Boats deſcribed at Guam, and parallel to their Keel, which for diſtinctions ſake, I have called the little Boat [...] might more clearly and properly have been called the ſide Log, or by ſome ſuch name; for though f [...]ned at the bottom and ends Boatwiſe, yet is not hollow at top, but ſolid throughout. In other places alſo I may not have ex [...]reſs'd my ſelf ſo fully as I ought; but any conſiderable Omiſſi [...]n that I ſhall recollect, or be informed of, I ſhall endeavour to make it up in thoſe Accounts I have yet to publiſh; and for any faults, I leave the Reader to the j [...]int uſe of his Judgment and Candour.

THE CONTENTS.

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  • THE Introduction, containing the Authors departure from England, into the Weſt Indies and the South Seas, to the time of his leaving Captain Sharp.
  • Chap. I. His return out of the South Seas, to his Landing at the Iſthums of America.
  • II. His return by Land over the Iſthmus.
  • III. His Traverſes among the Weſt India Iſlands and Coaſts, and Arrival in Virginia.
  • IV. His departure for the South Seas again; his touching at the Iſlands of Cape Verd, and the African Coaſt, and Arrival at the Iſle of John Fernando in the South Seas.
  • V. His Courſe thence Northward, to the Iſles Lobos, and Gallapagos, to Caldera Bay, Reo Leja, and Amapalla, in the K. of Mexico.
  • VI. He goes back towards Peru, to the Iſle Plata, Point Santa Hellena, Manta, Paita, Lobos, Puna, Guiaquil, and Plata again.
  • VII. His Progreſs Northward again to the R Saint Jago, Tomacco, the Iſle of Galleo, I. Gorgonia, the Pearl Iſles, &c. in the Bay of Panama.
  • VIII. He proceeds along the Mexican Coaſt, to the Keys of Quibo, Rea Lejo, and the Harbour of Guatulco.
  • IX. He Coaſts along to Acapula, Petaplan, Eſtapa, Colima, Sallagua, Cape Corrientes: thence to the Iſle of Chametly, Bay of Valderas, Iſles of [] Pon tique, other Iſles of Chametly; Maſſaclan, Roſario, R. Saint Jago, Santa Pecaque; Iſles of Santa Maria, Valderas, and Cape Corrientes, again.
  • X. He ſtands over the Southern Ocean for the Eaſt Indies, and arrives at Guam, one of the Ladrone Iſles.
  • XI. His arrival at Mindanao, one of the Philippine Iſlands; and its Natural State.
  • XII. The Political State of Mindanao.
  • XIII. Occurrences during the Authors ſtay at Mindanao.
  • XIV. He departs towards Manila, in the Iſle of Luconia; touching at Bat Iſland, and the Iſle of Mindora, and leaving Luconia, he goes to Pulo Condore, on the Coaſt of Cambodia, to Pulo Uby, in the Bay of Siam, and to Pulo Condore again.
  • XV. He goes to the I. of St John on the Coaſt of China, to the Iſles of Piſcadores near Formoſa; and the Baſhee, or 5 Iſlands, between Formoſa and Luconia, called Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Baſhee, and Goat Iſles.
  • XVI. He Coaſts along the Eaſt ſide 'of Luconia, Mindanao. and other of the Philippines: and touching at the I. Celebes, and Callaſuſung in the I. of Bouton, he arrives at New Holland.
  • XVII. Ile goes thence, touches at the I. Triſte, and another; and ſteering along the Weſt Coaſt of Sumatra, arrives at the I. of Nicobar, where he ſtays aſhoar and the Ship departs.
  • XVIII. He ſtands over from thence in an open Boat to Paſſange Jonca; and thence to Achin; and after ſeveral Traverſes come to Bencouli, all on the I. of Sumatra.
  • XIX. He Ships himſelf for England, and arrives at the Cap: of Good Hope.
  • XX. His departure thence to the I. Santa Hellena, and Arrival in the Downs.

[] Mr William Dampier's VOYAGE ROUND THE Terreſtrial Globe.

The Introduction.

The Authors Departure from England, and arrival in Jamaica. His firſt going over the Iſthmus of America into the South Seas: His coaſting along Peru and Chili, and back again, to his parting with Captain Sharp near the Iſle of Plata, in order to return over Land.

year 1679 I Firſt ſet out of England on this Voyage, at the beginning of the year 16 [...] in the Loyal Merchant of [...] for Jamaica, Captain Knapman [2] Commander. I went a Paſſenger, deſigning when I came thither, to go from thence to the Bay of Campeachy, in the Gulph of Mexico, to cut Log-wood: where in a former Voyage I had ſpent about three years in that employ; and ſo was well accquainted with the place and the work.

We ſailed with a proſperous gale without any impediment, or remarkable paſſage in our Voyage: unleſs that when we came in ſight of the Iſland Hiſpaniola, and were coaſting along on the South ſide of it, by the little Iſles of Vacca or Aſh, I obſerved Captain Knapman was more vigilant than ordinary, keeping at a good diſtance off ſhoar, for fear of coming too near thoſe ſmall low ſlands; as he did once in a Voyage from England, about the year 1673, loſing his Ship there, by the careleſsneſs of his Mates. But we ſucceeded better; and arrived ſafe at Port Royol in Jamaica ſome time in April 1679, and went immediately aſhoar.

I had brought ſome goods with me from England, which I intended to ſell here, and ſtock my ſelf with Rum and Sugar, Saws, Axes, Hats, Stockings, Shoes, and ſuch other Commodities, as I knew would ſell among the Campeachy Log-woodcutters. Accordingly I ſold my Engliſh Cargo at Port Royal; but upon ſome maturer conſiderations of my intended Voyage to Campeachy, I changed my thoughts of that deſign, and continued at Jamaica all that year, in expectation of ſome other buſineſs.

I ſhall not trouble the Reader with my Obſervations at that Iſle, ſo well known to Engliſh men: nor with the particulars of my own Affairs during my ſtay there. But in ſhort, having there made a purchaſe of a ſmall Eſtate in Dorſetſhire, near my Native Country of Somerſet, of one whoſe Title of [3] it I was well aſſured of; I was juſt embarking my ſelf for England about Chriſtmas 1679, when one Mr Hobby invited me to go firſt a ſhort Trading Voyage to the Country of the Moskito's, of whom I ſhall ſpeak in my firſt Chapter. I was willing to get up ſome Money before my return, having laid out what I had at Jamaica; ſo I ſent the VVriting of my new Purchaſe along with the ſame Friends whom I ſhould have accompanied to England, and went on board Mr Hobby.

Soon after our ſetting out we came to an anchor again in Negril Bay, at the Weſt end of Jamaica; but finding there Captain Soxon, Sawkings, Sharp, and other Privateers, Mr Hobby's men all left him to go with them, upon an expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beſide my ſelf; and being thus left alone, after 3 or 4 days ſtay with Mr Hobby, I was the more eaſily perſwaded to go with them too.

year 1680 It was ſhortly after Chriſtmas 1679, when we ſet out. The firſt expedition was to Portobel; which being accompliſhed, it was reſolved to march by Land over the Iſthmus of Darien, upon ſome new Adventures in the South Seas. Accordingly on the 5th of April 1680, we went aſhoar on the Iſthumus, near Golden Iſland, one of the Sambaloes, to the number of between 3 and 400 men, carrying with us ſuch Proviſions as were neceſſary, and Toys wherewith to gratify the Wild Indians, through whoſe Country we were to paſs. In about nine days march we arrived at Santa Maria, and took it, and after a ſtay there of about three days, we went on to the South Sea Coaſt, and there embarked our ſelves in ſuch Canoas and Periago's, as our Indian friends furniſhed us withal. We were in ſight of Panama by the 23d of April, and having in vain attempted Puebla Nova, before which Sawkings, [4] then Commander in chief, and others were killed, we made ſome ſtay at the Neighbouring Iſles of Quibo.

Here we reſolved to change our courſe, and ſtand away to the Southward of the Coaſt of Peru. Accordingly we left the Keys or Iſles of Quibo the 6th of June, and ſpent the reſt of the year in that Southern courſe; for touching at the Iſles of Gorgonia and Plata, we came to Ylo, a ſmall Town on the Coaſt of Peru, and took it. This was in October, and in November we went thence to Coquimbo on the ſame Coaſt, and about Chriſtmas were got as far as the Iſle of John Fernando, which was the fartheſt of our Courſe to the Southward.

year 1681 After Chriſtmas we went back again to the Northward, having a deſign upon Arica, a ſtrong Town advantageouſly ſituated in the hollow of the Elbow, or bending of the Peruviam Coaſt. But being there repulſed with great loſs, we continued our courſe Northward, till by the middle of April we were come in ſight of the Iſle of Plata, a little Southward to the Equinoxial Line.

I have related this part of my Voyage thus ſummarily and conciſely, as well becauſe the World hath accounts of it already, in the relations that Mr Ringroſe and others have given of Capt. Sharp's Expedition, who was made chief Commander, upon Sawking's being killed; as alſo, becauſe in the proſecution of this Voyage I ſhall come to ſpeak of theſe parts again, upon occaſion of my going the ſecond time into the South Seas: and ſhall there deſcribe at large the places both of the North and South America, as they occurred to me. And for this reaſon, that I might [...] void needleſs Repetitions, and haſten to ſuch particulars, as the Publick hath hitherto had no account of, I have choſen to comprize the [5] Relation of my Voyage hitherto, in this ſhort compaſs, and place it as an Introduction before the reſt, that the Reader may the better perceive where I mean to begin to be particular; for there I have placed the Title of my firſt Chapter.

All therefore that I have to add to the Introduction is this; That while we lay at the Iſle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was by general conſent diſplaced from being Commander; the Company being not ſatisfied either with his Courage or Behaviour. In his ſtead Captain Watling was advanced: but he being killed ſhortly after before Arica, we were without a Commander during all the reſt of our return towards Plata. Now Watling being killed, a great number of the meaner ſort began to be as earneſt for chooſing Captain Sharp again into the vacancy, as before they had been as forward as any to turn him out: And on the other ſide, the abler and more experienced men, being altogether diſſatisfied with Sharp's former Conduct, would by no means conſent to have him choſen. In ſhort, by that time we were come in ſight of the Iſland Plata, the difference between the contending Parties was grown ſo high, that they reſolved to part Companies; having firſt made an Agreement, that which Party ſoever ſhould upon Polling appear to have the majority, they ſhould keep the Ship: And the other ſhould content themſelves with the Launch or Long-boat, and Canoas, and return back over the Iſthmus, or go to ſeek their fortune other ways, as they would.

[6] Accordingly we put it to the Vote; and upon dividing, Captain Sharp's party carried it. I, who had never been pleaſed with his management, tho I had hitherto kept my mind to my ſelf, now declared my ſelf on the ſide of thoſe that were Outvoted; and according to our agreement, we took our ſhares of ſuch Neceſſaries as were fit to carry over Land with us, (for that was our Reſolution:) and ſo prepared for our Departure.

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Figure 1. The North Sea Coaſt of the Isthmus of AMERICA to the west of Portobel

Figure 2. The South Sea Coaſt of the Isthmus of AMERICA to the west of Panama

Figure 3. A Map of the ISTHMUS of DARIEN, & Bay of PANAMA

THE TRAVELS OF Mr. William Dampier.
CHAP. I.

[1]

An Account of the Authors Return out of the South Sea, to his Landing near Cape St Lawrence, in the Iſthmus of Darien: With an Occaſional Deſcription of the Moskito Indians.

APril the 17th 1681. about Ten a Clock in the morning, being 12 Leagues N. W. from the Iſland Plata, we left Captain Sharp and thoſe who were willing to go with him in the Ship, and embarked into our Lanch and Canoas, deſigning for the River of Santa Maria, in the Gulph of St Michael, which is about 200 leagues from the Iſle of Plata. We were in number 44 white Men who bore Arms, a Spaniſh Indian, who bore Arms alſo: and two Moskito Indians, who always [2] bear Arms amongſt the Privateers, and are much valued by them for ſtriking Fiſh and Turtle, or Tortoiſe and Manatee or Sea Cow; and five Slaves taken in the South Sas, who fell to our ſhare.

The Craft which carried us was a Lanch, or Long Boat, one Canoa, and another Canoa which had been ſawn aſunder in the middle, in order to have made Bumkins, or Veſſels for carrying water, if we had not ſeparated from our Ship. This we joyn'd together again and made it tight; providing Sails to help us along: And for 3 days before we parted, we ſifted ſo much Flower as we could well carry, and rubb'd up 20 or 30 pound of Chocolate with Sugar to ſweeten it; theſe things and a Kettle the Slaves carried alſo on their backs after we landed. And becauſe there were ſome who deſigned to go with us that we knew were not well able to march, we gave out, that if any man faultred in the Journey over Land, he muſt expect to be ſhot to death; for we knew that the Spaniards would ſoon b [...] after us, and one man falling into their hands might be the ruin of us all, by giving an account of our ſtrength and condition: yet this would not de'er 'em from going with us. We had but little Wind when we parted from the Ship; but before 12 a clock the Sea-breeze came in ſtrong which was like to founder us before we got in with the ſhore; for our ſecurity therefore, we cut up an old dry Hide that we brought with us, and barricadoed the Lanch all round with it to keep the water out. About 10 a clock at night we got in about 7 leagues to windward of Cape Paſſao under the Line, and then it proved calm; and we lay and drove all night, being fatigued the preceeding day. The 18th day we had little wind till the afternoon; and then we made ſail, ſtanding along the ſhore to the North-ward, having the wind at S. S. W. and fair weather.

[3] At 7 a clock we came abreſt of Cape Paſſao, and found a ſmall Bark at an Anchor in a ſmall Bay to Leeward of the Cape, which we took, our own Boats being too ſmall to tranſport us. We took her juſt under the Equinoctial Line; ſhe was not only a help to us, but in taking her we were ſafe from being deſcribed: we did not deſign to have meddled with any when we parted with our conſorts, nor to have ſeen any if we could have helped it. The Bark came from Gallio laden with Timber, and was bound for Guiaquil.

The 19th day in the morning we came to an anchor about 12 leagues to the Southward of Cape St Franciſco, to put our new Bark into a better trim. In 3 or 4 hours time we finiſhed our buſineſs, and came to ſail again, and ſteered along the Coaſt with the Wind at S. S. W. intending to touch at Gorgonia.

Being to the Northward of Cape St Franciſco we met with very wet weather; but the Wind continuing we arrived at Gorgonia the 24th day in the morning, before it was light; we were afraid to approach it in the day time, for fear the Spaniards ſhould lie there for us, it being the place where we careened lately, and where they might expect us.

When we came aſhore we found the Spaniards had been there to ſeek after us, by a Houſe they had built, which would entertain 100 Men, and by a great Croſs before the Doors. This was token enough that the Spaniards did expect us this day again; therefore we examined our Priſoners if they knew any thing of it, who confeſſed they had heard of a Pereago, (or a large Canoa) that row'd with 14 Oars, which was kept on the River on the Main, and once in 2 or 3 days came over to Gorgonia purpoſely to ſee for us, and that having diſcovered us, ſhe was to make all ſpeed to Panama with the News; where they had 3 Ships ready to ſend after us.

[4] We lay here all the day, and ſcrubb'd our new Bark, that if ever we ſhould be chaſed we might the better eſcape: we filled our Water, and in the evening went from thence, having the Wind at S. W. a brisk gale.

The 25th day we had much Wind and Rain, and we loſt the Canoa that had been cut and was joined together; we would have kept all our Canoas to carry us up the River, the Bark not being ſo convenient.

The 27th day we went from thence with a moderate gale of Wind at S W. In the afternoon we had exceſſive ſhowers of Rain.

The 28th day was very wet all the morning; betwixt 10 or 11 it cleared up, and we ſaw two great Ships about a league and half to the Weſtward of us, we being then two leagues from the ſhore, and about 10 leagues to the Southward of point Garrachina. Theſe Ships had been cruiſing between Gorgonia and the Gulf 6 months; but whether our Priſoners did know it I cannot tell.

We preſently furled our Sails, and rowed in cloſe under the ſhore, knowing that they were Cruiſers; for if they had been bound to Panama this Wind would have carried them thither; and no Ships bound from Panama come on this ſide the Bay, but keep the North ſide of the Bay till as far as the Keys of Quibo to the Weſtward; and then if they are bound to the Southward they ſtand over and [...]ay ſetch Gallco, or betwixt it and Cape St. Franciſco.

The Glare did not continue long before it rained again, and kept us from the ſight of each other: but if they had ſeen and chaced us, we were reſolved to run our Bark and Canoas aſhore, and take our ſelves to the Mountains and travel over Land; for we knew that the Indians which lived in theſe parts never had any Commerce with the Spaniards; ſo we might have had a chance for our Lives.

[5] The 29th day, at 9 a clock in the morning, we came to an Anchor at Point Garrachina, about 7 leagues from the Gulph of St Michael, which was the place were we firſt come into the South Seas, and the way by which we deſigned to return.

Here we lay all the day, and went aſhore and dried our Cloaths, clean'd our Guns, dried our Ammunition, and fixt our ſelves againſt our Enemies, if we ſhould be attack'd; for we did expect to find ſome oppoſition at Landing: we likewiſe kept a good Look-out all the day, for fear of thoſe two Ships they ſaw the day before.

The 30th day in the morning at 8 a Clock we came into the Gulf of St Michael's mouth; for we put from Point Garrachina in the Evening, deſigning to have reach'd the Iſlands in the Gulf before day; that we might the better work our eſcape from our Enemies, if we ſhould find any of them waiting to ſtop our paſſage.

About 9 a clock we came to an Anchor a mile without a large Iſland, which lies 4 miles from the mouth of the River; we had other ſmall Iſlands without us, and might have gone up into the River, having a ſtrong tyde of flood, but would not adventure farther till we had lookt well about us.

We immediately ſent a Canoa aſhoar on the Iſland, where we ſaw (what we always feared) a Ship at the mouth of the River, lying cloſe by the ſhore, and a large Tent by it, by which we found it would be a hard task for us to eſcape them.

When the Canoa came aboard with this news, ſome of our men were a little diſheartned; but it was no more than I ever expected.

Our care was now to get ſafe over land, ſeeing we could not land here according to our deſire: Therefore before the Tyde of flood was ſpent, we manned our Canoa and rowed again to the Iſland to ſee if the Enemy was yet in motion. When we [6] came aſhoar we diſperſed our ſelves all over th [...] Iſland, to prevent our Enemies from coming any way to view us: and preſently after high-water we ſaw a ſmall Canoa coming over from the Ship to the Iſland that we were on, which made us all get into our Canoa, and wait their coming; and we lay cloſe till they came within Piſtol-ſhot of us, and then being ready, we ſtarted out and took them; there were in her one white man and two Indians, who being examined, told us that the Ship which we ſaw at the Rivers mouth, had lain there ſix months, guarding the River, waiting for our coming; that ſhe had 12 Guns and 150 Seamen and Souldiers; that the Seamen all lay aboard, but the Souldiers lay aſhore in their Tents; that there were 300 men in the Mines, who had all ſmall Arms, and would be abroad in two Tydes time; they likewiſe told us, that there were two Ships cruiſing in the Bay, between this place and Gorgonia; the biggeſt had 20 Guns, and 200 Men, the other 10 Guns, and 150 Men: Beſides all this, they told us that the Indians on this ſide the Country were our Enemies, which was the worſt news of all. However we preſently brought theſe Priſoners aboard, and got under ſail, turning out with the Tyde of Ebb, for it was not convenient to ſtay longer there.

We did not long conſider what to do, but intended to land that night, or the next day betimes; for we did not queſtion but we ſhould either get a good commerce with the Indians, by ſuch toys as we had purpoſely brought with us, or elſe force our way through their Country, in ſpight of all their oppoſition: and we did not fear what theſe Spaniards could do againſt us, in caſe they ſhould land and come after us. We had a ſtrong Southerly Wind, which blew right in; and the Tyde of Ebb being far ſpent, we could not turn out.

[7] I perſwaded them to run into the River of Congo which is a large River, about three leagues from the Iſlands where we lay; which with a Southerly Wind we could have done: and when we were got ſo high as the Tide flows, then we might have landed. But all the arguments I could uſe were not of force ſufficient to convince them that there was a large River ſo near us, but they would land ſomewhere, they neither did know how, where, nor when.

When we had rowed and towed againſt the wind all night; we juſt got about Cape St. Lorenzo in the morning, and ſailed about 4 miles farther to the Weſtward, and run into a ſmall Creek within two Keys, or little Iſlands, and rowed up to the head of the Creek, being about a mile up, and there we landed May 1. 1681.

We got out all our Proviſion and Cloaths, and then ſunk our Veſſel.

While we were landing, and fixing our Snapſacks to march, our Moskito Indians ſtruck a plentiful diſh of Fiſh, which we immediately dreſt, and therewith ſatisfied our hunger.

Having made mention of the Moskito Indians, it may not be amiſs to conclude this Chapter with a ſhort account of them. They are tall, well made, raw boned, luſty, ſtrong, and nimble of foot, long viſaged, lank black hair, look ſtern, hard favoured, and of a dark Copper-colour Complexion. They are but a ſmall Nation or Family, and not 100 men of them in number, inhabiting on the Main, on the North ſide, near Cape Gratia Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua. They are very ingenious at throwing the Lance, Fiſgig, Harpoon, or any manner of Dart, being bred to it from their Infancy, for the Children imitating their Parents, never go abroad without a Lance in their hands, which they throw at any object, till uſe hath [8] made them maſters of the Art. Then they learn to put by a Lance, Arrow or Dart; the manner is thus. Two Boys ſtand at a ſmall diſtance, and Dart a blunt ſtick at one another, each of them holding a ſmall ſtick in his right hand, with which he ſtrikes away that which was darted at him. As they grow in years they become more dexterous and courageous, and then they will ſtand a fair mark to any one that will ſhoot Arrows at them; which they will put by with a very ſmall ſtick, no bigger than the rod of a Fowling-piece; and when they are grown to be men, they will guard themſelves from Arrows, tho they come very thick at them, provided two do not happen to come at once. They have extraordinary good Eyes, and will diſcry a Sail at Sea farther, and ſee any thing better than we. Their chiefeſt Employment in their own Country is to ſtrike Fiſh, Turtle or Manatee; the manner of which I deſcribe elſewhere, Chap. 3. For this they are eſteemed and coveted by all Privateers; for one or two of them in a Ship will maintain 100 men. So that when we careen our Ships, we chooſe commonly ſuch places, where there is plenty of Turtle or Manatee for theſe Moskito men to ſtrike; and it is very rare to find Privateers deſtitute of one or more of them, when the Commander, or moſt oſ the men are Engliſh; but they do not love the French, and the Spaniards they hate mortally. When they come among Privateers, they get the uſe of Guns, and prove very good Marks-men: They behave themſelvis very bold in fight, and never ſeem to flinch nor hang back; for they think that the white men with whom they are, know better than they do when it is beſt to fight; and let the diſadvantage of their party be never ſo great, they will never yield not give back while any of their party ſtand. I could never perceive any Religion nor any Ceremonies, [9] or ſuperſtitious Obſervations among them, being ready to imitate us in whatſoever they ſaw us do at any time. Only they ſeem to fear the Devil, whom they call Walleſaw; and they ſay he often appears to ſome among them, whom our men commonly call their Prieſts, when they deſire to ſpeak with him on urgent buſineſs; but the reſt know not any thing of him, nor how he appears, otherwiſe than as theſe Prieſts tell them. Yet they all ſay they muſt not anger him, for then he will beat them, and that ſometimes he carries away theſe their Prieſts. Thus much I have heard from ſome of them who ſpeak good Engliſh.

They marry but one Wife, with whom they live till death ſeperates them. At their firſt coming together the man makes a very ſmall Plantation, for there is Land enough, and they may chooſe what ſpot they pleaſe. They delight to ſettle near the Sea, or by ſome River, for the ſake of ſtriking Fiſh, their beloved Employment.

Far within Land there are other Indians, with whom they are always at War. After the man hath cleared a ſpot of Land, and hath planted it, he ſeldom minds it afterward, but leaves the managing of it to his Wife, and he goes out a ſtriking: Sometimes he ſeeks only for Fiſh, at other times for Turtle or Manatee, and whatever he gets he brings home to his Wife, and never ſtirs out to ſeek for more till it is all eaten. When hunger begins to bite, he either takes his Canoa and ſ [...]s for more game at Sea, or walks out into the Woods and hunts about for Peccary, Warree, each a ſort of wild Hogs or Dear, and ſeldom returns empty handed, nor ſeeks for any more ſo long as any of it laſts. Their Plantations are ſo ſmall, that they cannot ſubſiſt with what they produce; for their largeſt Plantations have not above 20 or 30 Plantain-Trees, a bed of Yams and Potatoes, a buſh [10] of Indian Pepper, and a ſmall ſpot of Pine-apples which laſt fruit is a main thing they delight in, for with theſe they make a ſort of drink which our men call Pine-drink, much eſteemed by theſe Moskito's, and to which they invite each other to be merry, providing Fiſh and Fleſh alſo. Whoever of them makes of this Liquor treats his Neighbours, making a little Canoa full at a time, and ſo enough to make them all drunk; and it is ſeldom that ſuch Feaſts are made, but the party that makes them hath ſome deſign, either to be revenged for ſome injury done him, or to debate of ſuch differences as have happened between him and his Neighbours, and to examin into the truth of ſuch Matters. Yet before they are warmed with drink, they never ſpeak one word of their grievances; and the Women, who commonly know their Husbands deſigns, prevent them from doing any injury to each other by hiding their Lances, Harpoons, Bows and Arrows, or any other weapon that they have.

Theſe Moskito's are in general very civil and kind to the Engliſh, of whom they receive a great deal oſ reſpect, both when they are aboard their Ships, and alſo aſhore, either in Jamaica, or elſewhere, whither they often come with the Seamen. We always humour them, letting them go any where as they will, and return to their Country in any Veſſel bound that way if they pleaſe. They will have the management of themſelves in their ſtriking, and will go in their own little Canoa, which our men could not go in without danger of everſetting; nor will they then let any white man come into their Canoa, but will go a ſtriking in it juſt as they pleaſe: All which they allow them. For ſhould we croſs them, tho they ſhould ſee Shoals of Fiſh, or Turtle, or the like, they will purpoſely ſtride their Harpoons and Turtle irons aſide, or ſo glance them as to kill nothing. They have no form [11] of Government among them, but acknowledge the King of England for their Soveraign: They learn our Language, and take the Governour of Jamaica to be one of the greateſt Princes in the World.

While they are among the Engliſh they wear good Cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return again to their own Country they put by all their Cloaths, and go after their own Country faſhion, wearing only a ſmall piece of Linnen tyed about their waſtes, hanging down to their knees.

CHAP. II.

The Author's Land Journey from the South to the North Sea, over the Terra Firma, or Iſthmus of Darien.

BEing landed, May the 1ſt, we began our march about 3 a Clock in the afternoon, directing our courſe by our Pocket Compaſſes N. E. and having gone about 2 miles, we came to the foot of a Hill where we built ſmall Huts and lay all night; having exceſſive Rains till 12 a Clock.

The 2d day in the morning having ſair weather we aſcended the Hill, and found a ſmall Indian path, which we followed till we found it ran too much Eaſterly, and then doubting it would carry us out of our way, we climb'd ſome of the higheſt Trees on the Hill, which was not meanly furniſhed with as large tall Trees as ever I ſaw: At length we diſcovered ſome Houſes in a Valley on the North ſide of the Hill, but it being ſteep could [12] not deſcend on that ſide, but followed the ſmall path which led us down the Hill on the Eaſt ſide, where we preſently found ſeveral other Indian Houſes. The firſt that we came to at the foot of the Hill, had none but women at home, who could not ſpeak Spaniſh, but gave each of us a good Calabaſh or Shell full of Corn-drink. The other Houſes had ſome men at home, but none that ſpoke Spaniſh; yet we made ſhift to buy ſuch food as their Houſes or Plantations afforded, which we dreſt, and eat altogether, having all ſorts of our Proviſion in common, becauſe none ſhould live better than others, or pay dearer for any thing than it was worth. This day we had marched 6 mile.

In the evening the Husbands of thoſe women came home, and told us in broken Spaniſh, that they had been on board of the Guard Ship, which we fled from two days before, that we were now not above 3 mile from the mouth of the River Congo, and that they could go from thence aboard the Guard Ship in half a Tydes time.

This evening we ſupped plentifully on Fowls, and Pecary, a ſort of wild Hogs which we bought of the Indins; Yams, Potatoes and Plantains ſerved us for Bread, whereof we had enough. After Supper we agreed with one of theſe Indians to guide us a days march into the Country, towards the North ſide; he was to have for his pains a Hatchet, and his bargain was to bring us to a certain Indians habitation, who could ſpeak Spaniſh; from whom we were in hopes to be better ſatisfied of our Journey.

The 3d day having fair weather, we began to ſtir betimes, and ſet out batween 6: nd 7 a clock, marching through ſeveral old ruined Plantations. This morning one of our men being tired gave us the ſlip. By 12 a Clock we had gone 8 mile, and arrived at the Indians houſe, who lived on the bank of the River Congo, and ſpoke very good Spaniſh; to [13] [...]hom we declared the reaſon of this viſit.

At firſt he ſeemed to be very dubious of enter [...]ining any diſcourſe with us, and gave very im [...]ertinent anſwers to the queſtions that we demand [...]d of him; he told us he knew no way to the North ſide of the Country, he could carry us to Cheapo or Santa Maria, which we knew to be Spaniſh Garriſons, the one lying to the Eaſtward of us, the other to the Weſtward: either of them at leaſt 20 miles out of our way. We could get no other anſwer from him, and all his diſcourſe was in ſuch an angry tone, as plainly declared he was not our friend. However, we were forced to make a virtue of neceſſity, and humour him, for it was neither time nor place to be angry with the Indians; all our lives lying in their hands.

We were now at a great loſs, not knowing what courſe to take, for we tempted him with Beads, Money, Hatchets, Macheats, or long Knives; but nothing would work on him, till one of our men took a Sky-coloured Petticoat out of his bag and put it on his Wife; who was ſo much pleaſed with the Preſent, that ſhe immediately began to chatter at her Husband, and ſoon brought him into a better humour. He could then tells us he knew the way to the North ſide, and would have gone with us, but that he cut his foot 2 days before, which made him uncapable of ſerving us himſelf: But he would take care that we ſhould not want a guide; and therefore he hired the ſame Indian who brought us hither, to conduct us 2 days march further for another Hatchet. The old man would have ſtayed us here all the day, becauſe it rained very hard; but our buſineſs required more haſte, our Enemies lying ſo near us, for he told us that he could go from his houſe aboard the Guard-Ship in a Tydes time; and this was the 4th day ſince they ſaw us, ſo we marched 3 mile farther, [14] and then built Hutts, where we ſtayed all night; it rained all the afternoon, and greateſt part of the night,

The 4th day we began our march betimes, for the forenoons were commonly fair, but much rain afternoon: tho whether it rained or ſhined it was much at one with us, for I verily believe we croſt the Rivers 30 times this day: the Indians having no paths to travel from one part of the Country to another: and therefore guided themſelves by the Rivers. We marched this day 12 miles, and then built our Hutts and lay down to ſleep; but we always kept two men on the watch, otherwiſe our own Slaves might have knockt us on the head while we ſlept. It rained violently all the afternoon, and moſt part of the night. We had much ado to kindle a fire this evening, our Hutts were but very mean and ordinary. and our fire ſmall, ſo that we could not dry our Cloaths, ſcarce warm our ſelves, and no ſort of food for the Belly; all which made it very hard with us, I confeſs theſe hardſhips quite expell'd the thoughts of an Enemy; for now having been 4 days in the Country we began to have but few other cares than how to get Guides and Food, the Spaniards were ſeldom in our thoughts.

The 5th day we ſet out in the morning betimes, and having travell'd 7 miles in thoſe wild pathleſs Woods, by 10 a clock in the morning we arrived at a young Spaniſh Indian's Houſe who had formerly lived with the Biſhop of Panama. The young Indian was very brisk, ſpoke very good Spaniſh, and received us very kindly. This Plantation afforded us ſtore of Proviſion, Yams, and Potaroes, but nothing of any fleſh, beſide 2 fat Monkeys we ſhot, part whereof we diſtributed to ſome of our Company who were weak and ſickly; for others we got Eggs, and ſuch refreſhments as the Indians had, for we ſtill provided for the ſick and weak. We [15] had a Spaniſh Indian in our company, who firſt took up Arms with Captain Sawkins, and had been with us ever ſince his death. He was perſwaded to live here by the maſter of the houſe, who promiſed him his Siſter in marriage, and to be aſſiſtant to him in clearing a Plantation; but we would not conſent to part ftom him here, for fear of ſome treachery, but promiſed to releaſe him in two or three days, when we were certainly out of danger of our Enemies. We ſtayed here all the Afternoon and dryed our Cloaths and Ammunition, cleared our Guns, and provided ourſelves for a march the next morning.

Our Chyrurgeon, Mr Waſer, came to a ſad diſaſter here: being drying his Powder, a careleſs fellow paſſed by with his Pipe lighted, and ſet fire to his Powder, which blew up and ſcorch'd his Knee; and reduced him to that condition, that he was not able to march; wherefore we allowed him a Slave to carry his things, being all of us the more concern'd at the accident, becauſe lyable our ſelves every moment to misfortune, and none to look after us but him. This Indian Plantation was ſeated on the bank of the River Congo, in a very fat Soyl; and thus far we might have come in our Canoa, if I could have perſwaded them to it.

The 6th day we ſet out again, having hired another guide. Here we firſt croſt the River Congo in a Canoa, having been from our firſt Landing on the Weſt ſide of the River; and being over, we marched to the Eaſtward 2 mile, and came to another River, which we forded ſeveral times, though it was very deep. Two of our men were not able to keep company with us, but came after us as they were able. The laſt time we forded the River, it was ſo deep, that our talleſt men ſtood in the deepeſt place, and handed the ſick, weak, and ſhort men; by which means we all got over ſafe, except [16] thoſe two who were behind. Foreſeeing a neceſſity of wading through Rivers frequently in our Land-march, I took care before I left the Ship to provide my ſelf a large Joint of Bambo, which I ſtopt at both ends, cloſing it with Wax, ſo as to keep out any Water. In this I preſerved my Journal and other Writings from being wet, tho I was often forced to ſwim. When we were over this River we ſat down to wait the coming of our Conſorts who were left behind, and in half an hour they came. But the River by that time was ſo high, that they could not get over it, neither could we help them over, but bid them be of good comfort and ſtay till the River did fall, But we marched 2 mile farther by the ſide of the River, and there built our Hutts, having gone this day 6 miles. We had ſcarce finiſhed our Hutts before the River roſe much higher, and over-flowing the Banks, obliged us to remove into higher ground: But the next night came on before we could build more Hutts, ſo we lay ſtraggling in the Woods, ſome under one Tree, ſome under another, as we could find conveniency, which might have been indifferent comfortable if the weather had been fair, but the greateſt part of the night we had extraordinary hard Rain, with much Lightening and terrible claps of Thunder. Theſe hardſhips and inconveniencies made us all careleſs, and there was no Watch kept, (tho I believe no body did ſleep:) So our Slaves taking opportunity, went away in the night; all but one, who was hid in ſome hole and knew nothing of their deſign, or elſe fell aſleep. Thoſe that went away: carried with them our Chyrurgeons Gun and all his Money.

The next morning being the 8th day, we went to the Rivers ſide, and found it much fallen; and here our Guide would have us ford it again, which being deep, and the current running ſwift, we could [17] not. Then we contrived to ſwim over, thoſe that could not ſwim, we were reſolved to help over as well as we could: But this was not feizable: for we ſhould not be able to get all our things over. At length we concluded to ſend one man over with a Line, who ſhould hale over all our things firſt, and then get the men over. This being agreed on, one George Gayny took the end of a Line, and made it faſt about his neck, and left the other end aſhore, and one man ſtood by the Line to clear it away to him. But when Gayny was in the midſt of the water, the Line in drawing after him chanc'd to kink, or grow entangled; and he that ſtood by to clear it away, ſtopt the Line, which turned Gayny on his back, and he that had the Line in his hand threw it all into the River after him, thinking he might recover himſelf, but the ſtream running very ſwift, and the man having three hundred Dollars at his back, was carried down, and never ſeen more by us. Thoſe two men whom we left behind the day before, told us afterwards that they found him lying dead in a Creek, where the Eddy had driven him aſhore, and the Money on his back; but they meddled not with any of it, being only in care how to work their way thro a wild unknown Country. This put a period to that contrivance. This was the fourth man that we loſt in this Land Journey; for thoſe two men that we left the day before, did not come to us till we were in the North Seas, ſo we yielded them alſo for loſt. Being fruſtrated of getting over the River this way, we lookt about for a Tree to fell acroſs the River. At length we found one, which we cut down, and it reached clear over: on this we paſſed to the other ſide, where we found a ſmall Planta in-walk, which we ſoon ranſackt.

While we were buſy getting Plantains, our Guide was gone, but in leſs than two hours came to us [18] again, and brought with him an old Indian, to whom he delivered up his charge; and we gave him a Hatchet and diſmiſt him, and entred our ſelves under the conduct of our new Guide, who immediately led us away, and croſt another River, and enter'd into a large Valley of the fatteſt Land I did ever take notice of: the Trees were not very thick, but the largeſt that I ſaw in my Travels: we ſaw great tracks which were made by the Pecaries, but ſaw none of'em. We marched in this pleaſantCountry till 3 a Clock in the afternoon, in all about 4 Miles, and then arrived at the old man's Country-houſe, which was only a Habitation for Hunting: there was a ſmall Plantain walk, ſome Yams and Potatoes. Here we took up our quarters for this day, and refreſhed our ſelves with ſuch food as the place afforded, and dryed our Cloaths and Ammunition. At this place our Indian provided to leave us, for now we thought our ſelves paſt danger. This was he that was perſwaded to ſtay at the laſt Houſe we came from, to marry the young man's Siſter; and we diſmiſs'd him according to our promiſe.

The 9th day the old man conducted us towards his own habitation. We marched about 5 miles in this Valley, and then aſcended a Hill, and travel led about 5 miles farther over two or three ſmall Hills, before we came to any ſettlement. Half a mile before we came to the Plantations, we light of a path, which carried us to the Indians habitation. We ſaw many wooden Croſſes erected in the way, which created ſome jealouſy in us that here were ſome Spaniards: Therefore we new primed all our Guns, and provided our ſelves for an Enemy; but coming into the Town found none but Indians, who were all got together in a large houſe to receive us: for the old man had a little boy with him, that he ſent before.

[19] They made us welcome to ſuch as they had, which was very mean; for theſe were new Plantations, the Corn being not eared. Potatoes, Yams, and Plantains they had none, but what they brought from their old Plantations. There was none of them ſpoke good Spaniſh: Two young men could ſpeak a little; it cauſed us to take more notice of them. To theſe we made a preſent, and deſired them to get us a Guide to conduct us to the North ſide, or part of the way, which they promiſed to do themſelves, if we would reward them for it, but told us we muſt lye ſtill the next day. But we thought our ſelves nearer the North Sea than we were, and propoſed to go without a Guide, rather than ſtay here a whole day. However, ſome of our men who were tired, reſolved to ſtay behind; and Mr Wafer our Chyrurgeon, who marched in great pain ever ſince his Knee was burned with powder, was reſolved to ſtay with them.

The tenth day we got up betimes reſolving to march, but the Indians oppoſed it as much as they could, but ſeeing they could not perſwade us to ſtay, they came with us; and having taken leave of our friends, we ſet out.

Here therefore we left the Chyrurgeon and two more, as we ſaid, and marched away to the Eaſtward following our Guides. But we often look'd on our Pocket Compaſſes, and ſhewed them to the Guides, pointing at the way that we would go, which made them ſhake their heads, and ſay, they were pretty things, but not convenient for us After we had deſcended the Hills on which the Town ſtood, we come down into a Valley, and guided our ſelves by a River, which we croſſed 32 times; and having marched 9 miles, we built Hutts and lay there all night. This evening I killed a Quaum, a large Bird as big as a Turkey, wherewith we treated our Guides, for we brought no Proviſion [20] with us. This night our Slave run away.

The eleventh day we marched 10 miles farther, and built Hutts at night; but went ſupperleſs to bed.

The twelfth in the morning we croſſed a deep River, paſſing over it on a Tree, and marched 7 mile in a low ſwampy ground: and came to the ſide of a great deep River, but could not get over. We built Hutts upon its Banks and lay there all night, upon our Barbecu's, or frames of Sticks raiſed about 3 foot from the ground.

The thirteenth day, when we turned out, the River had overflow'd its Banks, and was 2 foot deep in our Hutts, and our Guides went from us not telling us their intent, which made us think they were returned home again. Now we began to repent our haſte in coming from the laſt ſettlements, for we had no food ſince we came from thence. Indeed we got Macaw-berries in this place, wherewith we ſatisfied our ſelves this day, though courſly.

The fourteenth day in the morning betimes, our Guides came to us again; and the Waters being fallen within their bounds, they carried us to a Tree that ſtood on the Bank of the River, and told us if we could fell that Tree croſs it, we might paſs; if not we could paſs no further. Therefore we ſet two of the beſt Ax men that we had, who fell'd it exactly croſs the River, and the boughs juſt reached over; on this we paſſed very ſafe. We afterwards croſſed another River three times, with much difficulty, and at 3 a clock in the afternoon we came to an Indian ſettlement, where we met a drove of Monkeys, and kill'd 4 of them, and ſtayed here all night; having marched this day 6 miles. Here we got Plantains enough, and a kind reception of the Indian that lived here all alone, except one Boy to wait on him.

[21] The fifteeenth day when we ſet out, the kind Indian and his Boy went with us in a Canoa, and ſet us over ſuch places as we could not ford: and being paſt thoſe great Rivers, he returned back again, having helped us at leaſt 2 mile. We marched afterwards 5 mile, and came to large Plantain walks, where we took up our quarters that night; we there fed plentifully on Plantains, both ripe and green, and had fair weather all the day and night. I think theſe were the largeſt Plantain walks, and the biggeſt Plantains that ever I ſaw, but no houſe near them: We gathered what we pleaſed by our Guides orders.

The ſixteenth day we marched 3 mile, and came to a large ſettlement, where we abode all day: Not a man of us but wiſht the Journey at an end; our Feet being bliſtered, and our Thighs ſtript with wading through ſo many Rivers; the way being almoſt continually through Rivers or pathleſs Woods. In the afternoon five of us went to ſeek for game, and kill'd 3 Monkeys, which we dreſt for Supper. Here we firſt began to have fair weather, which continued with us till we came to the North Seas.

The eighteenth day we ſet out at 10 a Clock, and the Indians with 5 Canoas carried us a league up a River; and when we landed, the kind Indians went with us and carried our burthens. We marched 3 mile farther and then built our Hutts, having travelled from the laſt ſettlements 6 miles.

The nineteenth day our Guides loſt their way, and we did not march above 2 miles.

The twentieth day by 12 a Clock we came to Cheapo River. The Rivers we croſt hitherto run all into the South Seas; and this of Cheapo was the laſt we met with that run that way. Here an old man who came from the laſt ſettlements, deſtribu [...]ed his burthen of Plantains amongſt us, and taking his leave returned home. Afterwards we forded the River [22] and marched to the foot of a very high Mountain, where we lay all night. This day we marched about 9 miles.

The 21ſt day ſome of the Indians returned back, and we marched up a very high mountain; being on the top we went ſome miles on a ridge, and ſteep on both ſides; then deſcended a little and came to a fine Spring, where we lay all night, having gone this day about 9 miles, the weather ſtill very fair and clear.

The 22d day we marched over another very high Mountain, keeping on the ridge 5 miles. When we came to the North end, we, to our great comfort, ſaw the Sea; then we deſcended and parted our ſelves into [...] Companies, and lay by the ſide of a River, which was the firſt we met that runs into the North Sea.

The 23d day we came through ſeveral large Plantain walks, and at 10 a clock came to an Indians habitation, not far from the North Sea. Here we got Canoas to carry us down the River Conception to the Sea ſide; having gone this day 7 miles. We found a great many Indians at the mouth of this River. They had ſettled themſelves here, for the benefit of Trade with the Privateers; and their Commodities were Yams, Potatoes, Plantains, Sugar, C [...]es, Fowls and Eggs.

Theſe Indians told us, that there had been a great many Engliſh and French Ships here, which were all gone but one Barco-longo, a French Privateer that lay at La Sounds Key or Iſland. This Iſland is about; leagues from the mouth of the River Conception, and is one of the Samballoes, a range of Iſlands reaching for about [...] leagues, from point Samballas to G [...] den Iſland Eaſtward. Theſe Iſlands or Keys, as we call them, were firſt made the Rendezvous of Pri [...]eers in the year 1679, being very convenient [...] ca [...]ing, and had names given to ſome of [23] them by the Captains of the Privateers; as this La Sounds Key particularly.

Thus we finiſhed our Journey from the South Sea to the North in 23 days; in which by my account we travelled 110 miles, croſſing ſome very high Mountains; but our common march was in the Valleys among deep and dangerous Rivers. At our firſt landing in this Country, we were told that the Indians were our Enemies; we knew the Rivers to be deep, the wet ſeaſon to be coming in; yet, excepting thoſe we left behind, we loſt but one man, who was drowned as I ſaid. Our firſt landing place on the South Coaſt was very diſadvantageous, for we travell'd at leaſt fifty miles more than we need to have done, could we have gone up Cheapo River, or Santa Maria River; for at either of theſe places a man may paſs from Sea to Sea in 3 days time with eaſe. The Indians can do it in a day and a half, by which you may ſee how eaſy it is for a party of men to travel over. I muſt confeſs the Indians did aſſiſt us very much, and I queſtion whether ever we had got over without their aſſiſtance, becauſe they brought us from time to time to their Plantations, where we always got Proviſion, which elſe we ſhould have wanted. But if a party of 500 or 600 men, or more, were minded to travel from the North to the South Seas, they may do it without asking leave of the Indians; tho it be much better to be friends with them.

On the 24th of May, (having lain one night at the Rivers mouth) we all went on board the Privateer, who lay at La Sounds Key. It was a French Veſſel Captain Triſtian Commander. The firſt thing we did was to get ſuch things as we could to gratifie our Indian Guides, for we were reſolved to reward them to their hearts content. This we did by giving them Beads, Knives, Sciſſars and Looking-glaſſes, which we bought of the Privateers Crew; [24] and a half Dollar a man from each of us; which we would have beſtowed in goods alſo, but could not get any, the Privateer having no more toys. They were ſo well ſatisfied with theſe, that they return'd with joy to their friends; and were very kind to our Conſorts whom we left behind, as Mr. Wafer our Chyrurgeon and the reſt of them told us, when they came to us ſome months afterwards, as ſhall be ſaid hereafter.

I might have given a further account of ſeveral things relating to this Country; the In-land parts of which are ſo little known to the Europeans. But I ſhall leave this province to Mr. Wafer, who made a longer abode in it than I, and is better able to do it that any man than I know; and is now preparing a particular Deſcription of this Country for the Preſs.

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Figure 4. a Map of the Middle Part of AMERICA

CHAP. III.

[25]

The Authors cruiſing with the Privateers in the North Seas on the Weſt India Coaſt. They go to the Iſle of St Andreas. Of the Cedars there. The Corn Iſlands, amd their Inhabitants. Blewfields River, and an Account of the Manattee there, or Sea Cow; with the manner how the Moskito Indians kill them, and Tortoiſe, &c. The Maho tree. The Savages of Bocca toro. He touches again at Point Samballas, and its Iſlands. The Groves of Sapadillaes there, the Soldier Inſect, and Manchaneel Tree. The River of Darien, and the Wild Indians near it; Monaſtery of Madre de Popa, Rio Grande, Santa Martha Town, and the high Mountain there; Rio laHacha Town, Rancho Reys, and Pearl Fiſhery there; the Indian Inhabitants and Country, Dutch Iſle of Queriſao, &c. Count D'Eſtree's unfortunate Expedition thither. Iſle of Bon Airy. Iſle of Aves, the Booby and Man of War Bird: The Wreck of D' Eſtree's Fleet, and Captain Pain's Adventure here. Little Iſle of Aves. The Iſles Roca's; the Noddy and Tropick Bird, Mineral Water, Egg Birds; the Mangrove Trees, black, red and white. Iſle of Tortuga, its Salt-Ponds. Iſle of Blanco; the Guano Animal, their Variety and the beſt Sea Tortoiſe. Modern Alterations in the Weſt Indies. The Coaſt of Caraccus, its remar [...]able [26] Land, and product of the beſt Cocoa Nuts. The Cacoa deſcribed at large, with the Husbandry of it. City of Caraccos. La Guiare Fort and Haven. Town of Comana. Verina its famous beſt Spaniſh Tobacco. The rich Trade of the Coaſt of Caraccos. Of the Sucking Fiſh or Remora. The Authors arrival in Virginia.

THe Privateer on board which we went being now clean'd, and our Indian Guides thus ſatisfy'd and ſet aſhore, we ſet ſail in two days for Springer's Key, another of the Samballoes Iſles, and about 7 or 8 leagues from La Sound's Key. Here lay 8 ſail of Privateers more, viz.

    • Capt. Coxon, 10 Guns, 100 Men.
    • Capt. Payne, 10 Guns, 100 Men.
    • Capt. Wright, a Barcolongo 4 Guns, 40 Men.
    • Capt. Williams, a ſmall Barcolongo
    Engliſh Commanders and Engliſh men
    • Capt. Yanks a Barcolongo 4 Guns, about 60 Men.
    Engliſh, Dutch and French; himſelf a Dutchman
    • Capt. Achemboe, 8 Guns, 40 Men.
    • Capt Tucker, 6 Guns, 70 Men.
    • Capt. Roſe, a Barcolongo.
    French Commanders and Men.

An hour before we came to the Fleet, Captai [...] Wright, who had been ſent to Chagra River, arrive [...] at Springer's Key, with a large Conoa or Pereag [...] laden with Flower, which he took there. Some o [...] the Priſoners belonging to the Pereago, came fro [...] Panama not above 6 days before he took her, an [...] told the news of our coming over land, and likewiſe related the condition and ſtrength of Panama [...] which was the main thing they enquired after; fo [...] Captain Wright was ſent thither purpoſely to get [...] Priſoner that was able to inform them of th [...] ſtrength of that City, becauſe the Privateers deſigned to joyn all their force, and by the aſſiſtanc [...] [27] of the Indians, (who had promiſed to be their Guides) to march over land to Panama; and there is no other way of getting Priſoners for that purpoſe, but by abſconding between Chagra and Portabell, becauſe there are much Goods brought that way for Panama; eſpecially when the Armado lyeth at Portabell. All the Commanders were aboard of Captain Wright when we came into the Fleet; and were mighty inquiſitive of the Priſoners to know the truth of what they related concerning us. But as ſoon as they knew we were come, they immediately came aboard of Captain Triſtian, heing all overjoy'd to ſee us, for Captain Coxon, and many others, had left us in the South Seas about 12 months ſince, and had never heard what became of us ſince that time. They enquired of us what we did there? how we lived? how far we had been? and what diſcoveries we made in thoſe Seas? After we had anſwered theſe general queſtions, they began to be more particular; in examining us concerning our paſſage thro the Country from the South Seas. We related the whole matter, giving them an account of the fatigues of our march, and the inconveniencies we ſuffered by the rains, and diſheartned them quite from that deſign.

Then they propoſed ſeveral other places where ſuch a party of men as were now got together might make a Voyage, but the objections of ſome or other ſtill hinder'd any proceeding; for the Privateers have an account of moſt Towns within 20 leagues of the Sea, on all the Coaſt from Trinidado down to La Vera Cruz; and are able to give a near gueſs of the ſtrength and riches of them: For they make it their buſineſs to examin all Priſoners that fall into their hands, concerning the Country, Town, or City that they belong to; whether born there, or how long they have known it? how many families? whether moſt Spaniards? or whether [28] the major part are not Copper-colour'd, as Mulattoe [...] Muſteſoes, or Indians? whether rich, and what the [...] riches do conſiſt in? and what their chiefeſt man [...] factures? If fortified? how many great Guns, a [...] what number of ſmall Arms? Whether it is poſſib [...] to come undeſcried on them? How many Look-ou [...] or Centinels? for ſuch the Spaniards always keep [...] and how the Look-outs are placed? Whether poſſib [...] to avoid the Look-outs, or take them? If any Riv [...] or Creek comes near it, or where the beſt Landing [...] with innumerable other ſuch queſtions, which the [...] curioſities lead them to demand. And if they ha [...] had any former diſcourſe of ſuch places from oth [...] Priſoners, they compare one with the other; the [...] examin again, and enquire if he or any of the [...] are capable to be Guides to conduct a party of me [...] thither: if not, where and how any Priſoner ma [...] be taken that may do it; and from thence they a [...] terwards lay their Schemes to proſecute whateve [...] deſign they take in hand.

It was 7 or 8 days after before any reſolution wa [...] taken, yet conſultations were held every day. Th [...] French ſeemed very forward to go to any Town tha [...] the Engliſh could or would propoſe, becauſe the Governour of Petit Guavos (from whom the Privateer [...] take Commiſſions) had recommended a Gentlema [...] lately come from France to be General of the Expedition, and fent word by Captain Tucker, wit [...] whom this Gentleman came, that they ſhould, i [...] poſſible, make an attempt on ſome Town befor [...] he returned again. The Engliſh, when they wer [...] in company with the French, ſeemed to approve o [...] what the French ſaid, but never looked on that General to be fit for the ſervice in hand.

At length, it was concluded to go to a Town [...] the name of which I have forgot; it lies a great wa [...] in the Country, but not ſuch a tedious march as i [...] would be from hence to Panama. Our way to i [...] [29] lay up Carpenters River, which is about 60 leagues to the Weſtward of Portabell. Our greateſt obſtruction in this deſign was our want of Boats: therefore it was concluded to go with all our Fleet to St Andreas, a ſmall uninhabited Iſland lying near the Iſle of Providence, to the Weſtward of it in 13 deg. 15 m. North Lat. and from Portabell N. N. W. about 70 leagues; where we ſhould be but a little way from Carpenter's River. And beſides at this Iſland we might build Canoas, it being plentifully ſtored with large Cedars for ſuch a purpoſe, and for this reaſon the Jamaica-men come hither frequently to build Sloops; Cedar being very fit for building, and it being to be had here at free coſt, beſide other Wood. Jamaica is well ſtored with Cedars of its own, chiefly among the Rocky Mountains: theſe alſo of St Andreas grow in ſtony ground, and are the largeſt that ever I knew or heard of; the Bodies alone being ordinarily 40 or 50 foot long, many 60 or 70, and upwards, and of a proportionable bigneſs. The Bermudas Iſles are well ſtor'd with them, ſo is Virginia, which is generally a ſandy ſoil. I ſaw none in the Eaſt Indies, nor in the South Sea Coaſt, except on the Iſthmus as I came over it. We reckon the Pereagos and Canoas that are made of Cedar to be the beſt of any; they are nothing but the Tree it ſelf made hollow Boatwiſe, with a flat bottom, and the Canoa generally ſharp at both ends, the Pereago at one only, with the other end flat. But what is commonly ſaid of Cedar, that the Worm will not touch it, is a miſtake, for I have ſeen of it very mucb worm eaten.

All things being thus concluded on, we ſailed from hence, directing our courſe toward St Andreas. We kept company the firſt day, but at night it blew a hard gale at N. E. and ſome of our Ships bore away, the next day others were forced to leave us, and the ſecond night we loſt all our company. I [30] was now belonging to Captain Archembo, for al [...] the reſt of the Fleet were overmann'd: Captain Archembo wanting men, we that came out of the South Seas muſt either ſail with him, or remain among the Indians. Indeed we found no cauſe to diſlike the Captain; but his French Seamen were the ſaddeſt creatures that ever I was among: for tho w [...] had bad weather that required many hands aloft, ye [...] the biggeſt part of them never ſtirr'd out of thei [...] Hammocks, but to eat and eaſe themſelves. W [...] made a ſhift to find the Iſland the fourth day, wher [...] we met Captain Wright, who came thither the da [...] before; and had taken a Spaniſh Tartan, wherei [...] were 30 men, all well arm'd: She had 4 Pater [...] roes, and ſome long Guns plac'd in a Swivel on th [...] Gunnel. They fought an hour before they yielde [...] The news they related was, that they came fro [...] Cartagena in company of 11 Armadilloes (which a [...] ſmall Veſſels of War) to ſeek for the Fleet of Priv [...] teers lying in the Samballoes: that they parted fro [...] the Armadilloes 2 days before: that they were o [...] der'd to ſearch the Sambaloes for us, and if they di [...] not find us, then they were ordered to go to Port [...] bel, and lye there till they had farther intelligen [...] of us; and he ſuppoſed thoſe Armadilloes to be n [...] there.

We that came over Land out of the South Seas being weary of living among the French, deſired Captain Wright to fit up his Prize the Tartan, and mak [...] a Man of War of her for us, which he at firſt ſeem' [...] to decline, becauſe he was ſettled among the Fren [...] in Hiſpaniola, and was very well beloved both b [...] the Governor of Petit-Guavos, and all the Gentry [...] and they would reſent it ill, that Captain Wrigh [...] who had no occaſion of Men, ſhould be ſo unkin [...] to Captain Archembo, as to ſeduce his Men fro [...] him; he being ſo meanly mann'd that he coul [...] hardly ſail his Ship with his Frenchmen. We tol [...] [31] [...]im we would no longer remain with Captain Ar [...]hembo, but would go aſhore there, and build Ca [...]oas to tranſport our ſelves down to the Moskitoes, [...]f he would not entertain us; for Privateers are not [...]bliged to any Ship, but free to go aſhore where [...]hey pleaſe, or to go into any other Ship that will [...]ntertain them, only paying for their Proviſion.

When Captain Wright ſaw our reſolutions, he [...]greed with us on condition we ſhould be under his [...]ommand, as one Ships company, to which we [...]nanimouſly conſented.

[figure]

[33] This Blewfields River comes out between the Rivers of Nicuragua and Veragua. At its mouth is a fine ſandy Bay; where Barks may clean: It is deep at its mouth, but a ſhoal within; ſo that Ships may not enter, yet Barks of 60 or 70 Tuns may. It had this name from Captain Blewfield, a famous Privateer living on Providence Iſland long before Jamaica was taken. Which Iſland of Providence was ſettled by the Engliſh, and belonged to the Earls of Warwick.

In this River we found a Canoa coming down the ſtream; and tho we went with our Canoas to ſeek for Inhabitants, yet we found none, but ſaw in 2 or 3 places ſigns that Indians had made on that ſide the River. The Canoa which we found was but meanly made for want of Tools, therefore we concluded theſe Indians have no commerce with the Spaniards, nor with other Indians that have.

While we lay here our Moskito men went in their Canoa, and ſtruck us ſome Manatee, or Sea-cow. Beſides this Blewfields River, I have ſeen of the Manatee in the Bay of Campechy, on the Coaſts of Bocca del Drago, and Bocca del Toro, in the River of Darien, and among the South Keys or little Iſlands of Cuba. I haveheard of there being found on the North of Jamaica, a few, and in the Rivers of Surinam in great multitudes, which is a very low Land. I have ſeen of them alſo at Mindanao one of the Philippine Iſlands, and on the Coaſt of New-Holland. This Creature is about the bigneſs of a Horſe, and 10 or 12 foot long. The mouth of it is much like the mouth of a Cow, having great thick lips. The Eyes are no bigger than a ſmall Pea, the Ears are only 2 ſmall holes on each ſide of the head. The Neck is ſhort and thick, bigger than the Head. The biggeſt part of this Creature is at the Shoulders, where it hath 2 large Fins one on each ſide of its Belly. Under each of theſe Fins the Female hath a ſmall Dug to ſuckle her young. From the [34] Shoulders towards the Tayl it retains its bigneſs for about a foot, then it groweth ſmaIler and ſmaller to the very Tayl, which is flat, and about 14 inches broad, and 20 inches long, and in the middle 4 or 5 inches thick, but about the edges of it not above 2 inches thick. From the Head to the Tayl it is round and ſmooth without any Fin but thoſe two before mentioned. I have heard that ſome have weighed above 1200 l. but I never ſaw any ſo large. The Manatee delights to live in a brackiſh Water; and they are commonly in Creeks or Rivers near the Sea. 'Tis for this reaſon poſſibly they are not ſeen in the South Seas (that ever I could obſerve) where the Coaſt is generally a bold Shoar, that is, high Land and deep Water cloſe home by it, with a high Sea or great Surges; except in the Bay of Panama: yet even there is no Manatee. Whereas the Weſt Indies, being as it were one great Bay compoſed of many ſmaller, are moſtly low Land and ſhoal Water, and afford proper paſture (as I may ſay) for the Manatee. Sometimes we find them in Salt Water, ſometimes in freſh; but never far at Sea. And thoſe that live in the Sea at ſuch places where there is no River nor Creek fit for them to enter, yet do commonly come once or twice in 24 hours to the mouth of any freſh water River, that is near their place of abode. They live on Graſs 7 or 8 inches long, and of a narrow blade, which grows in the Sea in many places, eſpecially among Iſlands near the Main. This Graſs groweth likewiſe in Creeks, or in great Rivers, near the ſides of them, in ſuch, places where there is but little tyde or current. They never come aſhoar, nor into ſhallower water than where they can ſwim. Their fleſh is white, both the fat and the lean, and extraordinary ſweet wholeſome meat. The tayl of a young Cow is moſt eſteem'd; but if old, both head and tayl are very tough. A Calf that ſucks is the moſt delicate meat: [35] Privateers commonly roaſt them; as they do alſo great pieces cut out of the Bellies of the old ones.

The Skin of the Manatee is of great uſe to Privateers, for they cut them into ſtraps, which they make faſt on the ſide of their Canoas, thro' which they put their Oars in rowing, inſtead of tholes or pegs. The Skin of the Bull, or of the Back of the Cow is too thick for this uſe; but of it they make Horſe-whips, cutting them 2 or 3 foot long: at the handle they leave the full ſubſtance of the Skin, and from thence cut it away tapering, but very even and ſquare all the four ſides. While the Thongs are green they twiſt them, and hang them to dry: which in a weeks time become as hard as Wood. The Moskito-men have always a ſmall Canoa for their uſe to ſtrike Fiſh, Tortoiſes or Manatee, which they keep uſually to themſelves, and very neat and clean. They uſe no Oars, but Paddles, the broad part of which doth not go tapering towards the ſtaff, pole, or ſhandle of it, as in the Oar; nor do they uſe it in the ſame manner, by laying it on the ſide of the Veſſel; but hold it perpendicularly, griping the ſtaff hard with both hands, and putting back the water by main ſtrength, and very quick ſtroaks. One of the Moskitoes (for there go but 2 in a Canoa) ſits in the ſtern, the other kneels down in the head, and both paddle till they come to the place where they expect their game. Then they lye ſtill or paddle very ſoftly, looking well about them, and he that is in the head of the Canoa lays down his paddle, and ſtands up with his ſtriking ſtaff in his hand. This ſtaff is about 8 foot long, almoſt as big as a man's Arm, at the great end, in which there is hole to place his Harpoon in. At the other end of his ſtaff there is a piece of light wood called Bobwood, with a hole in it, through which the ſmall end of the ſtaff comes; and on this piece of Bobwood there is a line of 10 or 12 fathom [36] wound neatly about, and the end of the line made faſt to it. The other end of the line is made faſt to the Harpoon, which is at the great end of the ſtaff, and the Moskito man keeps about a fathom of it looſe in his hand. When he ſtrikes, the Harpoon preſently comes out of the ſtaff, and as the Manatee ſwims away, the line runs off from the bob; and altho at firſt both ſtaff and bob may be carried under water, yet as the line runs off it will riſe again. Then the Moskito men paddle with all their might to get hold of the bob again, and ſpend uſually a quarter of an hour before they get it. When the Manatee begins to be tired, it lieth ſtill, and then the Moskito men paddle to the bob and take it up, and begin to hale in the line. When the Manatee feels them he ſwims away again with the Canoa after him; then he that ſteers muſt be nimble to turn the head of the Canoa that way that his conſort points, who being in the head of the Canoa, and holding the line, both ſees and feels which way the Manatee is ſwimming. Thus the Canoa is towed with a violent motion, till the Manatee's ſtrength decays. Then they gather in the line, which they are often forced to let all go to the very end. At length when the Creatures ſtrength is ſpent, they hale it up to the Canoas ſide, and knock it on the head, and tow it to the neareſt ſhore where they make it faſt, and ſeek for another; which having taken, they go aſhore with it, to put it into their Canoa: For it is ſo heavy that they cannot lift it in, but they hale it up in ſhoal water as near the ſhore as they can, and then overſet the Canoa, laying one ſide cloſe to the Manatee. Then they roll it in, which brings the Canoa upright again; and when they have heav'd out the water, they faſten a line to the other Manatee that lieth aflout, and tow it after them. I have known two Moskito men for a week every day bring aboard two [37] Manatee in this manner; the leaſt of which hath not weighed leſs than 600 pound, and that in a very ſmall Canoa, that 3 Engliſh men would ſcarce adventure to go in. When they ſtrike a Cow that hath a young one, they ſeldom miſs the Calf, for ſhe commonly takes her young one under one of her Fins. But if the Calf is ſo big that ſhe cannot carry it, or ſhe ſo frighted that ſhe only minds to ſave her own life, yet the young never leaves her till the Moskito men have an opportunity to ſtrike her.

[figure]

They make their lines both for Fiſhing and Striking with the bark of Maho; which is a ſort of Tree or Shrub that grows plentifully all over the Weſt-Indies, and whoſe Bark is made up of ſtrings, or threads very ſtrong. You may draw it off either in flakes or ſmall threads, as you have occaſion. 'Tis fit for any manner of Cordage; and Privateers often make [38] their Rigging of it. So much by way of digreſſion.

When we had cleaned our Tartane we ſail'd from hence bound for Bocca-toro, which is an opening between 2 Iſlands about 10 Deg. 10 Min. North Lat. between the Rivers of Veragne and Chagre. Here we met with Captain Yanky, who told us that there had been a Fleet of Spaniſh Armadilloes to ſeek us: that Captain Triſtian having fallen Leeward, was coming to Bocca-toro, and fell in amongſt them, ſuppoſing them to be our Fleet: that they fired and chaſed him, but he rowed and towed, and they ſuppoſed he got away: that Capt. Pain was likewiſe chaced by them, and Capt. Williams; and that they had not ſeen them ſince they lay within the Iſlands: that the Spaniards never came in to him; and that Captain Coxon was in at the careening place.

This Bocca-toro is a place that the Privateers uſe to reſort to, as much as any place on all the Coaſt, becauſe here is plenty of green Tortoiſe, and a good careening place. The Indians here have no commerce with the Spaniards, but are very barbarous and will not be dealt with. They have deſtroyed many Privateers, as they did not long after this ſome of Captain Pain's men; who having built a Tent aſhore to put his goods in while he careened his Ship, and ſome men lying there with their Arms, in the night the Indians crept ſoftly into the Tent, and cut off the heads of 3 or 4 men, and made their eſcape; nor was this the firſt time they had ſerved the Privateers ſo. There grow on this Coaſt Vinelloes in great quantity, with which Chocolate is perfumed. Theſe I ſhall deſcribe elſewhere.

Our Fleet being thus ſcattered, there was now no hopes of getting together again; therefore every one did what they thought moſt conducing to obtain their ends. Capt. Wright, with whom I now was, was reſolved to cruiſe on the Coaſt of Cartagene; and it being now almoſt the Weſterly wind [39] ſeaſon, we ſailed from hence, and Captain Yanky with us; and we conſorted, becauſe Captain Yanky had no Commiſſion, and was afraid the French would take away his Bark. We paſt by Scuda, a ſmall Iſland (where tis ſaid Sir Francis Drake's bowels were bury'd) and came to a ſmall River to the Weſtward of Chagre; where we took two new Canoas, and carry'd them with us into the Sambaloes. We had the Wind at Weſt, with much rain; which brought us to Point Samballas. Here Captain Wright and Captain Yanky left us in the Tartane to fix the Conoas, while they went on the Coaſt of Cartagene to ſeek for proviſion. We cruiſed in among the Iſlands, and kept our Moskito-men, or ſtrikers out, who brought aboard ſome half-grown Tortoiſe; and ſome of us went aſhoar every day to hunt for what we could find in the Woods: Sometimes we got Pecary, Warree, or Deer; at other times we light on a drove of large fat Monkeys, or Quames, Corroſoes, (each a large ſort of Fowl) Pidgeons, Parrots, or Tuttledoves. We liv'd very well on what we got, not ſtaying long in one place; but ſometimes we would go on the Iſlands, where there grow great Groves of Sapadillies, which is a ſort of Fruit much like a Pear, but more juicy; and under thoſe Trees we found plenty of Soldiers, that live in Shells, a little kind of Animals, and have two great Claws like a Crab, and are good food. One time our men ſound a great many large ones, and being ſharp ſet had them dreſt, but moſt of them were very ſick afterwards, being poyſoned by them: For on this Iſland were many Manchaneel Trees, whoſe Fruit is like a ſmall Crab, and ſmells very well, but they are not wholeſome; and we commonly take care of meddling with any Animals that eat them. And this we take for a general rule; when we find any Fruits that we have not ſeen before, if we ſee them peck'd by Birds, we may freely eat, but if we ſee [40] no ſuch ſign, we let them alone; for of this Fruit no Birds will taſte. Many of theſe Iſlands have of theſe Manchaneel-Trees growing on them.

Thus cruiſing in among theſe Iſlands, at length we came again to La Sound's Key; and the day before having met with a Jamaica Sloop that was come over on the Coaſt to trade, ſhe went with us. It was in the evening when we came to an Anchor, and the next morning we fir'd 2 Guns for the Indians that lived on the Main for to come aboard; for by this time we concluded we ſhould hear from our 5 men, that we left in the heart of the Country among the Indians, this being about the latter end of Auguſt, and it was in the beginning of May when we parted from them. According to our expectation the Indians came aboard, and brought our friends with them: Mr Wafer wore a Clout about him, and was painted like an Indian; and he was ſome time aboard before I knew him. One of them, named Riehard Cobſon, dyed within 3 or 4 days after, and was buried on La Sound's Key.

After this we went to other Keys, to the Eaſtward of theſe to meet Captain Wright and Captain Yanky, who met with a Fleet of Pereagos laden with Indian Corn, Hog and Fowls, going to Cartagene; being conveyed with a ſmall Armadilly of 2 Guns and 6 Patereroes. Her they ch [...]ſed aſhoar, and moſt of the Pereagoes; but they got 2 of them off, and brought them away.

Here Captain Wright's and Captain Yanky's Barks were clean'd; and we ſtock'd our ſelves with Corn and then went towards the Coaſt of Cartagene. In our way thither we paſſed by the River of Darien; which is very broad at the mouth but not above 6 foot water on a Spring tyde; for the Tyde riſeth but little here. Captain Coxen, about 6 months before we came out of the South Sea, went up this River with a party of men: Every man carry'd a ſmall [41] [...] [40] [...] [41] ſtrong Bag to put his Gold in; expecting great Riches there, tho they got little or none. They rowed up about 100 leagues before they came to any ſettlement, and then found ſome Spaniards, who lived there [...]o truck with the Indians for Gold; there being Gold Scales in every houſe. The Spaniards admire how they came ſo far from the mouth of the River, becauſe there are a ſort of Indians living between that place and the Sea, who are very dreadful to the Spaniards, and will not have any commerce with them, nor with any white people. They uſe Trunks about [...] foot long, out of which they blow poyſoned Darts; and are ſo ſilent in their attacks on their Enemies, and retreat ſo nimbly again, that the Spaniards can never find them. Their Darts are made of Macaw-wood, being about the bigneſs and length of a Knitting-needle: one end is wound about with Cotton, the other end is extraordinary ſharp and ſmall; and is jagged with notches like a Harpoon: ſo that whatever it ſtrikes into it immediately [...]reaks off by the weight of the biggeſt end; which [...]t is not of ſtrength to bear, (it being made ſo ſlen [...]er for that purpoſe) and it is very difficult to be got [...]ut again, by reaſon of thoſe notches. Theſe Indi [...]ns have always War with our Darien friendly Indi [...]ns, and lived on both ſides this great River 50 or 60 [...]egues from the Sea, but not near the mouth of [...]he River. There are abundance of Manatee in this [...]iver, and ſome Creeks belonging to it. This re [...]tion I had from ſeveral men who accompany'd Captain Coxon in that diſcovery; and from Mr Cook [...] particular, who was with them, and is a very [...]ntelligent perſon; He is now chief Mate of a Ship [...]ound to Guinea. To return therefore to the proſe [...]ution of our Voyage; meeting with nothing of [...]ote we paſſed by Cartagene, which is a City ſo [...]ell known, that I ſhall ſay nothing of it. We [...]iled by in ſight of it, for it lies open to the Sea; [42] and had a fair view of Madre de Popa, or Nueſtra a Sennora de Popa, a Monaſtery of the Virgin Mary's, ſtanding on the top of a very ſteep hill juſt behind Cartagene. It is a place of incredible wealth, by reaſon of the offerings made here continually; and for this reaſon often in danger of being viſited by the Privateers, did not the neighbourhood of Cartagene keep them in awe. 'Tis, in ſhort, the very Loretto of the Weſt Indies: it hath innumerable Miracles related of it. Any misfortune that befals the Privateers is attributed to this Lady's doing, and the Spaniards report that ſhe was abroad that night the Oxford Man of War was blown up at the Iſle of Vacca near Hiſpaniola, and that ſhe came home all wet; as belike, ſhe often returns with her Cloaths dirty and torn with paſſing thro the Woods, and bad ways, when ſhe has been out upon any expedition; deſerving doubtleſs a new ſuit for ſuch eminent pieces of ſervice.

From hence we paſſed on to the Rio Grande, where we took up freſh Water at Sea, a league off the mouth of that River. From thence we ſailed Eaſtward, paſſing by St Martha, a large Town, and good Harbour belonging to the Spaniards: yet hath it within theſe few years been twice taken by the Privateers. It ſtands cloſe upon the Sea, and the Hill within Land is a very large one, towering up a great heighth from a vaſt body of Land. I am of opinion that it is higher than the Pike of Tenariff; others alſo that have ſeen both think the ſame; tho its bigneſs makes its heighth leſs ſenſible. I have ſeen it in paſſing by, 30 leagues off at Sea; others as they told me, above 60: and ſeveral have told me, that they have ſeen at once, Jamaica, Hiſpaniola and the high Land of Santa Martha; and yet the neareſt of theſe two places is diſtant from it 120 leagues; and Jamaica, which is fartheſt off, is accounted near 150 leagues; and I queſtion whether any Land or either of thoſe 2 Iſlands may be ſeen 50 leagues [...] [43] [...]ts head is generally hid in the Clouds; but in clear weather, when the top appears, it looks white; ſuppoſed to be covered with Snow. St Martha [...]ieth in the Lat. of 12 Deg. North.

Being advanced 5 or 6 leagues to the Eaſtward of Santa Martha, we left our Ships at Anchor, and re [...]urn'd back in our Canoa's to the River Grande; en [...]ring it by a mouth of it that diſembogues it ſelf near Santa Martha: purpoſing to attempt ſome Towns that lye a pretty way up that River. But this deſign meeting with diſcouragements, we re [...]urned to our Ships, and ſet ſail to Rio la Hacha. This hath been a ſtrong Spaniſh Town, and is well built; but being often taken by the Privateers, the Spaniards deſerted it ſome time before our arrival. It lieth to the Weſtward of a River; and right againſt the Town is a good Road for Ships, the bottom clean and ſandy. The Jamaica Sloops uſed often to come over to trade here: and I am informed that the Spaniards have again ſettled themſelves in it, and made it very ſtrong. We entered the Fort and brought 2 ſmall Guns aboard. From thence we went to the Rancheries, one or 2 ſmall Indian Villages, where the Spaniards kept 2 Barks to fiſh for Pearl. The Pearl-banks lye about 4 or 5 leagues off from the ſhoar, as I have been told; thither the Fiſhing Barks go and Anchor; then the Divers go down to the bottom, and fill a Basket (which is let down before) with Oyſters; and when they come up, others go down, 2 at a time; this they do till the Bark is full, and then go aſhoar, where the Old men, Women and Children of the Indians, open the Oyſters, there being a Spaniſh Overſeer to look after the Pearl. Yet theſe Indians do very often ſecure the beſt Pearl for themſelves, as many Jamaica men can teſtifie, who daily trade with them. The meat they ſtring up, and hang it a drying. At this place we went aſhoar, where we found one of the [44] Barks, and ſaw great heaps of Oyſter-ſhells, but the people all fled: Yet in another place, between this and Rio la Hacha, we took ſome of the Indians; who ſeem to be a ſtubborn ſort of people: They are long-viſaged, black hair, their noſes ſomewhat riſing in the middle, and of a ſtern look. The Spaniards report them to be a very numerous Nation; and that they will not ſubject themſelves to their yoak: Yet they have Spaniſh Prieſts among them; and by trading have brought them to be ſomewhat ſociable; but cannot keep a ſevere hand over them. The Land is but barren, it being of a light ſand near the Sea; and moſt Savanah, or Champion; and the graſs but thin and courſe, yet they feed plenty of Cattel. Every man knoweth his own, and looketh after them: but the Land is in common except only their Houſes or ſmall Plantations where they live, which every man maintains with ſome fence about it. They may remove from one place to another as they pleaſe, no man having right to any Land but what he poſſeſſeth. This part of the Country is not ſo ſubject to Rain, as to the Weſtward of Santa Martha; yet here are Tornadoes or Thunder-ſhowers; but neither ſo violent as on the Coaſt of Portabell, nor ſo frequent. The Weſterly Winds in the Weſterly Wind ſeaſon blow here, tho not ſo ſtrong nor laſting as on the Coaſts of Cartagene and Portabell.

When we had ſpent ſome time here, we return'd again towards the Coaſt of Cartagene; and being between Rio Grande and that place, we met with Weſterly Winds, which kept us ſtill to the Eaſtward of Cartagene 3 or 4 days; and then in the morning we deſcryed a Sail off at Sea, and we chaced her at noon: Captain Wright who ſail'd beſt, came up with her, and engaged her; and in half an hour after, Captain Yankey, who ſailed better than the Tartan (the Veſſel that I was in) came up with he [...] [45] likewiſe, and laid her aboard, then Captain Wright alſo; and they took her before we came up. They loſt 2 or 3 men, and had 7 or 8 wounded. The Prize was a Ship of 12 Guns and 40 men, who had all good ſmall Arms: She was laden with Sugar and Tobacco, and had 8 or 10 Tuns of Marmalet on board: She came from Saint Jago on Cuba, and was bound to Cartagene.

We went back with her to Rio Grande, to fix our Rigging, which was ſhattered in the Fight, and to conſider what to do with her; for theſe were commodities of little uſe to us, and not worth going into a Port with. At the Rio Grande Capt. Wright demanded the Prize as his due by vertue of his Commiſſion: Captain Yanky ſaid it was his due by the Law of Privateers. Indeed Captain Wright had the moſt right to her, having by his Commiſſion protected Captain Yanky from the French, who would have turned him out becauſe he had no Commiſſion; and he likewiſe began to engage her firſt. But the company were all affraid that Captain Wright would preſently carry her into a Port; therefore moſt of Captain Wright's men ſtuck to Captain Yanky, [...]nd Captain Wright loſing his Prize burned his own [...]ark, and had Captain Yanky's, it being bigger than [...]is own; the Tartan was ſold to a Jamaica Trader, [...]nd Captain Yanky commanded the Prize Ship. We [...]ent again from hence to Rio la Hach, and ſet the [...]riſoners aſhoar, and it being now the beginning of [...]ov. we concluded to go to Queriſao to ſell [...]our [...]ugar, if favoured by weſterly winds, which were [...]ow come in. We ſailed from thence, having fair [...]eather and winds to our mind, which brought us [...] Queriſao, a Dutch Iſland. Captain Wright went a [...]ar to the Governor, and offered him the Sale of [...]e Sugar: but the Governor told him, he had a [...]eat Trade with the Spaniards, therefore he could [...]t admit us in there; but if we would go to St Thomas, [46] which is an Iſland, and Free Port, belonging to the Danes, and a Sanctuary for Privateers, he would ſend a Sloop with ſuch Goods as we wanted, and Money to buy the Sugar, which he would take at a certain rate; but it was not agreed to.

Queriſao is the only Iſland of importance that the Dutch have in the Weſt Indies. It is about 5 leagues in length, and may be 9 or 10 in circumference: the Northermoſt point is laid down in North lat. 12 d. 40 m. and it is about 7 or 8 leagues from the Main, near Cape Roman. On the South ſide of the Eaſt end is a good Harbour called Santa Barbara; but the chiefeſt harbour is about 3 leagues from the S. E. end, on the South ſide of it; where the Dutch have a very good Town, and a very ſtrong Fort. Ships bound in thither muſt be ſure to keep cloſe to the Harbours mouth, and have a Haſar or Rope ready to ſend one end aſhoar to the Fort: for there is no Anchoring at the entrance of the Harbour, and the Current always ſets to the Weſtward. But being got in, it is a very ſecure Port for Ships, either to Careen, or lye ſafe. At the Eaſt end are two hills, one of them is much higher than the other, and ſteepeſt toward the North ſide. The reſt of the Iſland is indifferent level; where of late ſome rich Men have made Sugar Works; which formerly was all paſture for Cattel: there are alſo ſome ſmall Plantations of Potatoes and Yames, and they have ſtill a great many Cattel on the Iſland; but it is not ſo much eſteemed for its produce, as for its ſituation for the Trade with the Spaniard. Formerly the Harbour was never without Ships from Cart [...]egne and Portobell, that did uſe to buy of the Dutch here 1000 or 1500 Negroes at once, beſides great quantities of European Commodities; but of late that Trade is fallen into the hands of the Engliſh at Jamaica: yet ſtill the Dutch have a vaſt Trade over all the Weſt Indies, ſending from Holland Ships of good force laden [47] with European goods, whereby they make very profitable returns. The Dutch have 2 other Iſlands here, but of little moment in compariſon of Queriſao; the one lieth 7 or 8 leagues to the Weſtward of Queriſao, called Aruba; the other 9 or 10 leagues to the Eaſtward of it, called Bon Airy. From theſe Iſlands the Dutch fetch in Sloops Proviſion for Queriſao, to maintain their Garriſon and Negroes. I was never at Aruba, therefore cannot ſay any thing of it as to my own knowledge; but by report it is much like Bon Airy, which I ſhall deſcribe, only not ſo big. Between Queriſao and Bon Airy is a ſmall Iſland called Little Queriſao, it is not above a league from Great Queriſao. The King of France has long had an eye on Queriſao, and made ſome attempts to take it, but never yet ſucceeded. I have heard that about 23 or 24 years ſince the Governor had ſold it to the French, but dyed a ſmall time before the Fleet came to demand it; and by his death that deſign failed. Afterwards, in the year 1678, the Count D' Eſtree, who a year before had taken the Iſle of Tobago from the Dutch, was ſent thither alſo with a Squadron of ſtout Ships very well mann'd, and fitted with Bombs and Carcaſſes; intending to take it by ſtorm. This Fleet came firſt to Martinico; where while they ſtay'd, orders were ſent to Petit Guavers, for all Privateers to repair thither, and aſſiſt the Count in his deſign. There were but 2 Privateers Ships that went thither with him, which were mann'd partly with French, partly with Engliſh men. Theſe ſet [...]ut with the Count; but in their way to Queriſao [...]he whole Fleet was loſt on a Riff or Ridge of [...]ocks, that runs off from the Iſle of Aves; not a [...]ove 2 Ships eſcaping, 1 of which was 1 of the Pri [...]teers; and ſo that deſign periſhed.

Wherefore not driving a Bargain for our Sugar [...]ith the Governor of Queriſao, we went from thence [...] Bon Airy, another Dutch Iſland, where we met a [] Dutch Sloop come from Europe, laden with Iriſh B [...], which we bought in exchange for ſome of our S [...].

Bon [...] is the Eaſtermoſt of the Dutch Iſlands, and is the largeſt of the 3, tho not the moſt confiderable. The middle of the Iſland is laid down in Lat. 12 d. 16 m. It is about 20 leagues from the Main, and 9 or 10 from Queriſao, and is accounted 16 or 17 leagues round. The Road is on the S. W. ſide, near the middle of the Iſland; where there is a pretty deep Bay runs in. Ships that come from the Eaſtward luff up cloſe to the Eaſtern ſhoar; and let go their Anchor in 60 fathom water, within half a Cables length of the ſhoar. But at the ſame time they muſt be ready with a Boat to carry a Haſar or Rope, and make it faſt aſhoar; otherwiſe, when the Land-wind comes in the night, the Ship would drive off to Sea again; for the ground is ſo ſteep, that no Anchor can hold if once it ſtarts. About half a mile to the Weſtward of this Anchoring place there is a ſmall low land, and a Channel between it and the main Iſland.

The Houſes are about half a mile within Land, right againſt the Road: there is a Governor lives here, a Deputy to the Governor of Queriſao, and 7 or 8 Soldiers, with 5 or 6 Families of Indians. There is no Fort; and the Soldiers in peaceable times have little to do but to eat and ſleep, for they never watch, but in time of War. The Indians are Husbandmen, and plant Maiz and Guinea Corn, and ſome Yams, and Potatoes: But their chiefeſt buſineſs is about Cattel; for this Iſland is plentifully ſtocked with Goats, and they ſend great quantities every year in Salt to Queriſao. There are ſome Horſes, and Bulls and Cows; but I never ſaw any Sheep, tho I have been all over the Iſland. The South ſide is plain low Land, and there are ſeveral ſorts of Trees, but none very large. There is a ſmall [49] Spring of Water by the Houſes, which ſerves the Inhabitants, tho it is blackiſh. At the Weſt end of the Iſland there is a good Spring of freſh Water, and 3 and 4 Indian Families live there, but no Water nor Houſes at any other place. On the South ſide, near the Eaſt end, is a good Salt-pond, where Dutch Sloops come for Salt.

From Bon-Airy we went to the Iſle of Aves, or Birds; ſo called from its great plenty of Birds, as Men-of-War and Boobies; but eſpecially Boobies. The Booby is a Water-fowl, ſomewhat leſs than a Hen, of a light greyiſh colour. I obſerved the Boobies of this Iſland to be whiter than others. This Bird hath a ſtrong Bill, longer and bigger than a Crows, and broader at the end; her Feet are flat like a Ducks feet. It is a very ſimple Creature, and will hardly go out of a Man's way. In other places they build their Neſts on the Ground, but here they build on Trees, which I never ſaw any where elſe; tho' I have ſeen of them in a great many places. Their Fleſh is black and eats Fiſhy, but are often eaten by the Privateers. Their numbers have been much leſſened by the French Fleet, which was loſt here, as I ſhall give an account.

The Man-of-War (as it is called by the Engliſh) is about the bigneſs of a Kite, and in ſhape like it, but black; and the Neck is red. It lives on Fiſh, yet never lights on the Water, but ſoars aloſt like a Kite, and when it ſees its prey, it flys down head foremoſt to the Waters edge, very ſwiftly takes its prey out of the Sea with his Bill, and immediately mounts again as ſwiftly; and never touching the Water with his Bill. His Wings are very long; his Feet are like other Land-fowl; and he builds on Trees, where he finds any; but where they are wanting, on the Ground.

This Iſland Aves lies about 8 or 9 leagues to the Eaſtward of the Iſland Bon-Airy, about 14 or 15 leagues [50] year 1682 from the Main, and about the lat. of 11 d. 45 m. North. It is but ſmall, not above 4 mile in length, and towards the Eaſt end not half a mile broad. On the North ſide it is low Land, commonly overflown with the Tide; but one the South ſide there is a great Rocky Bank of Coral thrown up by the Sea. The Weſt end is, for near a mile ſpace, plain even Savannah Land, without any Trees. There are 2 or 3 Wells dug by Privateers, who often frequent this Iſland, becauſe there is a good Harbour about the middle of it on the North ſide, where they may conveniently careen. The Riff, or Bank of Rocks, on which the French Fleet was loſt, as I mentioned above, runs along from the Eaſt end to the Northward about 3 mile, then trends away to the Weſtward, making as it were, a Half-Moon. This Riff breaks off all the Sea, and there is good Riding in even ſandy ground to the Weſtward of it. There are 2 or 3 ſmall low ſandy-Keys, or Iſland, within this Riff, about 3 miles from the Main Iſland. The Count d'Eſtree loſt his Fleet here in this manner. Coming from the Eaſtward, he fell in on the back of the Riff, and fired Guns to give warning to the reſt of his Fleet: But they ſuppoſing their Admiral was engaged with Enemies, hoiſted up their Topſails, and crouded all the Sail they could make, and ran full ſail aſhoar after him; all within half a mile of each other. For his Light being in the Main-Top was an unhappy Beacon for them to follow; and there eſcaped but one Kings-Ship and one Privateer. The Ships continued whole all day, and the Men had time enough, moſt of them, to get aſhoar, yet many periſhed in the Wreck: and many of thoſe that got ſafe on the Iſl [...]nd, for want of being accuſtomed to ſuch hardſhips, died like rotten Sheep. But the Privateers who had been uſed to ſuch accidents liv'd merrily, from whom I had this relation: and they told me, that if they had gone to Jamaica with 3cl. [51] a Man in their Pockets, they could not have enjoyed themſelves more: For they kept in a Gang by themſelves, and watched when the Ships broke, to get the Goods that come from them; and though much was ſtaved againſt the Rocks, yet abundance of Wine and Brandy floated over the Riff, where theſe Privateers waited to take it up. They lived here about 3 weeks, waiting an opportunity to tranſport themſelves back again into Hiſpaniola; in all which time, they were never without 2 or 3 Hogſheads of Wine and Brandy in their Tents, and Barrels of Beef and Pork; which they could live on without Bread well enough, tho the new-comers out of France could not. There were about forty Frenchmen on board in one of the Ships where there was good ſtore of Liquor, till the after part of her broke away, and floated over the Riff, and was carry'd away to Sea, with all the Men drinking and ſinging, who being in drink, did not mind the danger, but were never heard of afterwards.

In a ſhort time after this great Shipwrack, Captain Pain, Commander of a Privateer of 6 Guns, had a pleaſant accident befel him at this Iſland. He came hither to careen, intending to fit himſelf very well; for here lay driven on the Iſland, Maſt, Yards, Timbers, and many things that he wanted, therefore he haled into the Harbour, cloſe to the Iſland, and unrigg'd his Ship. Before he had done, a Dutch Ship of 20 Guns, was ſent from Queriſao to take up the Guns that were loſt on the Riff: But ſeeing a Ship in the Harbour, and knowing her to be a French Privateer, they thought to take her firſt, and came within a mile of her, and began to fire at her, intending to warp in the next day, for it is very narrow going-in. Capt. Pain got aſhoar ſome of his Guns, and did what he could to reſiſt them; tho' he did in a manner conclude he muſt be taken. But while his Men were thus buſied, he ſpy'd a [52] Dutch Sloop turning to get into the Road, and ſaw her at the evening Anchor at the Weſt end of the Iſland. This gave him ſome hope of making his eſcape; which he did, by ſending two Canoas in the night aboard the Sloop, who took her, and got confiderable purchaſe in her; and he went away in her, making a good Reprizal, and leaving his own empty Ship to the Dutch Man of War.

There is another Iſland to the Eaſtward of the Iſle of Aves about 4 leagues, called by Privateers the little Iſle of Aves, which is over-grown with Mangrove Trees. I have ſeen it, but was never on it. There are no Inhabitants, that I could learn, on either of theſe Iſlands, but Boobies and a few other Birds.

While we were at the Iſle of Aves, we careen'd Capt. Wright's Bark, and ſcrubb'd the Sugar-prize, and got 2 Guns out of the Wrecks; continuing here till the beginning of Feb. 1681/2.

We went from hence to the Iſles Roca's, to careen the Sugar-prize, which the Iſle of Aves was not a place ſo convenient for. Accordingly we haled cloſe to one of the ſmall Iſlands, and got our Guns aſhoar the firſt thing we did, and built a Breaſt-work on the Point, and planted all our Guns there, to hinder an Enemy from coming to us while we lay on the Careen: Then we made a Houſe, and cover'd ir with our Sails, to put our Goods and Proviſions in. While we lay here, a French Man of War of 36 Guns, came thro' the Keys; or little Iſlands; to whom we ſold about 10 Tun of Sugar. I was aboard twice or thrice, and very kindly welcomed both by the Capt. and his Lieutenant, who was a Cavalier of Malta; and they both offered me great Encouragement in France, if I would go with them; but I ever deſigned to continue with thoſe of my own Nation.

The Iſlands Roca's are a parcel of ſmall uninhabited Iſlands, lying about the lat. of 11 deg. 40 min. [53] about 15 or 16 leagues from the Main, and about 20 leagues N. W. by W. from Tortuga, and 6 or 7 leagues to the Weſtward of Orchilla, another Iſland lying about the ſame diſtance from the Main; which Iſland I have ſeen, but was never at it. Roca's ſtretch themſelves Eaſt and Weſt about 5 leagues, and their breadth about 3 leagues. The Northermoſt of theſe Iſlands is the moſt remarkable by reaſon of a high white rocky Hill at the weſt end of it, which may be ſeen a great way; and on it there are abundance of Tropick Birds, Men-of-War, Booby and Noddys, which breed there. The Booby and Man-of-War, I have deſcribed already. The Noddy is a ſmall black Bird, about the bigneſs of the Engliſh Black-bird, and indifferent good Meat. They build in Rocks. We never find them far off from ſhoar. I have ſeen of them in other places, but never ſaw any of their Neſts, but in this Iſland, where there is great plenty of them. The Tropick Bird is as big as a Pidgeon, but round and plump like a Partridge. They are all white, except two or three Feathers in each Wing of a light grey. Their Bills are of a yellowiſh colour, thick and ſhort. They have one long Feather, or rather a Quill, about 7 inches long, grows at the Rump, which is all the Tail they have. They are never ſeen far without either Tropick, for which reaſon they are called Tropick Birds. They are very good food, and we meet with them a great way at Sea, and I never ſaw of them any where but at Sea, and in this Iſland, where they build, and are found in great plenty.

By the Sea, on the South ſide of that high Hill, there's freſh Water comes out of the Rocks, but ſo ſlowly, that it yields not above 40 Gallons in 24 hours, and it taſtes ſo copperiſh, or aluminous rather, and rough in the Mouth, that it ſeems very unpleaſant at firſt drinking: But after 2 or 3 days any Water will ſeem to have no taſte.

[54] The middle of this Iſland low plain Land, over grown with long Graſs, where there are multitudes of ſmall grey Fowls no bigger than a Black Bird, yet lay Eggs bigger than a Magpy's; and they are therefore by Privateers called Egg Birds. The Eaſt end of the Iſland is overgrown with black Mangrove Trees.

There are 3 ſorts of Mangrove Trees, black, red and white. The black Mangrove is the largeſt Tree; the body about as big as an Oak, and about 20 foot high. It is very hard and ſerviceable Timber, but extraordinary heavy, therefore not much made uſe of for Building. The red Mangrove groweth commonly by the Sea ſide, or by Rivers or Creeks. The Body is not ſo big as that of the black Mangrove, but always grows out of many Roots about the bigneſs of a Mans Leg, ſome bigger, ſome leſs, which is about 6, 8, or 10 foot above the Ground, joyn into one trunk or body, that ſeems to be ſupported by ſo many Artificial Stakes. Where this ſort of Tree grows, it is impoſſible to march, by reaſon of theſe Stakes, which grow ſo mixt one amongſt another, that I have, when forced to go thro' them gone half a mile, and never ſet my foot on the Ground, ſtepping from Root to Root. The Timber is hard and good for many uſes. The inſide of the Bark is red, and it is uſed for tanning of Leather very much all over the Weſt Indies. The white Mangrove never groweth ſo big as the other two ſorts, neither is it of any great uſe: Of the young Trees Privateers uſe to make Loom, or Handles for their Oars, for it is commonly ſtraight, but not very ſtrong, which is the fault of them. Neither the black nor white Mangrove grow towering up from ſtilts or riſing root, as the red doth; but the Body immediately out of the Ground, like other Trees.

[55] The Land of this Eaſt end is light ſand, which is ſometimes over-flown with the Sea at Spring-tides. The Road for Ships is on the South ſide, againſt the middle of the Iſland. The reſt of the Iſlands of Roca's are low. The next to this on the South ſide is but ſmall, flat, and even, without Trees, bearing only Graſs. On the South ſide of it is a Pond of brackiſh water, which ſometimes Privateers uſe inſtead of better; there is likewiſe good Riding by it About a league from this are two other Iſlands, not 200 yards diſtant from each other; yet a deep Channel for Ships to paſs through. They are both overgrown with red Mangrove Trees; which Trees, above any of the Mangroves, do flouriſh beſt in wet drowned Land, ſuch as theſe two Iſlands are; only the Eaſt point of the Weſtermoſt Iſland is dry ſand, without Tree or Buſh. On thispoint we careened, lying on the South ſide of it.

The other Iſlands are low, and have red Mangroves, and other Trees on them. Here alſo Ships may ride, but no ſuch place for careening as where we lay, becauſe at that place Ships may hale cloſe to the ſhoar; and if they had but four Guns on the point, may ſecure the Channel, and hinder any Enemy from coming near them. I obſerve, that within among the Iſlands, was good riding in many places, but not without the Iſlands, except to the Weſtward, or South Weſt of them. For on the Eaſt, or N. E. of theſe Iſlands, the common Trade Wind blows, and makes a great Sea: and to the Southward of them, there is no ground under 70, 80, or 100 fathom, cloſe by the Land.

After we had filled what water we could from hence, we ſet out again in April 1682. and came to Salt-Tortuga, ſo called to diſtinguiſh it from the ſhoals of Dry Tortugas, near Capt Florida, and from the Iſle of Tortugas by Hiſpamola, which was called formerly French Tortugas; though not having heard [56] any mention of that name a great while, I am apt to think it is ſwallowed up in that of Petit-Guavres, the chief Garriſon the French have in thoſe parts. This Iſland we arrived at is pretty large, uninhabited, and abounds with Salt. It is in lat. 11 d. North, and lyeth Weſt and a little Northerly from Margarita, an Iſland inhabited by the Spaniards, ſtrong, and wealthy; it is diſtant from it about 14 leagues, and 17 or 18 from Cape Blanco on the Main: A Ship being within theſe Iſlands, a little to the South ward, may ſee at once the Main, Margarita, and Tortuga, when it is clear weather. The Eaſt end of Tortuga is full of rugged, bare, broken Rocks, which ſtretch themſelves a little way out to Sea. At the S. E. part is of an indifferent good Road for Ships, much frequented in peaceable times by Merchantſhips, that come thither to lade Salt, in the months of May, June, July and Auguſt. For at the Eaſt end is a large Salt-pond, within 200 paces of the Sea. The Salt begins to kern or grain in April, except it is a dry ſeaſon; for it is obſerved that Rain makes the Salt kern. I have ſeen above 20 Sail at a time in this Road come to lade Salt; and theſe Ships coming from ſome of the Caribbe Iſlands, are always well ſtored with Rum, Sugar and Lime-juice to make Punch, to hearten their Men when they are at work, getting and bringing aboard the Salt; and they commonly provide the more, in hopes to meet with Privateers, who reſort hither in the aforeſaid Months, purpoſely to keep a Chriſtmas, as they call it; being ſure to meet with Liquor enough to be merry with, and are very Liberal to thoſe that treat them. Near the Weſt end of the Iſland, on the South ſide, there is a ſmall Harbour and ſome freſh Water: That end of the Iſland is full of ſhrubby Trees, but the Eaſt end is rocky and barren as to Trees, producing only courſe Graſs. There are [...]me Goats on it, but not many, and Turtle or [57] Tortoiſe come upon the ſandy Bays to lay their Eggs, and from them the Iſland hath its name. There is no riding any where but in the Roads where the Salt-ponds are, or in the Harbour.

At this Iſle we thought to have ſold our Sugar among the Engliſh Ships that come hither for Salt; but failing there, we deſign'd for Trinidada, an Iſland near the main, inhabited by the Spaniards, tolerably ſtrong and wealthy: but the Current and Eaſterly winds hindring us, we paſſed through between Margarita and the main, and went to Blanco, a pretty large Iſland almoſt North of Margarita; about 30 leagues from the main, and in 11 d. 50 m. North Lat. It is a flat, even, low, uninhabited Iſland, dry and healthy: moſt Savannah of long Graſs, and hath ſome Trees of Lignum Vitae growing in Spots, with ſhrubby buſhes of other Wood about them. It is plentifully ſtored with Guano's which are an Animal like a Lizard, but much bigger. The body is as big as the ſmall of a mans Leg, and from the hind quarter the Tail grows tapering to the end which is very ſmall. If a man takes hold of the Tail, except very near the hind quarter, it will part and break off in one of the joints, and the Guano will get away. They lay Eggs as moſt of thoſe amphibious creatures do, and are very good to eat. Their fleſh is much eſteem'd by Privateers, who commonly dreſs them for their ſick men; for they make very good Broath. They are of divers colours, as almoſt black, dark brown, light brown, dark green, light green, yellow and ſpeckled. They all live as well in the Water as on Land, and ſome of them are conſtantly in the Water and among Rocks: Theſe are commonly black. Others that live in ſwampy wet ground are commonly on Buſhes and Trees, theſe are green. But ſuch as live in dry ground, as here at Blanco are commonly yellow; yet theſe alſo will live in the Water, and are ſometimes on [58] Trees. The Road is on the N. W. end, againſt a ſmall Cove, or little ſandy Bay. There is no riding any where elſe, for it is deep water, and ſteep, cloſe to the Land. There is one ſmall Spring on the Weſt ſide, and there are ſandy Bays round the Iſland, where Turtle or Tortoiſe, come up in great abundance, going aſhoar in the night. Theſe that frequent this Iſland are called green Turtle, and they are the beſt of that ſort, both for largneſs and ſweetneſs of any in all the Weſt Indies. I would here give a particular deſcription of theſe, and other ſorts of Turtle in theſe Seas; but becauſe I ſhall have occaſion to mention ſome other ſort of Turtle when I come again into the South Seas, that are very different from all theſe, I ſhall there give a general account of all theſe ſeveral ſorts at once, that the difference between them may be the better diſcerned. Some of our modern Deſcriptions ſpeak of Goats on this Iſland. I know not what there may have been formerly, but there are none now to my certain knowledge; for my ſelf, and many more of our Crew, have been all over it. Indeed theſe parts have undergone great changes in this laſt Age, as well in places themſelves, as in their Owners, and Commodities of them; particularly Nombre deDios, a City once famous, and which ſtill retains a conſiderable name in ſome late accounts, is now nothing but a Name. For I have lain aſhoar in the place where that City ſtood; but it is all over-grown with Wood, ſo as to leave no ſign that any Town hath been there.

We ſtaid at the Iſle of Blanco not above ten days, and then went back to Salt-Tortuga again, where Captain Yanky parted with us: And from thence, after about 4 days, all which time our men were drunk and quarrelling, we in Capt. Wright's Ship went to the Coaſt of Caraccos on the Main Land. This Coaſt is upon ſeveral accounts very remarkable: [59] 'Tis a continued tract of high Ridges of Hills, and ſmall Valleys intermixt for about 20 leagues, ſtretching Eaſt and Weſt, but in ſuch manner, that the Ridges of Hills and the Valleys alternately run pointing upon the ſhore from South to North: The Valleys ſome of them about 4 or 5, others not above one or two furlongs wide, and in length from the Sea ſcarce any of them above 4 or 5 mile at moſt; there being a long ridge of Mountains at that diſtance from the Sea-coaſt, and in a manner parallel to it that joyns thoſe ſhorter Ridges, and cloſeth up the South end of the Valleys, which at the North ends of them lye open to the Sea, and make ſo many little ſandy Bays, that are the only landing places on the Coaſt. Both the main Ridge and theſe ſhorter Ribs are very high Land, ſo that 3 or 4 leagues off at Sea the Valleys ſcarce appear to the Eye, but all looks like one great Mountain. From the Iſles of Roca's about 15, and from the Iſle of Aves about 20 leagues off, we ſee this Coaſt very plain from on board our Ships, yet when at Anchor on this Coaſt, we cannot ſee thoſe Iſles; tho again from the tops of theſe Hills, they appear as if at no great diſtance, like ſo many Hillocks in a Pond. Theſe Hills are barren, except the lower ſides of them that are covered with ſome of the ſame rich black Mould that fiills the Valleys, and is as good as I have ſeen. In ſome of the Valleys there's a ſtrong red Clay, but in the general they are extreamly fertile, well water'd, and inhabited by Spaniards and their Negroes. They have Maiz and Plantains for their ſupport, with Indian Fowls and ſome Hogs. But the main product of theſe Valleys, and indeed the only Commodity it vends, are the Cacao Nuts, of which the Chocolate is made. The Cacao-Tree grows no where in the North Seas but in the Bay of Campeachy, on Coſta Rica, between Portabel and Nicaragua, chiefly up Carpenters River; and on this Coaſt [60] as high as the Iſle of Trinidada. In the South Seas, it grows in the River of Guiaquil, a little to the Southward of the Line, and in the Valley of Collima, on the South ſide of the Continent of Mexico; both which places I ſhall hereafter deſcribe. Beſides theſe, I am confident there's no place in the World where the Cacao grows, except thoſe in Jamaica, of which there are now but few remaining, of many and large Walks or Plantations of them found there by the Engliſh at their firſt arrival, and ſince planted by them; and even theſe, tho there is a great deal of pains and care beſtowed on them, yet ſeldom come to any thing being generally blighted. The Nuts of this Coaſt of Caraccos, tho leſs than thoſe of Coſta Rica which are large flat Nuts, yet are better and fatter in my opinion, being ſo very oily, that we are forced to uſe Water in rubbing them up; and the Spaniards that live here, inſtead of parching them, to get off the Shell before they pound or rub them to make Chocalate, do in a manner burn 'em to dry up the Oil; for elſe they ſay, it would fill them too full of blood, drinking Chocolate as they do five or ſix times a day. My worthy Conſort Mr Ringroſe commends moſt the Guiaquil Nut; I preſume, becauſe he had little knowledge of the reſt, for being intimately acquainted with him, I know the courſe of his Travels and Experience: But I am perſwaded, had he known the reſt ſo well as I pretend to have done, who have at ſeveral times been long uſed to, and in a manner lived upon all the ſeveral ſorts of 'em above-mentioned, he would prefer the Caraccos Nuts before any other; yet poſſibly the drying up of theſe Nuts ſo much by the Spaniards here, as I ſaid, may leſſen their eſteem with thoſe Europeans, that uſe their Chocolate ready rubb'd up: So that we always choſe to make it up our ſelves.

[61] The Cacao Tree hath a Body about a foot and an half thick (the largeſt ſort) and 7 or 8 foot high to the Branches, which are large, and ſpreading like an Oak, with a pretty thick, ſmooth, dark-green leaf, ſhaped like that of a Plumb-Tree, but larger. The Nuts are incloſed in Cods as big as both a Man's Fiſts put together: At the broad end of which there is a ſmall, tough, limber ſtalk, by which they hang pendulous from the Body of the Tree, in all parts of it from top to bottom, ſcattered at irregular diſtances, and from the greater branches a little way up, eſpecially at the joints of them, or partings, where they hang thickeſt, but never on the ſmaller boughs: there may be ordinarily about 20 or 30 of theſe Cods upon a well bearing Tree; and they have 2 Crops of them in a year, one in December, but the beſt in June. The Cod it ſelf or Shell is almoſt half an Inch thick; neither ſpongy nor woody, but of a ſubſtance between both, brittle, yet harder than the Rind of a Lemmon; like which its ſurface is grained or knobb'd, but more courſe and unequal: the Cods at firſt are of a dark-green, but the ſide of them next the Sun of a muddy red. As they grow ripe, the green turns to a fine bright yellow, and the muddy to a more lively beautiful red, very pleaſant to the Eye. They neither ripen, nor are gathered at once: but for three weeks or a month when the Seaſon is, the Overſeers of the Plantations go every day about to ſee which are turned yellow; cutting at once it may be, not above one from a Tree. The Cods thus gathered, they lay in ſeveral heaps to ſweat, and then burſting the Shell with their hands, they pull out the Nuts, which are the only ſubſtance they contain, having no ſtalk or pith among them, and (excepting that theſe Nuts lye in regular rows) are placed like the grains of Maiz, but ſticking together, and ſo cloſely ſtowed, that after they have been once ſeparated, [62] it would be hard to place them again in ſo narrow a compaſs. There are generally near 100 Nuts in a Cod; in proportion to the greatneſs of which, for it varies, the Nuts are bigger or leſs. When taken out they dry them in the Sun upon Mats ſpread of the Ground; after which they need no more care, having a thin hard skin of their own, and much Oil which preſerves them. Salt water will not hurt them; for we had our Baggs rotten, lying in the bottom of our Ship, and yet the Nuts never the worſe. They raiſe the young Trees of Nuts, ſet with the great end down-ward in fine black Mould, and in the ſame places where they are to bear; which they do in 4 or 5 years time, without the trouble of tranſplanting. There are ordinarily of theſe Trees, from 500 to 2000 and upward in a Plantation or Cacao walk, as they call them; and they ſhelter the young Trees from the Weather with Plantains ſet about them for 2 or 3 years; deſtroying all the Pantains by ſuch time the Cacao-Trees are of a pretty good Body, and able to endure the heat; which I take to be the moſt pernicious to them of any thing; for tho theſe Valleys lye open to the North Winds, unleſs a little ſheltered here and there, by ſome Groves of Plantain Trees, which are purpoſely ſet near the Shores of the ſeveral Bays yet by all that I could either obſerve or learn, the Cacaos in this Country are never blighted, as I have often known them to be in other places. Cacao Nuts are uſed as Money in the Bay of Campeachy.

The chief Town of this Country is called Caraccos, a good way within Land, 'tis a large we we [...]y place, where live moſt of the Owners of [...]ſe Cacao-walks, that are in the Valleys by th [...]; the Plantations being managed by Overſeers [...]nd Negroes. It is in a large Savannah Country, [...] abounds with Cattle, and a Spaniard of my acqu [...] tance, [63] a very ſencible Man who hath been there, tells me that 'tis very populous, and he judges it to be 3 times as big as Corunna an Gallicia. The way to it is very ſteep and craggy over that ridge of Hills, which I ſay cloſes up the Valleys and partition Hills of the Cacao Coaſt. In this Coaſt it ſelf the chief place is la Guiare, a good Town cloſe by the Sea, and though it had but a bad Harbour, yet it is much frequented by the Spaniſh Shipping; for the Dutch and Engliſh Anchor in the ſandy Bays that lie here and there in the mouths of ſeveral Vallies, and where there is a good riding. The Town is open, but hath a ſtrong Fort; yet both were taken ſome years ſince by Captain Wright and his Privateers. 'Tis ſeated about 4 or 5 leagues to the Weſtward of Cape Blanco, which Cape is the Eaſtermoſt boundary of this Coaſt of Caraccos. Further Eaſtward about 20 leagues, is a great Lake or Branch of the Sea called Laguna de Venezaela; about which are many rich Towns, but the mouth of the Lake is ſo ſhallow, that no Ship can enter. Near this mouth is a place called Comana, where the Privateers were once repulſed without daring to attempt it any more, being the only place in the North Seas they attempted in vain for many years; and the Spaniards ſince throw it in their teeth frequently, as a word of reproach or defiance to them. Not far from that place is Verina, a ſmall Village and Spaniſh Plantation, famous for its Tobacco; reputed the beſt in the World.

But to return to Caraccos, all this Coaſt is ſubject to dry Winds, generally North Eaſt, which caus'd us to have ſcabby Lips; and we always ſound it thus, and that in different Seaſons of the year, for I have been on this Coaſt ſeveral times. In other reſpects it is very healthy, and a ſweet clear Air. The Spaniards have Look-outs or Scouts on the Hills, and Breaſt-works in the Valleys, and moſt of [64] their Negroes are furniſhed with Arms alſo for defence of the Bays. The Dutch have a very profitable Trade here almoſt to themſelves. I have known three or four great Ships at a time on the Coaſt, each it may be of 30 or 40 Guns. They carry hither all ſorts of European Commodities, eſpecially Linnen, making vaſt returns, chiefly in Silver and Cacao. And I have often wondred and regretted it, that none of my own Countrymen find the way thither directly from England; for our Jamaica-men trade thither indeed, and find the ſweet of it, tho they carry Engliſh Commodities at ſecond or third hand.

While we lay on this Coaſt, we went aſhore in ſome of the Bays, and took 7 or 8 Tun of Cacao; and after that 3 Barks, one laden with Hides, the ſecond with European Commodities, the third with Earthen ware and Brandy. With theſe 3 Barks we went again to the Iſland Roca's where we ſhared our Commodities and ſeparated, having Veſſels enough to tranſport us all whither we thought moſt convenient. Twenty of us (for we were about 60) took one of the Veſſels and our ſhare of the Goods, and went directly for Virginia. In our way thither we took ſeveral of the Sucking fiſhes; for when we ſee them about the Ship, we caſt out a Line and Hook, and they will take it with any manner of Bait, whether Fiſh or Fleſh: the Sucking fiſh is about the bigneſs of a large Whiting, and much of the ſome ſhape toward the Tayl, but the Head is flatter. From the head to the middle of it [...] back, there groweth a ſort of fleſh of a hard griſtl [...] ſubſtance, like that of the Limpit (a Shellfiſh [...] tapering up piramidically) which ſticks to th [...] Rocks; or like the head or mouth of a Shell Snai [...] but harder. This Exereſcence is of a flat oval for [...] about 7 or 8 inches long, and 5 or 6 broad, and r [...] ſing about half an inch high. It is full of ſma [...] [65] ridges, with which it will faſten it ſelf to any thing that it meets with in the Sea, juſt as a Snail doth to a Wall. When any of them happen to come about a Ship they ſeldom leave her, for they will feed on ſuch filth as is daily thrown over-board, or on meer Excrements. When it is fair weather, and but little wind, they will play about the Ship; but in bluſtering weather, or when the Ship ſails quick, they commonly faſten themſelves to the Ships bottom, from whence neither the Ships motion, tho never ſo ſwift, nor the moſt tempeſtuous Sea can remove them. They will likewiſe faſten themſelves to any other bigger Fiſh; for they never ſwim faſt themſelves, if they meet with any thing to carry them. I have found them ſticking to a Shark, after it was hal'd i [...] on the Deck, though a Shark is ſo ſtrong and boiſterous a Fiſh, and throws about him ſo vehemently for half an hour together, it may be, when caught, that did not the Sucking-fiſh ſtick at no ordinary rate, it muſt needs be caſt off by ſo much violence. It is uſual alſo to ſee them ſticking to Turtle, to any old Trees, Planks or the like, that lie driving at Sea. Any knobs or inequalities at a Ships bottom, are a great hindrance to the ſwiftneſs of its ſailing; and 10 or 12 of theſe ſticking to it, muſt needs retard it as much in a manner, as if its bottom were foul. So that I am inclined to think that this Fiſh is the Remora, of which the Ancients tell ſuch ſtories; if it be not, I know no other that is, and I leave the Reader to judge. I have ſeen of theſe Sucking fiſhes in great plenty in the Bay of Campeachy, and in all the Sea between that and the Coaſt of C [...]ces, as about thoſe Iſlands particularly. I have lately deſcrib'd, Rocas, Blanco, Tortugas, &c. they have no ſcales, and are very good meat.

We met nothing elſe worth remark in our Voyage to Virginia, where we arrived in July 1682. That Country is ſo well known to our Nation, that [66] I ſhall ſay nothing of it, nor ſhall I detain the Reader with the ſtory of my own Affairs, and the troubles that befel me during about 13 months of my ſtay there; but in the next Chapter, enter immediately upon my ſecond Voyage into the South Seas, and round the Globe.

CHAP. IV.

[67]

The Author's Voyage to the Iſle of John Fernando in the South Sea. He arrives at the Iſle of Cape Verd. Iſle of Sall; its Salt ponds. The Flamingo, and its remarkable Neſt. Ambergrieſe where found. The Iſles of St Nicholas, Mayo, St Jago, Fogo, a burning Mountain; with the reſt of the Iſles of Cape Verd. Sherborough River on the Coaſt of Guinea. The Commodities and Negroes there: A Town of theirs deſcrib'd. Tornadoes, Sharks, Flyingfiſh. A Sea deep and clear, yet pale. Iſles of Sibble de Ward. Small red Lobſters. Streight Le Mair. States Iſland. Cape Horn in Terra del Fuego. Their meeting with Captain Eaton in the South Seas, and their going together to the Iſle of John Fernando. Of a Moskito-man left there alone 3 years: His Art and Sagacity; with that of other Indians. The Iſland deſcribed. The Savannahs of America. Goats at John Fernando's Seals. Sea Lyons. Snappers a ſort of Fiſh. Rock-fiſh. The Bays and natural ſtrength of this Iſland.

BEing now entring upon the Relation of a new Voyage, which makes up the main body of this Book, proceeding from Virginia by the way of Terra del Fuego, and the South Seas, the Eaſt Indies, and ſo on, till my return to England by the way of the Cape of good hope, I ſhall give my Reader this ſhort Account of my firſt entrance upon it. Among thoſe who [68] year 1683 accompanied Captain Sharp into the South Seas in our former Expedition, and leaving him there, returned over Land, as is ſaid in the Introduction, and in the 1ſt and 2d Chapters; there was one Mr Cook, an Engliſh Native of St Chriſtophers, a Cirole, as we call all born of European Parents in the Weſt-Indies. He was a ſenſible man, and had been ſome years a Privateer. At our joining our ſelves with thoſe Privateers we met at our coming again to the North Seas, his lot was to be with Captain Yanky, who kept company for ſome conſiderable time with Capt. Wright, in whoſe Ship I was, and parted with us at our 2d Anchoring at the Iſle of Tortugas, as I have ſaid in the laſt Chapter. After our parting, this Mr Cook being Quartermaſter under Captain Yanky, the ſecond place in the Ship, according to the Law of Privateers, laid claim to a Ship they took from the Spaniards; and ſuch of Captain Yanky's men as were ſo diſpoſed, particularly all thoſe who came with us over Land, went aboard this Prize Ship under the new Capt Cook. This deſtribution was made at the Iſle of Vacca, or the Iſle of Aſh, as we call it; and here they parted alſo ſuch Goods as they had taken. But Capt. Cook having no Commiſſion, as Captain Yanky, Captain Triſtian, and ſome other French Commanders had, who lay then at that Iſland, and they grutching the Engliſh ſuch a Veſſel, they all joined together, plundered the Engliſh of their Ship, Goods and Arms, and turned them aſhore. Yet Capt. Triſtian took in about 8 or 10 of theſe Engliſh and carried them with him to Petit Guavers: of which number Captain Cook was one, and Capt. Davis another, who with the reſt found means to ſeize the Ship as ſhe lay at anchor in the Road, Capt. Triſtian and many of his men being then aſhore: and the Engliſh ſending aſhore ſuch French men as remained in the Ship and were maſtered by them, tho' ſuperior in number, [69] ſtood away with her immediately for the Iſle of Vacca, before any notice of this ſurprize could reach the French Governor of that Iſle; ſo deceiving him alſo by a Stratagem, they got on board the reſt of their Countrymen, wha had been left on that Iſland; and going thence they took a Ship newly come from France, laden with Wines. They alſo took a Ship of good force, in which they reſolved to embark themſelves, and make a new Expedition into the South Seas, to cruiſe on the Coaſt of Chili and Peru. But firſt they went for Virginia with their Prizes; where they arrived the April after my coming thither. The beſt of the Prizes carried 18 Guns: this they fitted up there with Sails, and every thing neceſſary for ſo long a Voyage; ſelling the Wines they had taken for ſuch Proviſions as they wanted. My ſelf and thoſe of our Fellow-travellers over the Iſthmus of America, who came with me to Virginia the year before this, (moſt of which had ſince made a ſhort Voyage to Carolina, and again returned to Virginia) reſolved to joyn our ſelves to theſe new Adventurers, and as many more engaged tn the ſame deſign as made our whole Crew conſiſt of 70 men. So having furniſhed our ſelves with neceſſary Materials, and agreed upon ſome particular Rules, eſpecially of Temperance and Sobriety, by reaſon of the length of our intended Voyage, we all went on board our Ship.

Auguſt 23. 1683. We ſailed from Achamack to Virginia, under the command of Capt. Cook, bound for the South Seas. I ſhall not trouble the Reader with an account of every days run, but haſten to the leſs known parts of the World, to give a deſcription of 'em; only relating ſuch memorable Accidents as happened to us, and ſuch places as we touched at by the way.

We met nothing worth obſervation till we came to the Iſlands of Cape Verd, except a terrible Storm, [70] which could not eſcape it: This happen'd in a few days after we left Virginia, with a S. S. E. wind juſt in our Teeth. The ſtorm laſted above a week: it drencht us all like ſo many drowned Rats, and was one of the worſt ſtorms I ever was in. One I met with in the Eaſt Indies was more violent for the time, but of not above 24 hours continuance. After that ſtorm we had favourable winds and good weather, and in ſhort time we arrived at the Iſland Sall, which is one of the Eaſtermoſt of the Cape Verd Iſlands. Of theſe there are ten in number (ſo conſiderable as to bear diſtinct names) and they lie ſeveral degrees off from Cape Verd in Africk whence they receive that Appellation; taking up about 5 deg. of Longitude in breadth, and about as many of Latitude in their length, viz. from near 14 to 19 North. They are moſt inhabited by Portugueſe Banditti. This of Sall is an Iſland lying in the Lat. of 16 in Long. 19 deg. 33 m. Weſt from the Lizard in England, ſtretching from North to South about 8 or 9 leagues, and not above a league and an half or 2 leagues wide. It hath its name from the abundance of Salt that is naturally congealed there, the whole Iſland being full of large Salt-ponds. The Land is very barren, producing no Tree that I could ſee, but ſome ſmall ſhrubby Buſhes by the Sea ſide Neither could I diſcern any Graſs, yet there are ſome poor Goats on it.

I know not whether there are any other Beaſts on the Iſland: There are ſome wild Fowl, but I judge not many. I ſaw a few Flamingos, which is a ſort of large Fowl, much like a Heron in ſhape but bigger, and of a reddiſh colour. They delight to keep together in great companies, and feed in Mud or Ponds, or in ſuch places where there is not much Water: They are very ſhy, therefore it is hard to ſhoot them. Yet I have lain obſcured in the evening near a place where they reſort, and [71] with two more in my company have killed 14 of them at once; the firſt ſhot being made while they were ſtanding on the ground, the other two as they roſe. They build their Neſts in ſhallow Ponds, where there is much Mud, which they ſcrape together, making little Hillocks, like ſmall Iſlands, appearing out of the Water, a foot and half high from the bottom. They make the foundation of theſe Hillocks broad, bringing them up tapering to the top, where they leave a ſmall hollow pit to lay their Eggs in; and when they either lay their Eggs, or hatch them, they ſtand all the while, not on the Hillock, but cloſe by it with their Legs on the ground and in the water, reſting themſelves againſt the Hillock, and covering the hollow Neſt upon it with their Rumps: For their Legs are very long; and building thus, as they do, upon the ground they could neither draw their Legs conveniently into their Neſts, nor ſit down upon them otherwiſe than by reſting their whole bodies there, to the prejudice of their Eggs or their young, were it not for this admirable contrivance, which they have by natural inſtinct. They never lay more than two Eggs, and ſeldom fewer. They young ones cannot fly till they are almoſt full grown; but will run prodigiouſly faſt; yet we have taken many of them. The Fleſh of both young and old is lean and black, yet very good meat, taſting neither fiſhy, nor any way unſavory. Their Tongues are large, having a large knob of fat at the root, which is an excellent bit: a Diſh of Flamingo's Tongues being fit for a Princes Table.

When many of them are ſtanding together by a Ponds ſide, being half a mile diſtant from a Man, they appear to him like a Brick Wall; their Feathers being of the colour of new red Brick: and they commonly ſtand upright, and ſingle, one by one, exactly in a row (except when feeding) and cloſe [72] by each other. The young ones at firſt are of a light grey; and as their Wing-feathers ſpring out, they grow darker; and never come to their right colour, or any beautiful ſhape, under 10 or 11 months old. I have ſeen Flamingos at Rio la Hacha, and at an Iſland lying near the Main of America, right againſt Queriſao, called by Privateers Flamingo Key, from the multitude of theſe Fowls that breed there: and I never ſaw of their Neſts and young but here.

There are not above 5 or 6 Men on this Iſland of Sall, and a poor Governor, as they called him, who came on board in our Boat, and brought 3 or 4 poor lean Goats for a Preſent to our Captain, telling him they were the beſt that the Iſland did afford. The Captain, minding more the poverty of the Giver than the value of the Preſent, gave him in requital a Coat to cloath him; for he had nothing but a few Rags on his back, and an old Hat not worth 3 farthings; which yet I believe he wore but ſeldom, for fear he ſhould want before he might get another; for he told us there had not been a Ship in 3 years before. We bought of him about 20 buſhels of Salt for a few old Cloaths: and he begg'd a little Powder and Shot. We ſtay'd here 3 days; in which time one of theſe Partugueſe offered to ſome of our Men a lump of Ambergrieſe in exchange for ſome Cloaths, deſiring them to keep it ſecret, for he ſaid if the Governor ſhould know it, he ſhould be hang'd. At length one Mr Coppinger bought it for a ſmall matter; yet I believe he gave more than it was worth. We had not a Man in the Ship that knew Ambergrieſe; but I have ſince ſeen it in other places, and therefore am certain it was not right. It was of a dark colour, like Sheeps Dung, and very ſoft, but of no ſmell, and poſſibly 'twas ſome of their Goats Dung. I afterwards ſaw ſome ſold at the Nequebars in the Eaſt Indies, which was of [73] a light colour, but very hard, neither had it any ſmell; and this alſo, I ſuppoſe, was a cheat. Yet it is certain that in both theſe places there is Ambergrieſe found.

I was told by one John Read, a Briſtol Man, that he was Prentice to a Maſter who traded to theſe Iſlands of Cape Verd, and once as he was riding at an Anchor at Fogo, another of theſe Iſlands, there was a lump of it ſwam by the Ship, and the Boat being aſhoar he miſt it; but knew it to be Ambergrieſe, having taken up a lump ſwimming in the like manner the Voyage before, and his Maſter having at ſeveral times bought pieces of it of the Natives of the Iſle of Fogo, ſo as to enrich himſelf thereby. And ſo at the Necquebars, Engliſh men have bought, as I have been credibly informed, great quantities of very good Ambergrieſe. Yet the Inhabitants are ſo ſubtil that they will counterfeit it, both there and here: and I have heard that in the Gulph of Florida, whence much of it comes, the Native Indians there uſe the ſame Fraud.

Upon this occaſion, I cannot omit to tell my Reader what I learnt from Mr Hill, a Chyrurgeon, upon his ſhewing me once a piece of Ambergrieſe, which was thus. One Mr Benjamin Berker, a Man that I have been long well acquainted with, and know him to be a very diligent and obſerving Perſon, and likewiſe very ſober and credible, told this Mr Hill, that being in the Bay of Honduras to procure Logwood, which grows there in great abundance, and paſſing in a Canoa over to one of the Iſlands in that Bay, he found upon the ſhoar, on a ſandy Bay there, a lump of Ambergrieſe, ſo large, that when carried to Jamaica, he found it to weigh one hundred pound and upwards. When he firſt found it, it lay dry, above the mark which the Sea then came to at high-water; and he obſerved in it a great multitude of Beetles: It was of a dusky colour, [74] towards black, and about the hardneſs of mellow Cheeſe, and of a very fragrant ſmell: This that Mr Hill ſhewed me, being ſome of it, which Mr Barker gave him. Beſides thoſe already mention'd, all the places where I have heard that Ambergrieſe hath been found, at Bermudas, and the Bahama Iſlands in the Weſt Indies; and that part of the Coaſt of Africk, with its adjacent Iſlands, which reaches from Mozambique to the Red Sea.

We went from this Iſland of Sall, to St Nicholas, another of the Cape Verd Iſlands, lying Weſt South Weſt from Sall, about 22 leagues. We arrived there the next day after we left the other, and Anchored on the S. E. ſide of the Iſland. This is a pretty large Iſland; it is one of the biggeſt of all the Cape Verd, and lieth in a triangular form. The largeſt ſide, which lieth to the Eaſt, is about 30 leagues long, and the other two above 20 leagues each. It is a mountainous barren Iſland, and rocky all round towards the Sea; yet in the heart of it, there are Valleys, where the Portugueſe, which inhabit here, have Vineyards and Plantations, and Wood for fewed. Here are many Goats, which are but poor in compariſon with thoſe in other places, yet much better than thoſe at Sall: There are likewiſe many Aſſes. The Governor of this Iſland came aboard us, with 3 or 4 Gentlemen more in his company, who were all indifferently well cloathed, and accoutred with Swords and Piſtols; but the reſt that accompanied him to the Sea-ſide, which were about 20 or 30 Men more, were but in a ragged garb. The Governor brought aboard ſome Wine made in the Iſland, which taſted much like Madera Wine: It was of a pale colour, and lookt thick. He told us the chief Town was in a Valley 14 mile from the Bay where we rode; that he had there under him above one hundred Families, beſides other Inhabitants that lived ſcattering in Valleys more remore. [75] They were all very ſwarthy; the Governor was the cleareſt of them, yet of a dark tawny complexion.

At this Iſland we ſcrubb'd the bottom of our Ship, and here alſo we dug Wells aſhoar on the Bay, and fill'd all our Water, and after 5 or 6 days ſtay, we went from hence to Mayo, another of the Cape Verd Iſlands, lying about 40 mile Eaſt and by South from the other; arriving there the next day, and anchoring on the N. W. ſide of the Iſland. We ſent our Boat on ſhoar, intending to have purchaſed ſome Proviſion, as Beef or Goats, with which this Iſland is better ſtock'd than the reſt of the Iſlands. But the Inhabitants would not ſuffer our Men to land; for about a week before our arrival there came an Engliſh Ship, the Men of which came aſhoar, pretending friendſhip, and ſeized on the Governour with ſome others, and carrying them aboard, made them ſend aſhoar for Cattle to ranſom their Liberties: and yet after this ſet ſail, and carried them away, and they had not heard of them ſince. The Engliſh Man that did this (as I was afterwards informed) was one Capt. Bond of Briſtol. VVhether ever he brought back thoſe Men again I know not: He himſelf and moſt of his Men have ſince gone over to the Spaniards: and 'twas he who had like to have burnt our Ship after this in the Bay of Panama; as I ſhall have occaſion to relate.

This Iſle of Mayo is but ſmall, and invironed with ſholes, yet a place much frequented by ſhipping for its great plenty of Salt: and though there is but bad landing, yet many Ships lade here every year. Here are plenty of Bulls, Cows and Goats; and at a certain ſeaſon in the year, May, June, July, and Auguſt, a ſort of ſmall Sea Tortoiſe come hither to lay their Eggs: but theſe Turtle are not ſo ſweet as thoſe in the Weſt Indies. The inhabitants plant Corn, Yams, Potatoes, and ſome Plantains, and breed, [76] a few Fowls; living very poor, yet much better than the Inhabitants of any other of theſe Iſlands, St Jago excepted, which lieth 4 or 5 leagues to the Weſtward of Mayo, and is the chief, the moſt fruitful, and beſt inhabited of all the Iſlands of Cape Verd; yet mountainous, and much barren Land in it.

On the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſle St Jago is a good Port, which in peaceable times eſpecially is ſeldom without Ships; for this hath long been a place which Ships have been wont to touch at for Water and Refreſhments, as thoſe outward-bound to the Eaſt Indies, Engliſh, French and Dutch; many of the Ships bound to the Coaſt of Guinea, the Dutch to Surinam, and their own Portugueſe Fleet going for Braziel, which is generally about the latter end of Septemb, but few Ships call in here in their return for Europe. When any Ships are here the Country People bring down their Commodities to ſell to the Sea-men and Paſſengers, viz. Bullocks, Hogs, Goats, Fowls, Eggs, Plantains, and Coco Nuts, which they will give in exchange for Shirts, Drawers, Handkerchiefs, Hats, Waſtecoaſts, Britches, or in a manner for any ſort of Cloath, eſpecially Linnen, for Woollen is not much eſteemed there. They care not willingly to part with their Cattel of any ſort, but in exchange for Money, or Linnen, or ſome other valuable Commodity. Travellers muſt have a care of theſe People, for they are very thieviſh; and if they ſee an opportunity will ſnatch any thing from you, and run away with it. We did not touch at this Iſland in this Voyage; but I was there before this in the year 1670, when I ſaw a Fort here lying on the top of an Hill, and commanding the Harbour.

The Governor of this Iſland is chief over all the reſt of the Iſlands. I have been told that there are two large Towns on this Iſland, ſome ſmall Villages, [77] and a great many Inhabitants; and that they make a great deal of Wine, ſuch as is that of St Nicholas. I have not been on any other of the Cape Verd Iſlands, nor near them; but have ſeen moſt of them at a diſtance. They ſeem to be mountainous and batren; ſome of theſe before-mentioned being the moſt fruitful and moſt frequented by Strangers, eſpecilly St Jago and Mayo. As to the reſt of them, Fogo and Brava are two ſmall Iſlands lying to the Weſtward of St Jago, but of little note; only Fogo is remarkable for its being a Vulcano: It is all of it one large Mountain of a good heighth, out of the top whereof iſſue Flames of Fire, yet only diſcerned in the night: and then it may be ſeen a great way at Sea. Yet this Iſland is not without inhabitants, who live at the foot of the Mountain near the Sea. Their ſubſtance is much the ſame as in the other Iſlands; they have ſome Goats, Fowls, Plantains, Coco-Nuts, &c. as I am informed. Of the Plantains and Coco-Nuts I ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak when I come into the Eaſt Indies; and ſhall defer the giving an account of them till then.

The remainder of theſe Iſlands of Cape Verd, are St Anthonia, St Lucia, St Vincente, and Bona-Viſta: of which I know nothing conſiderable.

Our entrance among theſe Iſlands was from the North Eaſt; for in our paſſage from Virginia we ran pretty far toward the Coaſt of Gualata in Africk, to preſerve the Trade-wind, leſt we ſhould be born off too much to the Weſtward, and ſo loſe the Iſlands. We anchored at the South of Sall, and paſſing by the South of St Nicholas anchored again at Mayo, as hath been ſaid; where we made the ſhorter ſtay, becauſe we could get no Fleſh among the Inhabitants, by reaſon of the regret they had at their Governor, and his Mens being carried away by Captain Bond. So leaving the Iſles of Cape Verd we ſtood away to the Southward with the Wind at E. N. E. intending to [78] have touched no more till we came to the Streights of Magellan. But when we came into the lat. of 10 deg. North, we met the Wind at S. by W. and S. S. W. therefore we altered our Reſolutions, and ſteered away for the Coaſt of Guinea, and in few days came to the Mouth of the River of Sherbor [...], which is an Engliſh Factory, lying South of Sierra Liona. We had one of our Men who was well acquainted there; and by his direction we went in among the ſhoals, and came to an Anchor.

Sherboro was a good way from us, ſo I can give no account of the place, or our Factory there; ſave that I have been informed, that there is a conſiderable Trade driven there for a ſort of red Wood for dying, which grows in that Country very plentifully, [...] called by our people Cam-wood. A little within the ſhoar where we anchored was a Town of Negroes, Natives of this Coaſt. It was skreen'd from our ſight by a large Grove of Trees that grew between them and the ſhoar: but we went thither to them ſeveral times, during the 3 or 4 days of our ſtay here, to refreſh our ſelves; and they as often came aboard us, bringing with them Plantains, Sugar-Canes, Palm-wines, Rice, Fowls and Honey, which they ſold us. They were no way ſhy of us, being well acquainted with the Engliſh, by reaſon of our Guinea Factories and Trade. This Town ſeem'd pretty large; the Houſes but low and ordinary; but one great Houſe in the midſt of it, where their chief Men meet and receive Strangers: and here they treated us with Palm-wine. As to their Perſons [...] they are like other Negroes. While we lay he [...] we ſcrubb'd the bottom of our Ship, and then fill [...] all our Water casks; and buying up two Puncheo [...] of Rice for our Voyage, we departed from hen [...] about the m [...]le of November, 1683. proſecuti [...] our inten [...] [...] towards the Streights of Magelan.

[79] We had but little wind after we got out, and very hot weather, with ſome fierce Tornadoes, commonly riſing out of the N. E. which brought Thunder, Lightening and Rain. Theſe did not laſt long; ſometimes not a quarter of an hour, and then the Wind would ſhuffle about to the Southward again, and fall flat calm, for theſe Tornadoes commonly come againſt the Wind that is then blowing, as our Thunder-clouds are often obſerved to do in England; but the Tornadoes I ſhall deſcribe more largely in my Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix to this Book. At this time many of our Men were taken with Fevers; yet we loſt but one. While we lay in the calms we caught ſeveral great Sharks, ſometimes 2 or 3 in a day, and eat them all, boyling and ſqueezing them dry, and then ſtewing them with Vinegar, Pepper, &c. for we had but little Fleſh aboard. We took the benefit of every Tornado, which came ſometimes 3 or 4 in a day, and carried what ſail we could to get to the Southward, for we had but little Wind when they were over, and thoſe [...]all Winds between the Tornadoes were much a [...]inſt us, at S. by E. and S. S. E. till we paſt the [...]uinorial Line, which we croſt about a degree to [...]e Eaſtward of the Meridian of the Iſle of St Jago, [...]e of the Cape Verd Iſlands.

At firſt we could ſcarce lie S. W. but being got a degree to the Southward of the Line, the Wind [...]r'd moſt Eaſterly, and then we ſtemm'd S. W. [...]y S. and as we got farther to the Southward, ſo [...]e Wind came about to the Eaſtward and freſhened [...] us. In the Lat. of 3 S. we had the Wind at [...] in the Lat. of 5 we had it at E. S. E. where [...] ſtood a conſiderable time, and blew a freſh Top [...]nt gale. We then made the beſt uſe of it, ſteer [...]g on briskly with all the ſail we could make; [...] this wind, by the 18th of Jan. carried us into the [...] of [...] South. In all this time we met with [80] nothing worthy remark, not ſo much as a Fiſh, except Flying Fiſh, which have been ſo often deſcribed, that I think it needleſs for me to do it.

Here we found the Sea much changed from its natural greenneſs to a white, or paliſh colour, which cauſed us to ſound, ſuppoſing we might ſtrike ground; for whenever we find the colour of the Sea to change, we know we are not far from Land, or ſhoals which ſtretch out into the Sea, running from ſome Land. But here we found no ground with one hundred fathom Line. I was this day at noon by reckoning, 48 d. 50 m. Weſt from the Lizard, the variation by our morning amplitude 15 d. 50 m. Eaſt, the variation encreaſing. The 20th day one of our Chyrurgeons died much lamented, becauſe we had but one more for ſuch a dangerous Voyage.

January 28. We made the Sibbel de Wards, which are 3 Iſlands lying in the lat. of 51 d. 25 m. South and longitude Weſt from the Lizard in England, by my account, 57 d. 28 m. the variation here we found to be 23 d. 10 m. I had for a month before we came hither, endeavoured to perſwade Captain Cook and his Company to anchor at theſe Iſlands [...] where I told them we might probably get water, a [...] I then thought, and in caſe we ſhould miſs of i [...] here, yet by being good Husbands of what we had [...] we might reach John Fernando's in the South Seas before our water was ſpent. This I urged to hinde [...] their deſigns of going through the Streights of Magellan, which I knew would prove very dangerou [...] to us; the rather becauſe our men being Privateers and ſo more wilful, and leſs under command, woul [...] not be ſo ready to give a watchful attendance in [...] paſſage ſo little known. For altho theſe men we [...] more under command than I had ever ſeen an [...] Privateers, yet I could not expect to find them a [...] a minutes call, in coming to an Anchor, or weigh+ [81] ing Anchor: Beſide, if ever we ſhould have occaſion to moor, or caſt out two Anchors, we had not a Boat to carry out or weigh an Anchor. Theſe Iſlands of Sibbel de Wards were ſo named by the Dutch. They are all three rocky barren Iſlands without any Tree, only ſome Dildo-buſhes growing on them: And I do believe there is no Water on any one of them, for there was no appearance of any Water. The two Northernmoſt we could not come near but the Southermoſt we came cloſe by, but could not ſtrike ground till within 2 Cables length of the ſhore, and there found it to be foul rocky Ground.

From the time that we were in 10 deg. South, till we came to theſe Iſlands, we had the Wind between E. N. E. and the N. N. E. fair weather, and a briſk gale. The day that we made theſe Iſlands we ſaw great ſholes of ſmall Lobſters, which coloured the Sea red in ſpots, for a mile in compaſs, and we drew ſome of them out of the Sea in our Water-buckets. They were no bigger than the top of a Man's little Finger, yet all their Claws, both great and ſmall like a Lobſter. I never ſaw any of this ſort of Fiſh naturally red but here; for ours on the Engliſh Coaſt, which are black naturally, are not red till they are boiled: Neither did I ever any where elſe meet with any Fiſh of the Lobſter-ſhape ſo ſmall as theſe; unleſs, it may be, Shrimps or Prawns: Capt. Swan and Capt. Eaton met alſo with ſholes of this Fiſh in much the ſame Latitude and Longitude.

Leaving therefore the Sibbel de Wards Iſlands, as having neither good Anchorage nor Water, we ſailed on directing our Courſe for the Streights of Magellan. But the Winds hanging in the Weſter [...] board, and blowing hard, oft put us by our Topſails, ſo that we could not fetch it. The 6th day of February we fell in with the Streights Le Mair, which [82] is very high Land on both ſides, and the Streights very narrow. We had the Wind at N. N. W. a freſh gale; and ſeeing the Opening of the Streights, we ran in with it till within four Mile of the Mouth, and then it fell calm, and we found a ſtrong Tide ſetting out of the Streights to the Northward, and like to founder our Ship; but whether flood or ebb I know not; only it made ſuch a ſhort cockling Sea, as if it had been in a Race, or place where two Tides meet; for it ran every way, ſometimes breaking in over our waſte, ſometimes over our Poop, ſometimes over our Bow, and the Ship toſſed like an Egg-ſhell, ſo that I never felt ſuch uncertain Jerks in a Ship. At 8 a clock in the Evening we had a ſmall Breeze at W. N. W. and ſteered away to the Eaſtward, intending to go round the States Iſland, the Eaſt end of which we reached the next day by Noon, having a freſh Breeze all Night.

The 7th day at Noon being off the Eaſt end of States Iſland, I had a good obſervation of the Sun, and found my ſelf in lat. 54 d. 52. m. South.

At the Eaſt end of States Iſland are three ſmall Iſlands, or rather Rocks, pretty high, and white with the Dung of Fowls. Wherefore having obſerved the Sun, we haled up South, deſigning to paſs round to the Southward of Cape Horne, which is the Southermoſt Land of Terra del Fuego. The Winds hung in the Weſtern quarter betwixt the N. W. and the Weſt, ſo that we could not get much to the Weſtward, and we never ſaw Terra del Fuego after that Evening that we made the Streight Le Mair. I have heard that there have been Smokes and Fires on Terra del Fuego, not on the tops of Hills, but in Plains and Valleys, ſeen by thoſe who have ſailed thro' the Streights of Magellan; ſuppoſed to be made by the Natives.

We did not ſee the Sun at riſing or ſetting, in order to take an amplitude after we left the Sibbel de [83] Wards, till we got into the South Sea: Therefore I know not whether the variation increaſed any more or no. Indeed I had an obſervation of the Sun at Noon, in lat. 59 d. 30 m. and we were then ſtanding to the Southward with the Wind at W. by N. and that Night the Wind came about more to the Southward of the Weſt, and we tackt. I was then in lat. 60 by reckoning, which was the fartheſt South lat. that ever I was in.

The 14th day of Feb. being in lat. 57, and to the Weſt of Cape Horne, we had a violent Storm, which held us till the 3d day of March, blowing commonly S. W. and S. W. by W. and W. S. W. thick Weather all the time, with ſmall drizling Rain, but not hard. We made a ſhift however to ſave 23 Barrels of Rain-water, beſides what we dreſt our Victuals withal.

March the 3d the Wind ſhifted at once, and came about at South, blowing a fierce gale of Wind, ſoon after it came about to the Eaſtward, and we ſtood into the South Seas.

The 9th day having an observation of the Sun, not having ſeen it of late, we found our ſelves in lat: 47 d. 10 m. and the variation to be but 15 d. 30 m. Eaſt.

The Wind ſtood at S. E. we had fair Weather, and a moderate Gale, and the 17th day we were in lat. 36 by Obſervation, and then found the variation to be but 8 d. Eaſt.

The 19th day when we looked out in the Morning we ſaw a Ship to the Southward of us, coming with all the Sail ſhe could make after us: We lay [...]uzled to let her come up with us, for we ſuppoſed her to be a Spaniſh Ship come from Baldivia bound to Lima: we being now to the Northward of Baldivia, and this being the time of the year when Ships that Trade thence to Baldivia return Home: They had the ſame opinion of us, and therefore made ſure to [84] take us, but coming nearer we both found ourmiſtakes. This proved to be one Capt. Eaton in a Ship ſent purpoſely from London for the South Seas. We haled each other, and the Capt. came on Board, and told us of his Actions on the Coaſt of Brazil, and in the River of Plate.

He met Captain Swan (one that came from England to Trade here) at the Eaſt Entrance into the Streights of Magellan, and they accompanied each other thro' the Streights, and were ſeparated after they were thro' by the Sto rm before-mentioned. Both we and Capt. Eaton being bound for John Fernando's Iſle, we kept Company, and we ſpared him Bread and Beef, and he ſpared us Water, which he took in as he paſſed thro' the Streights.

March the 22d, 1684. we came in ſight of the Iſland, and the next day got in and anchored in a Bay at the South end of the Iſland, in 25 fathom Water, not two Cables lengths from the ſhore. We preſently got out our Canoa, and went aſhore to ſee for a Moſkito Indian, whom we left here when we were chaſed hence by 3 Spaniſh Ships in the year 1681. a little before we went to Arica; Capt. Watlin being then our Commander, after Capt. Sharp, was turn'd out.

This Indian lived here alone above 3 years, and altho' he was ſeveral time ſought after by the Spaniards, who knew he was left on the Iſland, yet they could never find him. He was in the Woods, hunting for Goats, when Capt. Watlin drew off his Men, and the Ship was under ſail before he came back to ſhore. He had with him his Gun and a Knife, with a ſmall Horn of Powder, and a few Shot; which being ſpent, he contrived a way by notching his Knife, to ſaw the Barrel of his Gun into ſmall Pieces, wherewith he made Harpoons, Lances, Hooks and a long Knife; heating the pieces firſt in the fire, which he ſtruck with his Gunflint, [85] and a piece of the Barrel of his Gun, which he hardned; having learnt to do that among the Engliſh. The hot pieces of Iron he would hammer out and bend as he pleaſed with Stones, and ſaw them with his jagged Knife, or grind them to an Edge by long labour, and harden them to a good temper as there was occaſion. All this may ſeem ſtrange to thoſe that are not acquainted with the ſagacity of the Indians; but it is no more than theſe Moſkito Men are accuſtomed to in their own Country, where they make their own Fiſhing and ſtriking Inſtruments, without either Forge or Anvil; tho' they ſpend a great deal of time about them.

Other wild Indians who have not the uſe of Iron, which the Moſkito Men have from the Engliſh, make Hatchets of a very hard Stone, with which they will cut down Trees, (the Cotton-Tree eſpecially, which is a ſoft tender Wood) to build their Houſes or make Canoas; and tho' in working their Canoas hollow, they cannot dig them ſo neat and thin, yet they will make them fit for their Service. This their Digging or Hatchet-work they help out by Fire; whether for the felling of the Trees, or for the making the inſide of their Canoa hollow. Theſe Contrivances are uſed particularly by the Savage Indians of Blewfield's River, deſcribed in the 3d Chapter, whoſe Canoas and Stone-Hatchets I have ſeen. Theſe Stone-Hatchets are about 10 Inches long, 4 bread, and 3 Inches thick in the middle. They are grownd away flat and ſharp at both ends: Right in the midſt, and clear round it they make a notch, ſo wide and deep that a Man might place his Finger along it, and taking a ſtick or withe about 4 foot long, they bind it round the Hatchet-head, in that notch, and ſo twiſting it hard, uſe it as an handle or helve; the head being held by it very faſt. Nor are other wild Indians leſs ingenious. Thoſe of Patagonia, particularly, head their Arrows [86] with Flint, cut or ground; which I have ſeen and admired. But to return to our Moſkito Man on the Iſle of J. Fernando. With ſuch Inſtruments as he made in that manner, he got ſuch Proviſion as the Iſland afforded; either Goats or Fiſh. He told us that at firſt he was forced to eat Seal, which is very ordinary Meat, before he had made hooks: but afterwards he never killed any Seals but to make Lines, cutting their Skins into Thongs. He had a little Houſe or Hut half a mile from the Sea, which was lined with Goats Skin; his Couch or Barbecu of Sticks lying along about 2 foot diſtant from the Ground, was ſpread with the ſame, and was all his Bedding. He had no Cloaths left, having worn out thoſe he brought from Waltin's Ship, but only a Skin about his Waſte. He ſaw our Ship the day before we came to an Anchor, and did believe we were Engliſh, and therefore kill'd 3 Goats in the Morning, before we came to an Anchor, and dreſt them with Cabbage, to treat us when we came aſhore. He came then to the Sea ſide to cogratulate our ſafe arrival. And when we landed, a Moſkito Indian, named Robin, firſt leap'd aſhore, and running to his Brother Moſkito Man, threw himſelf flat on his face at his feet, who helping him up, and embracing him, fell flat with his face on the Ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up alſo. We ſtood with pleaſure to behold the ſuprize and tenderneſs, and ſolemnity of this interview, which was exceedingly affectionate on both ſides; and when their Ceremonies of Civility were over, we alſo that ſtood gazing at them drew near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to ſee ſo many of his old Friends come hither as he thought purpoſely to fetch him. He was named Will, as the other was Robin. Theſe were names given them by the Engliſh, for they have no Names among themſelves; and they take it as a great favour to be [87] named by any of us; and will complain for want of it, if we do not appoint them ſome name when they are with us: ſaying of themſelves they are poor Men, and have no Name.

This Iſland is in lat. 34 d. 15 m. and about 120 leagues from the Main. It is about 12 leagues round, full of high Hills, and ſmall pleaſant Valleys; which if manured, would probably produce any thing proper for the Climate. The ſides of the Mountains are part Savannahs, part Wood-land. Savannahs are clear pieces of Land without Woods; not becauſe more barren than the Wood-land, for they are frequently ſpots of as good Land as any, and often are intermixt with Wood-land. In the Bay of Campeachy are very large Savannahs, which I have ſeen full of Cattle: But about the River of Plate are the largeſt that every I heard of, 50, 60, or 100 Miles in length; and Jamaica, Cuba and Hiſpaniola, have many Savannahs intermixt with Woods. Places cleared of Wood by Art and Labour do not go by this Name, but thoſe only which are found ſo in the uninhabited parts of America, ſuch as this Iſle of John Fernando's; or which were originally clear in other parts.

The Graſs in theſe Savannahs at John Fernando's is not a long flaggy Graſs, ſuch as is uſually in the Savannahs in the Weſt-Indies, but a ſort of kindly Graſs, both thick and flouriſhing the biggeſt part of the year. The Woods afford divers ſorts of Trees; ſome large and good Timber for Building, but none fit for Maſts. The Cabbage Trees of this Iſle are but ſmall and low; yet afford a good head, and the Cabbage very ſweet. This Tree I ſhall deſcribe in the Appendix in the Bay of Campeachy.

The Savannahs are ſtocked with Goats in great Herds: but thoſe that live on the Eaſt end of the Iſland are not ſo fat as thoſe on the Weſt end; for though there is much more Graſs, and plenty of [88] Water in every Valley, nevertheleſs they thrive not ſo well here as on the Weſt-end, where there is leſs Food; and yet there are found greater Flocks, and thoſe too fatter and ſweeter.

That Weſt end of the Iſland is all high Champion Ground without any Valley, and but one place to land; there is neither Wood nor any freſh Water, and the Graſs ſhort and dry.

Goats were firſt put on the Iſland by John Fernando, who firſt diſcovered it in his Voyage from Lima to Baldivia; (and diſcovered alſo another Iſland about the ſame bigneſs, 20 leagues to the Weſtward of this.) From thoſe Goats theſe were propagated, and the Iſland hath taken its Name from this its firſt Diſcoverer; who, when he returned to Lima, deſired a Patent for it, deſigning to ſettle here; and it was in his ſecond Voyage hither that he ſet aſhore 3 or 4 Goats, which have ſince, by their increaſe, ſo well ſtock'd the whole Iſland. But he could never get a Patent for it, therefore it lies ſtill deſtitute of Inhabitants, tho' doubtleſs capable of maintaining 4 or 500 Families, by what may be produced off the Land only. I ſpeak much within compaſs; for the Savannahs would at preſent feed 1000 Head of Cattle [...] Goats, and the Land being cultivated would probably bear Corn, or Wheat, and good Peaſe, Yams, or Potatoes; for the Land in their Valleys and ſides of the Mountains, is of a good black fruitful Mould. The Sea about it is likewiſe very productive of its Inhabitants. Seals ſwarmas thick about this Iſland, as if they had no other place in the World to live in; for there is not a Bay nor Rock that one can get aſhoar on, but is full of them. Sea Lyons are here in great Companies, and Fiſh, particularly Snappers and Rock-fiſh, are ſo plentiful, that two Men in an hours time will take with Hook and Line, as many as will ſerve 100 Men.

[89] The Seals are a ſort of Creatures pretty well known, yet it may not be amiſs to deſcribe them. They are as big as Calves, the Head of them like a Dog, therefore called by the Dutch the Sea-hounds. Under each Shoulder grows a long thick Fin: Theſe ſerve them to ſwim with when in the Sea, and are inſtead of Legs to them when on the Land for raiſing their Bodies up on end, by the help of theſe Fins or Stumps, and ſo having their Tail-parts drawn cloſe under them, they rebound, as it were, and throw their Bodies forward, drawing their hinder parts after them; and then again riſing up, and ſpringing forward with their fore-parts alternately, they lie tumbling thus up and down, all the while they are moving on Land. From their Shoulders to their Tails they grow tapering like Fiſh, and have two ſmall Fins on each ſide the Rump: which is commonly covered with their Fins. Theſe Fins ſerve inſtead of a Tail in the Sea; and on Land they ſit on them, when they give ſuck to their young. Their Hair is of divers Colours, as black, grey, dun, ſpotted, looking very ſleek and pleaſant when they come firſt out of the Sea: For theſe at John Fernando's have fine thick ſhort Furr; the like I have not taken notice of any where but in theſe Seas. Here are always thouſands, I might ſay poſſibly millions of them, either ſitting on the Bays, or going and coming in the Sea round the Iſland, which is covered with them (as they lie at the top of the Water playing and ſunning themſelves) for a mile or two from the ſhore. When they come out of the Sea they bleat like Sheep for their young; and though they paſs through hundreds of others young ones before they come to their own, yet they will not ſuffer any of them to ſuck. The young ones are like Puppies, and lie much aſhore, but when beaten by any of us, they, as well as the old ones, will make towards the Sea, and ſwim very ſwift [90] and nimble; tho' on ſhore they lie very ſluggiſhly, and will not go out of our ways unleſs we beat them, but ſnap at us. A blow on the Noſe ſoon kills them. Large Ships might here load themſelves with Seals Skins and Trane-oyl; for thy are extraordinary fat. Seals are found as well in cold as hot Climates; and in the cold places they love to get on Lumps of Ice, where they will lie and ſun themſelves, as here on the Land: They are frequent in the Northern parts of Europe and America, and in the Southern parts of Africa, as about the Cape of Good Hope, and at the Streights of Magellan: And tho' I never ſaw any in the Weſt-Indies, but in the Bay of Campeachy, at certain Iſlands called the Alceranes, and at others called the Deſarts; yet they are over all the American Coaſt of the South-Seas, from Terra del Fuego, up to the Equinoctial Line; but to the North of the Equinox again, in theſe Seas, I never ſaw any, till as far as 21 North lat. Nor did I ever ſee any in the Eaſt-Indies. In general they ſeem to reſort where there is plenty of Fiſh, for that is their Food; and Fiſh, ſuch as they feed on, as Cods, Groopers, &c. are moſt plentiful on rocky Coaſts: and ſuch is moſtly this Weſtern Coaſt of the South America, as I ſhall further relate.

The Sea-Lion is a large Creature about 12 or 14 foot long. The biggeſt part of his Body is as big as a Bull: It is ſhaped like a Seal, but 6 times as big. The Head is like a Lion's Head; it hath a broad Face, with many long Hairs growing about its Lips like a Cat. It has a great goggle Eye, the Teeth 3 Inches long, about the bigneſs of a Man's Thumb; In Capt. Sharp's time ſome of our Men made Dice with them. They have no Hair on their Bodies like the Seal; they are of a dun colour, and are all extraordinary fat; one of them being cut up and boiled, will yield a Hogſhead of Oil, which is very ſweet and wholſome to fry Meat withal. The lean Fleſh [91] is black, and of a courſe Grain, yet indifferent good Food. They will lie a week at a time aſhore if not diſturbed: Where 3 or 4, or more of them, come aſhore together; they huddle one on another like Swine, and grunt like them, making a hideous noiſe. They eat Fiſh, which I believe is their common Food.

The Snapper is a Fiſh much like a Roach, but a great deal bigger. It hath a large Head and Mouth, and great Gills. The Back is of a bright red, the Belly of a Silver Colour: The Scales are as broad as a Shilling. The Snapper is excellent Meat. They are in many places in the Weſt-Indies, and the South-Seas: I have not ſeen them any where beſide.

The Rock-fiſh is called by Seamen a Grooper; the Spaniards call it a Baccalao, which is the name for Cod, becauſe it is much like it. It is rounder than the Snapper, of a dark brown colour; and hath ſmall Scales no bigger than a Silver-penny. This Fiſh is good ſweet Meat, and is found in great plenty on all the Coaſt of Peru and Chili.

There are only two Bays in the whole Iſland where Ships may anchor; theſe are both at the Eaſt-end, and in both of them is a Rivolet of good freſh Water. Either of theſe Bays may be fortified with little charge, to that degree that 50 Men in each may be able to keep off 1000; and there is no coming into theſe Bays from the Weſt-end, but with great difficulty, over the Mountains, where if 3 Men are placed, they may keep down as many as come againſt them on any ſide. This was partly experienced by 5 Engliſhmen that Capt. Davis left here, who defended themſelves againſt a great Body of Spaniards who landed in the Bays, and came here to deſtroy them; and tho' the ſecond time one of their Conſorts deſerted and fled to the Spaniards, yet the other 4 kept their Ground, and were afterward taken in from hence by Capt. Strong of London.

[92] We remained at John Fernando's 16 days; our ſick Men were aſhore all the time, and one of Captain Eaton's Doctors (for he had four in his Ship) tending and feeding them with Goat and ſeveral Herbs, whereof here is plenty growing in the Brooks; and their Diſeaſes were chiefly Scorbutick.

CHAP. V.

[93]

The Author departs from John Fernando's. Of the Pacifick Sea. Of the Andes, or high Mountains in Peru and Chili. A Prize taken. Iſle of Lobos: Penguins, and other Birds there. Three Prizes more. The Iſlands Gallapago's: The Dildo-Tree, Burton-Wood, Mammet-Trees, Guanoes, Land-Tortoiſe, their ſeveral kind, Green Snakes, Turtle-Doves, Tortoiſe, or Turtle-graſs. Sea-Turtle, their ſeveral kinds. The Air and Weather at the Gallapago's. Some of the Iſlands deſcrib'd, their Soil, &c. The Iſland Cocos deſcrib'd. Cape Blanco, and the Bay of Caldera; the Savannahs there. Captain Cook dies. Of Nicoya, and a red Wood for dying, and other Commodities. A narrow Eſcape of twelve Men. Lancewood. Volcan Vejo, a burning Mountain on the Coaſt of Ria Lexa. A Tornado. The Iſland and Harbour of Ria Lexa. The Gulph of Amapalla and Point Gaſivina. Iſles of Mangera and Amapalla. The Indian Inhabitants. Hog-Plumb-Tree. Other Iſlands in the Gulph of Amapalla. Captain Eaton and Captain Davis careen their Ships here, and afterwards part.

year 1684 THE 8th of April, 1684. we ſailed from the Iſle of J. Fernando, with the Wind at S. E. We were now two Ships in Company: Captain Cook's, [94] whoſe Ship I was in, and who here took the Sickneſs of which he died a while after; and Captain Eaton's. Our paſſage lay now along the Pacifick Sea, properly ſo called. For tho' it be uſual with our Map-makers to give that Name to this whole Ocean, calling it Mare Auſtrale, Mal del Zur, or Mare Pacificum; yet, in my opinion, the Name of the Pacifick Sea ought not to be extended from South to North farther than from 30 to about 4 deg. South Latitude, and from the American ſhore Weſtward indefinitely, with reſpect to my obſervation; who have been in theſe parts 250 Leagues or more from Land, and ſtill had the Sea very quiet from Winds. For in all this Tract of Water, of which I have ſpoken, there are no dark rainy Clouds, tho' often a thick Horizon, ſo as to hinder an Obſervation of the Sun with the Quadrant; and in the Morning hazy weather frequently, and thick Miſts, but ſcarce able to wet one. Nor are there in this Sea any Winds but the Trade-wind, no Tempeſt, no Tornadoes or Hurricanes (tho' North of the Equator, they are met with as well in this Ocean as in the Atlantick) yet the Sea it ſelf at the new and full of the Moon runs with high, large, long Surges, but ſuch as never break out at Sea, and ſo are ſafe enough; unleſs that where they fell in and break upon the Shore, they make it bad landing.

In this Sea we made the beſt of our way toward the Line, till in the lat. of 24 S. where we fell in with the main Land of the South America. All this courſe of the Land, both of Chili and Pern is vaſtly high; therefore we kept 12 or 14 leagues off from ſhore, being unwilling to be ſeen by the Spaniards dwelling there. The Land (eſpecially beyond this, from 24 deg. S. Lat. 17. and from 14 to 10) is of a moſt prodigious heighth. It lies generally in Ridges parallel to the ſhore, and 3 or 4 Ridges, one with another, each ſurpaſſing other in heighth; [95] and thoſe that are fartheſt within Land, are much higher than others. They always appear blue when ſeen at Sea; ſometimes they are obſcur'd with Clouds, but not ſo often as the high Lands in other parts of the World; for here are ſeldom or never any Rains on theſe Hills, any more than in the Sea near it; neither are they ſubject to Fogs. Theſe are the higheſt Mountains that ever I ſaw, far ſurpaſſing the Pike of Tenariffe, or Santa Martha, and, I believe, any Mountains in the World.

I have ſeen very high Land in the Lat of 30 South, but not ſo high as in the Latitudes before deſcribed. In Sir John Narborough's Voyage alſo to Baldivia (a City on this Coaſt) mention is made of very high Land ſeen near Baldivia: and the Spaniards, with whom I have diſcourſed, have told me, that there is a very high Land all the way between Coquimbo (which lies in about 30 d. South. lat.) and Baldivia, which is in 40 South; ſo that by all likelihood theſe Ridges of Mountains do run in a continued Chain from one end of Peru and Chili to the other, all along this South-Sea Coaſt, called uſually the Andes, or Sierra Nuevada des Andes. The exceſſive heighth of theſe Mountains may poſſibly be the reaſon that there are no Rivers of note that fall into theſe Seas. Some ſmall Rivers indeed there are, but very few of them, for in ſome places there is not one that comes out into the Sea in 150 or 200 Leagues, and where they are thickeſt they are 30, 40, or 50 Leagues aſunder, and too little and ſhallow to be Navigable. Beſides, ſome of theſe do not conſtantly run, but are dry at certain Seaſons of the Year; as the River of Ylo, runs fluſh with a quick Current at the latter end of January, and ſo continues till June, and then it decreaſeth by degrees, growing leſs, and running ſlow till the latter end of September, when it fails wholly, and runs no more till January again: This I have ſeen at both Seaſons, [96] in 2 former Voyages I made hither, and have been informed by the Spaniards, that other Rivers on this Coaſt are of the like Nature, being rather Torrents or Land-floods cauſed by their Rains at certain Seaſons far within Land, than perennial ſtreams.

We kept ſtill along in ſight of this Coaſt, but at a good diſtance from it, encountring with nothing of note, till in the lat of 9 deg. 40 min. South, on the 3d of May, we deſcried a Sail to the Northward of us. She was plying to Windward, we chaſed her, and Capt. Eaton being a head ſoon took her: She came from Guiaquil about a Month before, laden with Timber, and was bound to Lima. Three days before we took her, ſhe came from Santa, whither ſhe had gone for Water, and where they had news of our being in theſe Seas by an expreſs from Baldivia; for, as we afterwards heard, Capt. Swan had been at Baldivia to ſeek a Trade there, and he having met Capt Eaton in the Streights of Magellan, the Spaniards of Baldivia were doubtleſs informed of us by him, ſuſpecting him alſo to be one of us, tho' he was not. Upon this News the Vice-roy of Lima ſent Expreſſes to all the Sea Ports, that they might provide themſelves againſt our Aſſaults.

We immediately ſteered away for the Iſland Lobos, which lieth in lat. 6 d. 24 m. South lat. (I took the Elevation of it aſhore with an Aſtrolabe) and it is 5 leagues from the Main. It is called Lobos de la Mar, to diſtinguiſh it from another that is not far from it, and extreamly like it, called Lobos de la Terra, for it lies nearer the Main. Lobos, or Lovos, is the Spaniſh Name for a Seal, of which there are great plenty about theſe, and ſeveral other Iſlands in theſe Seas that go by this Name.

The 9th of May we arrived at this Iſle of Lobos de la Mar, and came to an anchor with our Prize. This Lobos conſiſts indeed of two little Iſlands, each about a Mile round, of an indifferent heighth, a [97] ſmall Channel between, fit for Boats only; and ſeveral Rocks lying on the North ſide of the Iſlands a little way from ſhoar. There is a ſmall Cove or Sandy-Bay ſheltred from the Winds, at the Weſt end of the Eaſtermoſt Iſland, where Ships may Carreen: The reſt of the ſhoar, as well round the two Iſlands as between them, is a Rocky Coaſt, conſiſting of ſmall Cliffs. Within Land, they are both of them partly Rocky, and partly Sandy, Barren, without any freſh Water, Tree, Shrub, Graſs, or Herbs; or any Land Animals (for the Seals and Sea-Lions come aſhoar here) but Fowls: Of which there are great multitudes; as Boobies, but moſtly Penguins, which I have ſeen plentifully all over the South Seas; on the Coaſt of Newfoundland, and of the Cape of Good Hope. They are a Sea-Fowl, about as big as a Duck, and ſuch Feet; but a ſharp Bill, feeding on Fiſh. They do not fly but flutter, having rather ſtumps like a young Goſlin's, than Wings: And theſe are inſtead of Fins to them in the Water. Their Feathers are Downy. Their fleſh is but ordinary Food; but their Eggs are good Meat. There is another ſort of ſmall black Fowl, that make holes in the Sand for their Night Habitations, whoſe fleſh is good ſweet meat. I never ſaw any of them but here, and at John Fernando's.

There is good Riding between the Eaſtermoſt Iſland and the Rocks, in ten, twelve, or fourteen Fathom; for the Wind is commonly at S. or S. S. E. and the Eaſtermoſt Iſland lying Eaſt and Weſt, ſhelters that Road.

Here we ſcrubb'd our Ships, and being in a readineſs to ſail, the Priſoners were examined, to know if any of them could conduct us to ſome Town where we might make ſome attempt; for they had before informed us, that we were deſcried by the Spaniards, and by that we knew that they would ſend no Riches by Sea ſo long as we were here. Many [98] Towns were conſidered on, as Guiaquil, Zana, Truxillo, and others: At laſt Truxillo was pitched on, as the moſt important; therefore the likelieſt to make us a Voyage if we could conquer it: which we did not much queſtion, though we knew it to be a very populous City. But the greateſt difficulty was in landing; for Guanchaquo, which is the neareſt Sea-port to it, but 6 miles off, is an ill place to Land, ſince ſometimes the very Fiſhermen, that live there, are not able to go in 3 or 4 days. However the 17th of May, in the Afternoon, our Men were muſtered of both Ships Companies, and their Arms proved. We were in all 108 Men fit for ſervice, beſides the ſick: and the next day we intended to ſail and take the Wood Prize with us. But the next day one of our Men being aſhoar betimes on the Iſland, deſcried three Sail bound to the Northward; two of them without the Iſland to the Weſtward, the other between it and the Continent.

We ſoon got our Anchors up and chaſed: and Captain Eaton, who drew the leaſt draught of Water, put through between the Weſtermoſt-Iſland and the Rocks, and went after thoſe two that were without the Iſlands. We in Captain Cook's Ship went after the other which ſtood in for the Main-Land, but we ſoon fetched her up, and having taken her, ſtood in again with her to the Iſland; for we ſaw that Captain Eaton wanted no help, having taken both thoſe that he went after. He came in with one of his Prizes, but the other was ſo far to Leeward, and ſo deep, that he could not then get her in, but he hoped to get her in the next day: but being deep laden, as deſigned to go down before the wind to Panama, ſhe would not bear ſail.

The 10th day ſhe turned all day, but got nothing nearer the Iſland. Our Moſkito-ſtrikers, according to their cuſtom, went and ſtruck ſix Turtles; for here are indifferent plenty of them. Theſe Ships [99] that we took the day before we came from Guanchaquo, all three laden with Flower, bound for Panama. Two of them were laden as deep as they could ſwim, the other was not above half laden, but was ordered by the Vice-Roy of Lima to ſail with the other two, or elſe ſhe ſhould not ſail till we were gone out of the Seas; for he hoped they might eſcape us by ſetting out early. In the biggeſt Ship was a Letter to the Preſident of Panama from the Vice-Roy of Lima; aſſuring him, that there were Enemies come into that Sea: for which reaſon he had diſpatched theſe three Ships with Flower, that they might not want; (for Panama is ſupplied from Peru;) and deſired him to be frugal of it, for he knew not when he ſhould ſend more. In this Ship were likewiſe 7 or 8 Tuns of Marmalade of Quinces, and a ſtately Mule ſent to the Preſident, and a very large Image of the Virgin Mary in Wood, carved and painted to adorn a new Church at Panama, and ſent from Lima by the Vice-Roy; for this great Ship came from thence not long before. She brought alſo from Lima 800000 Pieces of Eight, to carry withher to Panama: but while ſhe lay at Guanchaco, taking in her lading of Flower, the Merchants hearing of Capt. Swan's being at Baldivia, order'd the Money aſhoar again. Theſe Priſoners likewiſe informed us, that the Gentlemen (Inhabitants of Truxillo) were building a Fort at Guanchaquo (which is the Sea-Port for Truxillo) cloſe by the Sea, purpoſely to hinder the deſigns of any that ſhould attempt to land there. Upon this news we altered our former reſolutions, and reſolved to go with our three Prizes to the Gallapagos, which are a great many large Iſlands, lying ſome under the Equator, others on each ſide of it. I ſhall here omit the deſcription of Truxillo, becauſe in my Appendix, at the latter end of the Book, I intend to give a general Relation of moſt of the Towns of note on this Coaſt, from Baldivia to Panama, and from thence towards California.

[100] The 19th day in the evening we ſailed from the Iſland Lobos, with Captain Eaton in our Company. We carried the three Flower Prizes with us, but our firſt Prize Laden with Timber, we left here at an Anchor; the Wind was at S. by E. which is the common Trade-Wind here, and we ſteered away N. W. by N. intending to run into the latitude of the Iſles Gallapagos, and ſteer off Weſt, becauſe we did not know the certain diſtance, and therefore could not ſhape a direct Courſe to them. When we came within 40 minutes of the Equator, we ſteer'd Weſt, having the Wind at South, a very moderate gentle Gale. It was the 31ſt day of May when we firſt had ſight of the Iſlands Gallapagos: Some of them appeared on our Weather-bow, ſome on our Lee-bow, others right a head. We at firſt ſight trimm'd our Sails, and ſteered as nigh the Wind as we could, ſtriving to get to the Southermoſt of them, but our Prizes being deep laden, their Sails but ſmall and thin, and a very ſmall Gale, they could not keep up with us; therefore we likewiſe edged away again, a point from the Wind, to keep near them, and in the evening, the Ship that I was in, and Captain Eaton, Anchored on the Eaſt-ſide of one of the Eaſtermoſt Iſlands a Mile from the ſhoar, in ſixteen fathom Water, clean, white, hard Sand.

The Gallapagos Iſlands are a great Number of uninhabited Iſlands, lying under, and on both ſides of the Equator. The Faſtermoſt of them are about 110 Leagues from the Main. They are laid down in the Longitude of 181, reaching to the Weſtward as far as 176, therefore their Longitude from England Weſtward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers do not place them far enough to the Weſtward. The Spaniards who firſt diſcovered them, and in whoſe draughts alone they are laid down, report them to be a great number, ſtretching North-Weſt [101] from the Line, as far as 5 degrees N. but we ſaw not above 14 or 15. They are ſome of them 7 or 8 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth, moſt of them flat and even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eaſtermoſt are rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Graſs, but a few Dildo-trees, except by the Sea ſide. The Dildo-tree is a green prickly Shrub, that grows about 10 or 12 foot high, without either Leaf or Fruit. It is as big as a Man's Leg, from the root to the top, and it is full of ſharp prickles, growing in thick rows from top to bottom; this ſhrub is fit for no uſe, not ſo much as to burn. Cloſe by the Sea there grows in ſome places buſhes of Burton Wood, which is very good firing. This ſort of Wood grows in many places in the Weſt-Indies, eſpecially in the Bay of Campeachy, and in the Sambaloes. I did never ſee any in theſe Seas but here. There is Water on theſe barren Iſlands, in Ponds and Holes among the Rocks. Some other of theſe Iſlands are moſtly plain and low, and the Land more fertile, producing Trees of divers ſorts, unknown to us. Some of the Weſtermoſt of theſe Iſlands are nine or ten leagues long, and ſix or ſeven broad; the Mould deep and black. Theſe produce Trees of great and tall bodies, eſpecially Mammee-trees, which grow here in great Groves. In theſe large Iſlands there are ſome pretty big Rivers; and on many of the other leſſer Iſlands there are Brooks of good Water. The Spaniards when they firſt diſcovered theſe Iſlands, found multitudes of Guanoes, and Land-turtle or Tortoiſe, and named them the Gallapago's Iſlands. I do believe there is no place in the World that is ſo plentifully ſtored with theſe Animals. The Guanoes here are as fat and large as any that ever I ſaw; they are ſo tame, that a Man may knock down twenty in an hours time with a Club. The Landturtle are here ſo numerous, that 5 or 600 men might [102] ſubſiſt on them alone for ſeveral months, without any other ſort of Proviſion: They are extraordinary large and fat; and ſo ſweet, that no Pullet eats more pleaſantly. One of the largeſt of theſe Creatures will weigh 150 or 200 weight, and ſome of them are 2 foot, or 2 foot 6 Inches over the Challapee or Belly. I did never ſee any but at this place, that will weigh above 30 Pound weight. I have heard that at the Iſle of St. Lawrence or Madagaſcar, and at the Engliſh Foreſt, an Iſland near it, called alſo Do [...] Maſcarin, and now poſſeſſed by the French, there are very large ones, but whether ſo big, fat, and ſweet as theſe, I know not. There are 3 or 4 ſorts of theſe Creatures in the Weſt-Indies. One is called by the Spaniards, Hecatee; theſe live moſt in freſh Waterponds, and ſeldom come on Land. They weigh about 10 or 15 pound; they have ſmall Legs and flat Feet, and ſmall long Necks. Another ſort is called Tenapen; theſe are a great deal leſs than the Hecatee; the Shell on their Backs is all carved naturally, finely wrought, and well clouded: the Backs of theſe are rounder than thoſe before-mentioned; they are otherwiſe much of the ſame form: theſe delight to live in wet ſwampy places, or on the Land near ſuch places. Both theſe ſorts are very good Meat. They are in great plenty on the Iſle of Pines near Cuba: there the Spaniſh Hunters when they meet them in the Woods bring them home to their Huts, and mark them by notching their Shells, then let them go; this they do to have them at hand, for they never ramble far from thence. When theſe Hunters return to Cubo, after about a Month or ſix Weeks ſtay, they carry with them 3 or 400, or more of theſe Creatures to ſell; for they are very good Meat, and every Man knows his own by their Marks. Theſe Tortoiſe in the Gallapago's are more like the Hecatee, except that, as I ſaid before, they are much bigger; and they have very long ſmall [103] necks and little heads. There are ſome green Snakes on theſe Iſlands, but no other Land-Animal that I did ever ſee. There are great plenty of Turtle-Doves ſo tame, that a Man may kill 5 or 6 dozen in a forenoon with a ſtick. They are ſomewhat leſs than a Pigeon, and are very good meat, and commonly fat.

There are good wide Channels between theſe Iſlands fit for Ships to paſs, and in ſome places ſhole water, where there grows plenty of Turtle-graſs; therefore theſe Iſlands are plentifully ſtored with Sea-Turtle, of that ſort which is called the green Turtle. I have hitherto deferred the deſcription of theſe Creatures, therefore I ſhall give it here. There are 4 ſorts of Sea-Turtle, viz. the Trunk-turtle, the Loggerhead, the Hawks-bill, and the Green-Turtle. The Trunk-turtle is commonly bigger than the other, their backs are higher and rounder, and their fleſh rank and not wholſome. The Loggerhead is ſo call'd becauſe it hath a great head, much bigger than the other ſorts; their fleſh is likewiſe very rank, and ſeldom eaten but in caſe of neceſſity: they feed on Moſs that grows about Rocks. The Hawks-bill Turtle is the leaft kind, they are ſo call'd becauſe their mouths are long and ſmall, ſomewhat reſembling the Bill of a Hawk: On the backs of theſe Hawks-bill Turtle grows that ſhell which is ſo much eſteem'd for making Cabinets, Combs, and other things. The largeſt of them may have three pound and an half of ſhell; I have taken ſome that have had 3 pound 10 Ounces: but they commonly have a pound and half, or two Pound; ſome not ſo much. Theſe are but ordinary food, but generally ſweeter than the Loggerhead: yet theſe Hawks-bills, in ſome places, are unwholſome, cauſing them that eat them to purge and vomit exceſſively, eſpecially thoſe between the Sambaloes and Portobel. We meet with other Fiſh in the Weſt-Indies, of the ſame malignant nature: but I ſhall deſcribe them in the Appendix. Theſe Hawks-bill Turtles are better or worſe, according [104] to their feeding. In ſome places they feed on Graſs, as the Green Tortoiſe alſo doth; in other places they keep among Rocks, and feed on Moſs, or Sea-Weeds; but theſe are not ſo ſweet as thoſe that eat Graſs, neither is their Shell ſo clear, for they are commonly over-grown with Barnacles which ſpoils the ſhell; and their Fleſh is commonly yellow, eſpecially the fat.

Hawks-bill Turtle are in many places of the Weſt-Indies. They have Iſlands and places peculiar to themſelves, where they lay their Eggs, and ſeldom come among any other Turtle. Theſe, and all other Turtle, lay Eggs in the Sand; their time of laying is in May, June, July. Some begin ſooner, ſome later. They lay three times in a Seaſon, and at each time 80 or 90 Eggs. Their Eggs are as big as a Hens Egg, and very round, covered only with a white tough ſkin. There are ſome Bays on the Northſide of Jamaica, where theſe Hawks-bills reſort to lay. In the Bay of Honduras are Iſlands which they likewiſe make their breeding places, and many places along all the Coaſt on the Main of the Weſt-Indies, from Trinidado to La Vera Cruz, in the Bay of Nova Hiſpania. When a Sea-turtle turns out of the Sea to lay, ſhe is at leaſt an hour before ſhe returns again; for ſhe is to go above high water-mark, and if it be low-water when ſhe comes a ſhore, ſhe muſt reſt once or twice, being heavy, before ſhe comes to the place where ſhe lays. When ſhe hath found a place for her purpoſe, ſhe makes a great hole with her Fins in the Sand, wherein ſhe lays her Eggs, then covers them two foot deep with the ſame Sand which ſhe threw out of the hole, and ſo returns. Sometimes they come up the night before they intend to lay, and take a view of the place, and ſo having made a Tour, or Semicircular March, they return to the Sea again, and they never fail to come aſhoar the next night to lay near that place. [105] All ſorts of Turtle uſe the ſame methods in laying. I knew a Man in Jamaica, that made 8 pound Sterling of the ſhell of theſe Hawks-bill Turtle, which he got in one Seaſon, and in one ſmall Bay, not half a mile long. The manner of taking them is to watch the Bay, by walking from one part to the other all night; making no noiſe, nor keeping any ſort of light. When the Turtle come aſhoar, the Man that watches for them turns them on their Backs, then hales them above high-water mark, and leave them till the Morning. A large green Turtle, with her weight and ſtruggling, will puzzle two Men to turn her. The Hawks-bill Turtle are not only found in the Weſt-Indies, but on the Coaſt of Guinea, and in the Eaſt-Indies. I never ſaw any in the South-Seas.

The Green Turtle are ſo called, becauſe their Shell is greener than any other. It is very thin and clear, and better clouded than the Hawks-bill; but 'tis uſed only for inlays, being extraordinary thin. Theſe Turtles are generally larger than the Hawks-bill; one will weigh 2 or 3 hundred pound. Their Backs are flatter than the Hawks-bill, their Heads round and ſmall. Green Turtle are the ſweeteſt of all the kinds: But there are degrees of them, both in reſpect to their Fleſh and their bigneſs. I have obſerved, that at Blanco in the Weſt-Indies, the Green Turtle (which is the only kind there) are larger than any other in the North-Seas. There they commonly will weigh 280 or 300 pound: Their Fat is yellow, and the Lean white, and their Fleſh extraordinary ſweet. At Boca Toro, Weſt of Portobel, they are not ſo large, their Fleſh not ſo white, nor the Fat ſo yellow. Thoſe in the Bays of Honduras and Campeachy are ſomewhat ſmaller ſtill; their Fat is green, and the Lean of a darker colour than thoſe at Boca-Toro. I heard of a monſtrous green Turtle once taken at Port-Royal in the Bay of Campeachy, that was four foot deep from the Back to the Belly, [106] and the belly 6 foot broad; Captain Roch's Son, of about 9 or 10 years of age, went in it as in a Boat, on board his Father's Ship, about a quarter of a mile from the ſhore, The Leaves of Fat afforded 8 Gallons of Oil. The Turtle that live among the Keys, or ſmall Iſlands, on the South-ſide of Cuba, are a mix'd ſort, ſome bigger, ſome leſs; and ſo their Fleſh is of a mix'd colour, ſome green, ſome dark, ſome yellowiſh. With theſe Port-Royal in Jamaica is conſtantly ſupplied, by Sloops that come hither with Nets to take them. They carry them alive to Jamaica, where the Turtles have Wires made with Stakes in the Sea to preſerve them alive; and the Market is every day plentifully ſtored with Turtle, it being the common food there, chiefly for the ordinary ſort of People.

Green Turtle live on Graſs, which grows in the Sea, in 3, 4, 5, or 6 fathom Water, at moſt of the places before-mentioned. This Graſs is different from Manatee-graſs, for that is a ſmall Blade; but this a quarter of an inch broad, and ſix inches long. The Turtle of theſe Iſlands Gallapagos, are a ſort of a baſtard green Turtle, for their Shell is thicker than other green Turtle in the Weſt or Eaſt-Indies, and their Fleſh is not ſo ſweet. They are larger than any other green Turtle; for it is common for theſe to be two or three foot deep, and their Callapees, or Bellies, 5 foot wide: but there are other green Turtle in the South-Seas that are not ſo big as the ſmalleſt Hawks-bill. Theſe are ſeen at the Iſland Plata, and other places thereabouts: They feed on Moſs, and are very rank, but fat.

Both theſe ſorts are different from any others, for both He's and She's come aſhoar in the day time, and lie in the Sun; but in other places, none but the She's go aſhoar, and that in the night only, to lay their Eggs. The beſt feeding for Turtle in the South Seas is among theſe Gallapago Iſlands, for here is plenty of Graſs.

[107] There is another ſort of green Turtle in the South Seas which are but ſmall, yet pretty ſweet: Theſe lie Weſtward on the Coaſt of Mexico. One thing is very ſtrange and remarkable in theſe Creatures; that at the breeding time they leave for 2 or 3 Months their common Haunts, where they feed moſt of the Year, and reſort to other places, only to lay their Eggs: and 'tis not thought that they eat any thing during this Seaſon: So that both He's and She's grow very lean; but the He's to that degree that none will eat them. The moſt remarkable places that I did ever hear of for their breeding, is at an Iſland in the Weſt-Indies called Caimanes, and the Iſle Aſcention in the Weſtern Ocean: and when the breeding time is paſt, there are none remaining. Doubtleſs they ſwim ſome hundreds of Leagues to come to thoſe two places: For it hath been often obſerved, that at Caimanes, at the breeding time, there are found all thoſe ſorts of Turtle before deſcribed. The South Keys of Cuba are above 40 leagues from thence, which is the neareſt place that theſe Creatures can come from; and it is moſt certain, that there could not live ſo many there as come here in one Seaſon.

Thoſe that go to lay at Aſcention, muſt needs travel much farther, for there is no Land nearer it than 300 Leagues: And it is certain, that theſe Creatures live always near the Shoar. In the South Sea likewiſe, the Gallapagos is the place where they live the biggeſt part of the year; yet they go from thence at their Seaſon over to the Main, to lay their Eggs; which is 100 Leagues, the neareſt place. Altho' multitudes of theſe Turtle go from their common places of feeding and abode, to thoſe laying places, yet they do not all go: And at the time when the Turtle reſort to theſe places to lay their Eggs, they are accompanied with abundance of Fiſh, eſpecially Sharks; the places which the Turtle then leave being [108] at that time deſtitute of Fiſh, which follow the Turtle.

When the She's go thus to their places to lay, the Male accompany them, and never leave them till their return; both Male and Female are fat the beginning of the Seaſon; but before they return, the Male, as I ſaid, are ſo lean, that they are not fit to eat, but the Female are good to the very laſt; yet not ſo fat as at the beginning of the Seaſon. It is reported of theſe Creatures, that they are nine days engendring, and in the Water; the Male on the Females Back. It is obſervable, that the Male, while engendring, do not eaſily forſake their Female: for I have gone and taken hold of the Male when engendring: and a very bad Striker may ſtrike them then, for the Male is not ſhy at all: but the Female ſeeing a Boat, when they riſe to blow, would make her eſcape, but that the Male graſps her with his two fore Fins, and holds her faſt. When they are thus coupled, it is beſt to ſtrike the Female firſt, then you are ſure of the Male alſo. Theſe Creatures are thought to live to a great Age; and it is obſerved by the Jamaica Turtlers, that they are many years before they come to their full growth.

The Air of theſe Iſlands is temperate enough, conſidering the Clime. Here is conſtantly a freſh Seabreeze all day, and cooling refreſhing Winds in the night: Therefore the heat is not ſo violent here, as in moſt places near the Equator. The time of the year for the Rains is in November, December and January: Then there is oftentimes exceſſive dark tempeſtuous Weather, mixt with much Thunder and Lightning. Sometimes before and after theſe Months there are moderate refreſhing Showers; but in May, June, July and Auguſt, the Weather is always very fair.

We ſtaid at one of theſe Iſlands, which lies under the Equator, but one Night, becauſe our Prizes [109] could not get in to an Anchor. We refreſh'd our ſelves very well, both with Land and Sea-Turtles; and the next day we ſailed from thence. The next Iſland of the Gallapagos that we came to, is but two Leagues from this: 'tis rocky and barren like this: it is about five or ſix Leagues long, and four broad. We anchored in the Afternoon, at the North-ſide of the Iſland, a quarter of a Mile from the Shore, in 16 fathom Water. It is ſteep all round this Iſland, and no Anchoring, only at this place. Here it is but ordinary riding; for the Ground is ſo ſteep, that if an Anchor ſtarts it never holds again; and the Wind is commonly off from the Land, except in the Night, when the Land-wind comes more from the Weſt; for there it blows right along the Shore, though but faintly. Here is no Water but in Ponds and Holes of the Rocks. That which we firſt anchored at hath Water on the North-end; falling down in a ſtream from high ſteep Rocks, upon the Sandy Bay, where it may be taken up. As ſoon as we came to an Anchor, we made a Tent aſhoar for Capt. Cook, who was ſick. Here we found the Sea-Turtle lying aſhoar on the Sand; this is not cuſtomary in the Weſt-Indies. We turned them on their Backs that they might not get away. The next day more came up, when we found it to be their cuſtom to lie in the Sun: ſo we never took care to turn them afterwards; but ſent aſhoar the Cook every Morning, who killed as many as ſerved for the day. This cuſtom we obſerved all the time we lay here, feeding ſometimes on Land-Turtle, ſometimes on Sea-Turtle, there being plenty of either ſort. Captain Davis came hither again a ſecond time; and then he went to other Iſlands on the Weſt-ſide of theſe. There he found ſuch plenty of Land-Turtle, that he and his Men eat nothing elſe for 3 Months that he ſtaid there. They were ſo fat, that he ſaved ſixty Jars of Oyl out of thoſe that he ſpent: This [110] Oil ſerved inſtead of Butter, to eat with Doughboys or Dumplins, in his return out of theſe Seas. He found very convenient places to Careen, and good Channels between the Iſlands; and very good Anchoring in many places. There he found alſo plenty of Brooks of good freſh Water, and Firewood enough, there being plenty of Trees fit for many uſes. Capt. Harris, one that we ſhall ſpeak of hereafter, came hither likewiſe, and found ſome Iſlands that had plenty of Mammee-Trees, and pretty large Rivers. The Sea about theſe Iſlands is plentifully ſtored with Fiſh, ſuch as are at John Fernando's. They are both large and fat, and as plentiful here as at John Fernando's. Here are particularly abundance of Sharks. The North-part of this ſecond Iſle we anchored at, lies 28 minutes North of the Equator. I took the heighth of the Sun with an Aſtrolabe. Theſe Iſles of the Gallapago's have plenty of Salt. We ſtay'd here but 12 days, in which time we put aſhoar 5000 packs of Flower, for a reſerve, if we ſhould have occaſion of any before we left theſe Seas. Here one of our Indian Priſoners informed us that he was born at Ria Lexa, and that he would engage to carry us thither. He being examin'd of the Strength and Riches of it, ſatisfy'd the Company ſo well, that they were reſolved to go thither.

Having thus concluded, the 12th of June we ſailed from hence, deſigning to touch at the Iſland Cocos, as well to put aſhoar ſome Flower there, as to ſee the Iſland, becauſe it was in our way to Ria Lexa. We ſteer'd North, till in Lat. 4 d. 40 min. intending then to ſteer W. by N. for we expected to have had the Wind at S. by E. or S. S. E. as we had on the South-ſide of the Equator. Thus I had formerly found the Winds near the Shore in theſe Latitudes; but when we firſt parted from the Gallapago's, we had the Wind at S. and as we ſailed farther North, we had the Winds at S. by W. then at [111] S. S. W. Winds which we did not expect. We thought at firſt that the Wind would come about again to the South; but when we came to ſail off Weſt to the Iſland Cocos, we had the Wind at S. W. by S. and could lie but W. by N. Yet we ſtood that Courſe till we were in the lat. 5 d. 40 m. N. and then deſpairing, as the Winds were, to find the Iſland Cocos, we ſteer'd over to the Main; for had we ſeen the Iſland then, we could not have fetcht it, being ſo far to the North of it.

The Iſland Cocos is ſo named by the Spaniards, becauſe there are abundance of Coco-nut Trees growing on it. They are not only in one or two places, but grow in great Groves, all round the Iſland, by the Sea. This is an uninhabited Iſland, it is 7 or 8 leagues round, and pretty high in the middle, where it is deſtitute of Trees, but looks very green and pleaſant, with an Herb called by the Spaniards Gramadael. It is low Land by the Sea-ſide.

This Iſland is in 5 d. 15 m. North of the Equator; it is invironed with Rocks, which makes it almoſt inacceſſible: only at the N. E. end there is a ſmall Harbor where Ships may ſafely enter and ride ſecure. In this Harbor there is a fine Brook of freſh Water running into the Sea. This is the account that the Spaniards give of it, and I had the ſame alſo from Captain Eaton who was there afterward.

Any who, like us, had not experienced the nature of the Winds in theſe parts, might reaſonably expect that we could have ſailed with a flown Sheet to Ria Lexa; but we found our ſelves miſtaken, for as we came nearer the ſhore, we found the Winds right in our Teeth: But I ſhall refer my Reader to the Chapter of Winds in the Appendix, for a further account of this.

We had very fair weather, and ſmall winds, in this Voyage from the Gallapagos, and at the beginning of July we fell in with Cape Blanco, on the Main of [112] Mexico. This is ſo called from two white Rocks lying off it. When weare off at Sea, right againſt the Cape, they appear as part of the Cape; but being near the ſhoar, either to the Eaſtward or Weſt-ward of the Cape, they appear like two Ships under ſail at firſt view, but coming nearer, they are like two high Towers; they being ſmall, high, and ſteep on all ſides, and they are about half a mile from the Cape. This Cape is in lat. 9 d. 56 m. It is about the heighth of Beachy-head in England, on the Coaſt of Suſſex. It is a full Point, with ſteep Rocks to the Sea. The top of it is flat and even for about a mile: then it gradually falls away on each ſide with a gentle deſcent. It appears very pleaſant, being covered with great lofty Trees. From the Cape on the N. W. ſide the Land runs in N. E. for about 4 leagues, making a ſmall Bay called by the Spaniards Caldera. A league within Cape Blanco, on the N. W. ſide of it, and at the entrance of this Bay, there is a ſmall Brook of very good water running into the Sea. Here the Land is low, making a ſaddling between 2 ſmall Hills. It is very rich Land; producing large tall Trees of many ſorts; the Mould is black and deep, which I have always taken notice of to be a fat Soil. About a mile from this Brook, towards the N. E. the Woodland terminates. Here the Savannah Land begins, and runs ſome Leagues into the Country, making many ſmall Hills and Dales. Theſe Savannahs are not altogether clear of Trees, but are here and there ſprinkled with ſmall Groves, which render them very delightful. The Graſs which grows here is very kindly, thick, and long; I have ſeen none better in the Weſt-Indies. Toward the bottom of the Bay, the Land by the Sea is low and full of Mangroves, but farther in the Country the Land is high and mountainous. The Mountains are part Woodland, part Savannah. The Trees in thoſe Woods are but ſmall and ſhort; and the [113] Mountain Savannahs are cloathed but with indifferent Graſs. From the bottom of this Bay, it is but 14 or 15 leagues, to the Lake of Nicaragua on the North-Sea Coaſt: the way between is ſomewhat Mountainous, but moſt Savannah.

Capt. Cook, who was taken ſick at John Fernandoe's, continued ſo till we came within 2 or 3 leagues of Cape Blanco, and then died of a ſudden; tho' he ſeemed that morning to be as likely to live, as he had been ſome weeks before; but it is uſual with ſick Men coming from the Sea, where they have nothing but the Sea-Air, to die off as ſoon as ever they come within the view of the Land. About 4 hours after we all came to an Anchor, (namely the Ship that I was in, Captain Eaton, and the great Meal Prize,) a league within the Cape, right againſt the Brook of Freſh-water, in 14 fathom clean hard Sand. Preſently after we came to an Anchor, Capt. Cook was carried aſhoar to be buried; 12 Men carried there Arms to Guard thoſe that were ordered to dig the Grave: for although we ſaw no appearance of Inhabitants, yet we did not know but the Country might be thick inhabited. And before Capt. Cook was interr'd, 3 Spaniſh Indians came to the place where our Men were digging the Grave, and demanded what they were, and from whence they came? to whom our Men anſwered, They came from Lima, and were bound to Ria Lexa, but that the Capt. of one of the Ships dying at Sea, oblig'd them to come into this place to give him Chriſtian burial. The 3 Spaniſh Indians, who were very ſhy at firſt, began to be more bold, and drawing nearer, asked many ſilly Queſtions; and our Men did not ſtick to ſooth them up with as many Falſhoods, purpoſely to draw them into their clutches. Our Men often laught at their temerity; and asked them if they never ſaw any Spaniards before? They told them, that they themſelves were [114] Spaniards, and that they lived among Spaniards, and that altho' they were born there, yet they had never ſeen 3 Ships there before: Our Men told them, that neither now might they have ſeen ſo many, if it had not been on an urgent occaſion. At length they drill'd them by diſcourſe ſo near, that our Men lay'd hold on all three at once; but before Captain Cook was buried, one of them made his eſcape, the other two were brought off aboard our Ship. Captain Eaton immediately came aboard and examined them; they confeſſed that they came purpoſely to view our Ship, and if poſſible to inform themſelves what we were; for the Preſident of Panama not long before, ſent a Letter of advice to Nicoya, informing the Magiſtrates thereof, that ſome Enemies were come into theſe Seas, and that therefore it behoved them to be careful of themſelves. Nicoya is a ſmall Mulatto Town, about 12 or 14 leagues Eaſt from hence, ſtanding on the Banks of a River of that name. It is a place very fit for building Ships, therefore moſt of the Inhabitants are Carpenters; who are commonly imployed in building new, or repairing old Ships. It was here that Capt. Sharp (juſt after I left him, in the Year 1681.) got Carpenters to ſix his Ship, before he returned for England: and for that reaſon it behoved the Spaniards to be careful, (according to the Governor of Panama's advice,) leſt any Men at other times wanting ſuch neceſſaries as that place afforded, might again be ſupplied there. Theſe Spaniſh Indians told us likewiſe, that they were ſent to the place where they were taken, in order to view our Ships, as fearing theſe were thoſe mentioned by the Preſident of Panama: It being demanded of them to give an account of the Eſtate and Riches of the Country, they ſaid that the Inhabitants were moſt Huſbandmen, who were imployed either in Planting and Manuring of Corn, or chiefly about Cattle; they having large Savannahs, [115] which were well ſtored with Bulls, Cows and Horſes; that by the Sea-ſide, in ſome places there grew ſome Red-wood, uſeful in Dying; of this they ſaid there was little profit made, becauſe they were forc'd to ſend it to the Lake of Nicaragua, which runs into the North Seas: That they ſent thither alſo great quantities of Bull and Cow Hides, and brought from thence in Exchange Europe Commodities; as Hats, Linnen and Wollen, wherewith they cloathed themſelves; that the Fleſh of the Cattle turned to no other profit than Suſtenance for their Families: As for Butter and Cheeſe they make but little in thoſe parts. After they had given this Relation, they told us, that if we wanted Proviſion, there was a Beef-Eſtantion, or Farm of Bulls or Cows about 3 mile off, where we might kill what we pleaſed. This was welcome News, for we had no ſort of Fleſh ſince we left the Gallapagos; therefore 24 of us immediately entered into two Boats, taking one of theſe Spaniſh Indians with us for a Pilot, and went aſhore about a league from the Ship. There we haled up our Boats dry, and marched all away, following our Guide, who ſoon brought us to ſome Houſes, and a large Penn for Cattle. This Penn ſtood in a large Savannah, about two Mile from our Boats: There were a great many fat Bulls and Cows feeding in the Savannahs; ſome of us would have kill'd 3 or 4 to carry on board, but others oppoſed it, and ſaid, It was better to ſtay all Night, and in the Morning drive the Cattle into the Penn, and then kill 20 or 30, or as many as we pleaſed. I was minded to return aboard, and endeavoured to perſwade them all to go with me, but ſome would not, therefore I returned with 12, which was half, and left the other 12 behind. At this place I ſaw 3 or 4 Tun of the Red-wood; which I take to be that ſort of Wood, call'd in Jamaica Blood-wood, or Nicaragua-wood. We who [116] returned abroad, met no one to oppoſe us, and the next day we expected our Conſorts that we left aſhore, but none came; therefore at 4 a Clock in the Afternoon, 10 Men went in our Canoa to ſee what was become of them: When they came to the Bay where we landed, to go to the Eſtantion, they found our Men all on a ſmall Rock, half a mile from the ſhore, ſtanding in the Water up to their Waſtes. Theſe Men had ſlept aſhore in the Houſe and turned out betimes in the Morning to pen the Cattle: 2 or 3 went one way, and as many another way, to get the Cattle to the Pen, and others ſtood at the Pen to drive them in. When they were thus ſcatter'd, about 40 or 50 armed Spaniards came in among them: Our Men immediately called to each other, and drew together in a Body before the Spaniards could attack them; and marched to their Boat, which was hal'd up dry on the Sand. But when they came to the ſandy Bay, they found their Boat all in Flames. This was a very unpleaſing ſight, for they knew not how to get Aboard, unleſs they marched by Land to the place where Capt. Cook was buried, which was near a league. The greateſt part of the way was thick Woods, where the Spaniards might eaſily lay an Ambuſh for them, at which they are very expert. On the other ſide, the Spaniards now thought them ſecure; and therefore came to them, and asked them if they would be pleaſed to walk to their Plantations, with many other ſuch flouts; but our Men anſwered never a word. It was about half ebb, when one of our Men took notice of a Rock a good diſtance from the ſhore, juſt appearing above Water; he ſhewed it to his Conſorts, and told them it would be a good Caſtle for them if they could get thither. They all wiſht themſelves there; for the Spaniards, who lay as yet at a good diſtance from them behind the Buſhes, as ſecure of their Prey, began to whiſtle now and then [117] a ſhot among them. Having therefore well conſidered the place, together with the danger they were in, they propoſed to ſend one of the talleſt Men to try if the Sea between them and the Rock were fordable. This Counſel they preſently put in execution, and found it according to their deſire. So they all marched over to the Rock, where they remained till the Canoa came to them; which was about 7 Hours. It was the latter part of the Ebb when they firſt went over, and then the Rock was dry; but when the Tide of Flood returned again, the Rock was covered, and the Water ſtill flowing; ſo that if our Canoa had ſtayed but one hour longer, they might have been in as great danger of their lives from the Sea, as before from the Spaniards; for the Tide riſeth here about 8 foot. The Spaniards remained on the ſhore, expecting to ſee them deſtroyed, but never came from behind the Buſhes, where they firſt planted themſelves; they having not above 3 or 4 Hand-guns, the reſt of them being armed with Lances. The Spaniards in theſe parts are very expert in heaving or darting the Lance; with which, upon occaſion, they will do great Feats, eſpecially in Ambuſcades: And by their good Will, they care not for fighting otherwiſe, but content themſelves with ſtanding a loof, threatning and calling Names, at which they are as expert as the other; ſo that if their Tongues be quiet, we always take it for granted they have ſaid ſome Ambuſh. Before night our Canoa came Aboard, and brought our Men all ſafe. The next day two Canoas were ſent to the bottom of the Bay to ſeek ſor a large Canoa, which we were informed was there. The Spaniards have neither Ships nor Barks here, and but a few Canoas which they ſeldom uſe: Neither are there any Fiſhermen here, as I judge, becauſe Fiſh is very ſcarce; for I never ſaw any here, neither could any of our Men ever take any; and yet where-ever [118] we come to an Anchor, we always ſend out our Strikers, and put our Hooks and Lines overboard, to try for Fiſh. The next day our Men returned out of the Bay, and brought the Canoa with them, which they were ſent for, and 3 or 4 days afterwards the 2 Canoas were ſent out again for another, which they likewiſe brought aboard. Theſe Canoas were fitted with Thoats or Benhces, Straps and Oars, fit for ſervice; and one of theſe Capt. Eaton had for his ſhare, and we the other, which we ſixt for landing Men when occaſion required. While we lay here, we filled our Water, and cut a great many Looms, or Handles, or Staves for Oars; for here is plenty of Lance-wood, which is moſt proper for that uſe. I never ſaw any in the South Seas, but in this place: There is plenty of it in Jamaica, eſpecially at a place called Blewfields (not Blewfields River which is on the Main) near the Weſt-end of that Iſland. The Lance-wood grows ſtrait like our young Aſhes; it is very hard, tough and heavy, therefore Privateers eſteem it very much, not only to make Looms for Oars, but Scouring-Rods for their Guns; for they have ſeldom leſs than 3 or 4 ſpare Rods for fear one ſhould break, and they are much better than Rods made of Aſh.

The Day before we went from hence, Mr. Edward Davis, the Company's Quarter-Maſter, was made Captain by conſent of all the Company; for it was his place by Succeſſion. The 20th day of July we ſailed from this Bay of Caldera, with Capt. Eaton, and our Prize which we brought from Gallapagos in Company, directing our Courſe for Ria Lexa. The Wind was at North, which altho' but an ordinary Wind, yet carried us in three days abreſt of our intended Port.

Ria Lexa is the moſt remarkable Land on all this Coaſt, for there is a high pecked burning Mountain, called by the Spaniards Volcan-Vejo, or the Old [119] Volcan. This muſt be brought to bear N. E. then ſteer in directly with the Mountain, and that courſe will bring you to the Harbour. The Sea winds are here at S. S. W. therefore Ships that come hither muſt take the Sea-winds, for there is no going in with the Land-wind. The Volcan may be eaſily known, becauſe there is not any other ſo high a Mountain near it, neither is there any that appears in the like form all along the Coaſt; beſides it ſmoaks all the day, and in the night it ſometimes ſends forth flames of Fire. This Mountain may be ſeen 20 leagues: being within 3 leagues of the Harbor, the entrance into it may be ſeen; there is a ſmall flat low Iſland which makes the Harbor, it is about a mile long, and a quarter of a mile broad, and is from the Main about a mile and a half. There is a Channel at each end of the Iſland, the weſt Channel is the wideſt and ſafeſt, yet at the N. W. point of the Iſland there is a ſhole which Ships muſt take heed of going in. Being paſt that ſhole, you muſt keep cloſe to the Iſland, for there is a whole ſandy point ſtrikes over from the Main almoſt half way. The Eaſt Channel is not ſo wide, beſides there runs a ſtronger Tide; therefore Ships ſeldom or never go in that way. This Harbor is capable of receiving 200 Sail of Ships; the beſt riding is near the Main, where there is 7 or 8 fathom water, clean hard Sand.

Ria Lexa Town is 2 leagues from hence, and there are 2 Creeks that run towards it; the Weſtermoſt comes near the backſide of the Town, the other runs up to the Town, but neither Ships nor Barks can go ſo far. Theſe Creeks are very narrow, and the Land on each ſide drowned and full of red Mangrove-trees. About a mile and half below the Town, on the banks of the Eaſt Creek, the Spaniards had caſt up a ſtrong Breaſt-work; it was likewiſe reported they had another on the Weſt Creek, [120] both ſo advantageouſly placed, that 10 Men might with eaſe keep 200 Men from landing. I ſhall give a deſcription of the Town in my return hither, and therefore forbear to do it here. Wherefore to reſume the thread of our courſe, we were now in ſight of the Volcan, being by eſtimation 7 or 8 leagues from the ſhoar, and the Mountain bearing N. E. we took in our Topſails and hal'd up our Courſes, intending to go with our Canoas into the Harbor in the night. In the Evening we had a very hard Tornado, out of the N. E. with much Thunder, Lightning and Rain. The violence of the Wind did not laſt long, yet it was a 11 a clock at night before we got out our Canoas, and then it was quite calm. We rowed in directly for the ſhoar, and thought to have reach'd it before day, but it was 9 a Clock in the Morning before we got into the Harbor. When we came within a league of the Iſland of Ria Lexa, that makes the Harbor, we ſaw a Houſe on it, and coming nearer we ſaw 2 or 3 Men, who ſtood and looked on us till we came within half a mile of the Iſland, then they went into their Canoa, which lay on the inſide of the Iſland, and rowed towards the Main; but we overtook them before they got over, and brought them back again to the Iſland. There was a Horſeman right againſt us on the Main when we took the Canoa, who immediately rode away towards the Town as faſt as he could. The reſt of our Canoas rowed heavily, and did not come to the Iſland till 12 a clock, therefore we were forced to ſtay for them. Before they came we examined the Priſoners, who told us, that they were ſet there to watch; for the Governor of Ria Lexa received a Letter about a month before, wherein he was adviſed of ſome Enemies come into the Sea, and therefore admoniſhed to be careful; that, immediately thereupon the Governor had cauſed a Houſe to be built on this Iſland, and ordered 4 Men to be continually [121] [...] [120] [...] [121] there to watch Night and Day, and if they ſaw any Ship coming thither they were to give notice of it. They ſaid they did not expect to ſee Boats or Canoas, but lookt out for a Ship. At firſt they took us in our advanced Canoa to be ſome Men that had been caſt away and loſt our Ship; till ſeeing 3 or 4 Canoas more, they began to ſuſpect what we were. They told us likewiſe, that the Horſeman which we ſaw, did come to them every Morning, and that in leſs than an Hours time he could be at the Town. When Captain Eaton and his Canoas came aſhoar, we told them what had hapned. It was now three Hours ſince the Horſeman rode away, and we could not expect to get to the Town in leſs than two Hours; in which time the Governour having notice of our coming, might be provided to receive us at his Breaſt-Works; therefore we thought it beſt to defer this Deſign till another time.

There is a fine Spring of freſh Water on the Iſland, there are ſome Trees alſo, but the biggeſt part is Savannah, whereon is good Graſs, though there is no ſort of Beaſt to eat it. This Iſland is in lat. 12 d. 10 m. North. Here we ſtayed till 4 a clock in the Afternoon; then our Ships being come within a League of the ſhoar, we all went on board, and ſteered for the Gulf of Amapalla, intending there to careen our Ships.

The 26th of July Captain Eaton came aboard our Ship, to conſult with Captain Davis, how to get ſome Indians to aſſiſt us in careening: It was concluded, that when we came near the Gulf, Captain Davis ſhould take two Canoas, well mann'd, and go before, and Captain Eaton ſhould ſtay aboard. According to this Agreement, Captain Davis went away for the Gulf the next day.

The Gulf of Amapalla is a great Arm of the Sea, running 8 or 10 Leagues into the Country. It is bounded on the South-ſide of its Entrance with [122] Point Caſivina, and on the N. W. ſide with St. Michael's Mount. Both theſe place are very remarkable: Point Caſivina is in lat. 12 d. 40 m. North: it is a high round Point, which at Sea appears like an Iſland; becauſe the Land within it is very low. St. Michael's Mount is a very high peeked Hill, not very ſteep: the Land at the foot of it on the S. E. ſide, is low and even, for at leaſt a mile. From this low Land the Gulf of Amapalla enters on that ſide. Between this low Land and Point Caſivina, there are two conſiderable high Iſlands; the Southermoſt is called Mangera, the other is called Amapalla, and they are two miles aſunder.

Mangera is a high round Iſland, about 2 leagues in compaſs, appearing like a tall Grove. It is invironed with Rocks all round, only a ſmall Cove, or ſandy Bay on the N. E. ſide. The Mold and Soil of this Iſland is black, but not deep; it is mixt with Stones, yet very productive of large tall Timber Trees. In the middle of the Iſland there is an Indian Town, and a fair Spaniſh Church. The Indians have Plantations of Maiz round the Town and ſome Plantains: They have a few Cocks and Hens, but no other ſort of tame Fowl; neithe [...] have they any ſort of Beaſt, but Cats and Dogs [...] There is a path from the Town to the ſandy Bay [...] but the way is ſteep and rocky. At this ſandy Bay [...] there are always 10 or 12 Canoas lie haled up dry [...] except when they are in uſe.

Amapalla is a larger Iſland than Mangera; th [...] Soil much the ſame. There are two Towns on i [...] about two Miles aſunder; one on the North-ſid [...] the other on the Eaſt-ſide: That on the Eaſt-ſid [...] is not above a mile from the Sea; it ſtands on [...] Plain on the top of a Hill, the Path to it ſo ſtee [...] and rocky, that a few Men might keep down [...] great number, only with Stones. There is a ve [...] fair Church ſtanding in the midſt of the Tow [...] [123] The other Town is not ſo big, yet it has a good handſom Church. One thing I have obſerved in all the Indians Towns under the Spaniſh Government, as well in theſe parts as in the Bay of Campeachy, and elſewhere, that the Images of the Virgin Mary and other Saints, (with which all their Churches were filled) are ſtill painted in an Indian Complexion, and partly in that Dreſs; but in thoſe Towns which are inhabited chiefly by Spaniards, the Saints alſo conform themſelves to the Spaniſh Garb and Complexion. The Houſes here are but mean; the Indians of both Plains have good Field Maiz, remote from the Town: they have but few Plantains, but they have abundance of large Hog-Plumb-trees, growing about their Houſes. The Tree that bears this Fruit is as big as our largeſt Plumb-tree: The Leaf is of a dark green colour, and as broad as the Leaf of a Plumb-tree; but they are ſhaped like the Haw-thorn Leaf. The Trees are very brittle Wood. The Fruit is oval, and as big as a ſmall Horſe Plumb. It is at firſt very green, but when it is ripe, one ſide is yellow, the other red. It hath a great ſtone, and but little ſubſtance about it: The Fruit is pleaſant enough; but I do not remember that ever I ſaw one throughly ripe, that had not a Maggot or two in it. I do not remember that I did ever ſee any of this Fruit in the South Seas, but at this place. In the Bay of Campeachy they are very plentiful, and in Jamaica they plant them to fence their Ground. Theſe Indians have alſo ſome Fowls, as thoſe at Mangera: No Spaniards dwell among them, but only one Padre or Prieſt, who ſerves for all three Town; theſe two at Amapalla, and that at Mangera. They are under the Governour of the Town of St. Michael's at the foot of St. Michael [...]s Mount, to whom they pay their Tribute in Maiz; being extreamly poor, yet very contented. They have nothing to make Money of, but their Plantations of Maiz and [124] their Fowls; the Padre or Fryer hath his Tenths of it, and knows to a Peck how much every Man hath, and how many Fowls, of which they dare not kill one, tho' they are ſick, without leave from him. There was (as I ſaid) never another white Man on theſe Iſlands, but the Fryer. He could ſpeak the Indian Language, as all Fryers muſt that live among them. In this vaſt Country of America there are divers Nations of Indians, different in their Language, therefore thoſe Fryers that are minded to live among any Nations of Indians, muſt learn the Language of thoſe People they propoſe to teach. Although theſe here are but poor, yet the Indians in many other places have great Riches, which the Spaniards draw from them for Trifles: In ſuch places the Fryers get plentiful Incoms; as particularly in the Bay of Campeachy, where the Indians have large Cacaowalks; or in other Places where they plant Cochoneel Trees, or Silveſter-Trees; or where they gather Vinelloes, and in ſuch places where they gather Gold. In ſuch places as theſe, the Fryers do get a great deal of Wealth. There was but one of all the Indians on both theſe Iſlands that could ſpeak Spaniſh; he could write Spaniſh alſo, being bred up purpoſely to keep their Regiſters and Books of Account: He was Secretary to both Iſlands. They had a Coſica too, (a ſmall ſort of Magiſtrate the Indians have amongſt themſelves) but he could neither write nor ſpeak Spaniſh.

There are a great many more Iſlands in this Bay, but none inhabited as theſe. There is one pretty large Iſland, belonging to a Nunnery, as the Indians told us, this was ſtocked with Bulls and Cows, there were 3 or 4 Indians lived there to look after the Cattle, for the ſake of which we often frequented this Iſland, while we lay in the Bay; they are all low Iſlands, except Amapalla and Mangera. There are two Channels to come into this Gulph, [125] one between Point Caſivina and Mangera, the other between Mangera and Amapalla: The latter is the beſt. The Riding place is on the Eaſt-ſide of Amapalla, right againſt a ſpot of low Ground; for all the Iſland except this one place is high Land. Running in farther, Ships may anchor near the Main, on the N. E. ſide of the Iſland Amapalla. This is the place moſt frequented by Spaniards: It is called the Port of Martin Lopez. This Gulph or Lake runs in ſome Leagues beyond all the Iſlands; but it is ſhole Water, and not capable of Ships.

It was into this Gulph that Capt. Davis was gone with the two Canoas, to endeavour for a Priſoner, to gain intelligence, if poſſible, before our Ships came in: He came the firſt Night to Mangera, but for want of a Pilot, did not know where to look for the Town. In the Morning he found a great many Canoas haled up on the Bay; and from that Bay found a Path which led him and his Company to the Town. The Indians ſaw our Ships in the Evening coming towards the Iſland, and being before informed of Enemies in the Sea, they kept Scouts out all Night for fear; who ſeeing Captain Davis coming, run into the Town, and alarmed all the People. When Captain Davis came thither, they all run into the Woods. The Fryer happened to be there at this time; who being unable to ramble into the Woods, fell into Capt. Davis's Hands: There were two Indian Boys with him, who were likewiſe taken. Captain Davis went only to get a Priſoner, therefore was well ſatisfied with the Fryer, and immediately came down to the Sea-ſide. He went from thence to the Iſland Amapalla, carrying the Fryer and the two Indian Boys with him. Theſe were his Pilots to conduct him to the Landing place, where they arrived about Noon. They made no ſtay here, but left 3 or 4 Men to look after the Canoas, and Captain Davis with the reſt marched to [126] the Town, taking the Fryer with them. The Town, as is before noted, is about a Mile from the Landing-place, ſtanding in a Plain on the top of a Hill, having a very ſteep aſcent to go to it. All the Indians ſtood on the top of the Hill waiting Capt. Davis's coming.

The Secretary, mention'd before, had no great kindneſs for the Spaniards It was he that perſwaded the Indians to wait Captain Davis his coming; for they were all running into the Woods; but he told them, that if any of the Spaniards Enemies came thither, it was not to hurt them, but the Spaniards, whoſe Slaves they were; and that their Poverty would protect them. This Man with the Caſica ſtood more forward than the reſt, at the Bank of the Hill, when Captain Davis with his Company appeared beneath. They called out therefore in Spaniſh, demanding of our Men, What they were, and from whence they came? To whom Capt. Davis and his Men replied, They were Biſcayers, and that they were ſent thither by the King of Spain to clear thoſe Seas from Enemies; that their Ships were coming into the Gulf to careen, and that they came thither before the Ships, to ſeek a convenient place fo [...] it, as alſo to deſire the Indians Aſſiſtance. The Secretary, who, as I ſaid before, was the only Ma [...] that could ſpeak Spaniſh, told them that they we [...] welcome, for he had a great reſpect for any O [...] Spain Men, eſpecially for the Biſcayers, of whom [...] had heard a very honourable Report; therefore [...] deſired them to come up to their Town. Captai [...] Davis and his Men immediately aſcended the Hil [...] the Fryer going before; and they were receiv [...] with a great deal of Affection by the Indians. T [...] Caſica and Secretary embraced Captain Davis, a [...] the other Indians received his Men with the [...] Ceremony. Theſe Salutations being ended, they [...] marched towards the Church, for that is the place [...] [127] all publick Meetings, and all Plays and Paſtimes are acted there alſo, therefore in the Churches belonging to Indian Towns they have all ſorts of Vizards, and ſtrange antick Dreſſes both for Men and Women, and abundance of Muſical Hautboys and Strumſtrums. The Strumſtrum is made ſomewhat like a Cittern; moſt of thoſe that the Indians uſe are made of a large Goad cut in the midſt, and a thin Board laid over the hollow, and which is faſtned to the Sides: this ſerves for the Belly; over which the Strings are placed. The Nights before any Holidays, or the Nights enſuing, are the times when they all meet to make merry. Their Mirth conſiſts in ſinging, dancing, and ſporting in thoſe antick Habits, and uſing as many antick Geſtures. If the Moon ſhine they uſe but few Torches, if not, the Church is full of Light. They meet at theſe times all ſorts of both Sexes. All the Indians that I have been acquainted with who are under the Spaniards, ſeem to be more melancholy than other Indians that are free; and at theſe publick Meetings, when they are in the greateſt of their Jollity, their Mirth ſeems to be rather forced than real. Their Songs are very melancholy and doleful; ſo is their Muck: but whether it be natural to the Indians to be thus melancholy, or the effect of their Slavery, I am not certain: But I have always been prone to believe, that they are then only condoling their Misfortunes, the loſs of their Country and Liberties: which altho' theſe that are now living do not know, nor remember what it was to be free, yet there ſeems to be a deep Impreſſion in their thoughts of the Slavery which the Spaniards have brought them under, increas'd probably by ſome Traditions of their ancient Freedom.

Capt. Davis intended when they were all in the Church to ſhut the Doors, and then make a bargain with them, letting them know what he was, and ſo draw them afterwards by fair means to our aſſiſtance: [128] the Fryer being with him, who had alſo promis'd to engage them to it: but before they were all in the Church, one of Capt. Davis his Men puſht one of the Indians to haſten him into the Church. The Indian immediately ran away, and all the reſt taking the alarm, ſprang out of the Church like Deer; it was hard to ſay which was firſt; and Captain Davis, who knew nothing of what hapned, was left in the Church only with the Fryer. When they were all fled, Captain Davis his Men fir'd and kill'd the Secretary; and thus our Hopes periſhed by the Indiſcretion of one fooliſh Fellow.

In the Afternoon the Ships came into the Gulf between Point Caſivina and Mangera, and anchored near the Iſland Amapalla, on the Eaſt-ſide, in ten Fathom Water, clean hard Sand. In the Evening Captain Davis and his Company came aboard, and brought the Fryer with them; who told Captain Davis, that if the Secretary had not been kill'd, he could have ſent him a Letter by one of the Indians that was taken at Mangera, and perſwaded him to come to us; but now the only way was to ſend one of thoſe Indians to ſeek the Caſica, and that himſelf would inſtruct him what to ſay, and did not queſtion but the Caſica would come in on his word. The next Day we ſent aſhoar one of the Indians, who before Night returned with the Caſica and 6 other Indians, who remained with us all the time that we ſtaid here. Theſe Indians did us good ſervice; eſpecially in piloting us to an Iſland where we kill'd Beef whenever we wanted; and for this their Service we ſatisfied them to their Hearts content. It was at this Iſland Amapalla, that a party of Engliſh men and French men came afterwards, and ſtay'd a great while, and at laſt landed on the Main, and marched over Land to the Cape River, which diſembogues into the North Seas near Cape Gratia Dios, and is therefore called the Cape River: Near the Head of [129] this River they made Bark-logs (which I ſhall deſcribe in the next Chapter) and ſo went into the North Seas. This was the way that Captain Sharp had propoſed to go if he had been put to it; for this way was partly known to Privateers by the diſcovery that was made into the Country about 30 Years ſince, by a Party of Engliſh Men that went up that River in Canoas, about as far as the place where theſe French Men made their Bark-logs: there they landed and marched to a Town called Segovia in the Country. They were near a Month getting up the River, for there were many Cataracts, where they were often forced to leave the River, and hale their Canoas a ſhoar over the Land, till they were paſt the Cataracts, and then launched their Canoas again into the River. I have diſcourſed ſeveral Men that were in that Expedition, and if I miſtake not, Captain Sharp was one of them. But to return to our Voyage in hand; when both our Ships were clean, and our Water filled, Captain Davis and Captain Eaton broke off Conſortſhips. Captain Eaton took aboard of his Ships 400 Packs of Flower, and ſailed out of the Gulf the ſecond day of September.

CHAP. VI.

[130]

They depart from Amapalla. Tornadoes. Cape S. Franciſco. They meeet Captain Eaton, and part again. Iſle of Plata deſcribed. Another meeting with Capt. Eaton, and there final parting. Point Sancta Hellena. Algatrane a ſort of Tar. A Spaniſh Wreck. Cruiſings. Manta, near Cape St. Lorenzo. Monte Chriſto-Cruiſings. Cape Blanco. Payta. The Buildings in Peru. The Soil of Peru. Colan. Barklogs deſcribed. Piura. The Road of Payta. Lobos de Terra. They come again to Lobos de la Mar. The Bay of Guiaquil. Iſle of Sancta Clara. A Rich Spaniſh Wreck there. Cat-fiſh. Point Arena in the Iſle Puna. The Iſland deſcribed. The Palmeto-tree. Town and Harbour of Puna. River of Guiaquil. Guiaquil Town. Its Commodities, Cacao, Sarſaparilla, Quito Cloth. Of the City, and Gold, and Air of Quito. They enter the Bay in order to make an attempt on the Town of Guiaquil. A great Advantage ſlipt that might have been made of a company of Negroes taken in Guiaquil River. They go to Plata again. Iſle Plata.

THE third day of September, 1684. we ſent the Frier aſhoar, and left the Indians in poſſeſſion of the Prize which we brought in hither, though ſhe was ſtill half laden with Flower, and we ſailed out with the Land Wind, paſſing between Amapalla [131] and Mangera. When we were a league out, we ſaw a Canoa coming with Sail and Oars after us; therefore we ſhortned Sail and ſtaid for her. She was a Canoa ſent by the Governor of St. Michael's Town to our Captain, deſiring him not to carry away the Frier. The Meſſenger being told, that the Frier was ſet aſhoar again at Amapalla, he returned with joy, and we made Sail again, having the Wind at W. N. W. We ſteered towards the Coaſt of Peru; we had Tornadoes every day till we made Cape St. Franciſco, which from June to November are very common on theſe Coaſts; and we had with the Tornadoes wery much Thunder, Lightning and Rain. When the Tornadoes were over, the Winds, which while they laſted, was moſt from the South Eaſt, came about again to the Weſt, and never failed us till we were in ſight of Cape St. Franciſco, where we found the Wind at South with fair Weather. This Cape is in lat. 0 1 d. 00 North, it is a high Bluff, or full point of Land, cloathed with tall great Trees. Paſſing by this Point, coming from the North, you will ſee a ſmall low point, which you might ſuppoſe to be the Cape; but you are then paſt it, and preſently afterwards it appears with three points. The Land in the Country, within this Cape, is very high, and the Mountains commonly appear very black. When we came in with this Cape, we overtook Captain Eaton, plying under the ſhoar: he in his paſſage from Amapalla, while he was on that Coaſt, met with ſuch terrible Tornadoes of Thunder and Lightning, that as he and all his Men related, they had never met with the like in any place. They were very much affrightned by them, the Air ſmelling very much of Sulphur, and they apprehending themſelves in great danger of being burnt by the Lightning. He touch'd at the Iſland Cocos, and put aſhoar 200 Packs of Flower there, and loaded his Boat with Coco-Nuts, and took in freſh Water. In the evening we ſeparated [132] again from Captain Eaton; for he ſtood off to Sea, and we plied up under the ſhoar, making our beſt advantage both of Sea and Land Winds. The Sea Winds are here at South, the Land Winds at S. S. E. but ſome times when we came abreſt of a River we ſhould have the Wind at S. E.

The 20th day of September we came to the Iſland Plata, and anchored in 16 fathom. We had very good weather from the time that we fell in with Cape St. Franciſco; and were now fallen in again with the ſame places from whence I begin the account of this Voyage in the firſt Capter, having now compaſs'd in the whole Continent of the South America.

The Iſland Plata, as ſome report, was ſo named by the Spaniards, after Sir Francis Drake took the Cacafoga, a Ship chiefly laden with Plate, which they ſay he brought hither, and divided it here with his Men. It is about 4 mile long, and a mile and half broad, and of a good heighth. It is bounded with high ſteep Cliffs clear round, only at one place on the Eaſt-ſide. The top of it is flat and even, the Soil ſandy and dry: The Trees it produceth are but ſmall bodied, low, and grow thin; and there are only 3 or 4 ſorts of Trees, all unknown to us. I obſerved they were much over-grown with long Moſs. There is good Graſs, eſpecially in the beginning of the Year. There is no Water on this Iſland but at one place on the Eaſt-ſide, cloſe by the Sea; there it drills ſlowly down from the Rocks, where it may be received into Veſſels. There was plenty of Goats, but they are now all deſtroyed. There is no other ſort of Land Animal that I did ever ſee: here are plenty of Boobies and Men of War Birds. The anch [...]ing place is on the Eaſt ſide, near the middle of the Iſland, cloſe by the ſhoar, within two Cables lengths of the ſandy Bay: there is about 18 or 20 fathom good faſt oazy ground, and ſmooth water; [133] for the S. E. point of the Iſland ſhelters from the South Winds which conſtantly blow here. From the S. E. point there ſtrikes out a ſmall ſhole a quarter of a Mile into the Sea, where there is commonly a great riplin or working of ſhort Waves, during all the Flood. The Tide runs pretty ſtrong, the Flood to the South, and the Ebb to the North. There is good landing on the Sandy Bay againſt the Anchoring place, from whence you may go up into the Iſland, and at no place beſides. There are 2 or 3 high, ſteep, ſmall Rocks, at the S. E. point, not a Cables length from the Iſland: and another much bigger at the N. E. end: it is deep water all round but at the anchoring place, and at the ſhole at the S. E. point. This Iſland lieth in lat. 0 1 d. 10 m. South. It is diſtant from Cape St. Lorenzo 4 or 5 leagues, bearing from it W. S. W. and half a point weſterly. At this Iſland are plenty of thoſe ſmall Sea Turtle ſpoken of in my laſt Chapter.

The 21ſt day Captain Eaton came to an Anchor by us: he was very willing to have conſorted with us again; but Captain Davis's Men were ſo unreaſonable, that they wou'd not allow Captain Eaton's Men an equal ſhare with them in what they got: therefore Captain Eaton ſtaid here but one night, and the next day ſailed from hence, ſteering away to the Southward. We ſtaid no longer then the day enſuing, and then we ſailed toward Point St. Hellena, intending there to land ſome Men purpoſely to get Priſoners for Intelligence.

Point Santa Hellena bears South from the Iſland Plata. It lies in lat. 2 d. 15 m. South. The Point is pretty high, flat, and even at top, overgrown with many great Thiſtles, but no ſort of Tree; at a diſtance it appears like an Iſland, becauſe the Land within it is very low.

This Point ſtrikes out Weſt into the Sea, making a pretty large Bay on the North ſide. A mile within the [134] Point, on the Sandy Bay, cloſe by the Sea, there is a poor ſmall Indian Village called Sancta Hellena; the Land about it is low, ſandy and barren, there are no Trees nor Graſs growing near it; neither do the Indians produce any Fruit, Grain, or Plant, but Water-Melons only, which are large and very ſweet. There is no freſh Water at this place, nor near it; therefore the Inhabitants are obliged to fetch all their Water from the River Colanche, which is in the bottom of the Bay, about 4 leagues from it. Not far from this Town on the Bay, cloſe by the Sea, about 5 paces from high-water mark, there is a ſort of bitumenous matter boils out of a little hole in the Earth; it is like thin Tar: The Spaniards call it Algatrane. By much boiling it becomes hard like Pitch. It is frequently uſed by the Spaniards inſtead of Pitch; and the Indians that inhabit here ſave it in Jars. It boils up moſt at high Water; and then the Indians are ready to receive it. Theſe Indians are Fiſhermen, and go out to Sea on Bark-logs. Their chief ſubſiſtence is Maiz, moſt of which they get from Ships that come hither from Algatrane. There is good Anchoring to leeward of the Point, right a gainſt the Village: but on the Weſt ſide of the Point it is deep Water, and no anchoring. The Spaniards do report, that there was once a very rich Ship driven aſhoar here in calm, for want of Wind to work her. As ſoon as ever ſhe ſtruck ſhe heel'd of to Sea, 7 or 8 fathom Water, where ſhe lies to this day; none having attempted to fiſh for her, becauſe ſhe lies deep and there falls in here a great high Sea. When we were abreſt of this Point, we ſent away our Canoas in the night to take the Indian Village. They landed in the Morning betimes cloſe by the Town, and took ſome Priſoners. They took likewiſe a ſmall Bark which the Indians had ſet on fire, but our Men quenched it, and took the Indian that did it; [135] who being aſked wherefore he ſet the Bark on fire, ſaid, that there was an Order from the Vice-Roy lately ſet out, commanding all Seamen to burn their Veſſels, if atttack'd by us, and betake themſelves to their Boats. There was another Bark in a ſmall Cove, a Mile from the Village, thither our Men went, thinking to take her, but the Seamen that were aboard ſet her in Flames and fled: In the Evening our Men came aboard, and brought the ſmall Bark with them, the fire of which they had quenched; and then we returned again towards Plata; where we arrived the 26th day of September.

In the Evening we ſent out ſome Men in our Bark lately taken, and Canoas, to an Indian Village called Manta, 2 or 3 leagues to the Weſt-ward of Cape St. Lorenzo; hoping there to get other Priſoners, for we could not learn from thoſe we took at Point St. Hellena the reaſon why the Vice-Roy ſhould give ſuch Orders to burn the Ships. They had a freſh Sea-breez till 12 a Clock at Night, and then it proved calm; wherefore they rowed away with their Canoas as near to the Town as they thought convenient, and lay ſtill till day.

Manta is a ſmall Indian Village on the Main, diſtant from the Iſland Plata 7 or 8 leagues. It ſtands ſo advantageouſly to be ſeen, being built on a ſmall Aſcent, that it makes a very fair Proſpect to the Sea; yet but a few poor ſcattering Indian Houſes. There is a very fine Church, adorned with a great deal of carved Work. It was formerly a Habitation of Spaniards, but they are all removed from hence now. The Land about it is dry and ſandy, bearing only a few ſhrubby Trees. Theſe Indians plant no manner of Grain or Root, but are ſupplied from other places; and commonly keep a ſtock of Proviſion to relieve Ships that want; for this is the firſt Settlement that Ships can touch at, which come from Panama, [136] bound to Lima, or any other Port in Pern. The Land being dry and ſandy, is not fit to produce Crops of Maiz; which is the reaſon they plant none. There is a Spring of good Water between the Village and the Seas.

On the back of the Town, a pretty way up in the Country, there is a very high Mountain, towring up like a Sugar-Loaf, called Monte-Chriſto. It is a very good Sea-mark, for there is none like it on all the Coaſt. The Body of this Mountain bears due South from Manta. About a mile and half from the ſhore right againſt the Village, there is a Rock which is very dangerous, becauſe it never appears above Water; neither doth the Sea break on it, becauſe here is ſeldom any great Sea; yet it is now ſo well known, that all Ships bound to this place do eaſily avoid it. A mile within this Rock there is good anchoring, in 6, 8, or 10 fathom Water, good hard Sand and clear Ground: And a Mile from the Road on the Weſt-ſide, there is a ſhoal running out a Mile into the Sea. From Manta to Cape St Lorenzo the Land is plain and even, of an indifferent heighth. [See a further Account of theſe Coaſts in the Appendix.]

As ſoon as ever the day appear'd our Men landed and marched towards the Village, which was about a Mile and a half from their Land place: Some of the Indians who were ſtirring, ſaw them coming, and alarmed their Neighbours; ſo that all that were able got away. They took only two old Women, who both ſaid, that it was reported that a great many Enemies were come over Land thro' the Country of Darien into the South Seas, and that they were at preſent in Canoas and Periagoes: and that the Vice-Roy upon this News had ſet out the fore-mentioned order for burning their own Ships. Our Men found no ſort of Proviſion here; the Vice-Roy having likewiſe ſent orders to all Sea-ports to [137] keep no Proviſion, but juſt to ſupply themſelves. Theſe Women alſo ſaid, that the Manta Indians were ſent over to the Iſland Plata, to deſtroy all the Goats there; which they performed about a Month agone. With this News our Men returned again, and arriv'd at Plata the next day.

We lay ſtill at the Iſland Plata, being not reſolved what to do; till the 2d day of Octob. and then Capt. Swan in the Cygnet of London arriv'd there. He was fitted out by very Eminent Merchants of that City, on a deſign only to Trade with the Spaniards or Indians, having a very conſiderable Cargo well ſorted for theſe parts of the World; but meeting with divers Diſappointments, and being out of hopes to obtain a Trade in theſe Seas, his Men forced him to entertain a Company of Privateers which he met with near Nicoya, a Town whither he was going to ſeek a Trade, and theſe Privateers were bound thither in Boats to get a Ship. Theſe were the Men that we had heard of at Manta; they came over Land under the command of Capt. Peter Harris, Nephew to that Capt. Harris, who was killed before Panama. Capt. Swan was ſtill commander of his own Ship, and Capt. Harris commanded a ſmall Bark under Capt. Swan. There was much Joy on all ſides when they arriv'd; and immediately hereupon Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan conſorted, wiſhing for Capt. Eaton again. Our little Bark, which was taken at Santa Hellena, was immediately ſent out to cruize, while the Ships were fitting; for Capt. Swan's Ship being full of Goods, was not fit to entertain his new Gueſt, till the Goods were diſpoſed of; therefore he, by the conſent of the Super-cargo's, got up all his Goods on Deck, and ſold to any one that would buy upon Truſt [...] the reſt was thrown over board into the Sea, except fine Goods, as Silks, Muſlins, Stockins, &c. and [...] the Iron, whereof he had a good Quantity, [...] wrought and in Bars: This was ſaved for Ballaſt.

[138] The third day after our Bark was ſent to cruize, ſhe brought in a Prize of 400 Tuns, laden with Timber: They took her in the Bay of Guiaquil; ſhe came from a Town of that Name, and was bound to Lima. The Commander of this Prize ſaid, that it was generally reported and believed at Guiaquil, that the Vice-Roy was fitting out 10 Sail of Frigots to drive us out of the Seas. This news made our unſettled Crew wiſh, that they had been perſwaded to accept of Captain Eaton's Company on reaſonable Terms. Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan had ſome diſcourſe concerning Capt. Eaton; they at laſt concluded to ſend our ſmall Bark towards the Coaſt of Lima, as far as the Iſland Lobos, to ſeek Capt. Eaton. This being approved by all hands, ſhe was clean'd the next day, and ſent away mann'd with 20 Men, 10 of Capt. Davis's, and 10 of Swan's Men, and Capt. Swan writ a Letter directed to Capt. Eaton, deſiring his Company, and the Iſle of Plata was appointed for the general Rendezvous. When this Bark was gone, we turn'd another Bark, which we had into a Fire-ſhip; having 6 or 7 Carpenters; who ſoon fixt her; and while the Carpenters were at work about the Fire-ſhip, we ſcrubbed and clean'd our Men of War, as well as time and place would permit.

The 19th day of Oct. we finiſhed our Buſineſs, and the 20th day we ſailed towards the Iſland Lobos, where our Bark was ordered to ſtay for us, or meet us again at Plata. We had but litte Wind, therefore it was the 23d day before we paſſed by Point St. Hellena. The 25th day we croſſed over the Bay of Guiaquil. The 30th day we doubled Cape Blanco. This Cape is in lat. 3 d. 45 m. It is counted the worſt Cape in all the South Seas to double, paſſing to the Southward; for in all other places Ships may ſtand off to Sea 20 or 30 Leagues off, if they find they [139] cannot get any thing under the Shoar; but here they dare not do it: for, by relation of the Spaniards, they find a Current ſetting N. W. which will carry a Ship off more in two Hours, than they can run in again in five. Beſides, ſetting to the Northward they loſe ground: therefore they always beat up in under the Shoar, which oft-times they find very difficult, becauſe the Wind commonly blows very ſtrong at S. S. W. or S. by W. without altering; for here are never any Land-winds. This Cape is of an indifferent heighth: it is fenced with White Rocks to the Sea; for which reaſon, I believe, it hath this Name. The Land in the Country ſeems to be full of high, ſteep, rugged and barren Rocks.

The 2d day of November we got as high as Payta: We lay about ſix Leagues off ſhoar all the day, that the Spaniards might not ſee us; and in the Evening ſent our Canoas aſhoar to take it, Mann'd with 110 Men.

Payta is a ſmall Spaniſh Sea-Port Town in the lat, of 5 d. 15 m. It is built on the Sand, cloſe by the Sea, in a Nook, Elbow, or ſmall Bay, under a pretty high Hill. There are not above 75 or 80 Houſes, and two Churches. The Houſes are but low and ill built. The Building in this Country of Peru is much alike, on all the Sea-Coaſt. The Walls are built of Brick, made with Earth and Straw kneaded together: They are about three foot long, two foot broad, and a foot and a half thick: They never burn them, but lay them a long time in the Sun to dry before they are uſed in building. In ſome places they have no Roofs, only Poles laid a-croſs from the ſide Walls, and covered with Matts; and then thoſe Walls are carry'd up to a conſiderable heighth. But where they build Roofs upon their Houſes, the Walls are not made ſo high, as I ſaid before. The Houſes in general all over this Kingdom are but meanly built; one chief Reaſon, with the common People eſpecially, [140] is the want of Materials to build withal; for however it be more within Land, yet here is neither Stone nor Timber to build with, nor any Materials but ſuch Brick as I have deſcribed; and ever the Stone which they have in ſome places is ſo brittle, that you may rub it into Sand with your fingers. Another reaſon why they build ſo meanly is, becauſe it never rains; therefore they only endeavour to fence themſelves from the Sun. Yet their Walls, which are built but with an ordinary ſort of Brick, in compariſon with what is made in other parts of the World, continue a long time as firm as when firſt made, having never any Winds nor Rains, to rot, moulder, or ſhake them. However, the richer ſort have Timber, which they make uſe of in building; but it is brought from other places.

This dry Country commences to the Northward, from about Cape Blanco to Coquimbo, in about 30 d. S. having no Rain that I could ever obſerve or hear of; nor any green thing growing in the Mountains; neither yet in the Valleys, except where here and there water'd with a few ſmall Rivers diſpers'd up and down. So that the Northermoſt parts of this Tract of Land are ſupplied with Timber from Guiaquil, Galleo, Tornato, and other places that are watered with Rains; where there are plenty of all ſorts of Timber. In the South parts, as about Guaſco and Coquimbo, they fetch their Timber from the Iſland Chiloe, or other places thereabouts. The Walls of Churches and rich Mens Houſes are whitened with Lime, both within and without; and the Doors and Poſts are very large, and adorned with carved Work, and the Beams alſo in the Churches: The inſide of the Houſes are hung round with rich embroidered, or painted Cloths. They have likewiſe abundance of fine Pictures, which adds no ſmall Ornament to their Houſe: Theſe, I ſuppoſe, they have from Old Spain. But the Houſes of Payta are none of them [141] ſo richly furniſhed. The Churches were large and fairly carved: At one end of the Town there was a ſmall Fort cloſe by the Sea, but no great Guns in it. This Fort, only with Muſquets, will command all the Bay, ſo as to hinder any Boats from landing. There is another Fort on the top of the Hill, juſt over the Town, which commands both it and the lower Fort. There is neither Wood nor Water to be had there: they fetch their Water from an Indian. Town called Colan, about 2 Leagues N. N. E. from Payta: for at Colan, there is a ſmall River of freſh Water, which runs out into the Sea; from whence Ships that touch at Payta are ſupplied with Water and other Refreſhments, as Fowls, Hogs, Plantains, Yams, and Maiz: Payta being deſtitute of all theſe things, only as they fetch them from Colon, as they have occaſion.

The Indians of Colan are all Fiſhermen: they go out to Sea and fiſh for Bark-logs. Bark-logs are made of many round Logs of Wood, in manner of a Raft, and very different according to the uſe that they are deſigned for, or the humour of the people that make them, or the matter that they are made of. If they are made for fiſhing, then they are only 3 or 4 Logs of light Wood, of 7 or 8 foot long, plac'd by the ſide of each other, pinn'd faſt together with wooden Pins, and bound hard with Withes. The Logs are ſo placed, that the middlemoſt are longer than thoſe by the ſides, eſpecially at the head or fore-part, which grows narrower gradually into an angle or point, the better to cut through the Water. Others are made to carry Goods: The bottom of theſe is made of 20 or 30 great Trees of about 20, 30, or 40 foot long, faſten'd like the other, ſide to ſide, and ſo ſhaped: on the top of theſe they place another ſhorter row of Trees acroſs them, pinn'd faſt to each other, and then pinn'd to the undermoſt row: this double row of Planks makes the [142] bottom of the Float, and of a conſiderable breadth [...] From this bottom the Raft is raiſed to about 10 foo [...] higher, with rows of Poſts ſometimes ſet upright, and ſupporting a Floor or two; but thoſe I obſerv'd were rais'd by thick Trees laid a-croſs each other, as in Wood-piles; only not cloſe together, as in the bottom of the Float, but at the ends and ſides only, ſo as to leave the middle all hollow like a Chamber except that here and there a Beam goes a-croſs it, to keep the Float more compact. In this Hollow, at about 4 foot heighth from the Beams at the bottom, they lay ſmall Poles along, and cloſe together, to make a floor for another Room, on the top of which alſo they lay another ſuch floor made of Poles; and the enterances in both theſe Rooms is only by creeping between the great traverſe Trees which make the Walls of this Sea-Houſe. The loweſt of theſe ſtories ſerves as a Cellar: there they lay great ſtones for Ballaſt, and their Jars of freſh Water cloſed up, and whatever may bear being wet; for by the weight of the Ballaſt and Cargo, the bottom of this Room, and of the whole Veſſel, is ſunk ſo deep, as to lie 2 or 3 feet within the ſurface of the Water. The ſecond ſtory is for the Sea-men, and their neceſſaries. Above this ſecond ſtory the Goods are ſtowed to what heighth they pleaſe, uſually about 8 or 10 feet, and kept together by poles ſet upright quite round: only there is a little ſpace abaft for the Steers-man, (for they have a large Rudder) and afore for the Fire-hearth, to dreſs their Victuals, eſpecially when they make long Voyages, as from Lima to Truxillo or Guiaquil, or Panama; which laſt Voyage is 5 or 600 leagues. In the midſt of all, among the Goods, riſes a Maſt, to which is faſtned a large Sail, as in our Weſt-Country Barges in the Thames. They always go before the Wind, being unable to Ply againſt it; and therefore are fit only for theſe Seas, where the Wind is always in a manner the [143] ſame not varying above a point or two all the way from Lima, till ſuch time as they come into the Bay of Panama: and even there they meet with no great Sea; but ſometimes Northerly winds: and then they lower their Sails, and drive before it, waiting a change. All their care then is only to keep off from Shoar; for they are ſo made that they cannot ſink at Sea. Theſe Rafts carry 60 or 70 Tuns of Goods and upwards; their Cargo is chiefly Wine, Oil, Flower, Sugar, Quito Cloth, Soap, Goat-ſkins dreſt, &c. The Float is manag'd uſually by 3 or 4 Men, who being unable to return with it againſt the Trade-wind, when they come to Panama diſpoſe of the goods and bottom together; getting a paſſage back again for themſelves in ſome Ship or Boat bound to the Port they came from; and there they make a new Bark-log for their next Cargo.

The ſmaller ſort of Bark-logs, deſcribed before, which lie flat on the Water, and are uſed for Fiſhing or carrying Water to Ships, or the like (half a Tun or a Tun at a time) are more governable than the other, tho' they have Maſts and Sails too. With theſe they go out at night by the help of the Land-wind (which is ſeldom wanting on this Coaſt) and return back in the day time with the Sea-wind.

This ſort of Floats are uſed in many places both in the Eaſt and Weſt-Indies. On the Coaſt of Coromandel in the Eaſt-Indies they call them Catamarans. Theſe are but one Log, or two ſometimes, of a ſort of light Wood, and are made without Sail or Rudder, and ſo ſmall, that they carry but one Man, whoſe legs and breech are always in the Water, and he manages his Log with a Paddle, appearing at a diſtance like a Man ſitting on a Fiſh's back.

The Country about Payta is mountainous and barren, like all the reſt of the Kingdom of Peru. There is no Towns of conſequence nearer it than Piura, which is a large Town in the Country 40 miles diſtant. [144] It lieth, by report of our Spaniſh Priſoners, in a Valley which is water'd with a ſmall River, that diſembogues it ſelf into the Bay of Chirapee, in about 7 d. of North latitude. This Bay is nearer to Piura than Payta: yet all Goods imported by Sea for Piura are landed at Payta, for the Bay of Chirapee is full of dangerous ſholes, and therefore not frequented by ſhipping. The Road of Payta is one of the beſt on the Coaſt of Peru. It is ſheltered from the South-weſt by a Point of Land, which makes a large Bay and ſmooth Water for Ships to ride in. There is room enough for a good Fleet of Ships, and good anchoring in any depth, from 6 fathom Water to 20 fathom. Right againſt the Town, the nearer the Town the Shallower the Water, and the ſmoother the riding; it is clean Sand all over the Bay. Moſt Ships paſſing either to the North or the South touch at this place for Water; for tho' here is none at the Town, yet thoſe Indian Fiſher-men of Colan will, and do ſupply all Ships very reaſonably; and good Water is much prized on all this Coaſt through the ſcarcity of it.

November the 3d, at 6 a clock in the morning, our Men landed, about 4 miles to the South of the Town, and took ſome Priſoners that were ſent thi [...]her to watch for fear of us; and theſe Priſoners [...]aid, That the Governour of Piura came with 100 [...]rmed Men to Payta the night before purpoſely to [...]ppoſe our landing there, if we ſhould attempt it.

Our Men marched directly to the Fort on the [...]ill, and took it without the loſs of one Man. Hereupon the Governor of Piura with all his Men, and [...]he Inhabitants of the Town, ran away as faſt as [...]hey could. Then our Men entered the Town, and [...]ound it emptied both of Money and Goods; there was not ſo much as a Meal of Victuals left for them. The Priſoners told us a Ship had been here a little before and burnt a great Ship in the Road, but [145] did not land their Men; and that here they put aſhore all their Priſoners and Pilots. We knew this muſt be Captain Eaton's Ship which had done this, and by theſe circumſtances we ſuppoſed he was gone to the Eaſt-Indies, it being always deſign'd by him. The Priſoners told us alſo, That ſince Capt. Eaton was here, a ſmall Bark had been off the Harbour, and taken a pair of Bark-logs a fiſhing, and made the Fiſhermen bring aboard 20 or 30 Jars of freſh Water. This we ſuppoſed was our Bark that was ſent to rhe Lobos to ſeek Capt. Eaton.

In the Evening we came in with our Ships, and anchored before the Town in 10 fathom Water, near a Mile from the Shore. Here we ſtaid till the ſixth day, in hopes to get a Ranſom for the Town. Our Captains demanded 300 Packs of Flower, 3000 pound of Sugar, 25 Jars of Wine, and 1000 Jars of Water to be brought off to us; but we got nothing of it. Therefore Captain Swan ordered the Town to be fired, which was preſently done. Then all our Men came aboard, and Captain Swan ordered the Bark which Captain Harris commanded, to be burnt, becauſe ſhe did not ſail well.

At Night, when the Land-wind came off, we ſailed from hence towards Lobos. The 10th Day in the Evening we ſaw a Sail bearing N. W. by N. as far as we could well diſcern her on our Deck. We immediately chaſed, ſeparating our ſelves, the better to meet her in the Night; but we miſt her. Therefore the next Morning we again trimm'd ſharp, and made the beſt of our way to the Lobos de la Mar.

The 14th day we had ſight of the Iſland Lobos de Terra: It bore Eaſt from us; we ſtood in towards it, and betwixt 7 and 8 a Clock in the Night came to an Anchor at the N. E. end of the Iſland, in 4 fathom Water. This Iſland at Sea is of an indifferent height, and appears like Lobos de la Mar. About a quarter of a Mile from the North-end there is a great hollow [146] Rock, and a good Channel between, where there is 7 fathom Water. The 15th day we went aſhore, and found abundance of Penguins and Boobies, and Seal in great quantities. We ſent aboard of all theſe to be dreſt, for we had not taſted any Fleſh in a great while before; therefore ſome of us did eat very heartily. Capt. Swan, to encourage his Men to eat this courſe Fleſh, would commend it for extraordinary good Food, comparing the Seal to a roaſting Pig, the Boobies to Hens, and the Penguins to Ducks: This he did to train them to live contentedly on courſe Meat, not knowing but we might be forced to make uſe of ſuch Food before we departed out of theſe Seas; for it is generally ſeen among Privateers, that nothing emboldens them ſooner to mutiny than want, which we could not well ſuffer in a place where there are ſuch quantities of theſe Animals to be had, if Men could be perſwaded to be content with them.

In the Afternoon we ſailed from Lobos de Terra, with the Wind at S. by E. and arriv'd at Lobos de la Mar on the 19th day. Here we found a Letter, left by our Bark that was ſent to ſeek Capt. Eaton, by which we underſtood, that Captain Eaton had been there, but was gone before they arrived, and had left no Letter to adviſe us which way he was gone; and that our Bark was again returned to Plata, in hopes to find us there, or meet us by the way, elſe reſolving to ſtay for us there. We were ſorry to hear that Capt. Eaton was gone, for now we did not expect to meet with him any more in theſe Seas.

The 21ſt day we ſent out our Moſkito Strikers for Turtle, who brought aboard enough to ſerve both Ships Companies; and this they did all the time that we abode here. While we lay at this Iſland, Capt. Swan made new Yards, ſquarer than thoſe he had before, and made his Sails larger, and our Ships Company in the mean time ſplit Plank for Fire-wood, [147] and put aboard as many Planks as we could conveniently ſtow, for other uſes: Here being Plank enough of all ſorts, which we had brought hither in the firſt Prize that we took, and left here.

The 26th day in the Evening we ſaw a ſmall Bark about 3 Leagues N. N. W. from the Iſland, but we ſuppoſing her to be our own Bark, did not go after her. The next Morning ſhe was two Leagues South of the Iſland, ſtanding off to Sea; but we did not now chace her neither, altho' we knew ſhe was not our Bark; for being to Windward of us, ſhe could have made her eſcape, if we had chaced her. This Bark, as we were afterwards inform'd, was ſent out purpoſely to ſee if we were at this Iſland. Her Orders were, not to come too near, only to appear in [...]ight; they ſuppoſing that if we were here we ſhould ſoon be after her; as indeed it was a wonder we had not chaced her: But our not doing ſo, and lying cloſe under the Iſland undiſcern'd by them, was a great occaſion of our coming upon Puna afterwards unexectedly, they being now without fear of any Enemy ſo near them:

The 28th day we ſcrubbed our Ships bottom, intending to ſail the next day towards Guiaquil; it being concluded upon to attempt that Town before we returned again to Plata. Accordingly, on the 29th day in the Morning, we looſed from hence, ſteering directly for the Bay of Guiaquil. This Bay runs in between Cape Blanco on the South-ſide, and Point Chandy on the North. About 25 Leagues from C. Blanco, near the bottom of the Bay, there is a ſmall Iſland called Santa Clara, which lies Eaſt and Weſt: It is of an indifferent length, and it appears like a dead Man ſtretched out in a Shroud. The Eaſt-end repreſents the Head, and the Weſt-end the Feet. Ships that are bound into the River of Guiaquil paſs on the South-ſide, to avoid the ſholes which lie on the North-ſide of it; whereon for [...] Ships [148] have heen loſt. It is reported by the Spaniards, that there is a very rich Wreck lies on the North-ſide of that Iſland, not far from it; and that ſome of the Plate hath been taken up by one who came from Old Spain, with a Patent from the King to fiſh in thoſe Seas for Wrecks; but he dying, the Project ceas'd, and the Wreck ſtill remains as he left it; only the Indians by ſtealth do ſometimes take up ſome of it; and they might have taken up much more, if it were not for the Cat-fiſh which ſwarms hereabouts.

The Cat-fiſh is much like a Whiting, but the Head is flatter and bigger. It hath a great wide Mouth, and certain ſmall Strings pointing out from each ſide of it, like Cats Whiſkers, and for that reaſon it is call'd a Cat-fiſh. It hath three Fins, one growing on the top of his Back, and one on either ſide. Each of theſe Fins have a ſtiff ſharp Bone, which is very venomous if it ſtrikes into a Man's Fleſh; therefore it it is dangerous diving where many of theſe Fiſh are. The Indians that adventured to ſearch this Wreck, have to their ſorrow experienc'd it; ſome having loſt their Lives, others the uſe of their Limbs by it: This we were informed by an Indian, who himſelf had been fiſhing on it by ſtealth. I my ſelf have known ſome white Men that have loſt the uſe of their Hands, only by a ſmall prick with the Fin of theſe Fiſh: Therefore when we catch them with a Hook, we tread on them to take the Hook out of their Mouths; for otherwiſe, in flurting about (as all Fiſh will when firſt taken) they might accidentally ſtrike their ſharp Fins into the Hands of thoſe that caught them. Some of theſe Fiſh are 7 or 8 pound weight: ſome again, in ſome particular places, are none of them bigger than a Man's Thumb, but their Fins are all alike venomous. They uſe to be at the Mouths of Rivers, or where there is much Mud and Oaze, and they are found all over the American Coaſt, both in the North and South-Sea, at [149] leaſt in the hot Countries, as alſo in the Eaſt-Indies: where ſailing with Captain Minchin among certain Iſlands near the Streights of Malacca, he pointed to an Iſland, at which he told me he loſt the uſe of his hand by one of theſe, only in going to take the Hook out of its mouth. The wound was ſcarce viſible, yet his Hand was much ſwoln, and the Pain laſted about 9 weeks; during moſt part of which the raging heat of it was almoſt ready to diſtract him. However though the Bony Fins of theſe Fiſh are ſo venomous, yet the Bones in their Bodies are not ſo; at leaſt we never perceived any ſuch effect in eating the Fiſh; and their Fleſh is very ſweet, delicious and wholeſome Meat.

From the Iſland Santa Clara to Punta Arena is 7 leagues E. N. E. This Punta Arena, or Sandy Point, is the Weſtermoſt Point of the Iſland Puna. Here all Ships bound into the River of Guiaquil anchor, and muſt wait for a Pilot, the enterance being very dangerous for Strangers.

The Iſland Puna is a pretty large flat low Iſland, ſtretching Eaſt and Weſt about 12 or 14 leagues long, and about 4 or 5 leagues wide. The Tide runs very ſtrong all about this Iſland, but ſo many different ways, by reaſon of the Branches, Creeks and Rivers that run into the Sea near it, that it caſts up many dangerous ſholes on all ſides of it. There is in the Iſland only one Indian Town on the Southſide of it, cloſe by the Sea, and 7 leagues from Point Arena, which Town is alſo called Puna. The Indians of this Town are all Seamen, and are the only Pilots in theſe Seas, eſpecially for this River. Their chiefeſt employment, when they are not at Sea, is fiſhing. Theſe Men are obliged by the Spaniards to keep good watch for Ships that anchor at Point Arena; which, as I ſaid before, is 7 leagues from the Town Puna. The place where they keep this watch is at a Point of Land on the Iſland Puna, that ſtarts [150] out into the Sea; from whence they can ſee all Ships that anchor at Point Arena. The Indians come thither in the morning, and return at night on Horſeback. From this watching Point, to Point Arena, it is 4 leagues, all drowned Mangrove-Land: And in the midway between theſe two Points is another ſmall Point, where theſe Indians are obliged to keep another Watch, when they fear an Enemy. The Centinel goes thither in a Canoa in the morning, and returns at night; for there is no coming thither by Land, through that Mangrove marſhy ground. The middle of the Iſland Puna is Savannah or Paſture. There are ſome ridges of good Woodland, which is of a light Yellow or ſandy Mould, producing large tall Trees moſt unknown even to Travellers: But there are plenty of Palmeto-Trees, which becauſe I am acquainted with, I ſhall deſcibe. The Palmeto-Tree is about the bigneſs of an ordinary Aſh: It is about 30 foot high; the body ſtraight, without any limb, or branch, or leaf, except at the head only, where it ſpreads forth into many ſmall Branches, not half ſo big as a Mans Arm, ſome no bigger than ones Finger: Theſe Branches, are about 3 or 4 foot long, clear from any knot: At the end of the Branch there groweth one broad leaf, about the bigneſs of a large Fan. This, when it firſt ſhoots forth, grows in folds, like a Fan when it is cloſed; and ſtill as it grows bigger ſo it opens, till it becomes like a Fan ſpread abroad. It is ſtrengthened towards the ſtalk with many ſmall ribs ſpringing from thence, and growing into the leaf; which as they grow near the end of the leaf, grow thinner and ſmaller. The leaves that make the bruſh part of the Flag-brooms which are brought into England, grow juſt in this manner; and are indeed a ſmall kind of Palmeto; for there are of them of ſeveral dimenſions. In Bermudas, and elſewhere, they make Hats, Baſkets, Brooms, Fans to blow [151] the fire inſtead of Bellows, with many other Houſeimplements, of Palmeto-leaves. On the Ridges where theſe Trees grow, the Indians have here and there Plantations of Maiz, Yams, and Potatoes.

There are in the Town of Puna about 20 Houſes, and a ſmall Church. The Houſes ſtand all on Poſts, 10 or 12 foot high, with Ladders on the outſide to go up into them. I did never ſee the like Building any where but among the Malayans in the Eaſt-Indies. They are thatched with Palmeto-leaves, and their Chambers well boarded, in which laſt they exceed the Malayans. The beſt place for Ships to lie at an Anchor is againſt the middle of the Town. There is 5 fathom Water within a Cables length of the ſhoar, and good ſoft deep Oaze where Ships may careen, or hale aſhoar; it ſtows 15 or 16 foot Water up and down.

From Puna to Guiaquil is reckoned 7 leagues. It is 1 league before you come to the River of Guiaquil's mouth, where it is above two mile wide; from thence upwards the River lies pretty ſtreight, without any conſiderable turnings. Both ſides of the River are low ſwampy Land, over-grown with Red Mangroves, ſo that there is no landing. Four mile before you come to the Town of Guiaquil, there's a low Iſland ſtanding in the River. This Iſland divides the River into two parts, making 2 very fair Channels for Ships to paſs up and down. The S. W. Channel is the wideſt, the other is as deep, but narrower and narower yet, by reaſon of many Trees and Buſhes, which ſpread over the River, both from the Main and from the Iſland; and there are alſo ſeveral great ſtumps of Trees ſtanding upright in the Water on either ſide. The Iſland is above a mile long. From the upper part of the Iſland to the Town of Guiaquil, is almoſt a league, and near as much from one ſide of the River to the other. In that ſpacious place Ships of the greateſt burthen may [152] ride afloat; but the beſt place for Ships is neareſt to that part of the Land where the Town ſtands; and this place is ſeldom without Ships. Guiaquil ſtands facing the Iſland, cloſe by the River, partly on the ſide, and partly at the foot of a gentle Hill declining towards the River, by which the lower part of it is often overflown. There are two Forts, one ſtanding on the low Ground, the other on the Hill. This Town makes a very fine proſpect, it being beautify'd with ſeveral Churches and other good Buildings. Here lives a Governor, who, as I have been informed, hath his Patent from the King of Spain. Guiaquil may be reckoned one of the chiefeſt Sea-ports in the South Seas: The Commodities which are exported from hence are Cacao, Hides, Tallow, Sarſaparilla, and other Drugs, and Woollen-Cloth, commonly called Cloth of Quito.

The Cacao grows on both ſides of the River above the Town. It is a ſmall Nut, like the Campeachy Nut: I think the ſmalleſt of the two; they produce as much Cacoa here as ſerves all the Kingdom of Peru; and much of it is ſent to Acapulco, and from thence to the Phillipine Iſlands.

Sarſaparilla grows in the Water by the ſides of the River, as I have been informed.

The Quito Cloth comes from a rich Town in the Country within Land called Quito. There is a great deal made, both Serges and Broad-Cloth. This Cloth is not very fine, but is worn by the common ſort of People throughout the whole Kingdom of Peru. This and all other Commodities, which come from Quito, are ſhipt off at Guiaquil for other Parts; and all imported Goods for the City of Quito paſs by Guiaquil: By which it may appear that Guiaquil is a Place of no mean Trade.

Quito, as I have been informed, is a very populous City, ſeated in the heart of the Country. It is inhabited partly by Spaniards; but the major part of [153] its Inhabitants are Indians, under the Spaniſh Government.

It is environed with Mountains of a vaſt heighth, from whoſe bowels many great Rivers have their riſe. Theſe Mountains abound in Gold, which by violent Rains is waſh'd with the Sand into the adjacent Brooks, where the Indians reſort in Troops, waſhing away the Sand, and putting up the Gold-duſt in their Calabaſhes or Gourd Shells: But for the manner of the gathering the Gold I refer you too Mr. Wafer's Book: only I ſhall remark here, that Quito is the place in all the Kingdom of Peru, that abounds moſt with this Rich Metal, as I have been often informed.

The Country is ſubject to great Rains, and very thick Fogs, eſpecially the Valleys. For that reaſon it is very unwholeſome and ſickly. The chiefeſt Diſtempers are Fevers, violent Head-ach, Pains in the Bowels, and Fluxes. I know no place where Gold is found but what is very unhealthy: As I ſhall more particularly relate when I come to ſpeak of Acbin in the Iſle of Sumatra in the Eaſt-Indies. Guiaquil is not ſo ſickly as Quito and other Towns farther within Land; yet in compariſon with the Towns that are on the Coaſt of Mare Pacifico, South of Cape Blanco, it is very ſickly.

It was to this Town of Guiaquil that we were bound, therefore we left our Ships off Cape Blanco, and ran into the Bay of Guiaquil with our Bark and Canoas, ſteering in for the Iſland Santa Clara, where we arrived the next day after we left our Ships, and from thence we ſent away two Canoas the next evening to Point Arena. At this Point there are abundance of Oyſters, and other Shell-fiſh, as Cockles and Muſcles; therefore the Indians of Puna often come hither to get theſe Fiſh. Our Canoas got over before day, and abſconded in a Creek, to wait for the coming of the Puna Indians. The next morning [154] ſome of them, according to their cuſtom, came thither on Bark-logs, at the latter part of the Ebb, and were all taken by our Men. The next day, by their advice, the two Watchmen of the Indian Town Puna were taken by our Men, and all its Inhabitants, not one eſcaping. The next Ebb they took a ſmall Bark laden with Quito-cloth. She came from Guiaquil that Tide, and was bound to Lima, they having advice that we were gone off the Coaſt, by the Bark which I ſaid we ſaw while we lay at the Iſland Lobos. The Maſter of this Cloth-Bark informed our Men, that there were 3 Barks coming from Guiaquil, laden with Negroes: he ſaid they would come from thence the next Tide. The ſame Tide of Ebb that they took the Cloth-bark, they ſent a Canoa to our Bark, where the biggeſt part of the Men were to haſten them away with ſpeed to the Indian Town The Bark was now riding at Point Arena; and the next Flood ſhe came with all the Men, and the reſt of the Canoas to Puna. The Tide of Flood being now far ſpent, we lay at this Town till the laſt of the Ebb, and then rowed away, leaving 5 Men aboard our Bark, who were ordered to lie ſtill till 8 a clock the next morning, and not to fire at any Boat or Bark, but after that time they might fire at any object: for it was ſuppoſed, that before that time we ſhould be maſters of Guiaquil. We had not rowed above 2 mile, before we met and took one of the three Barks laden with Negroes; the Maſter of her ſaid, that the other two would come from Guiaquil the next Tide of Ebb. We cut her Main-maſt down, and left her at an Anchor. It was now ſtrong Flood, and therefore we rowed with all ſpeed towards the Town, in hopes to get thither before the Flood was down, but we found it farther than we did expect it to be, or elſe our Canoas being very full of men, did not row ſo faſt as we would have them. The day broke when we were two leagues [155] from the Town, and then we had not above an hours Flood more; therefore our Captains deſired the Indian Pilot to direct us to ſome Creek where we might abſcond all day, which was immediately done, and one Canoa was ſent toward Puna to our Bark, to order them not to move nor fire till the next day. But ſhe came too late to countermand the firſt orders; for the two Barks before mentioned laden with Negroes, came from the Town the laſt quarter of the evening Tide, and lay in the River, cloſe by the ſhoar on one ſide, and we rowed upon the other ſide and miſt them; neither did they ſee nor hear us. Aſſoon as the Flood was ſpent, the two Barks weighed and went down with the Ebb, towards Puna. Our Bark ſeeing them coming directly towards them, and both full of men, ſuppoſed that we by ſome Accident had been deſtroyed, and that the two Barks were Mann'd with Spaniſh Soldiers, and ſent to take our Ships, and therefore they fired 3 Guns at them a league before they came near. The two Spaniſh Barks immediately came to an Anchor, and the Maſters got into their Boats, and rowed for the ſhoar; but our Canoa that was ſent from us took them both. The firing of theſe 3 Guns made a great diſorder among our advanced Men, for moſt of them did believe they were heard at Guiaquil, and that therefore it could be no profit to lie ſtill in the Creek; but either row away to the Town, or back again to our Ships. It was now quarter ebb, therefore we could not move upwards, if we had been diſpos'd ſo to do. At length Captain Davis ſaid, he would immediately land in the Creek where they lay, and march directly to the Town, if but 40 Men would accompany him: and without ſaying more words, he landed among the Mangroves in the Marſhes. Thoſe that were ſo minded followed him, to the number of 40 or 50. Captain Swan lay ſtill with the reſt of the Party in the Creek, [156] for they thought it impoſſible to do any good that way. Captain Davis and his Men were abſent about 4 hours, and then returned all wet, and quite tired, and could not find any paſſage out into the firm Land. He had been ſo far, that he almoſt deſpair'd of getting back again: for a Man cannot paſs thro' thoſe red Mangroves but with very much labour. When Capt. Davis was return'd, we concluded to be going towards the Town the beginning of the next flood; and if we found that the Town was alarm'd we purpoſed to return again without attempting any thing there. As ſoon as it was flood we rowed away, and paſſed by the Iſland thro' the N. E. Channel, which is the narroweſt. There are ſo many Stumps in the River, that it is very dangerous paſſing in the night (and that is the time we always take for ſuch Attempts) for the River runs very ſwift, and one of our Canoas ſtuck on a ſtump, and had certainly over-ſet, if ſhe had not been immediately reſcued by others. When we were come almoſt to the end of the Iſland, there was a Muſquet fired at us out of the Buſhes on the Main. We then had the Town open before us, and preſently ſaw lighted Torches, or Candles, all the Town over; whereas before the Gun was fired there was but one Light: therefore we now concluded we were diſcovered: Yet many of our Men ſaid, that it was a Holy-day the next day, as it was indeed, and that therefore the Spaniards were making Fire-works, which they often do in the night againſt ſuch times. We rowed there-fore a little farther, and found firm Land, and Captain Davis pitch'd his Canoa aſhore and landed with his Men. Captain Swan, and moſt of his Men, did not think it convenient to attempt any thing, ſeeing the Town was alarmed; but at laſt, being upbraided with Cowardize, Captain Swan and his Men landed alſo. The place where we landed was about 2 mile from the Town: it was all over-grown with Woods [157] ſo thick, that we could not march through in the Night; and therefore we ſat down, waiting for the light of the Day. We had two Indian Pilots with us; one that had been with us a Month, who having received ſome Abuſes from a Gentleman of Guiaquil, to be revenged offered his Service to us; and we found him very faithful: The other was taken by us not above 2 or 3 days before, and he ſeemed to be as willing as the other to aſſiſt us. This latter was led by one of Captain Davis's Men, who ſhewed himſelf very forward to go to the Town, and upbraided others with faint-heartedneſs: Yet this Man (as he afterwards confeſſed) notwithſtanding his Courage privately cut the String that the Guide was made faſt with, and let him go to the Town by himſelf, not caring to follow him; but when he thought the Guide was got far enough from us, he cried out that the Pilot was gone, and that ſome Body had cut the Cord that tied him. This put every Man in a moving Poſture to ſeek the Indian, but all in vain; and our Conſternation was great being in the dark and among Woods; ſo the deſign was wholly daſhed, for not a Man after that had the heart to ſpeak of going farther. Here we ſtaid till day, and then rowed out into the middle of the River, where we had a fair view of the Town; which, as I ſaid before, makes a very pleaſant proſpect. We lay ſtill about half an hour, being a mile, or ſomething better, from the Town. They did not fire one Gun at us, nor we at them. Thus our deſign on Guiaquil fail'd: yet Captain Townely, and Capt. Francois Gronet took it a little while after this. When we had taken a full view of the Town, we rowed over the River, where we went aſhore to a Beef Eſtantion or Farm, and kill'd a Cow, which we dreſt and eat. We ſtaid there till the Evening Tide of Ebb, and then rowed down the River, and the 9th day in the Morning arrived at Pima. In our [158] way thither we went aboard the 3 Barks laden with Negroes, that lay at their Anchor in the River, and carried the Barks away with us. There were 1000 Negroes in 3 Barks, all luſty young Men and Women. When we came to Puna, we ſent a Canoa to Point Arena, to ſee if the Ships were come thither. The 12th day ſhe returned again, with tydings that they were both there at Anchor. Therefore in the Afternoon we all went aboard of our Ships, and carry'd the Cloth-Bark with us, and about 40 of the ſtouteſt Negro-Men, leaving their 3 Barks with the reſt; and out of theſe alſo Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan choſe about 14 or 15 a-piece, and turn'd the reſt aſhore.

There was never a greater oportunity put into the Hands of Men to enrich themſelves than we had; to have gone with theſe Negroes and ſettled our ſelves at Santa Maria, on the Iſthmus of Darien, and employed them in getting Gold out of the Mines there. Which might have been done with eaſe: For about 6 Months before this, Capt. Harris (who was now with us) coming over Land from the North Seas, with his Body of Privateers, had routed the Spaniards away from the Town and Gold-Mines of Santa Maria, ſo that they had never attempted to ſettle there again ſince: Add to this, that the Indian Neighbourhood, who were mortal Enemies to the Spaniards, and had been fluſht by their Succeſſes againſt them, through the aſſiſtance of the Privateers, for ſeveral years, were our faſt Friends, and ready to receive and aſſiſt us. We had, as I have ſaid, 1000 Negroes to work for us, we had 200 Tun of Flower that lay at the Gallapagos, there was the River of Santa Maria, where we could careen and fit our Ships; and might fortifie the mouth ſo, that if all the ſtrength the Spaniards have in P [...] had come againſt us, we could have kept them out. If they lay with Guard-ſhips of Strength to keep us [159] in, yet we had a great Country to live in, and a great Nation of Indians that were our Friends: Beſide, which was the principal thing, we had the North Seas to befriend us; from whence we could export our ſelves, or Effects, or import Goods or Men to our aſſiſtance; for in a ſhort time we ſhould have had aſſiſtance from all parts of the Weſt-Indies; many thouſands of Privateers from Jamaica and the French Iſlands eſpecially would have flockt over to us; and long before this time we might have been Maſters not only of thoſe Mines, (the richeſt Gold-Mines ever yet found in America) but of all the Coaſt as high as Quito: And much more than I ſay might then probably have been done.

But theſe may ſeem to the Reader but Golden Dreams: To leave them therefore; The 13th day we ſailed from Point Arena towards Plata, to ſeek our Bark that was ſent to the Iſland Lobos, in ſearch of Captain Eaton. We were 2 Ships in Company, and 2 Barks; and the 16th day we arrived at Plata, but found no Bark there, nor any Letter. The next day we went over to the Main to fill Water, and in our Paſſage met our Bark: She had been a ſecond time at the Iſland Lobos, and not finding us, was coming to Plata again. They had been in ſome want of Proviſion ſince they left us, and therefore they had been at Santa Hellena, and taken it; where they got as much Maize as ſerved them 3 or 4 days; and that, with ſome Fiſh and Turtle which they ſtruck, laſted them till they came to the Iſland Lobos de Terra. They got Boobies and Penguins Eggs; of which they laid in a ſtore; and went from thence to Lobos de la Mar, where they repleniſhed their ſtock of Eggs, and ſalted up a few young Seal, for fear they ſhould want: And being thus victualled, they returned again towards Plata. When our Water was fill'd, we went over again to the Iſland Plata. There we parted the Cloths that w [...]re taken in the [160] Cloth-Bark into two Lots or Shares; Captain Davis and his Men had one part, and Captain Swan and his Men had the other part. The Bark which the Cloth was in, Captain Swan kept for a Tender. At this time here were at Plata a great many large Turtles, which I judge came from the Gallapago's, for I had never ſeen any here before, tho' I had been here ſeveral times: This was their Coupling-time, which is much ſooner in the Year here than in the Weſt-Indies, properly ſo called. Our Strikers brought aboard every day more than we could eat. Captain Swan had no Striker, and therefore had no Turtle but what was ſent him from Captain Davis; and all his Flower too he had from Captain Davis: But ſince our Diſappointment at Guiaquil, Capt. Davis's Men murmured againſt Captain Swan, and did not willingly give him any Proviſion, becauſe he was not ſo forward to go thither as Capt. Davis. However, at laſt, theſe differences were made up, and we concluded to go into the Bay of Panama, to a Town called La Velia; but becauſe we had not Canoas enough to land our Men, we were reſolved to ſearch ſome Rivers where the Spaniards have no Commerce, there to get Indian Canoas.

CHAP. VII.

[161]

They leave the Iſle of Plata. Cape Paſſao. The Coaſt between that and Cape St. Franciſco: and from thence on to Panama. The River of St. Jago. The Red and the White Cotton-tree. The Cabbage-Tree. The Indians of St. Jago River, and its Neigbourhood. The Iſle of Gallo. The River and Village of Tomaco. Iſle of Gorgona. The Pearl-Oyſters there and in other parts. The Land on the Main. Cape Corientes. Point Garachina. Iſland Gallera. The Kings, or Pearl Iſlands. Pacheque. St. Paul's Iſland. Lavelia. Nata. The Calmfiſh. Oyſters. The pleaſant Proſpects in the Bay of Panama. Old Panama. The New City. The great Concourſe there from Lima and Portabel, &c. upon the Arrival of the Spaniſh Armada in the Weſt-Indies. The Courſe the Armada takes; with an incidental Account of the firſt inducements that made the Privateers undertake the paſſage over the Iſthmus of Darien into the South Seas, and of the particular beginning of their correſpondence with the Indians that inhabit that Iſthmus. Of the Air and Weather at Panama. The Iſles Perico. Tabago a pleaſant Iſland. The Mammee-tree. The Village Tabago. A Spaniſh Stratagem or two, of Capt. Bond their Engineer. The Ignorance of the Spaniards of theſe Parts in Sea Affairs: A party of French Privateers arrive from over Land. Of the Commiſſions that are given [162] out by the French Governour of Petit Guavres. Of the Gulph of St. Michael, and the Rivers of Congos, Sambo, and Sta. Maria; and an Error of the common Maps, in the placing Point Garachina and Cape St. Lorenzo, corrected. Of the Town and Gold Mines of Sta. Maria; and the Town of Scuchadero. Capt. Townley's Arrival with ſome more Engliſh Privateers over Land. Jars of Piſco-Wine. A Bark of Capt. Knight's joyns them. Point Garachina again. Porto de Pinas. Iſle of Otoque. The Pacquet from Lima taken. Other Engliſh and French Privateers arrive. Chepelio, one of the ſweeteſt Iſlands in the World. The Sapadillo Avogato Pear, Mammee Sappota. Wild Mammee and Star-Apple, Cheapo River and Town. Some Traverſings in the Bay of Panama; and an account of tbe Strength of the Spaniſh Fleet, and of the Privateers, and the Engagement between them.

THE 23d day of Decemb. 1684. we ſailed from the Iſland Plata, towards the Bay of Panama: The Wind at S. S. E. a fine briſk gale, and fine Weather. The next morning we paſt by Cape Paſſao. This Cape is in lat. 00 d. 08 m. South of the Equator. It runs out into the Sea with a high round Point, which ſeems to be divided in the midſt. It is bald againſt the Sea, but within Land, and on both ſides, it is full of ſhort Trees. The Land in the Country is very high and Mountainous, and it appears to be very woody. Between Cape Paſſao and Cape St Franciſco, the Land by the Sea is full of ſmall Points, making as many little ſandy Bays between them; and is of an indifferent heighth, [163] covered with Trees of divers ſorts; ſo that ſailing by this Coaſt you ſee nothing but a vaſt Grove or Wood, which is ſo much the more pleaſant, becauſe the Trees are of ſeveral Forms, both in reſpect to their Growth and Colour.

Our deſign was, as I ſaid in my firſt Chapter, to ſearch for Canoas in ſome River where the Spaniards have neither Settlement nor Trade with the native Indians. We had Spaniſh Pilots, and Indians bred under the Spaniards, who were able to carry us into any Harbour or River belonging to the Spaniards, but were wholly unacquainted with thoſe Rivers which were not frequented by the Spaniards. There are many ſuch unſrequented Rivers between Plata and Panama: Indeed all the way from the Line to the Gulph of St. Michaels, or even to Panama it ſelf, the Coaſt is not inhabited by any Spaniards, nor are the Indians that inhabit there any way under their ſubjection: except only near the Iſle Gallo, where, on the Banks of a Gold River or two, there are ſome Spaniards who work there to find Gold.

Now our Pilots being at a loſs on theſe leſs frequented Coaſts, we ſupply'd that defect out of the Spaniſh Pilot-books, which we took in their Ships: Theſe we found by experience to be very good Guides. Yet nevertheleſs the Country in many Places by the Sea being low, and full of openings, Creeks and Rivers, it is ſomewhat difficult to find any particular River that a Man deſigns to go to, where he is not well acquainted.

This however could be no diſcouragement to us; for one River might probably be as well furniſhed with Indian Canoas as another; and if we found them, it was to us indifferent where, yet we pitcht on the River St. Jago, not becauſe the [...] were not other Rivers as large, and as likely to be inhabited with Indians as it; but becauſe that River was not far from Gallo, an Iſland where our Ships could anchor [164] ſafely and ride ſecurely. We paſt by Cape St. Franciſco, meeting with great and continued Rains. The Land by the Sea to the North of the Cape, is low and extraordinary woody; the Trees are very thick, and ſeem to be of a prodigious height and bigneſs. From Cape St. Franciſco the Land runs more Eaſterly into the Bay of Panama. I take this Cape to be its Bounds on the South ſide, and the Iſles of Cobaya or Quibo to bound it on the N. ſide. Between this Cape and the Iſle Gallo, there are many large and navigable Rivers. We paſſed by them all till we came to the River St Jago.

This River is near 2 d. North of the Equator. It is large and navigable ſome leagues up, and 7 leagues from the Sea it divides it ſelf into two parts, making an Iſland that is 4 leagues wide againſt the Sea. The wideſt branch is that on the S. W. ſide of the Iſland. Both Branches are very deep, but the Mouth of the narrower is ſo choakt with ſholes, that at low water, even Canoas can't enter. Above the Iſland it is a league wide and the Stream runs pretty ſtraight, and very ſwift. The Tide flows about 3 leagues up the River, but to what heighth I know not. Probably the River hath its Original from ſome of the Rich Mountains near the City Quito, and it runs through a Country, as rich in Soil, as perhaps any in the World, eſpecially when it draws within 10 or 12 leagues of the Sea. The Land there both on the Iſland, and on the both ſides of the River, is of a black deep Mold, producing extraordinary great tall Trees of many ſorts, ſuch as uſually grow in theſe hot Climates. I ſhall only give an account of the Cotton and Cabbage-trees, whereof there is great plenty; and they are as large of their kinds as ever I ſaw.

There are two ſorts of Cotton-trees, one is call'd the Red, the other the White Cotton-tree. The white Cotton-tree grows like an Oak, but generally [165] much bigger and taller than our Oaks: The body is ſtraight and clear from knots or boughs to the very head: there it ſpreads forth many great Limbs juſt like an Oak. The Bark is ſmooth and of a grey colour: the Leaves are as big as a large Plumb Leaf, jagged at the edge; they are oval, ſmooth, and of a dark green colour. Some of theſe Trees have their bodies much bigger, 18 or 20 foot high, than nearer the ground, being big bellied like Nine-pins. They bear a very fine ſort of Cotton, called Silk Cotton. When this Cotton is ripe the Trees appear like our Apple-trees in England, when full of Bloſſoms. If I do not miſtake, the Cotton falls down in November or December: then the Ground is covered white with it. This is not ſubſtantial and continuous, like that which grows upon the Cotton-ſhrubs, in Plantations, but like the Down of Thiſtles; ſo that I did never know any uſe made of it in the Weſt-Indies, becauſe it is not worth the Labour of gathering it: but in the Eaſt-Indies the Natives gather and uſe it for Pillows. It hath a ſmall black Seed among it. The Leaves of this Tree fall off the begining of April; while the old Leaves are falling off the young ones ſpring out, and in a weeks time the Tree caſts off her old Robes, and is cloathed in a new pleaſant Garb. The red Cotton-tree is like the other, but hardly ſo big: it bears no Cotton, but its Wood is ſomewhat harder of the two, yet both ſorts are ſoft ſpungy Wood, fit for no uſe that I know, but only for Canoas, which being ſtraight and tall they are very good for; but they will not laſt long, eſpecially if not drawn aſhoar often and tarred; otherwiſe the Worm and the Water ſoon rot them. They are the biggeſt Trees, or perhaps Weeds rather, in the Weſt-Indies. They are common in the Eaſt and Weſt-Indies in good fat Land.

As the Cotton is the biggeſt Tree in the Woods, ſo the Cabbage-tree is the talleſt: The Body is not [166] very big, but very high and ſtraight. I have meaſured one in the Bay of Campeachy 120 feet long as it lay on the Ground, and there are ſome much higher. It has no Limbs nor Boughs, but at the head there are many Branches bigger than a Man's Arm. Theſe Branches are not cover'd, but flat, with Sharp edges; they are 12 or 14 foot long. About two foot from the Trunk, the Branches ſhoot forth ſmall long Leaves, about aninch broad, which grow ſo regularly on both ſides of the Branch, that the whole Branch ſeems to be but one Leaf, made up of many ſmall ones. The Cabbage fruit ſhoots out in the midſt of theſe Branches, from the top of the Tree: it is inveſted with many young Leaves or Branches which are ready to ſpread abroad, as the old Branches drop and fall down. The Cabbage it ſelf, when it is taken out of the Leaves which it ſeems to be folded in, is as big as the ſmall of a Man's Leg, and a foot long; it is as white as Milk, and as ſweet as a Nut, if eaten raw, and it is very ſweet and wholeſom if boiled. Beſides, the Cabbage it ſelf, there grow out between the Cabbage and the large Bran [...]hes, ſmall twigs, as of a Shrub, about two foot long from their Stump. At the end of thoſe twigs (which grows very thick together) there hang Berries, hard and round, and as big as a Cherry. Theſe the Trees ſhed every year, and they are very good for Hogs: for this reaſon the Spaniards fine any who ſhall cut down any of theſe in their Woods. The Body of the Tree is full of rings round it, half a foot aſunder from the bottom to the top. The Bark is thin and brittle; the Wood is black and very hard, the heart or middle of the Tree is white Pith. They do not climb to get the Cabbage, but cut them down; for ſhould they gather it off the Tree as it ſtands, yet its head being gone it ſoon dies. Theſe Trees are much uſed by Planters in Jamaica, to board the ſides of the Houſes [167] for it is but ſplitting the Trunk into 4 parts with an Axe, and there are ſo many Planks. Thoſe Trees appear very pleaſant, and they beautifie the whole Wood, ſpreading their green Branches above all other Trees.

All this Country is ſubject to very great Rains, ſo that this part of Peru pays for the dry weather which they have about Lima and all that Coaſt. I believe that is one reaſon why the Spaniards have made ſuch ſmall diſcoveries, in this and other Rivers on this Coaſt. Another reaſon may be, becauſe it lies not ſo directly in their way; for they do not Coaſt it along in going from Panama to Lima, but firſt go Weſtward as far as to the Keys or Iſles of Cobaya, for a Weſterly wind, and from thence ſtand over towards Cape St. Franciſco, not touching any where uſually till they come to Manta near Cape St. Lorenzo. In their return indeed from Lima to Panama, they may keep along the Coaſt hereabouts; but then their Ships are always laden, whereas the light Ships that go from Panama, are moſt at leiſure to make diſcoveries. A third reaſon may be the wildneſs and enmity of all the Natives on this Coaſt, who are naturally fortified by their Rivers and vaſt Woods, from whence with their Arrows they can eaſily annoy any that ſhall land there to aſſault them. At this River particularly there are no Indians live within 6 leagues of the Sea, and all the Country ſo far is full of impaſſable Woods, ſo that to get at the Indians, or the Mines and Mountains, there is no way but by rowing up the River; and if any who are Enemies to the Natives attempt this, (as the Spaniards are always hated by them) they muſt all the way be expoſed to the Arrows of thoſe who would lie purpoſely in Ambuſh in the Woods for them. Theſe wild Indians have ſmall Plantations of Maiz, and good Plantain-Gardens; for Plantains are their chiefeſt food. They have alſo a few Fowls and Hogs.

[168] It was to this River that we were bound to ſeek, for Canoas, therefore the 26th ſuppoſing our ſelves to be abreſt of it, we went from our Ships with 4 Canoas. The 27th day in the Morning we entered at half Flood into the ſmaller branch of that River, and rowed up 6 leagues before we met any Inhabitants. There we found two ſmall Huts thatched with Palmeto Leaves. The Indians ſeeing us rowing towards their Houſes, got their Wives and little ones, with their Houſhold-ſtuff, into their Canoas, and paddled away faſter than we could row; for we were forced to keep in the middle of the River becauſe of our Oars, but they with their Paddles kept cloſe under the Banks, and ſo had not the ſtrength of the ſtream againſt them, as we had. Theſe Huts were cloſe by the River on the Eaſt ſide of it, juſt againſt the end of the Iſland. We ſaw a great many other Houſes a league from us on the other ſide of the River; but the main ſtream into which we were now come, ſeemed to be ſo ſwift, that we were afraid to put over, for fear we ſhould not be abe to get back again. We found only a Hog, ſome Fowls and Plantains, in the Huts: We killed the Hog and the Fowls, which were dreſt preſently. Their Hogs they got (as I ſuppoſe) from the Spaniards by ſome accident, or from ſome Neighbouring Indians who converſe with the Spaniards; for this that we took was of their European kind, which the Spaniards have introduced into America very plentifully, eſpecially into the Iſlands Jamaica, Hiſpaniola, and Cuba above all, being very largely ſtored with them where they feed in the Woods in the day time, and at night come in at the ſounding of a Conch-ſhell, and are put up in their Crauls or Pens, and yet ſome turn wild, which nevertheleſs are often decoyed in by the other, which being all marked, whenever they ſee an unmarked Hog in the Pen they know it is a wild one, and ſhoot him preſently. [169] Theſe Crauls I have not ſeen on the Continent; where the Spaniards keep them tame at home. Among the wild Indians, or in their Woods, are no Hogs, but Pecary and Warree, a ſort I have mentioned before.

After we had refreſhed our ſelves, we returned towards the Mouth of the River. It was the evening when we came from thence, and we got to the Rivers Mouth the next Morning before Day: Our Ships when we left them were order'd to go to Gallo, where they were to ſtay for us. Gallo is a ſmall uninhabited Iſland, lying in between two and 3 Degrees North Lat. It lieth in a wide Bay about 3 Leagues from the Mouth of the River Tomaco, and 4 Leagues and half from a ſmall Indian Village called Tomaco. The Iſland Gallo is of an indifferent heighth; it is cloathed with very good Timber-Trees, and is therefore often viſited with Barks from Guiaquil and other places; for moſt of the Timber carry'd from Guiaquil to Lima, is firſt fetch'd from Gallo. There is a Spring of good Water at the N. E. end; at that place there is a ſmall fine ſandy Bay, where there is good landing. The Road for Ships is againſt this Bay, where there is good ſecure riding in 6 or 7 fathom Water; and here Ships may careen. It is but ſhoal Water all about this Iſland; yet there is a Channel to come in at, where there is no leſs than 4 fathom Water: You muſt go in with the Tide of Flood, and come out with Ebb, ſounding all the way.

Tomaco is a large River that takes its Name from an Indian Village ſo called: It is reported to ſpring from the rich Mountains about Quito. It is thick inhabited with Indians; and there are ſome Spaniards that live there, who traffick with the Indians for Gold. It is ſhoal at the Mouth of the River, yet Barks may enter.

[170] This Village Tomaco is but ſmall, and is ſeated not far from the Mouth of the River. It is a place to entertain the Spaniſh Merchants that come to Gallo to load Timber, or to traffick with the Indians for Gold. At this place one Doleman, with 7 or 8 Men more, once of Captain Sharp's Crew, were killed in the year 1680. From the branch of the River St. Jago, where we now lay, to Tomaco, is about 5 leagues; the land low, and full of Creeks, ſo that Canoas may paſs within Land through thoſe Creeks, and from thence into Tomaco River.

The 28th day we left the River of St. Jago. croſſing ſome Creeks in our way with our Canoas; and came to an Indian Houſe, where we took the [...] and all his Family. We ſtaid here till the Aftern [...], and then rowed towards Tomaco, with the M [...] this Houſe for our Guide. We arrived at Tomaco [...] bout 12 a clock at Night. Here we took all the I [...] habitants of the Village, and a Spaniſh Knight, call'd Don Diego de Pinus. This Knight came in a Ship from Lima to lade Timber. The Ship was riding in a Creek about a mile off, and there were only one Spaniard and 8 Indians aboard. We went in a Canoa with 7 Men and took her; ſhe had no Goods, but 12 or 13 Jars of good Wine, which we took out, and the next day let the Ship go. Here an Indian Canoa came aboard with three Men in her. Theſe Men could not ſpeak Spaniſh, neither could they diſtinguiſh us from Spaniards; the wild Indians uſually thinking all white Men to be Spaniards. We gave them 3 or four Callabaſhes of Wine, which they freely drank. They were ſtraight bodies, and well limb'd Men, of a mean heighth; their Hair black, long viſag'd, ſmall Noſes and Eyes; and were thin fac'd, ill look'd Men, of a very dark copper colour. A little before Night Captain Swan and all of us returned to Tomaco, and left the Veſſel to the Seamen. The 31ſt day two of our Canoas, who had been [171] up the River of Tomaco, returned back again to the Village. They had rowed 7 or 8 leagues up, and found but one Spaniſh Houſe, which they were told did belong to a Lady who liv'd at Lima; ſhe had Servants here that traded with the Indians for Gold; but they ſeeing our Men coming, ran away; yet our Men found there ſeveral Ounces of Gold in Callabaſhes.

year 1685 The firſt day of January 1685. we went from Tomaco towards Gallo. We carried the Knight with us, and too ſmall Canoas which we took there, and while we were rowing over, one of our Canoas took a Pacquet-Boat that was ſent from Panama to Lima. The Spaniards threw the Pacquet of Letters overboard with a Line and a Buoy to it, but our Men ſeeing it took it up, and brought the Letters, and all the Priſoners aboard our Ships, that were then at an anchor at Gallo. Here we ſtaid till the 6th day, reading the Letters, by which we underſtood that the Armada from Old Spain was come to Portabel; and that the Preſident of Panama had ſent this Pacquet on purpoſe to haſten the Plate Fleet thither from Lima.

We were very joyful of this News, and therefore ſent away the Pacquet-Boat with all her Letters; and we altered our former Reſolutions of going to Lavelia. We now concluded to careen our Ships as ſpeedily as we could, that we might be ready to intercept this Fleet. The propereſt place that we could think on for doing it, was among the Kings Iſlands or Pearl Keys, becauſe they are near Panama, and all Ships bound to Panama from the Coaſt of Lima paſs by them; ſo that being there we could not poſſibly miſs the Fleet. According to theſe Reſolutions we ſailed the next Morning, in order to execute what we deſigned. We were 2 Ships and 3 Barks in Company, viz. Captain Davis, Captain Swan, a Fireſhip, and 2 ſmall Barks, as Tenders; [172] one on Captain Davis's Ship, the other on Captai [...] Swan's. We weighed before day, and got out all bu [...] Captain Swan's Tender, which never budged; fo [...] the Men were all aſleep when we went out, and th [...] Tide of Flood coming on before they waked, w [...] were forced to ſtay for them till the next day.

The 8th day in the Morning we deſcried a Sai [...] to the Weſt of us; the Wind was at South, and w [...] chaſed her, and before noon took her. She was a Ship of about 90 Tun laden with Flower, ſhe cam [...] from Truxillo, and was bound to Panama. Thi [...] Ship came very opportunely to us, for Flower began to grow ſcarce, and Captain Davis his Me [...] grudg'd at what was given to Captain Swan; who [...] as I ſaid before, had none but what he had from Captain Davis.

We jogged on after this with a gentle Gale towards Gorgonia, an Iſland lying about 25 Leagues from the Iſland Gallo. The 9th day we anchored at Gorgonia, on the Weſt-ſide of the Iſland, in 38 fathom, clean Ground, not 2 Cables length from the Shoar. Gorgonia is an uninhabited Iſland, in lat. about 3 degrees North; It is a pretty high Iſland, and very remarkable, by reaſon of 2 Saddles, or riſings and fallings on the top. It is about 2 Leagues long, and a League broad; and it is 4 Leagues from the Main: At the Weſt-end is another ſmall Iſland The Land againſt the Anchoring-place is low; there is a ſmall ſandy Bay and good landing. The Soil or Mould of it is black and deep in the low Ground, but on the ſide of the high Land it is a kind of a red Clay. This Iſland is very well clothed with large Trees of ſeveral ſorts, that are flouriſhing and green all the Year. It is very well watred with ſmall Brooks that Iſſue from the high Land. Here are a great many little black Monkeys, ſome Indian Conies, and a few Snakes, which are all the Land Animals that I know there. It is reported of this [173] Iſland that it rains on every day in the Year more or leſs; but that I can diſprove: However, it is a very wet Coaſt, and it rains abundantly here all the Year long. There are but few fair days; for there is little difference in the Seaſons of the Year between the wet and dry; only in that Seaſon which ſhould be the dry time, the Rains are leſs frequent and more moderate than in the wet Seaſon, for then it pours as out of a Sieve. It is deep Water, and no anchoring any where about this Iſland, only at the Weſt-ſide: The Tide riſeth and falleth 7 or 8 foot up and down. Here are a great many Perewincles and Muſcles to be had at low Water. Then the Monkeys come down by the Sea-ſide and catch them; digging them out of their Shells with their Claws.

Here are Pearl-Oyſters in great plenty: They grow to the looſe Rocks, in 4, 5, or 6 fathom Water by Beards, or little ſmall Roots, as a Muſcle: Theſe Oyſters are commonly flatter and thinner than other Oyſters; otherwiſe much alike in ſhape. The Fiſh is not ſweet nor very wholſom; it is as ſlimy as a Shell-Snail: they taſte very copperiſh, if eaten raw, and are beſt boiled. The Indians who gather them for the Spaniards, hang the Meat of them on Strings like Jews-ears, and dry them before they eat them. The Pearl is found at the head of the Oyſter, lying between the Meat and the Shell. Some will have 20 or 30 ſmall Seed-Pearl, ſome none at all, and ſome will have 1 or 2 pretty large ones. The inſide of the Shell is more glorious than the Pearl it ſelf. I did never ſee any in the South Seas but here. It is reported there are ſome at the South-end of Callifornia. In the Weſt-Indies, the Rancho Reys, or Rancheria, ſpoken of in Chap. 3. is the place where they are found moſt plentifully. 'Tis ſaid there are ſome at the Iſland Margarita, [...] St. Auguſtin, a Town in the Gulph of Florida, [...] [174] the Eaſt-Indies, the Iſland Ainam, near the South-end of China, is ſaid to have plenty of theſe Oyſters, more productive of large round Pearl than thoſe in other places. They are found alſo in other parts of the Eaſt-Indies, and on the Perſian Coaſt.

At this Iſland Gorgona, we rummaged our Prize, and found a few Boxes of Marmalade, and 3 or 4 Jars of Brandy, which were equally ſhared between Capt. Davis, Capt. Swan, and their Men. Here we fill'd all our Water, and Capt. Swan furniſhed himſelf with Flower: Afterward we turned aſhore a great many Priſoners, but kept the chiefeſt to put them aſhore in a better place.

The 13th day we ſailed from hence toward the Kings Iſlands. We were now 6 Sail, 2 Men of War, 2 Tenders, a Fire-ſhip and the Prize. We had but little Wind, but what we had was the common Trade at South. The Land we ſailed by on the Main, is very low towards the Sea-ſide, but in the Country there are very high Mountains.

The 16th day we paſſed by Cape Corrientes. This Cape is in lat. 5 d. 10 m. it is high bluff Land, with 3 or 4 ſmall Hillocks on the top. It appears at a diſtance like an Iſland. Here we found a ſtrong Current running to the N. but whether it be always ſo, I know not. The day after we paſſed by the Cape, we ſaw a ſmall white Iſland, which we chaced, ſuppoſing it had been a Sail, till coming near we found our Error.

The 21ſt day we ſaw Point Garachina. This Point is in lat. 7 d. 20 m. North; it is pretty high Land, rocky, and deſtitute of Trees; yet within Land it is woody. It is fenced with Rocks againſt the Sea. Within the Point, by the Sea, at low Water, you may find ſtore of Oyſters and Muſcles.

The Kings Iſlands, or Pearl Keys, are about 12 leagues diſtant from this Point. Between Point Garachina and them, there is a ſmall low flat barren Iſland [175] called Gallera, at which Captain Harris was ſharing with his Men the Gold he took in his pillaging Sancta Maria, which I ſpake of a little before, when on a ſudden 5 Spaniſh Barks, fitted out on purpoſe at Panama, came upon him; but he fought them ſo ſtoutly with one ſmall Bark he had, and ſome few Canoas, boarding their Admiral particularly, that they were all glad to leave him. By this Iſland we anchored and ſent our Boats to the Kings Iſland for a good careening place.

The Kings Iſlands are a great many low Woody Iſlands, lying N. W. by N. and S. E. by S. They are about 7 leagues from the Main, and 14 leagues in length, and from Panama about 12 leagues. Why they are called the Kings Iſlands, I know not; they are ſometimes and moſtly in Maps, called the Pearl Iſlands. I cannot imagine wherefore they are called ſo, for I did never ſee one Pearl Oyſter about them, nor any Pearl Oyſter-ſhells; but on the other Oyſters I have made many a Meal there: The Norther-moſt Iſland of all this range is called Pachea, or Pacheque. This is but a ſmall Iſland, diſtant from Panama 11 or 12 leagues. The Southermoſt of them is called St. Pauls. Beſides theſe two I know no more that are called by any particular Name, tho' there are many that far exceed either of the two in bigneſs. Some of theſe Iſlands are planted with Plantains and Bonanas; and there are Fields of Rice on others of them. The Gentlemen of Panama, to whom they belong, keep Negroes there to plant, Weed, and Huſband the Plantations. Many of them, eſpecially the largeſt, are wholly untill'd, yet very good fat land, full of large Trees. Theſe unplanted Iſlands ſhelter many Runaway-Negroes, who abſcond in the Woods all day, and in the night boldly pillage the Plantain Walks. Betwixt theſe Iſlands and the Main is a Channel of 7 or 8 leagues wide; there is good depth of Water, and good Anchoring all the [176] way. The Iſlands border thick on each other; yet they make many ſmall narrow deep Channels, fit only for Boats to paſs between moſt of them. At the S. E. end, about a league from St. Paul's Iſland, there is a good place for Ships to careen, or hale aſhore It is ſurrounded with the Land, and hath a good deep Channel on the North ſide to go in at. The Tide riſeth here about 10 foot perpendicular.

We brought our Ships into this place the 25th day, but were forced to tarry for a Spring Tide before we could have Water enough to clean them; therefore we firſt clean'd our Barks, that they might cruiſe before Panama, while we lay here. The 27th day our Barks being clean we ſent them out with 20 Men in each. The 4th day after, they returned with a Prize laden with Maiz, or Indian Corn, Salt-Beef and Fowls. She came from Lavelia, and was bound to Panama. Lavelia is a Town we once deſigned to attempt. It is pretty large, and ſtands on the Bank of a River on the North ſide of the Bay of Panama 6 or 7 leagues from the Sea.

Nata is another ſuch Town ſtanding in a Plain near another Branch of the ſame River. In theſe Towns, and ſome others on the ſame Coaſt, they breed Hogs, Fowls, Bulls and Cows, and plant Maiz purpoſely for the ſupport of Panama, which is ſupplied with Proviſion moſtly from other Towns and the Neigbouring Iſlands.

The Beef and Fowl our Men took, came to us in a good time, for we had eaten but little Fleſh ſince we left the Iſland Plata. The Harbour where we careen'd was incompaſſed by three Iſlands, and our Ships rode in the middle. That on which we haled our Ships aſhore, was a little Iſland on the North ſide of the Harbour. There was a fine ſmall ſandy Bay, but all the reſt of the Iſland was invironed with Rocks, on which at low Water we did uſe to gather Oyſters, Clams, Muſcles and Limpits. The Clam is [177] a ſort of Oyſter which grows ſo faſt to the Rock, that there is no ſeparating it from thence, therefore we did open it where it grows, and take out the Meat, which is very large, fat and ſweet. Here are a few common Oyſters, ſuch as we have in England, of which ſort I have met with none in theſe Seas, but here, at Point Garachina, at Puna, and on the Mexican Coaſt, in the lat. of 23 d. North. I have a Manuſcript of Mr. Teat, Capt. Swan's chief Mate, which gives an account of Oyſters plentifully found in Port St. Julian, on the Eaſt-ſide and ſomewhat to the North of the Streights of Magellan; but there is no mention made of what Oyſters they are. Here are ſome Guanoes but we found no other ſort of Land-Animal. Here are alſo ſome Pigeons and Turtle-Doves. The reſt of the Iſlands that incompaſs this Harbour had of all theſe ſorts of Creatures. Our Men therefore did every day go over in Canoas to them to Fiſh, Fowl or Hunt for Guanoes; but having one Man ſurprized once by ſome Spaniards lying there in ambuſh, and carried off by them to Panama, we were after that more cautious of ſtraggling.

The 14th day of Feb. 1685. we made an end of cleaning our Ship, fill'd all our Water, and ſtock'd our ſelves with Fire-wood. The 15th day we went out from among the Iſlands, and anchored in the Channel between them and the Main, in 25 fathom Water, ſoft Oazy Ground. The Plate-Fleet was not yet arrived; therefore we intended to cruiſe before the City of Panama, which is from this place about 25 leagues. The next day we ſailed towards Panama, paſſing in the Channel between the Kings Iſlands and the Main. It is very pleaſant ſailing here, having the Main on one ſide, which appears in divers forms. It is beautified with many ſmall Hills, cloath'd with woods of divers ſorts of Trees, which are always green and flouriſhing. There are ſome few [178] ſmall high Iſlands within a league of the Main, ſcattering here and there one: Theſe are partly Woody, partly bare; and they, as well as the Main, appear very pleaſant. The Kings Iſlands are on the other ſide of this Channel, and make alſo a lovely proſpect as you ſail by them. Theſe, as I have already noted, are low and flat, appearing in ſeveral Shapes, according as they are naturally formed by many ſmall Creeks and Branches of the Sea. The 16th day we anchored at Pacheque, in 17 fathom Water, about a leagne from the Iſland, and ſailed from thence the next day, with the Wind at N. N. E. directing our courſe towards Panama.

When we came abreſt of Old Panama we anchor'd, and ſent our Canoa aſhore with our Priſoner Don Diego de Pinas, with a Letter to the Governour, to treat about an Exchange for our Man they had ſpirited away, as I ſaid; and another Captain Harris left in the River of St. Maria the year before, coming over Land. Don Diego was deſirous to go on this Errand in the Name, and with the Conſent of the reſt of our Spaniſh Priſoners; but by ſome accident he was killed before he got aſhore, as we heard afterwards.

Old Panama was formerly a famous place, but it was taken by Sir Henry Morgan about the year 1673. and at that time great part of it was burned to Aſhes, and it was never re-edified ſince.

New Panama is a very fair City, ſtanding cloſe by the Sea, about 4 Mile from the Ruines of the Old Town. It gives Name to a large Bay which is famous for a great many navigable Rivers, ſome whereof are very rich in Gold; it is alſo very pleaſantly ſprinkled with Iſlands, that are not only profitable to their Owners, but very delightful to the Paſſengers and Seamen that ſail by them; ſome of which I have already deſcribed. It is incompaſſed on the backſide with a pleaſant Country, which is full of ſmall Hills and Valleys, beautified with many [179] Groves and Spots of Trees, that appear in the Savannahs like ſo many little Iſlands. This City is all compaſſed with a high Stone Wall; the Houſes are ſaid to be of Brick. Their Roofs appear higher than the top of the City Wall. It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houſes, beſides the Preſidents Houſe, and other eminent Buildings; which altogether make one of the fineſt objects that I did ever ſee, in America eſpecially. There are a great many Guns on her Walls, moſt of which look toward the Land. They had none at all againſt the Sea, when I firſt entred thoſe Seas with Captain Sawkins, Captain Coxon, Captain Sharp, and others; for till then they did not fear any Enemy by Sea: but ſince then they have planted Guns clear round. This is a flouriſhing City by reaſon it is a thoroughfair for all imported or exported Goods and Treaſure, to and from all Parts of Peru and Chili; whereof their Store-Houſes are never empty. The Road alſo is ſeldom or never without Ships. Beſides once in 3 years, when the Spaniſh Armada comes to Portobel, then the Plate-Fleet alſo from Lima comes hither with the King's Treaſure, and abundance of Merchant Ships full of Goods and Plate; at that time the City is full of Merchants and Gentlemen; the Seamen are buſie in landing the Treaſure and Goods, and the Carriers, or Caravan Maſters, imployed in carrying it over land on Mules (in vaſt droves every day) to Portobel, and bringing back European Goods from thence: Tho' the City be then ſo full, yet during this heat of Buſineſs there is no hiring of an ordinary Slave under a Piece of Eight a day; Houſes, alſo Chambers, Beds and Victuals are then extraordinary dear.

Now I am on this Subject, I think it will not be amiſs to give the Reader an account of the Progreſs of the Armada from Old Spain, which comes thus every three Years into the Indies. Its firſt arrival is [180] at Carthagena, from whence, as I have been told, an Expreſs is immediately ſent over Land to Lima, thro' the Southern Continent, and another by Sea to Portobel, with two Pacquets of Letters, one for the Vice-roy of Lima, the other for the Vice-roy of Mexico. I know not which wa [...] that of Mexico goes after its arrival at Portobel, whether by land or Sea: But I believe [...] S [...]a to La Vera Cruz. That for Lima is ſent by Land to Panama, and from thence by Sea to Lima.

Upon mention of theſe Pacquets I ſhall digreſs yet a little further, and acquaint my Reader, that before my firſt going over into the South Seas with Captain Sharp (and indeed before any Privateers (at leaſt ſince Drake and Oxengham) had gone that way which we afterwards went, except La Sound, a French Captain, who by Captain Wright's Inſtructions had ventured as far as Cheapo Town with a Body of Men, but was driven back again) I being then on board Capt. Coxen, in company with 3 or 4 more Privateers, about 4 leagues to the Eaſt of Portobel, we took the Pacquets bound thither from Carthagena. We open'd a great quantity of the Merchants Letters, and found the Contents of many of them to be very ſurprizing, the Merchants of ſeveral parts of Old Spain thereby informing there Correſpondents of Panama, and elſewhere, of a certain Prophecy that went about Spain that year, the Tenour of which was, That there would be Engliſh Privateers that Year in the Weſt-Indies, who would make ſuch great Diſcoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas; which they ſuppoſed was faſteſt ſhut: And the Letters were accordingly full of Cautions to their Friends to be very watchful and careful of their Coaſts.

This Door they ſpake of we all concluded muſt b [...] the Paſſage over Land through the Country of th [...] Indians of D [...] who were a little before this becom [...] our Friends, and [...]ad lately fallen out with the Spaniards, breaking off the Intercourſe which for ſom [...] [181] time they had with them: and upon calling alſo to mind the frequent Invitations we had from thoſe Indians a little before this time, to paſs through their Country, and fall upon the Spaniards in the South Seas, we from hence forward began to entertain ſuch thoughts in earneſt, and ſoon came to a Reſolution to make thoſe Attempts which we afterwards did, with Capt. Sharp, Coxen, &c. So that the taking theſe Letters gave the firſt life to thoſe bold Undertakings: and we took the advantage of the fears the Spaniards were in from that Prophecy, or probable Conjecture, or whatever it were; for we ſealed up moſt of the Letters again, and ſent them aſhoar to Portobel.

The occaſion of this our late Friendſhip with thoſe Indians was thus. About 15 years before this time, Capt. Wright being cruiſing near that Coaſt, and going in among the Samballoes Iſles to ſtrike Fiſh and Turtle, took there a young Indian Lad as he was paddling about in a Canoa. He brought him aboard his Ship, and gave him the name of John Gret, cloathing him, and intending to breed him among the Engliſh. But his Moſkito Strikers, taking a fancy to the Boy, begg'd him of Capt. Wright, and took him with them at their return into their own Country, where they taught him their Art, and he married a Wife among them, and learnt their Language, as he had done ſome broken Engliſh while he was with Capt Wright, which he improved among the Moſkitoes, who correſponding ſo much with us, do all of them ſmatter Engliſh after a ſort; but his own Language he had almoſt forgot. Thus he lived among them for many years; till about 6 or 8 months before our taking theſe Letters, Capt. Wright being again among the Samballoes, took thence another Indian Boy about 10 or 12 years old, the Son of a Man of ſome account among thoſe Indians; and wanting a Striker, he went away to the Moſkito's Country, where he [182] took John Gret, who was now very expert at it. John Gret was much pleaſed to ſee a Lad there of his own Country, and it came into his mind to perſuade Capt. Wright upon this occaſion, to endeavour a Friendſhip with thoſe Indians; a thing our Privateers had long coveted, but never durſt attempt, having ſuch dreadful Apprehenſions of their numbers and fierceneſs: But John Gret offered the Captain that he would go aſhoar and negotiate the matter; who accordingly ſent him in his Canoa till he was near the ſhoar, which of a ſudden was covered with Indians, ſtanding ready with their Bows and Arrows. John Gret, who had only a Clout about his middle, as the faſhion of the Indians is, leapt then out of the Boat and ſwam, the Boat retiring a little way back; and the Indians aſhoar ſeeing him in that habit, and hearing him call to them in their own Tongue, (which he had recovered by converſing with the Boy lately taken) ſuffered him quietly to land, and gathered all about to hear how it was with him. He told them particularly, that he was one of their Countrymen, and how he had been taken many years ago by the Engliſh, who had uſed him very kindly; that they were miſtaken in being ſo much afraid of that Nation, who were not Enemies to them, but to the Spaniards: to confirm this, he told them how well the Engliſh treated another young Lad of theirs, they had lately taken, ſuch a ones Son; for this he had learnt of the Youth, and his Father was one of the Company that was got together on the ſhoar. He perſuaded them therefore to make a League with theſe friendly People, by whoſe help they might be able to quell the Spaniards; aſſuring alſo the Father of the Boy, that if he would but go with him to the Ship, which they ſaw at anchor at an Iſland there (it was Golden Iſland, the Eaſtermoſt of the Samballoes, a place where there is good ſtriking for Turtle) he ſhould have his Son reſtored to him, [183] and they might all expect a very kind reception. Upon theſe Aſſurances 20 or 30 of them went off preſently, in 2 or 3 Canoas laden with Plantains, Bonanoes, Fowls, &c. And Capt. Wright having treated them on board, went aſhoar with them, and was entertained by them, and preſents were made on each ſide. Captain Wright gave the Boy to his Father in a very handſome Engliſh Dreſs, which he had cauſed to be made purpoſely for him; and an Agreement was immediately ſtruck up between the Engliſh and theſe Indians, who invited the Engliſh through their Country into the South Seas.

Purſuant to this Agreement, the Engliſh, when they came upon any ſuch Deſign, or for Traffick with them, were to give a certain Signal which they pitcht upon, whereby they might be known. But it happened that Mr. la Sound, the French Captain ſpoken of a little before, being then one of Captain Wright's Men, learnt this Signal, and ſtaying aſhoar at Petit-Guavres, upon Captain Wright's going thither ſoon after, who had his Commiſſion from thence, he gave the other French there ſuch an account of the Agreement before-mentioned, and the eaſineſs of entring the South Seas thereupon, that he got at the head of about 120 of them, who made that unſucceſsful attempt upon Cheapo, as I ſaid, making uſe of the Signal they had learnt for paſſing the Indians Country, who at that time could not diſtinguiſh ſo well between the ſeveral Nations of the Europeans, as they can ſince.

From ſuch ſmall beginnings aroſe thoſe great ſtirs that have been ſince made over the South Seas, viz. from the Letters we took, and from the Friendſhip contracted with theſe Indians by means of John Gret. Yet this Friendſhip had like to have been ſtifled in its Infancy; for within few Months after an Engliſh trading Sloop came on this Coaſt from Jamaica, and John Gret, who by this time had advanced himſelf a [...] [184] a Grandee among theſe Indians, together with 5 or 6 more of that Quality, went off to the Sloop in their long Gowns, as the cuſtom is for ſuch to wear among them. Being received aboard, they expected to find every thing friendly, and John Gret talkt to them in Engliſh; but theſe Engliſh Men, having no knowledge at all of what had happened, endeavoured to make them Slaves (as is commonly done) for upon carrying them to Jamaica, they could have ſold them for 10 or 12 Pound a piece. But John Gret, and the reſt, perceiving this, leapt all over-board, and were by the others killed every one of them in the Water. The Indians on ſhoar never came to the knowledge of it; if they had it would have endangered our Correſpondence. Several times after upon our converſing with 'em, they enquired of us what was become of their Country-men: but we told them we knew not, as indeed it was a great while after that we heard this Story; ſo they concluded the Spaniards had met with them, and killed, or taken them.

But to return to the account of the progreſs of the Armada which we left at Cartagena: After an appointed ſtay there of about 60 days, as I take it, it goes thence to Portobel, where it lies 30 days, and no longer. Therefore the Vice-roy of Lima, on notice of the Armada's arrival at Cartagena, immediately ſends away the Kings Treaſure to Panama, where it is landed, and lies ready to be ſent to Portobel upon the firſt news of the Armada's arrival there. This is the reaſon partly of their ſending Expreſſes ſo early to Lima, that upon the Armada's firſt coming to Portobel, the Treaſure and Goods may lie ready at Panama, to be ſent away upon the Mules, and it requires ſome time for the Lima Fleet to unlade, becauſe the Ships ride not at Panama, but at Perica, which are 3 ſmall Iſlands 2 leagues from thence. The King's Treaſure is ſaid to amount commonly to about 24000000 of Pieces of Eight: beſides abundance of Merchants [185] Money. All this Treaſure is carried on Mules, and there are large Stables at both places to lodge them. Sometimes the Merchants to ſteal the Cuſtom pack up Money among Goods, and ſend it to Venta de Cruzes on the River Chagre; from thence down the River, and afterwards by Sea to Portobel: in which paſſage I have known a whole Fleet of Periago's and Canoas taken. The Merchants who are not ready to ſail by the 30th day after the Armada's arrival, are in danger to be left behind, for the Ships all weigh the 30th day preciſely, and go to the Harbors Mouth: yet ſometimes, on great importunity, the Admiral may ſtay a week longer; for it is impoſſible that all the Merchants ſhould get ready, for want of Men. When the Armada departs from Portobel, it returns again to Cartagena, by which time all the King's Revenue which comes out of the Country is got ready there. Here alſo meets them again a great Ship call'd the Pattache, one of the Spaniſh Galeons, which before their firſt arrival at Cartagena goes from the reſt of the Armada on purpoſe to gather the Tribute of the Coaſt, touching at the Magarita's, and other places in her way thence to Cartagena, as Punta de Guaira Moracaybo, Riode la Hacha, and Sancta Martha; and at all theſe places takes in Treaſure for the King. After the ſet ſtay at Cartagena, the Armada goes away to the Havana in the Iſle of Cuba, to meet there the Flota, which is a ſmall number of Ships that go to la Vera Cruz, and there takes in the effects of the City and Country of Mexico, and what is brought thither in the Ship which comes thither every year from the Philippine Iſlands; and having join'd the reſt at the Havana, the whole Armada ſets ſail for Spain through the Gulf of Florida. The Ships in the South Seas lie a great deal longer at Panama before they return to Lima. The Merchants and Gentlemen which come from Lima, ſtay as little time as they can at Portobel, which is at the beſt but a ſickly place, and at this time is very full [186] of Men from all parts. But Panama, as it is not overcharg'd with Men ſo unreaſonably as the other, tho' very full, ſo it enjoys a good Air, lying open to the Sea-wind; which riſeth commonly about 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, and continues till 8 or 9 a Clock at night: then the Land-wind comes, and blows till 8 or 9 in the morning.

There are no Woods nor Marſhes near Panama, but a brave dry Champion Land, not ſubject to Fogs nor Miſts. The wet ſeaſon begins in the latter end of May, and continues till November. At that time the Sea-breezes are at S. S. W. and the Land-winds at N. At the dry Seaſon the Winds are moſt betwixt the E. N. E. and the N. Yet off in the Bay they are commonly at South, but of this I ſhall be more particular in my Chapter of Winds in the Appendix, The Rains are not ſo exceſſive about Panama it ſelf, as on either ſide of the Bay; yet in the Months of June, July and Auguſt, they are ſevere enough. Gentlemen that come from Peru to Panama, eſpecially in theſe Months, cut their Hair cloſe to preſerve them from Fevers; for the place is ſickly to them, becauſe they come out of a Country which never hath any Rains or Fogs, but enjoys a conſtant Serenity; but I am apt to believe this City is healthy enough to any other People. Thus much for Panama.

The 20th day we went and anchored within a league of the Iſlands Perico (which are only 3 little barren rocky Iſlands) in expectation of the Preſident of Panama's Anſwer to the Letter, I ſaid, we ſent him by Don Diego, treating about exchange of Priſoners; this being the day on which he had given us his Parole to return with an anſwer. The 21ſt day we took another Bark laden with Hogs, Fowl, Salt Beef, and Moloſſoes: ſhe came from Lavelia and was going to Panama. In the afternoon we ſent another Letter aſhoar by a young Maſtiſo (a mixtbreed of Indians and Europeans) directed to the Preſident, and 3 or 4 Copies [187] of it to be diſperſed abroad among the common People. This Letter, which was full of Threats, together with the young Man's managing the buſineſs, wrought ſo powerfully among the common People, that the City was in an uproar. The Preſident immediately ſent a Gentleman aboard, who demanded the Flower-Prize that we took off of Gallo, and all the Priſoners, for the Ranſom of our two Men: but our Captains told him they would exchange Man for Man. The Gentleman ſaid he had not Orders for that, but if he would ſtay till the next day he would bring the Governours Anſwer. The next day he brought aboard our two Men, and had about 40 Priſoners in exchange.

The 24th day, we run over to the Iſland Tabago. Tabago is in the Bay, and about 6 Leagues South of Panama. It is about 3 mile long, and 2 broad, a high mountainous Iſland. On the North-ſide it declines with a gentle deſcent to the Sea. The Land by the Sea is of a black Mold and deep; but towards the top of the Mountain it is ſtrong and dry. The Northſide of this Iſland makes a very pleaſant ſhew; it ſeems to be a Garden of Fruit incloſed with many high Trees; the chiefeſt Fruits are Plantains and Bonana's. They thrive very well from the foot to the middle of it; but thoſe near the top are but ſmall, as wanting moiſture. Cloſe by the Sea there are many Coco-Nut-Trees, which make a very pleaſant ſight. Within the Coco-Nut-Trees there grow many Mammet Trees. The Mammet is a large, tall, and ſtrait-bodied Tree, clean, without Knots or Limbs, for 6 or 70 foot, or more. The Head ſpreads abroad into many ſmall Limbs, which grow pretty thick, and cloſe together. The Bark is of a dark grey colom, thick and rough, full of large Chops. The Fruit is bigger than Quince; it is round, and cover'd with a thick Rind, of a grey colour: When the Fruit is ripe the Rind is yellow and though; and it will then peel [188] off like Leather; but before it is ripe it is brittle: the juice is then white and clammy; but when ripe, not ſo. The ripe Fruit under the Rind is yellow as a Carrot, and in the middle are two large rough ſtones, flat, and each of them much bigger than an Almond. The Fruit ſmells very well, and the taſte is anſwerable to the ſmell. The S. W. end of the Iſland hath never been cleared, but is full of Fire-wood, and Trees of divers ſorts. There is a very fine ſmall Brook of freſh Water, that ſprings out of the ſide of the Mountain, and gliding thro' the Grove of Fruit-trees, falls into the Sea on the North-ſide. There was a ſmall Town ſtanding by the Sea, with a Church at one end, but now the biggeſt part of it is deſtroyed by the Privateers. There is good anchoring right againſt the Town, about a mile from the ſhoar, where you may have 16 or 18 fathom Water, ſoft oazy ground. There is a ſmall Iſland cloſe by the N. W. end of this called Tabogilla, with a ſmall Channel to paſs between. There is another woody Iſland about a mile on the N. E. ſide of Tabago, and a good Channel between them: this Iſland hath no Name that ever I heard.

While we lay at Tabago, we had like to have had a ſcurvy trick plaid us by a pretended Merchant from Panama, who came, as by ſtealth, to traffick with us privately; a thing common enough with the Spaniſh Merchants, both in the North and South Seas, notwithſtanding the ſevere Prohibitions of the Governours; who yet ſometimes connive at it, and will even trade with the Privateers themſelves. Our Merchant was by agreement to bring out his Bark laden with Goods in the night, and we to go and anchor at the South of Perico. Out he came, with a Fireſhip inſtead of a Bark, and approached very near, haling us with the Watch-word we had agreed upon. We ſuſpecting the worſt, call'd to them to come to an anchor, and upon their not doing ſo fir'd at them: when immediately [189] their Men going out into the Canoas, ſet fire to their Ship, which blew up, and burnt cloſe by us; ſo that we were forc'd to cut our Cables in all haſte, and ſcamper away as well as we could.

The Spaniard was not altogether ſo politick in appointing to meet us at Perico, for there we had Searoom; whereas had he come thus upon us at Tabago, the Land-wind bearing hard upon us as it did, we muſt either have been burnt by the Fireſhip, or upon looſing our Cables have been driven aſhore: But I ſuppoſe they choſe Perico rather for the Scene of their Enterprize, partly becauſe they might there beſt ſculk among the Iſlands, and partly becauſe, if their Exploit fail'd, they could thence eſcape beſt from our Canoas to Panama, but 2 leagues off.

During this Exploit, Capt. Swan (whoſe Ship was leſs than ours, and ſo not ſo much aim'd at by the Spaniards) lay about a mile off, with a Canoa at the Buoy of his Anchor, as fearing ſome Treachery from our pretended Merchant; and a little before the Bark blew up, he ſaw a ſmall Float on the Water, and, as it appear'd, a Man on it, making towards his Ship; but the Man dived, and diſappear'd of a ſudden, as thinking probably that he was diſcovered.

This was ſuppoſed to be one coming with ſome combuſtible Matter to have ſtuck about the Rudder. For ſuch a Trick Captain Sharp was ſerved at Coquimbo, and his Ship had like to have been burnt by it, if, by meer accident, it had not been diſcover'd: I was then aboard Captain Sharp's Ship. Captain Swan ſeeing the Blaze by us, cut his Cables as we did, his Bark did the like; ſo we kept under Sail all the Night, being more ſcar'd than hurt. The Bark that was on Fire drove burning towards Tabago; but after the firſt blaſt ſhe did not burn clear, only made a ſmother, for ſhe was not well made, though Capt. Bond had the framing and management of it.

[190] This Capt. Bond was he of whom I made mention in my 4th Chapter. He, after his being at the Iſles of Cape Verd, ſtood away for the South Seas, at the inſtigation of one Richard Morton, who had been with Capt. Sharp in the South Seas. In his way he met with Capt. Eaton, and they two conſorted a day or two: At laſt Morton went aboard Capt. Eaton, and perſwaded him to loſe Capt. Bond in the Night, which Capt. Eaton did, Morton continuing aboard of Capt. Eaton, as finding his the better Ship. Capt. Bond thus loſing both his Conſort Eaton, and Morton his Pilot, and his Ship being but an ordinary Sailer, he deſpaired of getting into the South Seas; and had plaid ſuch tricks among the Caribbee Iſles, as I have been told, that he did not dare to appear at any of the Engliſh Iſlands. Therefore he perſwaded his Men to go to the Spaniards, and they conſented to do any thing that he ſhould propoſe: So he preſently ſteered away into the Weſt-Indies, and the firſt place where he came to an Anchor was at Portabel. He preſently declared to the Governour, that there were Engliſh Ships coming into the South Seas, and that if they queſtion'd it, he offered to be kept a Priſoner, till time ſhould diſcover the truth of what he ſaid; but they believed him, and ſent him away to Panama, where he was in great eſteem. This ſeveral Priſoners told us.

The Spaniards of Panama could not have fitted out their Fire-ſhip without this Capt. Bond's aſſiſtance; for it is ſtrange to ſay how groſly ignorant the Spaniards in the Weſt-Indies, but eſpecially in the South Seas, are of Sea-affairs. They build indeed good Ships, but this is a ſmall matter: for any Ship of a good bottom will ſerve for theſe Seas on the South Coaſt. They rig their Ships but untowardly, have no Guns, but in 3 or 4 of the King's Ships, and are meanly furniſhed with Warlike Proviſions, and much at a loſs for the making any Fireſhips or other [191] leſs uſual Machines. Nay, they have not the ſenſe to have their Guns run within the ſides upon their diſcharge, but have Platforms without for the Men to ſtand on to charge them; ſo that when we come near we can fetch them down with ſmall ſhot out of our Boats. A main reaſon of this is, that the Native Spaniards are too proud to be Seamen, but uſe the Indians for all thoſe Offices: One Spaniard, it may be, going in the Ship to command it, and himſelf of little more knowledge than thoſe poor ignorant Creatures: nor can they gain much Experience, ſeldom going far off to Sea, but coaſting along the Shores.

But to proceed: In the Morning when it was light we came again to an anchor cloſe by our Buoys, and ſtrove to get our Anchors again; but our Buoy-Ropes being rotten, broke. While we were puzling about our Anchors, we ſaw a great many Canoas full of Men paſs between Tabago and the other Iſland. This put us into a new Conſternation: We lay ſtill ſome time, till we ſaw that they came directly towards us, then we weighed and ſtood towards them: And when we came within hale, we found that they were Engliſh and French Privateers come out of the North Seas through the Iſthmus of Darien. They were 280 Men in 28 Canoas; 200 of them French; the reſt Engliſh. They were commanded by Capt. Gronet, and Capt. Lequie. We preſently came to an Anchor again, and all the Canoas came aboard. Theſe Men told us, that there were 180 Engliſh Men more, under the command of Capt. Towneley, in the Country of Darien, making Canoas (as theſe men had been) to bring them into theſe Seas. All the Engliſh men that came over in this Party were immediately entertain'd by Capt. Davis and Capt Swan in their own Ships; and the French men were order'd to have our Flower-Prize to carry them, and Capt. Gronet, being the eldeſt Commander, was to command them there; and thus they were all diſpoſed of to their [192] Hearts content. Capt. Gronet, to retalliate this kindneſs, offer'd Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan, each of them a new Commiſſion from the Governour of Petit Guavres. It hath been uſual for many years paſt, for the Governor of P. Cuavres to ſend blank Commiſſions to Sea by many of his Captains, with orders to diſpoſe of them to whom they ſaw convenient. Thoſe of Petit Guavres by this means making themſelves the Sanctuary and Aſylum of all People of deſperate Fortunes, and increaſing their own Wealth, and the Strength and Reputation of their Party thereby. Capt. Davis accepted of one, having before only an old Commiſſion, which fell to him by Inheritance at the deceaſe of Capt. Cook; who took it from Capt. Triſtian, together with his Bark, as is before mentioned. But Capt. Swan refuſed it, ſaying, He had an Order from the Duke of York, neither to give offence to the Spaniards, nor to receive any affront from them; and that he had been injured by them at Baldivia, where they had kill'd ſome of his Men, and wounded ſeveral more; ſo that he thought he had a lawful Commiſſion of his own to right himſelf. I never read any of theſe French Commiſſions while I was in theſe Seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have learnt ſince, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty to Fiſh, Fowl, and Hunt. The occaſion of this is, that the Iſland Hiſpaniola, where the Garriſon of Petit-Guavres is, belongs partly to the French, and partly to the Spaniards; and in time of Peace theſe Commiſſions are given as a Warrant to thoſe of each ſide to protect them from the adverſe Party: But in effect the French do not reſtrain them to Hiſpaniola, but make them a pretence for a general ravage in any part of America by Sea or Land.

Having thus diſpoſed of our Aſſociates, we intended to ſail towards the Gulf of St. Michael, to ſeek Capt. Townley; who by this time we thought [193] might be entering into theſe Seas. Accordingly the ſecond day of March, 1685, we ſailed from hence towards the Gulph of St. Michael. This Gulf lies near 30 leagues from Panama, towards the S. E. The way thither from Panama is, to paſs between the Kings Iſlands and the Main. It is a place where many great Rivers having finiſhed their courſes are ſwallowed up in the Sea. It is bounded on the S. with Point Garachina, which lieth in North lat. 6 d. 40 m. and on the North ſide with Cape St. Lorenzo. Where by the way I muſt correct a groſs error in our common Maps; which giving no name at all to the South Cape, which yet is the moſt conſiderable, and is the true Point Garachina; do give that name to the North Cape, which is of ſmall remark, only for thoſe whoſe buſineſs is into the Gulf: and the name St. Lorenzo, which is the true name of this Northern Point, is by them wholly omitted; the name of the other Point being ſubſtituted into its place. The chief Rivers which run into this Gulf of St. Michael, are Santa Maria, Sambo, and Congos. The River Congos (which is the River I would have perſuaded our Men to have gone up, as their neareſt way in our Journey over Land, mentioned Chap. 1.) comes directly out of the Country, and ſwallows up many ſmall Streams that fall into it from both ſides; and at laſt looſeth it ſelf on the North ſide of the Gulf, a league within Cape St. Lorenzo. It is not very wide, but deep, and navigable ſome leagues within Land. There are Sands without it; but a Channel for Ships. 'Tis not made uſe of by the Spaniards, becauſe of the neighbourhood of Santa Maria River; where they have moſt buſineſs on account of the Mines.

The River of Sambo ſeems to be a great River, for there is a grear tide at its mouth; but I can ſay nothing more of it, having never been in it. This River falls into the Sea on the South-ſide of the Gulf, [194] near Point Garachina. Between the Mouths of theſe 2 Rivers on either ſide, the Gulf runs in towards the Land ſomewhat narrower, and makes 5 or 6 ſmall Iſlands, which are cloathed with great Trees, green and flouriſhing all the year and good Channels between the Iſlands. Beyond which, further in ſtill, the ſhoar on each ſide cloſes ſo near, with 2 Points of low Mangrove Land, as to make a narrow or ſtraight, ſcarce half a mile wide. This ſerves as a mouth or enterance to the Inner-part of the Gulf, which is a deep Bay 2 or 3 leagues over every way, and about the Eaſt-end thereof are the mouths of ſeveral Rivers, the chief of which is that of Santa Maria. There are many Outlets or Creeks beſides this narrow place I have deſcribed, but none navigable beſide that. For this reaſon the Spaniſh Guard-Ship, mention'd in Chap 1. choſe to lie between theſe two Points, as the only Paſſage they could imagine we ſhould attempt; ſince this is the way that the Privateers have generally taken, as the neareſt, between the North and South Seas. The River of Santa Maria is the largeſt of all the Rivers of this Gulf: It is navigable 8 or 9 leagues up, for ſo high the tide flows. Beyond that place the River is divided into many Branches, which are only fit for Canoas. The tide riſes and falls in this River about 18 foot.

About 6 leagues from the Rivers mouth, on the South-ſide of it, the Spaniards about 20 years ago, upon their firſt diſcovery of the Gold Mines here, built the Town Santa Maria, of the ſame name with the River. This Town was taken by Captain Coxen Captain Harris, and Captain Sharp, at their entrance into theſe Seas; it being then but newly built. Since that time it is grown conſiderable; for when Captain Harris, the Nephew of the former, took it (as is ſaid in Chap. 6.) he found in it all ſorts of Tradeſmen, with a great deal of Flower, and Wine, and [195] abundance of Iron Crows and Pickaxes. Theſe were Inſtruments for the Slaves to work in the Gold Mines; for beſides what Gold and Sand they take up together, they often find greatlumps, wedg'd between the Rocks, as if it naturally grew there. I have ſeen a lump as big as a Hens Egg, brought by Captain Harris from thence, (who took 120 pound there) and he told me that there were lumps a great deal bigger: but theſe they were forc'd to beat in pieces that they might divide them. Theſe lumps are not ſo ſolid, but that they have creviſes and pores full of Earth and Duſt. This Town is not far from the Mines, where the Spaniards keep a great many Slaves to work in the dry time of the year; but in the rainy Seaſon, when the Rivers do overflow, they cannot work ſo well. Yet the Mines are ſo nigh the Mountains, that as the Rivers ſoon riſe, ſo they are ſoon down again; and preſently after the rain is the beſt ſearching for Gold in the Sands; for the violent rains do waſh down the Gold into the Rivers, where much of it ſettles to the bottom and remains. Then the Native Indians who live hereabouts get moſt; and of them the Spaniards buy more Gold than their Slaves get by working. I have been told that they get the value of 5 Shillings a day, one with another. The Spaniards withdraw moſt of them with their Slaves during the wet Seaſon, to Panama. At this Town of St. Maria, Captain Townley was lying with his Party, making Canoas, when Captain Gronet came into the Seas; for it was then abandoned by the Spaniards.

There is another ſmall new Town at the mouth of the River, called the Scuchaderoes: It ſtands on the North ſide of the open place, at the mouth of the River of St. Maria, where there is more air than at the Mines, or at Santa Maria Town, where they are in a manner ſtifled with heat for want of air.

[196] All about theſe Rivers, eſpecially near the Sea, the Land is low, it is deep black Earth, and the Trees it produceth are extraordinary large and high. Thus much concerning the Gulf of St. Michael, whither we were bound.

The ſecond day of March, as is ſaid before, we weighed from Perico, and the ſame night we anchor'd again at Pacheque. The third day we ſailed from thence, ſteering towards the Gulf. Captain Swan undertook to fetch off Capt. Townley and his Men: therefore he kept near the Main; but the reſt of the Ships ſtood nearer the Kings Iſlands. Captain Swan deſired this Office, becauſe he intended to ſend Letters over-land by the Indians to Jamaica, which he did; ordering the Indians to deliver his Letters to any Engliſh Veſſel in the other Seas. At 2 a clock we were again near the place where we clean'd our Ships. There we ſaw 2 Ships coming out, who proved to be Captain Townley and his Men. They were coming out of the River in the night, and took 2 Barks bound for Panama: the one was laden with Flower, the other with Wine, Brandy, Sugar, and Oyl. The Priſoners that he took declared, that the Lima Fleet was ready to ſail. We went and anchored among the Kings Iſlands, and the next day Captain Swan returned out of the River of Santa Maria, being informed by the Indians, that Captain Townley was come over to the Kings Iſlands. At this place Captain Townley put out a great deal of his Goods to make room for his Men. He diſtributed his Wine and Brandy, ſome to every Ship, that it might be drunk out, becauſe he wanted the Jars to carry Water in. The Spaniards in theſe Seas carry all their Wine, Brandy and Oyl, in Jars that hold 7 or 8 Gallons. When they lade at Piſco (a place about 40 leagues to the Southward of Lima, and famous for Wine) they bring nothing elſe but Jars of Wine, and they ſtow one tier on the top of another [197] ſo artificially, that we could hardly do the like without breaking them: yet they often carry in this manner 1500 or 2000, or more, in a Ship, and ſeldom break one. The 10th day we took a ſmall Bark that came from Guiaquil: ſhe had nothing in her but Ballaſt. The 12th day there came an Indian Canoa out of the River of Santa Maria, and told us, that there were 300 Engliſh and French men more coming over-land from the North-Seas. The 15th day we met a Bark, with 5 or 6 Engliſh men in her, that belonged to Captain Knight, who had been in the South Seas 5 or 6 Months, and was now on the Mexican Coaſt. There he had ſpied this Bark; but not being able to come up with her in his Ship, he detach'd theſe 5 or 6 Men in a Canoa, who took her, but when they had done could not recover their own Ship again, loſing company with her in the night; and therefore they came into the Bay of Panama, intending to go over-land back into the North Seas, but that they luckily met with us: for the Iſthmus of Darien was now become a common Road for Privateers to paſs between the North and South Seas at their pleaſure. This Bark of Captain Knight's had in her 40 or 50 Jars of Brandy: ſhe was now commanded by Mr. Henry More; but Captain Swan intending to promote Captain Harris, cauſed Mr. More to be turned out, alledging, that it was very likely theſe Men were run away from their Commander. Mr. More willingly reſigned her, and went aboard of Captain Swan, and became one of his Men.

It was now the latter end of the dry Seaſon here; and the Water at the Kings or Pearl Iſlands, of which there was plenty when we firſt came hither, was now dried away. Therefore we were forced to go to Point Garachina, thinking to Water our Ships there. Captain Harris being now Commander of the new Bark, was ſent into the River [198] of Santa Maria, to ſee for thoſe Men that the Indians told us of, whilſt the reſt of the Ships ſailed towards Point Garachina; where we arrived the 21ſt day, and anchored 2 mile from the Point, and found a ſtrong Tide running out of the River Sambo. The next day we run within the Point, and anchored in 4 fathom at low Water. The Tide riſeth here 8 or 9 foot: the Flood ſets N. N. E. the Ebb S. S. W. The Indians that inhabit in the River Sambo came to us in Canoas, and brought Plantains and Bonanoes. They could not ſpeak nor underſtand Spaniſh; therefore I believe they have no Commerce with the Spaniards. We found no freſh Water here neither; ſo we went from hence to Porto-Pinas, which is 7 leagues S. by W. from hence.

Porto-Pinas lieth in lat. 7 d. North. It is ſo called, becauſe there are many Pine-trees growing there. The Land is pretty high, riſing gently as it runs into the Country. This Country near the Sea is all covered with pretty high Woods: the Land that bounds the Harbor is low in the middle, but high and rocky on both ſides. At the mouth of the Harbor there are 2 ſmall high Iſlands, or rather barren Rocks. The Spaniards in their Pilot Books commend this for a good Harbor; but it lieth all open to the S. W. Winds, which frequently blow here in the wet Seaſon: beſide, the Harbor within the Iſlands is a place of but ſmall extent, and hath a very narrow going in; what depth of Water there is in the Harbor I know not.

The 25th day we arrived at this Harbor of Pines, but did not go in with our Ship, finding it but an ordinary place to lie at. We ſent in our Boats to ſearch it, and they found a ſtream of good Water running into the Sea; but there were ſuch great ſwelling Surges came into the Harbor, that we could not conveniently fill our Water there. [199] The 26th day we returned to Point Garachina again. In our way we took a ſmall Veſſel laden with Cacao: ſhe came from Guiaquil. The 29th day we arrived at Point Garachina: There we found Captain Harris, who had been in the River of Santa Maria; but he did not meet the Men that he went for. Yet we was informed again by the Indians, that they were making Canoas in one of the branches of the River of Santa Maria Here we ſhared our Cacao lately taken.

Becauſe we could not fill our water here, we deſigned to go to Tabago again, where we were ſure to be ſupplied. Accordingly, on the 30th day we ſet ſail, being now 9 Ships in company; and had a ſmall wind at S. S. E. The firſt day of April, being in the Channel between the Kings Iſlands and the Main, we had much Thunder, Lightning, and ſome Rain: This Evening we anchored at the Iſland Pacheque, and immediately ſent 4 Canoas before us to the Iſland Tabago to take ſome Priſoners for information, and we followed the next day. The 3d day in the evening we anchored by Perica, and the next morning went to Tabago: where we found our 4 Canoas. They arrived there in the night, and took a Canoa that came (as is uſual) from Panama for Plantains. There were in the Canoa 4 Indians and a Mulata. The Mulata, becauſe he ſaid he was in the Fireſhip that came to burn us in the night, was immediately hanged. Theſe Priſoners confirmed, that one Capt. Bond, an Engliſh Man, did command her.

Here we filled our Water, and cut Firewood; and from hence we ſent 4 Canoas over to the Main, with one of the Indians lately taken to guide them to a Sugar-work: for, now we had Cacao, we wanted Sugar to make Chocolate. But the chiefeſt of their buſineſs was to get Coppers, for each Ship having now ſo many Men, our Pots would [200] not boil Victuals faſt enough, though we kept them boiling all the day. About 2 or 3 days after they returned aboard with 3 Coppers.

While we lay here Captain Davis his Bark went to the Iſland Otoque. This is another inhabited Iſland in the Bay of Panama; not ſo big as Tabago, yet there are good Plantain-walks on it, and ſome Negroes to look after them. Theſe Negroes rear Fowls and Hogs for their Maſters, who live at Panama, as at the Kings Iſlands. It was for ſome Fowls or Hogs that our Men went thither; but by accident they met alſo with an Expreſs, that was ſent to Panama with an account, that the Lima Fleet was at Sea. Moſt of the Letters were thrown overboard and loſt; yet we found ſome that ſaid poſitively, that the Fleet was coming with all the ſtrength that they could make in the Kingdom of Peru; yet were ordered not to fight us, except they were forc'd to it: (though afterwards they choſe to fight us, having firſt landed their Treaſure at Lavelia) and that the Pilots of Lima had been in conſultation what courſe to ſteer to miſs us.

For the ſatisfaction of thoſe who may be curious to know, I have here inſerted the Reſolutions taken by the Committee of Pilots, as one of our company tranſlated them out of the Spaniſh of two of the Letters we took. The firſt Letter as follows.

SIR,

HAving been with his Excellency, and heard the Letter of Captain. Michael Sanches de Tena read; wherein he ſays, there ſhould be a meeting of the Pilots of Panama in the ſaid City, they ſay 'tis not time, putting for objection the Gallapagoes; to which I anſwered, That it was fear of the Enemy, and that they might well go that way. I told this to his Excellency, who was pleaſed to command me to write the Courſe, which is as follows.

[201] The day for ſailing being come, go forth to the Weſt South Weſt; from that to the Weſt till you are forty leagues off at Sea, then keep at the ſame diſtance to the N. W. till you come under the Line: from whence the Pilot muſt ſhape his Courſe for Moro de Porco, and for the Coaſt of Lavelia and Natta: where you may ſpeak with the People, and according to the Information they give, you may keep the ſame Courſe for Otoque, from thence to Tabago, and ſo to Panama; This is what offers as to the Courſe.

The Letter is obſcure: But the Reader muſt make what he can of it. The Directions in the other Letter were to this effect.

THE ſureſt Courſe to be obſerved going forth from Malabrigo, is thus: You muſt ſail W. by S. that you may avoid the ſight of the Iſlands of Lobos; and if you ſhould chance to ſee them, by reaſon of the Breezes, and ſhould fall to Leward of the Lat. of Malabrigo, keep on a Wind as near as you can, and if neceſſary, go about and ſtand in for the ſhoar: then tack and ſtand off, and be ſure keep your Latitude; and when you are 40 leagues to the Weſtward of the Iſland Lobos, keep that diſtance till you come under the Line; and then, if the general Wind follows you farther, you muſt ſail N. N. E. till you come into 3 degrees North. And if in this Lat. you ſhould find the breezes, make it your buſineſs to keep the Coaſt, and ſo ſail for Panama. If in your courſe you ſhould come in ſight of the Land before you are abreſt of Cape St. Franciſco, be ſure to ſtretch off again out of ſight of Land that you may not be diſcovered by the Enemy.

The laſt Letter ſuppoſes the Fleet's ſetting out from Malabrigo, in about 8 deg. South Lat. (as the other doth its going immediately from Lima, 4 deg. further South) and from hence is that Caution given of avoiding Lobos, as near Malabrigo, in their [202] uſual way to Panama, ahd hardly to be kept out of ſight, as the Winds are thereabouts: yet to be avoided by the Spaniſh Fleet at this time, becauſe as they had twice before heard of the Privateers lying at Lobos de la Mar, they knew not but at that time we might be there in expectation of them.

The 10th day we ſailed from Tabago towards the Kings Iſland again, becauſe our Pilots told us, that the King's Ships did always come this way. The 11th day we anchored at the place where we careen'd. Here we found Captain Harris, who had gone a ſecond time into the River of Santa Maria, and fetched the body of Men that laſt came over Land, as the Indians had informed us: but they fell ſhort of the number they told us of. The 29th day we ſent 250 Men in 15 Canoas to the River Cheapo, to take the Town of Cheapo. The 21ſt day all our Ships, but Captain Harris, who ſtaid to clean his Ships, followed after. The 22d day we arriv'd at the Iſland Chepelio.

Chepelio is the pleaſanteſt Iſland in the Bay of Panama: It is but 7 Leagues from the City of Panama, and a League from the Main. This Iſland is about 2 mile long, and almoſt ſo broad; it is low on the North-ſide, and riſeth by a ſmall aſcent towards the South-ſide. The Soil is yellow, a kind of Clay. The high ſide is ſtony; the low Land is planted with all ſorts of delicate Fruits, viz. Sapadilloes, Avogato-pears, Mammees, Mammee-Sappota's, Star-apples, &c. The middle of the Iſland is planted with Plantain-Trees, which are not very large, but the Fruit extraordinary ſweet.

The Sapadillo-tree is as big as a large Pear-tree, the Fruit much like to a Bergoma-pear, both in colour, ſhape and ſize; but on ſome Trees the Fruit is a little longer. When it is green or firſt gathered, the Juice is white and clammy, and it will ſtick like glew; then the Fruit is hard; but after it hath been [203] gathered 2 or 3 days, it grows ſoft and juicy, and then the Juice is clear as Spring-Water, and very ſweet; in the midſt of the Fruit are 2 or 3 black Stones or Seeds, about the bigneſs of a Pumkinſeed: This is an excellent Fruit.

The Avogato Pear-tree is as big as moſt Pear-trees, and is commonly pretty high; the Skin or Bark black, and pretty ſmooth; the Leaves large, of an oval ſhape, and the Fruit as big as a large Limon. It is of a green colour till it is ripe, and then it is a little yellowiſh. They are ſeldom fit to eat till they have been gathered 2 or 3 days; then they become ſoft, and the Skin or Rind will peel off. The ſubſtance in the inſide is green, or a little yellowiſh, and as ſoft as Butter. Within the ſubſtance there is a Stone as big as a Horſe-Plumb. This Fruit hath no taſte of it ſelf, and therefore 'tis uſually mixt with Sugar and Lime-juice, and beaten together in a Plate; and this is an excellent Diſh. The ordinary way is to eat it with a little Salt and a roaſted Plantain; and thus a Man that's hungry, may make a good Meal of it. It is very wholſome eaten any way. It is reported that this Fruit provokes to Luſt, and therefore is ſaid to be much eſteemed by the Spaniards: and I do believe they are much eſteemed by them, for I have met with plenty of them in many places in the North-Seas, where the Spaniards are ſettled, as in the Bay of Campeachy, on the Coaſt of Cartagena; and the Coaſt of Caraccos; and there are ſome in Jamaica, which were planted by the Spaniards when they poſſeſſed that Iſland.

The Mammee-Sappota-Tree is different from the Mammee deſcribed at the Iſland Tabago in this Chapter. It is not ſo big or ſo tall, neither is the Fruit ſo big or ſo round. The Rind of the Fruit is thin and brittle; the inſide is a deep red, and it has a rough flat long Stone. This is accounted the principal [204] Fruit of the Weſt-Indies. It is very pleaſant and wholeſome. I have not ſeen any of theſe on Jamaica; but in many places in the Weſt-Indies among the Spaniards. There is another ſort of Mammee-tree, which is called the wild Mammee: This bears a Fruit which is of no value, but the Tree is ſtraight, tall, and very tough, and therefore principally uſed for making Maſts.

The Star-Apple-tree grows much like the Quince-Tree, but much bigger. It is full of Leaves, and the Leaf is broad, of an oval ſhape, and of a very dark green colour. The Fruit is as big as a large Apple, which is commonly ſo cover'd with Leaves, that a Man can hardly ſee it. They ſay this is a good Fruit; I did never taſte any, but have ſeen both of the Trees and Fruit in many place on the Main, on the North-ſide of the Continent, and in Jamaica. When the Spaniards poſſeſs'd that Iſland, they planted this and other ſorts of Fruit, as the Sapadillo, Avogato-Pear, and the like; and of theſe Fruits there is ſtill in Jamaica in thoſe Plantations that were firſt ſettled by the Spaniards, as at the Angels, at 7 Mile Walk, and 16 Mile Walk. There I have ſeen theſe Trees which were planted by the Spaniards, but I did never ſee any Improvement made by the Engliſh, who ſeem in that little curious. The Road for Ships is on the North-ſide, where there is good anchoring half a mile from the ſhoar. There is a Well cloſe by the Sea on the North ſide, and formerly there were 3 or 4 Houſes cloſe by it, but now they are deſtroyed. This Iſland ſtands right againſt the mouth of the River Cheapo.

The River Cheapo ſprings out of the Mountains near the North ſide of the Country, and it being penn'd up on the South ſide by other Mountains, bends its courſe to the Weſtward between both, till finding a paſſage on the S. W. it makes a kind of a half circle; and being ſwell'd to a conſiderable [205] bigneſs, it runs with a ſlow motion into the Sea, 7 leagues from Panama. This River is very deep and about a quarter of a mile broad; but the mouth of it is choak'd up with Sands, ſo that no Ships can enter, but Barks may. There is a ſmall Spaniſh Town of the ſame name within 6 Leagues of the Sea: it ſtands on the left hand going from the Sea. This is it which I ſaid Captain La Sound attempted. The Land about it is champion, with many ſmall Hills cloathed with Woods; but the biggeſt part of the Country is Savannah. On the South-ſide of the River it is all Woodland for many leagues together. It was to this Town that our 250 Men were ſent. The 24th day they returned out of the River, having taken the Town without any oppoſition: but they found nothing in it. By the way going thither they took a Canoa, but moſt of the Men eſcaped aſhoar upon one of the Kings Iſlands: She was ſent out well appointed with armed Men to watch our motion. The 25th day Captain Harris came to us, having cleaned his Ship. The 26th day we went again towards Tabago; our Fleet now, upon Captain Harris joining us again, conſiſted of 10 Sail. We arrived at Tabago the 28th day: there our Priſoners were examin'd concerning the ſtrength of Panama; for now we thought our ſelves ſtrong enough for ſuch an Enterprize, being near 1000 Men. Out of theſe on occaſion, we could have landed 900: but our Priſoners gave us ſmall Enconragement to it, for they aſſured us, that all the ſtrength of the Country was there, and that many Men were come from Portobel, beſides its own Inhabitants, who of themſelves were more in number than we. Theſe reaſons, together with the ſtrength of the place (which hath a high Wall) deterr'd us from attempting it. While we lay here at Tabago, ſome of our Men burnt the Town on the Iſland.

[206] The 4th of May we ſailed hence again bound for the Kings Iſlands, and there we continued cruiſing from one end of theſe Iſlands to the other: till on the 22d day, Capt. Davis and Capt. Gronet, went to Pacheque, leaving the reſt of the Fleet at anchor at St. Paul's Iſland. From Pacheque we ſent 2 Canoas to the Iſland Chepelio, in hopes to get a Priſoner there. The 25th day our Canoas return'd from Chepelio, with three Priſoners which they took there: They were Seamen belonging to Panama, who ſaid that Proviſion was ſo ſcarce and dear there, that the poor were almoſt ſtarved; being hindred by us from thoſe common and daily ſupplies of Plantains, which they did formerly enjoy from the Iſlands; eſpecially from thoſe two of Chepelia and Tabago. That the Preſident of Panama had ſtrictly ordered, that none ſhould adventure to any of the Iſlands for Plantains; but neceſſity had obliged them to treſpaſs againſt the Preſident's Order. They farther reported, that the Fleet from Lima was expected every day; for it was generally talked that they were come from Lima: and that the report at Panama was, that King Charles II. of England was dead, and that the Duke of York was crowned King. The 27th day Capt. Swan and Capt. Townley, alſo came to Pacheque, where we lay, but Captain Swan's Bark was gone in among the Kings Iſlands for Plantains. The Iſland Pacheque, as I have before related, is the Northermoſt of the Kings Iſlands. It is a ſmall low Iſland about a League round. On the South-ſide of it there are 2 or 3 ſmall Iſlands, neither of them half a mile round. Between Pacheque and theſe Iſlands is a ſmall Channel not above 6 or 7 paces wide, and about a Mile long. Through this Captain Townley made a bold run, being preſt hard by the Spaniards in the fight I am going to ſpeak of, though he was ignorant whether there was a ſufficient depth of Water or not. On the Eaſt-ſide [207] of this Channel all our Fleet lay waiting for the Lima Fleet, which we were in hopes would come this way.

The 28th day we had a very wet morning, for the Rains were come in, as they do uſually in May, or June, ſooner or later; ſo that May is here a very uncertain month. Hitherto, till within a few days we had good fair weather, and the Wind at N. N. E. but now the weather was altered, and the Wind at S. S. W.

However about eleven a Clock it cleared up, and we ſaw the Spaniſh Fleet about 3 leagues W. N. W. from the Iſland Pacheque, ſtanding cloſe on a Wind to the Eaſt-ward; but they could not fetch the Iſland by a league. We were riding a league S. E. from the Iſland, between it and the Main; only Captain Gronet was about a mile to the Northward of us near the Iſland; he weighed ſo ſoon as they came in ſight, and ſtood over for the Main; and we lay ſtill expecting when he would tack and come to us: but he took care to keep himſelf out of harms way.

Captain Swan and Townley came aboard of Captain Davis to order how to engage the Enemy, who we ſaw came purpoſely to fight us, they being in all 14 Sail, beſides Periagoes, rowing with 12 and 14 Oars apiece. Six Sail of them were Ships of good force: firſt the Admiral 48 Guns, 450 Men; the Vice-Admiral 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral 36 Guns, 360 Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and one of eight Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fireſhips, 6 Ships only with ſmall Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; beſides 2 or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes. This Account of their Strength we had afterwards from Captain Knight, who being to the Windward on the Coaſt of Pern, took Priſoners, of whom he had this Information, being what they brought [208] from Lima. Beſides theſe Men, they had alſo ſom [...] hundreds of Old Spain Men that came from Portobe [...] and met them at Lavelia, from whence they now came: and their Strength of Men from Lima wa [...] 3000 Men, being all the ſtrength they could mak [...] in that Kingdom; and for greater Security, they had firſt landed their Treaſure at Lavelia.

Our Fleet conſiſted of 10 Sail: firſt Captain Davis 36 Guns, 156 Men, moſt Engliſh; Captain Swan 16 Guns, 140 Men all Engliſh: Theſe were the only Ships of force that we had; the reſt having none but ſmall Arms. Captain Townley had 110 Men, all Engliſh. Captain Gronet 308 Men, all French. Captain Harris 100 Men, moſt Engliſh. Captain Branly 36 Men, ſome Engliſh ſome French. Davis his Tender 8 Men; Swan's Tender 8 Men; Townley's Bark 80 Men; and a ſmall Bark of thirty Tuns made a Fireſhip, with a Canoas Crew in her. We had in all 960 Men. But Captain Gronet came not to us till all was over, yet we were not diſcouraged at it, but reſolved to fight them; for being to Windward of the Enemy, we had it at our choice, whether we would fight or not. It was 3 a Clock in the afternoon when we weighed, and being all under ſail, we bore down right afore the wind on our Enemies, who kept cloſe on a Wind to come to us; but night came on without any thing, beſide the exchanging of a few ſhot on each ſide. When it grew dark the Spaniſh Admiral put out a light, as a ſignal for his Fleet to come to an Anchor. We ſaw the light in the Admirals top, which continued about half an hour, and then it was taken down. In a ſhort time after we ſaw the light again, and being to Windward we kept under ſail, ſuppoſing the light had been in the Admirals top; but as it proved, this was only a ſtratagem of theirs; for this light was put out the ſecond time at one of their Barks Topmaſt-head, and [209] then ſhe was ſent to Leeward; which deceived us: for we thought ſtill the Light was in the Admiral's Top, and by that means thought our ſelves to windward of them.

In the Morning therefore, contrary to our expectation, we found they had got the Weather-gage of us, and were coming upon us with full Sail; ſo we ran for it, and after a running Fight all day, and having taken a turn almoſt round the Bay of Panama, we came to an Anchor again at the Iſle of Pacheque, in the very ſame place from whence we ſet out in the Morning.

Thus ended this days Work, and with it all that we had been projecting for 5 or 6 Months; when inſtead of making our ſelves Maſters of the Spaniſh Fleet and Treaſure, we were glad to eſcape them; and owed that too, in a great meaſure to their want of Courage to purſue their Advantage.

The 30th day in the Morning when we looked out we ſaw the Spaniſh Fleet all together 3 leagues to Leeward of us at an Anchor. It was but little Wind till 10 a Clock, and then ſprung up a ſmall Breeze at South, and the Spaniſh Fleet went away to Panama. What loſs they had I know not; we loſt but one Man: And having held a Conſult, we reſolved to go to the Keys of Quibo or Cohaya, to ſeek Capt. Harris, who was forc'd away from us in the Fight; that being the place appointed for our Rendezvous upon any ſuch Accident. As for Gronet, he ſaid his Men would not ſuffer him to joyn us in the Fight: But we were not ſatisfied with that excuſe; ſo we ſuffered him to go with us to the Iſles of Quiboa, and there caſhiered our cowardly Companion. Some were for taking from him the Ship which we had given him: But at length he was ſuffered to keep it with his Men, and we ſent them away in it to ſome other place.

CHAP. VIII.

[210]

They ſet out from Tabago. Iſle of Churche. The Mountain called Moro de Porcos. The Coaſt to the Weſtward of the Bay of Panama. Iſles of Quibo, Quicaro, Rancheria. The Palma-Maria-tree. The Iſles Canales and Cantarras. They build Canoas for a new Expedition; and take Puebla Nova. Captain Knight joyns them. Canoas how made. The Coaſt and Winds between Quibo and Nicoya. Volcan Vejo again. Tornadoes, and the Sea rough. Ria Lexa Harbour. The City of Leon taken and burnt. Ria Lexa Creek; the Town and Commodities; the Guava-Fruit, and Prickle-Pear: A Ranſom paid honourably upon Parole: The Town burnt. Captain Davis and others go off for the South Coaſt. A contagious Sickneſs at Ria Lexa. Terrible Tornadoes. The Volcan of Guatimala; the rich Commodities of that Country, Indico, Otta or Anatta. Cochineel, Silveſter. Drift Wood, and Pumice-Stones. The Coaſt further on the North-weſt. Capt. Townley's fruitleſs Expedition towards Tecoantepeque. The Iſland Tangola, and Neighbouring Continent. Guatulco Port. The Buffadore, or Waterſpout. Ruins of Guatulco Village. The Coaſt adjoining. Capt. Townley marches to the River Capalita. Turtle at Guatulco. An Indian Settlement. The Vinello Plant and Fruit.

ACcording to the Reſolutions we had taken, we ſet out June the firſt, 1685, paſſing between [211] Point Garachina and the Kings Iſlands. The Wind was ot S. S. W. rainy Weather, with Tornadoes of Thunder and Lightning. The 3d day we paſſed by the Iſland Chuche, the laſt remainder of the Iſles in the Bay of Panama. This is a ſmall, low, round, woody Iſland, uninhabited; lying 4 leagues S. S. W. from Pacheca.

In our paſſage to Quibo. Captain Branly loſt his Main-Maſt; therefore he and all his Men left his Bark, and came aboard Captain Davis his Ship. Captain Swan alſo ſprung his Main-top-Maſt, and got up another; but while he was doing it, and we were making the beſt of our way, we loſt ſight of him, and were now on the North ſide of the Bay; for this way all Ships muſt paſs from Panama, whether bound towards the Coaſt of Mexico or Peru. The 10th day we paſſed by Moro de Porcos, or the Mountain of Hogs. Why ſo called, I know not: It is a high round Hill on the Coaſt of Lavelia.

This ſide of the Bay of Panama runs out Weſterly to the Iſlands of Quibo; there are on this Coaſt many Rivers and Creeks, but none ſo large as thoſe on the South ſide of the Bay. It is a Coaſt that is partly mountainous, partly low Land, and very thick of Woods bordering on the Sea; but a few leagues within Land it conſiſts moſtly of Savannahs, which are ſtock'd with Bulls and Cows The Rivers on this ſide are not wholly deſtitute of Gold, though not ſo rich as the Rivers on the other ſide of the Bay. The Coaſt is but thinly inhabited, for except the Rivers that lead up to the Towns of Nata and Lavelia, I know of no other Settlement between Panama and Puebla Nova. The Spaniards may travel by Land from Panama through all the Kingdom of Mexico, as being full of Savannahs; but towards the Coaſt of Peru they cannot paſs further than the River Cheapo: the Land there being ſo full of thick Woods, and watered with ſo many [212] great Rivers, beſides leſs Rivers and Creeks, that the Indians themſelves, who inhabit there, cannot travel far without much trouble.

We met with very wet weather in our Voyage to Quibo; and with S. S. W. and ſometimes S. W. Winds, which retarded our Courſe. It was the 15th day of June when we arrived at Quibo, and found there Captain Harris, whom we ſought. The Iſland Quibo, or Cobaya, is in lat. 7 d. 14 m. North of the Equator. It is about 6 or 7 leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The land is low, except only near the N. E. end. It is all over plentifully ſtored with great tall flouriſhing Trees of many ſorts; and there is good Water on the Eaſt and North-Eaſt ſides of the Iſland. Here are ſome Deer, and plenty of pretty large black Monkies, whoſe Fleſh is ſweet, and wholeſome: beſides a few Guanoes, and ſome Snakes. I know no other ſort of Land Animal on the Iſland. There is a ſhole runs out from the S E. point of the Iſland, half a mile into the Sea; and a league to the North of this ſhole point, on the Eaſt ſide, there is a rock about a mile from the ſhore, which at the laſt quarter ebb appears above Water. Beſides theſe two places, there is no danger on this ſide, but Ships may run within a quarter of a mile of the ſhoar, and Anchor in 6, 8, 10, or 12 fathom, good clean Sand and Oaze.

There are many other Iſlands, lying ſome on the S. W. ſide, others on the N. and N. E. ſides of this Iſland; as the Iſland Quicaro, which is a pretty large Iſland S. W. of Quibo, and on the North of it is a ſmall Iſland called the Rancheria; on which Iſland are plenty of Palma-Maria Trees. The Palma-Maria is a tall ſtraight bodied Tree, with a ſmall Head, but very unlike the Palm-tree, notwithſtanding the Name. It is greatly eſteemed for making Maſts, being very tongh, as well as of a good length; for the grain of the Wood runs not ſtraight [213] along it, but twiſting gardually about it. Theſe Trees grow in many places of the Weſt-Indies, and are frequently uſed both by the Engliſh and Spaniards there for that uſe. The Iſlands Canales and Cantarras, are ſmall Iſlands lying on the N. E. of Rancheria. Theſe have all Channels to paſs between, and good Anchoring about them; and they are as well ſtored with Trees and Water as Quibo. Sailing without them all, they appear to be part of the Main. The Iſland Quibo is the largeſt and moſt noted; for although the reſt have Names, yet they are ſeldom uſed only for diſtinction ſake: theſe, and the reſt of this knot, paſſing all under the common name of the Keys of Quibo. Captain Swan gave to ſeveral of theſe Iſlands, the Names of thoſe Engliſh Merchants and Gentlemen who were Owners of his Ship.

June 16th. Captain Swan came to an Anchor by us: and then our Captains conſulted about new methods to advance their Fortunes: and becauſe they were now out of hopes to get any thing at Sea, they reſolved to try what the Land would afford. They demanded of our Pilots, what Towns on the Coaſt of Mexico they could carry us to. The City of Leon being the chiefeſt in the Country (any thing near us) though a pretty way within Land, was pitch'd on. But now we wanted Canoas to Land our Men, and we had no other way but to cut down Trees, and make as many as we had occaſion for, theſe Iſlands affording plenty of large Trees fit for our purpoſe. While this was doing, we ſent 150 Men to take Puebla Nova (a Town upon the Main near the innermoſt of theſe Iſlands) to get Proviſion: It was in going to take this Town that Captain Sawkins was killed, in the year 1680. who was ſucceded by Sharp. Our Men took the Town with much eaſe, although there was more ſtrength of Men than when Captain Sawkins was kill'd. They returned again the 24th day, but got [214] no Proviſion there. They took an empty Bark in their way, and brought her to us.

The 5th day of July Captain Knight, mentioned in my laſt Chapter, came to us. He had been cruiſing a great way to the Weſtward, but got nothing beſide a good Ship. At laſt, he went to the Southward, as high as the Bay of Guiaquil, where he took a Bark-log, or pair of Bark-logs as we call it, laden chiefly with Flower. She had other goods, as Wine, Oyl, Brandy, Sugar, Soap, and Leather of Goat-ſkins; and he took out as much of each as he had occaſion for, and then turned her away again. The Maſter of the Float told him, that the Kings Ships were gone from Lima towards Panama: that they carried but half the Kings Treaſure with them, for fear of us, although they had all the ſtrength that the Kingdom could afford: that all the Merchants Ships which ſhould have gone with them were laden and lying at Payta, where they were to wait for further Orders. Captain Knight having but few Men, did not dare to go to Payta, where, if he had been better provided, he might have taken them all; but he made the beſt of his way into the Bay of Panama, in hopes to find us there inriched with the Spoils of the Lima Fleet; but coming to the Kings Iſlands, he had advice by a Priſoner, that we had ingaged with their Fleet, but were worſted, and ſince that made our way to the Weſtward; and therefore he came hither to ſeek us. He preſently conſorted with us, and ſet his Men to work to make Canoas. Every Ships company made for themſelves, but we all helped each other to launch them; for ſome were made a mile from the Sea.

The manner of making a Canoa is, after cutting down a large long Tree, and ſquaring the uppermoſt ſide, and then turning it upon the flat ſide, to ſhape the oppoſite ſide for the bottom. Then again [215] they turn her, and dig the inſide; boring alſo three holes in the bottom, one before, one in the middle, and one abaſt, thereby to gage the thickeſt of the bottom; for otherwiſe we might cut the bottom thinner than is convenient. We left the bottoms commonly about 3 Inches thick, and the ſides 2 Inches thick below, and one and an half at the top. One or both of the ends we ſharpen to a point.

Capt. Davis made two very large Canoas, one was 36 foot long, and 5 or 6 feet wide; the other 32 foot long, and near as wide as the other. In a Months time we finiſhed our Buſineſs and were ready to ſail. Here Capt. Harris went to lay his Ship a-ground to clean her, but ſhe being old and rotten fell in pieces: And therefore he and all his Men went aboard of Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan. While we lay here we ſtruck Turtle every day, for they were now very plentiful: But from Auguſt to March here are not many. The 18th day of July, John Roſe, a Frenchman, and 14 Men more belonging to Capt. Gronet, having made a new Canoa, came in her to Capt. Davis, and deſired to ſerve under him; and Capt. Davis accepted of them, becauſe they had a Canoa of their own.

The 20th day of July we ſailed from Quibo, bending our courſe for Ria Lexa, which is the Port for Leon, the City that we now deſigned to attempt. We were now 640 Men in 8 Sail of Ships, commanded by Capt. Davis, Capt. Swan, Capt. Townley and Capt. Knight, with a Fireſhip and three Tenders, which laſt had not a conſtant Crew. We paſt out between the River Quibo and the Rancheria, leaving Quibo and Quicaro on our Larboard ſide, and the Rancheria, with the reſt of the Iſlands, and the Main on our Starboard ſide. The Wind at firſt was at South South Weſt: We coaſted along ſhore, paſſing by the Gulf of Nicoya, the Gulf of Dulce, and by the Iſland Caneo. All this Coaſt is low Land [216] overgrown with thick Woods, and there are but few inhabitants near the ſhore. As we ſailed to the Weſtward we had variable Winds, ſometimes S. W. and at W. S. W. and ſometimes at E. N. E. but we had them moſt commonly at S. W. we had a Tornado or two every day, and in the Evening or in the Night, we had Land-winds at N. N. E.

The 8th day of Auguſt, being in the lat. of 11 d. 20 m. by my obſervation, we ſaw a high Hill in the Country, towring up like a Sugar-Loaf, which bore N. E. by N. We ſuppoſed it to be Volcan Vejo, by the ſmoak which aſcended from its top; therefore we ſteered in North and made it plainer, and then knew it to be that Volcan, which is the Sea-mark for the Harbour for Ria Lexa; for, as I ſaid before in Chapter the 5th, it is a very remarkable Mountain. When we had brought this Mountain to bear N. E. we got out all our Canoas, and provided to embark into them the next day.

The 9th day in the Morning, being about 8 leagues from the ſhoar, we left our Ships under the charge of a few Men, and 520 of us went away in 31 Canoas, towing towards the Harbour of Ria Lexa. We had fair Weather and little Wind till 2 a Clock in the Afternoon, then we had a Tornado from the ſhore, with much Thunder, Lightning and Rain, and ſuch a guſt of Wind, that we were all like to be foundred. In this extremity we put right afore the Wind, every Canoas crew making what ſhift they could to avoid the Threatning Danger. The ſmall Canoas being moſt light and buoyant, mounted nimbly over the Surges, but the great heavy Canoas lay like Logs in the Sea, ready to be ſwallowed by every foaming Billow. Some of our Canoas were half full of Water, yet kept two Men conſtantly heaving it out. The fierceneſs of the Wind continued about half an hour, and abated by degrees; and as the Wind died away, ſo [217] the fury of the Sea abated: For in all hot Countries as I have obſerved, the Sea is ſoon raiſed by the Wind, and as ſoon down again when the Wind is gone, and therefore it is a Proverb among the Seamen, Up Wind, up Sea, Down Wind, down Sea. At 7 a clock in the Evening it was quiet calm, and the Sea as ſmooth as a Mill-pond. Then we tugg'd to get into the Shore, but finding we could not do it before Day, we rowed off again to keep our ſelves out of ſight. By that time it was day, we were 5 Leagues from the Land, which we thought was far enough off Shore. Here we intended to lie till the Evening, but at 3 a clock in the Afternoon we had another Tornado, more fierce than that which we had the day before. This put us in greater peril of our Lives, but did not laſt ſo long. As ſoon as the violence of the Tornado was over, we rowed in for the ſhore, and entred the Harbor in the Night: The Creek which leads towards Leon, lieth on the S. E. ſide of the Harbour. Our Pilot being very well acquainted here, carried us into the Mouth of it, but could carry us no farther till day, becauſe it is but a ſmall Creek, and there are other Creeks like it. The next Morning, aſſoon as it was light, we rowed into the Creek, which is very narrow; the Land on both ſides lying ſo low, that every Tide it is overflown with the Sea. This ſort of Land produceth red Mangrove-Trees, which are here ſo plentiful and thick, that there is no paſſing thro' them. Beyond theſe Mangroves, on the firm Land, cloſe by the ſide of the River, the Spaniards have built a Breſtwork, purpoſely to hinder an Enemy from the landing. When we came in ſight of the Breſtwork, we rowed as faſt as we could to get aſhore: The noiſe of our Oars allarmed the Indians who were ſet to watch, and preſently they ran away towards the City of Leon, to give notice of our approach. We landed as ſoon as we could, and [218] marched after them: 470 Men were drawn out to march to the Town, and I was left with 59 Men more to ſtay and guard the Canoas till their return.

The City of Leon is 20 Mile up in the Country: The way to it plain and even, thro' a Champion Country of long graſſy Savannahs, and ſpots of high Woods. About 5 Mile from the Landing-place there is a Sugar-work, 3 Mile farther there is another, and 2 Mile beyond that, there is a fine River to ford, which is not very deep, beſides which, there is no Water in all the way, till you come to an Indian Town, which is 2 Mile before you come to the City, and from thence it is a pleaſant ſtraight ſandy way to Leon. This City ſtands in a Plain not far from a high pecked Mountain, which oftentimes caſts forth fire and ſmoak from its top. It may be ſeen at Sea, and it is called the Volcan of Leon. The Houſes of Leon are not high built, but ſtrong and large, with Gardens about them. The Walls are Stone, and the Covering of Pan-tile: There are 3 Churches and a Cathedral, which is the head Church in theſe parts. Our Countryman Mr. Gage, who travelled in theſe Parts, recommends it to the World as the pleaſanteſt place in all America, and calls it the Paradice of the Indies. Indeed if we conſider the Advantage of its Scituation, we may find it ſurpaſſing moſt places for Health and Pleaſure in America; for the Country about it is of a ſandy Soil, which ſoon drinks up all the Rain that falls, to which theſe parts are much ſubject. It is encompaſſed with Savannahs; ſo that they have the benefit of the Breezes coming from any Quarter; all which makes it a very healthy place. It is a place of no great trade, and therefore not rich in Money. Their Wealth lies in their Paſtures, and Cattle, and Plantations of Sugar. It is ſaid that they make Cordage here of Hemp; but if they have any ſuch Manufactory, it is at ſome diſtance [219] from the Town, for here is no ſign of any ſuch thing.

Thither our Men were now marching; they went from the Canoas about 8 a clock. Captain Townley, with 80 of the briskeſt Men, marched before, Captain Swan with 100 Men marched next, and Captain Davis with 170 Men marched next, and Captain Knight brought up the Rear. Captain Townley, who was near 2 mile a head of the reſt, met about 70 Horſemen 4 mile before he came to the City, but they never ſtood him. About 3 a clock Captain Townley, only with his 80 Men, entred the Town, and was briskly charged in a broad Street, with 170 or 200 Spaniſh Horſemen, but 2 or 3 of their Leaders being knock'd down, the reſt fled. Their Foot conſiſted of about 500 Men, which were drawn up in the Parade; for the Spaniards in theſe parts make a large Square in every Town, tho' the Town it ſelf be ſmall. The Square is called the Parade: commonly the Church makes one ſide of it, and the Gentlemens Houſes with their Galleries about them, the other. But the Foot alſo ſeeing their Horſe retire, left an empty City to Captain Townley, beginning to ſave themſelves by flight. Captain Swan came in about 4 a clock. Captain Davis with his Men about 5, and Captain Knight, with as many Men as he could encourage to march, came in about 6, but he left many Men tired on the Road; theſe, as is uſual, came dropping in one or two at a time, as they were able. The next morning the Spaniards kill'd one of our tired Men: he was a ſtout old Grey-headed Man, aged about 84, who had ſerved under Oliver in the time of the Iriſh Rebellion; after which he was at Jamaica, and had followed Privateering ever ſince. He would not accept of the offer our Men made him to tarry aſhoar, but ſaid he would venture as far as the beſt of them: and when ſurrounded [220] by the Spaniards, he refuſed to take Quarter, but diſcharged his Gun amongſt them, keeping a Piſtol ſtill charged, ſo they ſhot him dead at a diſtance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry hearty old Man, and always uſed to declare he would never take Quarter: But they took Mr. Smith, who was tired alſo; he was a Merchant belonging to Captain Swan, and being carried before the Governour of Leon, was known by a Mulatta Woman that waited on him. Mr. Smith had lived many years in the Canaries, and could ſpeak and write very good Spaniſh, and it was there this Mulatta Woman remembred him. He being examin'd how many Men we were, ſaid 1000 at the City, and 500 at the Canoas, which made well for us at the Canoas, who ſtraggling about every day, might eaſily have been deſtroyed. But this ſo daunted the Governour, that he did never offer to moleſt our Men, although he had with him above 1000 Men, as Mr. Smith gueſſed. He ſent in a Flag of Truce about Noon, pretending to ranſom the Town, rather than let it be burnt; but our Captains demanded 300000 Pieces of Eight for its Ranſom, and as much Proviſion as would victual 1000 Men 4 Months, and Mr. Smith to be ranſomed for ſome of their Priſoners; but the Spaniards did not intend to ranſom the Town, but only capitulated day after day to prolong time, till they had got more Men. Our Captains therefore, conſidering the diſtance that they were from the Canoas, reſolved to be marching down. The 14th day in the morning they ordered the City to be ſet on fire, which was preſently done, and then they came away: But they took more time in coming down than in going up. The 15th day in the morning, the Spaniards ſent in Mr. Smith, and had a Gentlewoman in exchange. Then our Captains ſent a Letter to the Governour, to acquaint him, that they intended [221] next to viſit Ria Lexa, and deſir'd to meet him there: they alſo releaſed a Gentleman, on his promiſe of paying 150 Beefs for his Ranſom, and to deliver them to us at Ria Lexa; and the ſame day our Men came to their Canoas; where having ſtaid all night, the next Morning we all entred our Canoas, and came to the Harbour of Ria Lexa, and in the afternoon our Ships came thither to an Anchor.

The Creek that leads to Ria Lexa, lieth from the N. W. part of the Harbour, and it runs in Northerly. It is about 2 Leagues from the Iſland in the Harbours Mouth to the Town; two thirds of the way it is broad, then you enter a narrow deep Creek, bordered on both ſides with Red Mangrove Trees, whoſe Limbs reach almoſt from one ſide to the other. A mile from the Mouth of the Creek it turns away Weſt. There the Spaniards have made a very ſtrong Breſtwork, fronting towards the mouth of the Creek, in which were placed 100 Soldiers to hinder us from landing; and 20 Yards below that Breſtwork there was a Chain of great Trees placed croſs the Creek, ſo that 10 Men could have kept off 500 or 1000.

When we came in ſight of the Breſtwork we fired but two Guns, and they all run away: And we were afterwards near half an hour cutting the Boom or Chain. Here we landed, and marched to the Town of Ria Lexa, or Rea Lejo, which is about a mile from hence. This Town ſtands on a Plain by a ſmall River. It is a pretty large Town with 3 Churches, and an Hoſpital that hath a fine Garden belonging to it: beſides many large fair Houſes, they all ſtand at a good diſtance one from another, with Yards about them. This is a very ſickly place, and I believe hath need enough of an Hoſpital; for it is ſeated ſo nigh the Creeks and Swamps, that it is never free from a noiſom ſmell The Land about it is a ſtrong yellow Clay: yet [222] where the Town ſtands it ſeems to be Sand. Here are ſeveral ſort of Fruits, as Guavo's, Pine-apples, Melons, and Prickle-Pears. The Pine-apple and Melon are well known.

The Guava-Fruit grows on a hard ſcrubbed Shrub, whoſe Bark is ſmooth and whitiſh, the Branches pretty long and ſmall, the Leaf ſomewhat like the Leaf of Hazel, the Fruit much like a Pear, with a thin rind; it is full of ſmall hard Seeds, and it may be eaten while it is green, which is a thing very rare in the Indies: For moſt Fruit, both in the Eaſt or Weſt-Indies, is full of clammy, white, unſavory Juice, before it is ripe, though pleaſant enough afterwards. When this Fruit is ripe it is yellow, ſoft, and very pleaſant. It bakes as well as a Pear, and it may be coddled, and it makes good Pies. There are of divers ſorts, different in ſhape, taſte, and Colour. The inſide of ſome is yellow, of others red. When this Fruit is eaten green, it is binding, when ripe, it is looſening.

The Prickle-Pear, Buſh, or Shrub, of about 4 or 5 foot high, grows in many places of the Weſt-Indies, as at Jamaica, and moſt other Iſlands there; and on the Main in ſeveral places. This prickly Shrub delights moſt in barren ſandy Grounds; and they thrive beſt in places that are near the Sea; eſpecially where the Sand is ſaltiſh. The Tree, or Shrub, is 3 or 4 foot high, ſpreading forth ſeveral branches, and on each branch 2 or 3 leaves. Theſe leaves (if I may call them ſo) are round, as broad every way as the Palm of a Man's hand, and as thick; their ſubſtance like Houſeleek: theſe leaves are fenced round with ſtrong prickles above an inch long. The Fruit grows at the farther edge of the leaf: it is as big as a large Plumb, growing ſmall near the leaf, and big towards the top, where it opens like a Medlar. This Fruit at firſt is green like the leaf, from whence it ſprings with ſmall Prickles [223] about it; but when ripe it is of a deep red colour. The inſide is full of ſmall black Seeds, mixt with a certain red Pulp, like thick Syrup: It is very pleaſant in taſte, cooling, and refreſhing; but if a Man eats 15 or 20 of them they will colour his Water, making it look like Blood. This I have often experienced, yet found no harm by it.

There are many Sugar-works in the Country, and Eſtantions or Beef Farms: There is alſo a great deal of Pitch, Tar and Cordage, made in the Country, which is the chief of their Trade. This Town we approached without any oppoſition, and found nothing but empty Houſes; beſides ſuch things as they could not, or would not carry away, which were chiefly about 500 Packs of Flower, brought hither in the great Ship that we left at Amapalla, and ſome Pitch, Tar and Cordage. Theſe things we wanted, and therefore we ſent them all aboard. Here we received 150 Beefs, promiſed by the Gentleman that was releaſed coming from Leon; beſides, we viſited the Beef-Farms every day, and the Sugar-Works, going in ſmall Companies of 20 or 30 Men, and brought away every Man his Load; for we found no Horſes, which if we had, yet they ways were ſo wet and dirty, that they would not have been ſerviceable to us. We ſtayed here from the 17th till the 24th day, and then ſome of our deſtructive Crew ſet fire to the Houſes: I know not by whoſe order, but we marched away and left them burning; at the Breſt-work we imbarked into our Canoas and returned aboard our Ships.

The 25th day Capt. Davis and Capt. Swan broke off Conſortſhip; for Capt. Davis was minded to return again on the Coaſt of Peru, but Capt. Swan deſired to go farther to the Weſtward. I had till this time been with Capt. Davis, but now left him, and went aboard of Capt. [224] Swan. It was not from any diſlike to my old Captain, but to get ſome knowledge of the Northern Parts of this Continent of Mexico: And I knew that Capt. Swan determined to Coaſt it as far North, as he thought convenient, and then paſs over for the Eaſt-Indies; which was a way very agreeable to my Inclination. Capt. Townley, with his two Barks, was reſolved to keep us Company; but Capt. Knight and Capt. Harris followed Captain Davis. The 27th day in the Morning Capt. Davis with his Ships went out of the Harbour, having a freſh Land Wind. They were in Company, Capt. Davis's Ship with Capt. Harris in her; Capt. Davis's Bark and Fireſhip, and Capt. Knight in his own Ship, in all 4 Sail. Capt. Swan took his laſt farewel of him by firing 15 Guns, and he fired 11 in return of the Civility.

We ſtayed here ſome time afterwards to fill our Water and cut Fire-wood; but our Men, who had been very healthy till now, began to fall down apace in Fevers. Whether it was the badneſs of the Water, or the unhealthineſs of the Town was the cauſe of it we did not know; but of the two, I rather believe it was a diſtemper we got at Ria Lexa; for it was reported that they had been viſited with a Malignant Fever in that Town, which had occaſioned many People to abandon it; and although this Viſitation was over with them, yet their Houſes and Goods might ſtill retain ſomewhat of the Infection, and communicate the ſame to us.

I the rather believe this, becauſe it afterwards raged very much, not only among us, but alſo among Capt. Davis and his Men, as he told me himſelf ſince, when I met him in England: Himſelf had like to have died, as did ſeveral of his and our Men. The 3d day of September we turned aſhore all our Priſoners and Pilots, they being unacquainted further to the Weſt, which was the Coaſt that we deſigned [225] to viſit: for the Spaniards have very little Trade by Sea beyond the River Lempa, a little to the North Weſt of this place.

About 10 a clock in the morning, the ſame day we went from hence, ſteering Weſtward, being in company 4 Sail, as well as they who left us, viz. Captain Swan and his Bark, and Capt. Townley and his Bark, and about 340 Men.

We met with very bad weather as we ſailed along this Coaſt: ſeldom a day paſt but we had one or two violent Tornadoes, and with them very frightful Flaſhes of Lightnings and Claps of Thunder; I did never meet with the like before nor ſince. Theſe Tornadoes commonly came out of the N. E. the Wind did not laſt long, but blew very fierce for the time. When the Tornadoes were over we had the Wind at W. ſometimes at W. S. W. and S. W. and ſometimes to the North of the Weſt, as far as the N. W.

We kept at a good diſtance off ſhoar, and ſaw no land till the 14th day; but then, being in lat. 12 d. 50 m. the Volcan of Guatimala appeared in ſight. This is a very high Mountain with two peeks or heads, appearing like two Sugar-loaves. It often belches forth Flames of Fire and Smoak from between the two heads; and this, as the Spaniards do report, happens chiefly in tempeſtuous weather. It is called ſo from the City Guatimala, which ſtands near the foot of it, about 8 leagues from the South Sea, and by report, 40 or 50 leagues from the Gulf of Matique in the Bay of Honduras, in the North Seas. This City is famous for many rich Commodities that are produced thereabouts (ſome almoſt peculiar to this Country) and yearly ſent into Europe, eſpecially 4 rich Dyes, Indico, Otta or Anatta, Silveſter, and Cochineel.

Indico is made of an Herb which grows a foot and half or two foot high, full of ſmall Branches; [226] and the Branches full of Leaves, reſembling the Leaves which grow on Flax, but more thick and ſubſtantial. They cut this Herb or Shrub and caſt it into a large Ciſtern made in the Ground for that purpoſe, which is half full of Water. The Indico Stalk or Herb remains in the Water till all the leaves, and I think, the ſkin, rind, or bark rot off, and in a manner diſſolve: but if any of the leaves ſhould ſtick faſt, they force them off by much labour, toſſing and tumbling the Maſs in the Water till all the pulpy ſubſtance is diſſolved. Then the Shrub, or woody part, is taken out, and the Water which is like Ink, being diſturbed no more, ſettles, and the Indico falls to the bottom of the Ciſtern like Mud. When it is thus ſettled they draw off the Water, and take the Mud and lay it in the Sun to dry: which there becomes hard, as you ſee it brought home.

Otta, or Anatta, is a red ſort of Dye. It is made of a red Flower that grows on Shrubs 7 or 8 foot high. It is thrown into a Ciſtern of Water as the Indico is, but with this difference, that there is no ſtalk, nor ſo much as the head of the Flower, but only the Flower it ſelf pull'd off from the head, as you peel Roſe-leaves from the bud. This remains in the Water till it rots, and by much jumbling it diſſolves to a liquid ſubſtance, like the Indico; and being ſettled and the Water drawn off, the red Mud is made up into Rolls or Cakes, and laid in the Sun to dry. I did never ſee any made but at a place called the Angels in Jamaica, at Sir Tho. Muddiford's Plantations, about 20 years ſince; but was grubb'd up while I was there, and the Ground otherwiſe employed. I do believe there is none any where elſe on Jamaica: and even this probably was owing to the Spaniards, when they had that Iſland. Indico is common enough in Jamaica. I obſerved they planted it moſt in ſandy Ground: they ſow [227] great Fields of it, and I think they ſow it every year; but I did never ſee the Seeds it bears. Indico is produced all over the Weſt-Indies, on moſt of the Caribbe Iſlands, as well as the Main; yet no part of the Main yields ſuch great quantities both of Indico and Otta as this Country about Guatimala. I believe that Otta is made now only by the Spaniards; for ſince the deſtroying that at the Angels Plantation in Jamaica, I have not heard of any Improvement made of this Commodity by our Country-men any where; and as to Jamaica I have ſince been informed, that 'tis wholly left off there. I know not what quantities either of Indico or Otta are made at Cuba or Hiſpaniola: but the place moſt uſed by our Jamaica Sloops for theſe things is the Iſland Porto Rico, where our Jamaica Traders did uſe to buy Indico for 3 Rials, and Otta for 4 Rials the Pound, which is but 2 s. 3 d. of our Money: and yet at the ſame time Otta was worth in Jamaica 5 s. the Pound, and Indico 3 s. 6 d. the Pound; and even this alſo paid in Goods; by which means alone they got 50 or 60 per Cent. Our Traders had not then found the way of trading with the Spaniards in the Bay of Honduras; but Captain Coxon went thither (as I take it) at the beginning of the Year 1679, under pretence to cut Logwood, and went into the Gulf of Matique, which is in the bottom of that Bay. There he landed with his Canoas and took a whole Storehouſe full of Indico and Otta in Cheſts, piled up in ſeveral parcels, and marked with different marks ready to be ſhipt off aboard two Ships that then lay in the road purpoſely to take it in; but theſe Ships could not come at him, it being ſholewater. He opened ſome of the Cheſts of Indico, and ſuppoſing the other Cheſts to be all of the ſame ſpecies ordered his Men to carry them away. They immediately ſet to work, and took the neareſt at [228] hand; and having carried out one heap of Cheſts, they ſeized on another great pile of a different mark from the reſt, intending to carry them away next. But a Spaniſh Gentleman, their Priſoner, knowing that there was a great deal more than they could carry away, deſired them to take only ſuch as belonged to the Merchants, (whoſe marks he undertook to ſhew them) and to ſpare ſuch as had the ſame mark with thoſe in that great Pile they were then entring upon; becauſe, he ſaid, thoſe Cheſts belonged to the Ship Captains, who following the Seas, as themſelves did, he hoped they would, for that reaſon, rather ſpare their Goods than the Merchants. They conſented to his Requeſt; but upon their opening their Cheſts (which was not before they came to Jamaica, whereby connivance they were permitted to ſell them) they found that the Don had been to ſharp for them; the few Cheſts which they had taken of the ſame mark with the great Pile proving to be Otto, of greater value by far than the other; whereas they might as well have loaded the whole Ship with Otto, as with Indico.

The Cochineel is an Inſect, bred in a ſort of Fruit much like the Prickle-Pear. The Tree or Shrub that bears it is like the Prickle-Pear Tree, about 5 foot high, and ſo prickly; only the Leaves are not quite ſo big, but the Fruit is bigger. On the top of the Fruit there grows a red Flower: This Flower, when the Fruit is ripe, falls down on the top of the Fruit which then begins to open, and covers it ſo, that no Rain nor Dew can wet the inſide. The next day, or two days after its falling down, the Flower being then ſcorched away by the heat of the Sun, the Fruit opens as broad as the mouth of a Pint Pot, and the inſide of the Fruit is by this time ſull of ſmall red Inſects, with curious thin Wings. As they were bred here, ſo here they would die [229] for want of food, and rot in their huſks, (having by this time eaten up their mother Fruit) did not the Indians, who plant large fields of theſe Trees, when once they perceive the Fruit open, take care to drive them out: for they ſpread under the branches of the Tree a large Linnen Cloth, and then with ſticks they ſhake the branches, and ſo diſturb the poor Inſects, that they take wing to be gone, yet hovering ſtill over the head of their native Tree, but the heat of the Sun ſo diſorders them, that they preſently fall down dead on the Cloth ſpread for that purpoſe, where the Indians let them remain 2 or 3 days longer, till they are thoroughly dry. When they fly up they are red, when they fall down they are black; and when firſt they are quite dry they are white as the ſheet wherein they lie, though the Colour change a little after. Theſe yield the much eſteemed Scarlet. The Cochineeltrees are called by the Spaniard Toona's: They are planted in the Country about Guatimala, and about Cheape and Guaxaca, all 3 in the Kingdom of Mexico. The Silveſter is a red Grain growing in a Fruit much reſembling the Cochineel-fruit; as doth alſo the Tree that bears it. There firſt ſhoots forth a yellow Flower, then comes the Fruit, which is longer than the Cochineel Fruit. The Fruit being ripe opens alſo very wide. The inſide being full of theſe ſmall Seeds or Grains, they fall out with the leaſt touch or ſhake. The Indians that gather them hold a Diſh under to receive the Seed, and then ſhake it down. Theſe Trees grow wild; and 8 or 10 of theſe Fruits will yield an ounce of Seed: but of the Cochineel-fruits, 3 or 4 will yield an ounce of Inſects. The Silveſter gives a Colour almoſt as fair as the Cochineel; and ſo like it as to be often miſtaken for it, but it is not near ſo valuable. I often made enquiry how the Silveſter grows, and of the Cochineel; but was never fully ſatisfied, till [230] I met a Spaniſh Gentleman that had lived 30 years in the Weſt-Indies, and ſome years where theſe grow; and from him I had theſe relations. He was a very Intelligent Perſon, and pretended to be well acquainted in the Bay of Campeachy: therefore I examined him in many particulars concerning that Bay, where I was well acquainted my ſelf, living there 3 years. He gave very true and pertinent anſwers to all my demands, ſo that I could have no diſtruſt of what he related.

When we firſt ſaw the Mountain of Guatimala, we were by judgment 25 leagues diſtance from it. As we came nearer the Land it appeared higher and plainer, yet we ſaw no Fire, but a little ſmoak proceeding from it. The Land by the Sea was of a good height, yet but low in compariſon with that in the Country. The Sea for about 8 or 10 leagues from the ſhoar, was full of floating Trees, or Drift-Wood, as it is called, (of which I have ſeen a great deal, but no where ſo much as here,) and Pumiceſtones floating, which probably are thrown out of the burning Mountains, and waſhed down to the ſhoar by the Rains, which are very violent and frequent in this Country; and on the ſide of Honduras it is exceſſively wet.

The 24th day we were in lat. 14 d. 30 m. North, and the Weather more ſettled. Then Captain Townley took with him 106 Men in 9 Canoas, and went away to the Weſtward, where he intended to Land, and romage in the Country for ſome refreſhment for our ſick Men, we having at this time near half our Men ſick, and many were dead ſince we left Ria Lexa. We in the Ships lay ſtill with our Topſails furled, and our Corſes or lower Sails hal'd up this day and the next, that Captain Townley might get the ſtart of us.

The 26th day we made ſail again, coaſting to the Weſtward, having the Wind at North and fair [231] weather. We ran along by a tract of very high Land which came from the Eaſtward, more within Land than we could ſee, after we fell in with it, it bare us company for about 10 leagues, and ended with a pretty gentle deſcent towards the Weſt.

There we had a perfect view of a pleaſant low Country, which ſeemed to be rich in Paſturage for Cattle. It was plentifully furniſhed with Groves of green Trees, mixt among the graſſy Savannahs: Here the Land was fenced from the Sea with high ſandy Hills, for the Waves all along this Coaſt run high, and beat againſt the ſhoar very boiſterouſly, making the Land wholly unapproachable in Boats or Canoas: So we coaſted ſtill along by this low Land, 8 or 9 leagues farther, keeping cloſe to the ſhoar for fear of miſſing Captain Townley. We lay by in the Night, and in the Day made an eaſie ſail.

The 2d day of October, Captain Townley came aboard; he had coaſted along ſhoar in his Canoas, ſeeking for an entrance, but found none. At laſt, being out of hopes to find any Bay, Creek, or River, into which he might ſafely enter, he put aſhoar on a ſandy Bay, but overſet all his Canoas; he had one Man drowned, and ſeveral loſt all their Arms, and ſome of them that had not waxt up their Cartrage or Catouche Boxes, wet all their Powder. Captain Townley with much ado got aſhoar, and dragged the Canoas up dry on the Bay; then every Man ſearched his Catouche-Box, and drew the wet Powder out of his Gun, and provided to march into the Country, but finding it full of great Creeks which they could not ford, they were forced to return again to their Canoas. In the night they made good fires to keep themſelves warm; the next morning 200 Spaniards and Indians fell on them, but were immediately repulſed, and made greater ſpeed back than they had done forward. [232] Captain Townley followed them, but not far For fear of his Canoas. Theſe Men came from Teguantapeque, a Town that Captain Townley went chiefly to ſeek, becauſe the Spaniſh Books make mention of a large River there; but whether it was run away at this time, or rather Captain Townley and his Men were ſhort-ſighted, I know not; but they could not find it.

Upon his return we preſently made ſail, coaſting ſtill Weſtward, having the Wind at E N. E. fair weather and a freſh gale. We kept within 2 mile of the ſhoar, ſounding all the way; and found at 6 miles diſtance from Land 19 fathom; at 8 miles diſtance 21 fathom, groſs Sand. We ſaw no opening, nor ſign of any place to land at, ſo we ſailed about 20 leagues farther, and came to a ſmall high Iſland called Tangola, were there is good anchoring. The Iſland is indifferently well furniſhed with Wood and Water, and lieth about a league from the ſhoar. The Main againſt the Iſland is pretty high champion Savannah Land by the Sea; but 2 or 3 leagues within Land it is higher, and very woody.

We coaſted a league farther and came to Guatulco. This Port is in lat. 15 d. 30 m. it is one of the beſt in all this Kingdom of Mexico. Near a mile from the mouth of the Harbour, on the Eaſt-ſide, there is a little Iſland cloſe by the ſhoar; and on the Weſt-ſide of the mouth of the Harbour there is a great hollow Rock, which by the continual working of the Sea in and out makes a great noiſe, which may be heard a great way. Every Surge that comes in forceth the Water out of a little hole on its top, as out of a Pipe, from whence it flies out juſt like the blowing of a Whale; to which the Spaniards alſo liken it. They call this Rock and Spout the Buffadore: upon what account I know not. Even [233] in the calmeſt Seaſons the Sea beats in there, making the Water ſpout out at the hole: ſo that this is always a good mark to find the Harbour by. The Harbour is about 3 mile deep, and one mile broad; it runs in N. W. But the Weſt-ſide of the Harbour is beſt to ride in for ſmall Ships; for there you may ride land-locked: whereas any where elſe you are open to the S. W. Winds, which often blow here. There is good clean Ground any where, and good gradual Soundings from 16 to 6 Fathom; it is bounded with a ſmooth ſandy Shoar, very good to land at; and at the bottom of the Harbour there is a fine Brook of freſh Water running into the Sea. Here formerly ſtood a ſmall Spaniſh Town, or Village, which was taken by Sir Francis Drake; but now there is nothing remaining of it, beſide a little Chapel ſtanding among the Trees, about 200 paces from the Sea. The Land appears in ſmall ſhort ridges parallel to the Shoar, and to each other; the innermoſt ſtill gradually higher than that nearer the Shoar; and they are all cloathed with very high flouriſhing Trees, that it is extraordinary pleaſant and delightful to behold at a diſtance: I have no where ſeen any thing like it.

At this place Captain Swan, who had been very ſick, came aſhoar, and all the ſick Men with him, and the Surgeon to tend them. Captain Townley again took a company of Men with him, and went into the Country to ſeek for Houſes or Inhabitants. He marched away to the Eaſtward, and came to the River Capalita; which is a ſwift River, yet deep near the mouth, and is about a league from Guatulco. There 2 of his Men ſwam over the River, and took 3 Indians that were placed there as Centinels, to watch for our coming. Theſe could none of them ſpeak Spaniſh; yet our Men by Signs made them underſtand, that they deſired to know if there was any Town or Village near; who by the Signs [234] which they made gave our Men to underſtand, that they could guide them to a Settlement: but there was no underſtanding by them, whether it was a Spaniſh or Indian Settlement, nor how far it was thither. They brought theſe Indians aboard with them, and the next day, which was the 6th day of October, Captain Townley with 140 Men (of whom I was one) went aſhoar again, taking one of theſe Indians with us for a Guide to conduct us to to this Settlement. Our Men that ſtay'd aboard fill'd our Water, and cut Wood, and mended our Sails: and our Moskito Men ſtruck 3 or 4 Turtle every day They were a ſmall ſort of Turtle, and not very ſweet, yet very well eſteemed by us all, becauſe we had eaten no Fleſh a great while. The 8th day we returned out of the Country, having been about [...] miles directly within Land before we came to any Settlement: There we found a ſmall Indian Village, and in it a great quantity of Vinello's drying in the Sun.

The Vinello is a little Cod full of ſmall black Seeds; it is 4 or 5 Inches long, about the bigneſs of the Stem of a Tobacco Leaf, and when dried, much reſembling it: ſo that our Privateers at firſt have often thrown them away when they took any wondring why the Spaniards ſhould lay up Tobacco Stems. This Cod grows on a ſmall Vine, which climbs about, and ſupports it ſelf by the neighbouring Trees: it firſt bears a yellow Flower, from whence the Cod afterwards proceeds. It is firſt green, but when ripe it turns yellow; then the Indians (whoſe Manufacture it is, and who ſell it cheap to the Spaniards) gather it, and lay it in the Sun which makes it ſoft; then it changes to a Cheſnut colour. Then they frequently preſs it between their Fingers, which makes it flat. If the Indians do any thing to them beſide, I know not; but I have ſeen the Spaniards ſleek them with Oil.

[235] Theſe Vines grow plentifully at Bocca-toro, where I have gathered and tried to cure them, but could not: which makes me think that the Indians have ſome Secret that I know not of to cure them. I have often askt the Spaniards how they were cured, but I never could meet with any could tell me. One Mr. Cree alſo, a very curious Perſon, who ſpoke Spaniſh well, and had been a Privateer all his Life, and 7 years a Priſoner among the Spaniards at Portobel and Cartagena, yet upon all his Enquiry could not find any of them that underſtood it. Could we have learnt the Art of it, ſeveral of us would have gone to Bocca-toro yearly, at the dry Seaſon, and cured them, and freighted our Veſſel. We there might have had Turtle enough for Food, and ſtore of Vinello's. Mr. Cree firſt ſhewed me thoſe at Bocca-toro. At, or near a Town alſo, called Cai-hooca, in the Bay of Campeachy, theſe Cods are found. They are commonly ſold for 3 pence a Cod among the Spaniards in the Weſt-Indies, and are ſold by the Druggiſt, for they are much uſed among Chocolate to perfume it. Some will uſe them among Tobacco, for it gives a delicate ſcent. I never heard of any Vinello's but here in this Country, about Cai-hooca, and at Bocca-toro.

The Indians of this Village could ſpeak but little Spaniſh. They ſeemed to be a poor innocent People: and by them we underſtood, that here are very few Spaniards in theſe parts; yet all the Indians hereabout are under them. The Land from the Sea to their Houſes is black Earth, mixt with ſome Stones and Rocks: all the way full of very high Trees.

The 10th day we ſent 4 Canoas to the Weſtward, who were ordered to lie for us at Port Angels; where we were in hopes that by ſome means or other they might get Priſoners, that might give us a better account of the Country than [236] at preſent we could have; and we followed them with our Ships; all our Men being now pretty well recovered of the Fever, which had raged amongſt us ever ſince we departed from Ria Lexa.

CHAP. IX.

[237]

They ſet out from Guatulco. The Iſle Sacrificio. Port Angels. Jaccals. A narrow Eſcape. The Rock Algatroſs, and the neighbouring Coaſt. Snooks, a ſort of Fiſh. The Town of Acapulco. Of the Trade it drives with the Philippine Iſlands. The Haven of Acapulco. A Tornado. Port Marquiſs. Capt. Townley makes a fruitleſs Attempt. A long ſandy Bay, but very rough Seas. The Palm-tree great and ſmall. The Hill of Petaplan. A poor Indian Village. Jew-fiſh. Chequetan, a good Harbour. Eſtapa; Muſcles there. A Caravan of Mules taken. A Hill near Thelupan. The Coaſt here abouts. The Volcan, Town, Valley, and Bay of Colima. Sallagua Port. Orrha. Ragged Hills. Coronada, or the Crown-Land. Cape Corrientes. Iſles of Chametly. The City Purification. Valderas, or the Valley of Flags. They miſs their Deſign on this Coaſt. Captain Townley leaves them with the Darien Indians. The Point and Iſles of Pontique. Other Iſles of Chametley. The Penguin-fruit, the yellow and the red. Seals here. Of the River of Cullacan, and the Trade of a Town there with California. Maſſaclau. River and Town of Roſario. Caput Cavalli, and another Hill. The difficulty of Intelligence on th [...] Coaſt. The River of Oletta. River of St. Jago. Maxentelba Rock, and Zelifco Hill. San [...] [238] Pechaque Town in the River of St. Jago. Of Compoſtella. Many of them cut off at Sancta Pechaque. Of California; whether an Iſland or not, and of the North-Weſt and North-Eaſt Paſſage. A Method propoſed for Diſcovery of the North-Weſt and North-Eaſt Paſſages. Iſle of Santa Maria. A prickly Plant. Capt. Swan propoſes a Voyage to the Eaſt-Indies. Valley of Balderas again, and Cape Corrientes. The reaſon of their ill Succeſs on the Mexican Coaſt, and Departure thence for the Eaſt-Indies.

IT was the 12th of October, 1685. when we ſet out of the Harbour of Guatulco with our Ships. The Land here lies along Weſt, and a little Southerly for about 20 or 30 Leagues, and the Sea-winds are commonly at W. S. W. ſometimes at S. W. the Land-winds at N. We had now fair Weather, and but little Wind. We coaſted along to the Weſtward, keeping as near the ſhole as we could for the benefit of the Land-winds, for the Sea-winds were right againſt us; and we found a Current ſetting to the Eaſtward which kept us back, and obliged us to anchor at the Iſland Sacrificio, which is a ſmall green Iſland about half a mile long. It lieth about a league to the Weſt of Guatulco, and about half a mile from the Main. There ſeems to be a fine Bay to the Weſt of the Iſland; but it is full of Rocks. The beſt riding is between the Iſland and the Main: there you will have 5 or 6 fathom Water. Here runs a pretty ſtrong Tide; the Sea riſeth and falleth 5 or 6 foot up and down.

The 18th day we ſailed from hence, coaſting to the Weſtward after our Canoas. We kept near the ſhoar, which was all ſandy Bays, the Country [239] pretty high and woody, and a great Sea tumbling in upon the ſhoar. The 22d day 2 of our Canoas came aboard, and told us they had been a great way to the Weſtward, but could not find Port Angels. They had attempted to land the day before, at a place where they ſaw a great many Bulls and Cows feeding, in hopes to get ſome of them; but the Sea run ſo high, that they over-ſet both Canoas, and wet all their Arms, and loſt 4 Guns, and had one Man drown'd, and with much ado got off again. They could give no account of the other 2 Canoas, for they loſt company the firſt night that they went from Guatulco, and had not ſeen them ſince.

We were now abreſt of Port Angels, though our Men in the Canoas did not know it; therefore we went in and anchored there. This is a broad open Bay, with 2 or 3 Rocks at the Weſt-ſide. Here is good anchoring all over the Bay, in 30, or 20, or 12 fathom Water; but you muſt ride open to all Winds, except the Land-winds, till you come into 12 or 13 fathom Water, then you are ſheltered from the W. S. W. which are the common Tradewinds. The Tide riſeth here about 5 foot; the Flood ſets to the N. E. and the Ebb to the S. W. The landing in this Bay is bad; the place of landing is cloſe by the Weſt-ſide, behind a few Rocks; here always goes a great ſwell. The Spaniards compare this Harbour for goodneſs to Guatulco, but there is a great difference between them. For Cuatulco is almoſt Landlocked, and this an open road, and no one would eaſily know it by their Character of it, but by its Marks and its Latitude, which is 15 d. North. For this reaſon our Canoas, which were ſent from Guatulco and ordered to tarry here for us, did not know it, (not thinking this to be that fine Harbour) and therefore went farther; [...] of them, as I ſaid before, returned again, but the [240] other 2 were not yet come to us. The Land that bounds this Harbour is pretty high, the Earth ſandy and yellow, in ſome places red; it is partly Woodland, partly Savannahs. The Trees in the Woods are large and tall, and the Savannahs are plentifully ſtored with very kindly Graſs. Two leagues to the Eaſt of this place is a Beef Farm, belonging to Don Diego de la Roſa.

The 23 day we landed about 100 Men and marched thither, where we found plenty of of fat Bulls and Cows feeding in the Savannahs, and in the Houſe good ſtore of Salt and Maiz; and ſome Hogs, and Cocks and Hens: but the Owners or Overſeers were gone. We lay here 2 or 3 days feaſting on freſh Proviſion, but could not contrive to carry any quantity aboard, becauſe the way was ſo long, and our Men but weak, and a great wide River to ford. Therefore we returned again from thence the 26th day, and brought every one a little Beef or Pork for the Men that ſtay'd aboard. The two nights that we ſtay'd aſhoar at this place we heard great droves of Jaccals, as we ſuppos'd them to be, barking all night long, not far from us. None of us ſaw theſe; but I do verily believe they were Jaccals; tho' I did never ſee thoſe Creatures in America, nor hear any but at this time. We could not think that there were leſs than 30 or 40 in a company. We got aboard in the Evening; but did not yet hear any news of our two Canoas.

The 27th day in the morning we ſailed from hence, with the Land-wind at N. by W. The Seawind came about noon at W. S. W. and in the evening we anchored in 16 fathom Water, by a ſmall rocky Iſland, which lieth about half a mile from the Main, and 6 leagues Weſtward from Port Angels. The Spaniards give no account of this Iſland in their Pilot-book. The 28th day we ſailed again with the Land-wind: In the afternoon the Seabreez [241] blew hard, and we ſprung our Main Top-maſt. This Coaſt is full of ſmall Hills and Valleys, and a great Sea falls in upon the ſhore. In the Night we met with the other two of our Canoas that went from us at Guatulco. They had been as far as Acapulco to ſeek Port Angels. Coming back from thence they went into a River to get Water, and were encountered by 150 Spaniards, yet they filled their Water in ſpight of them, but had one Man ſhot thro' the Thigh. Afterward they went into a Lagune, or Lake of Salt-water, where they found much dried Fiſh, and brought ſome aboard. We being now abreſt of that place, ſent in a Canoa mann'd with 12 Men for more Fiſh. The mouth of this Lagune is not Piſtol-ſhot-wide, and on both ſides are pretty high Rocks, ſo conveniently placed by Nature, that many Men may abſcond behind; and within the Rock and Lagune opens wide on both ſides. The Spaniards being alarmed by our two Canoas that had been there two or three days before, came armed to this Place to ſecure their Fiſh; and ſeeing our Canoa coming, they lay ſnug behind the Rocks, and ſuffered the Canoa to paſs in, then they fired their Volley, and wounded five of our Men. Our People were a little ſurprized at this ſudden Adventure, yet fired their Guns, and rowed farther into the Lagune, for they durſt not adventure to come out again through the narrow Entrance, which was near a quarter of a Mile in length. Therefore they rowed into the middle of the Lagune, where they lay out of Gun-ſhot, and looked about to ſee if there was not another Paſſage to get out at, broader than that by which we entred, but could ſee none. So they lay ſtill two Days and three Nights, in hopes that we ſhould come to ſeek them; but we lay off at Sea, about three Leagues diſtant, waiting for their return, ſuppoſing by their long abſence, that they had made ſome greater Diſcovery, and were [242] gone farther than the Fiſh-Range; becauſe it is uſual with Privateers when they enter upon ſuch deſigns, to ſearch farther than they propoſed, if they meet any Encouragement. But Capt. Townley and his Bark being nearer the ſhore, heard ſome Guns fired in the Lagune. So he mann'd his Canoa, and went towards the ſhore, and beating the Spaniards away from the Rocks, made a free paſſage for our Men to come out of their Pound, where elſe they muſt have been ſtarved or knocked on the head by the Spaniards. They came aboard their Ships again the 31ſt of Octob. This Lagune is about the lat. of 16 d. 40 m. North.

From hence we made ſail again, coaſting to the Weſtward, having fair Weather and a Current ſetting to the Weſt. The ſecond day of November we paſt by a Rock, called by the Spaniards the Algatroſs. The Land hereabout is of an indifferent height, and woody, and more within the Country Mountainous. Here are 7 or 8 white Cliffs by the Sea, which are very remarkable, becauſe there are none ſo white and ſo thick together on all the Coaſt. They are five or ſix Mile to the Weſt of the Algatroſs Rock. There is a dangerous ſhoal lieth S. by W. from theſe Cliffs, four or five Mile off at Sea. Two leagues to the Weſt of theſe Cliffs there is a pretty large River, which forms a ſmall Iſland at its Mouth. The Channel on the Eaſt ſide is but ſhoal and ſandy, but the Weſt Channel is deep enough for Canoas to enter. On the Banks of this Channel the Spaniards have made a Breſtwork, to hinder an Enemy from landing, or filling Water.

The 3d day we Anchored abreſt of this River, in 14 fathom Water, about a Mile and a half off ſhore. The next Morning we mann'd our Canoas, and went aſhore to the Breſt-work with little reſiſtance, although there were about 200 Men to keep us off. They fired about 20 or 30 Guns at us, but ſeeing [243] we were reſolved to land, they quitted the place; one chief reaſon why the Spaniards are ſo frequently routed by us, although many times much our ſuperiors in numbers, and in many places fortified with Breſtworks, is, their want of ſmall Fire-arms, for they have but few on all the Sea Coaſts, unleſs near their larger Gariſons. Here we found a great deal of Salt, brought hither, as I judge, for to ſalt Fiſh, which they take in the Lagunes. The Fiſh I obſerved here moſtly, were what we call Snooks, neither a Sea-fiſh nor freſh Water-fiſh, but very numerous in theſe ſalt Lakes. This Fiſh is about a Foot long, and round, and as thick as the ſmall of a Man's Leg, with a pretty long head: It hath Scales of a whitiſh colour, and is good meat. How the Spaniards take them I know not, for we never found any Nets, Hooks, or Lines, neither yet any Bark, Boat, or Canoa, among them, on all this Coaſt, except the Ship I ſhall mention at Acapulco.

We marched two or three Leagues into the Country, and met with but one Houſe, where we took a Mulatto Priſoner, who informed us of a Ship that was lately arrived at Acapulco; ſhe came from Lima. Captain Townley wanting a good Ship, thought now he had an opportunity of getting one, if he could perſwade his Men to venture with him into the Harbour of Acapulco, and fetch this Lima Ship out. Therefore he immediately propoſed it, and found not only all his own Men willing to aſſiſt him, but many of Captain Swan's Men alſo. Captain Swan oppoſed it, becauſe Proviſion being ſcares with us, he thought our time might be much better imployed in firſt providing our ſelves with rood; and here was plenty of Maiz in the River where we now were, as we were informed by the ſame Priſoner, who offered to conduct us to the place where it was. But neither the preſent neceſſity, nor [244] Captain Swan's perſwaſion availed any thing, no nor yet their own intereſt, for the great deſign we had then in hand, was to lie and wait for a rich Ship which comes to Acapulco every Year richly laden from the Philippine Iſlands. But it was neceſſary we ſhould be well ſtored with Proviſions, to enable us to Cruiſe about, and wait the time of her coming. However, Townley's Party prevailing, we only fill'd our Water here, and made ready to be gone. So the fifth Day in the Afternoon we ſailed again, Coaſting to the Weſtward, toward Acapulco. The 7th Day in the Afternoon, being about twelve Leagues from the ſhoar, we ſaw the high Land of Acapulco, which is very remarkable: for there is a round Hill ſtanding between two other Hills; the Weſtermoſt of which is the biggeſt and higheſt, and hath two Hillocks like two Paps on its top: the Eaſtermoſt Hill is higher and ſharper than the middlemoſt. From the middle Hill the Land declines toward the Sea, ending in a high round point. There is no Land ſhaped like this on all the Coaſt. In the evening Captain Townley went away from the Ships with 140 Men in 12 Canoas, to try to get the Lima Ship out of Acapulco Harbour.

Acapulco is a pretty large Town, 17 degrees North of the Equator. It is the Sea-Port for the City of Mexico, on the Weſt ſide of the Continent; as La Vera Cruz, or St. John d' Ulloa in the Bay of Nova Hiſpania, is on the North ſide. This Town is the only place of Trade on all this Coaſt; for there is little or no Traffick by Sea on all the N. W. part of this vaſt Kingdom, here being, as I have ſaid, neither Boats, Barks nor Ships, (that I could ever ſee) unleſs only what come hither from other parts, and ſome Boats near the S. E. end of California; as I gueſs, by the intercourſe between that and the Main, for Pearl-fiſhing.

[245] The Ships that Trade hither are only three, two that conſtantly go once a Year between this and Manila in Luconia, one of the Philippine Iſlands, and one Ship more every Year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives a little before Chriſtmas; ſhe brings them Quick-ſilver, Cacao, and Pieces of Eight. Here ſhe ſtays till the Manila Ships arrive, and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muſlins, and other Eaſt-India Commodities, for the uſe of Peru, and then returns to Lima. This is but a ſmall Veſſel of 20 Guns, but the two Manila Ships are each ſaid to be above 1000 Tun. Theſe make their Voyages alternately, ſo that one or other of them is always at the Manila's. When either of them ſets out from Acapulco, it is at the latter end of March, or the beginning of April; ſhe always touches to refreſh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Iſlands, in about 60 Days ſpace after ſhe ſets out. There ſhe ſtays but two or three Days, and then proſecutes her Voyage to Manila, where ſhe commonly arrives ſome time in June. By that time the other is ready to ſail from thence, laden with Eaſt-India Commodities. She ſtretcheth away to the North as far as 36, or ſometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. before ſhe gets a Wind to ſtand over to the American ſhoar. She falls in firſt with the Coaſt of California, and then Coaſts along the ſhoar to the South again, and never miſſes a Wind to bring her away from thence quite to Acapulco. When ſhe gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, which is the Southermoſt point of California, ſhe ſtretcheth over to Cape Corientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. from thence ſhe Coaſts along till ſhe comes to Sallagua, and there ſhe ſets aſhoar Paſſengers that are bound to the City of Mexico: From thence ſhe makes her beſt way, Coaſting ſtill along ſhoar, till ſhe arrives at Acapulco, which is commonly about [246] Chriſtmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before or after. Upon the return of this Ship to the Manila, the other which ſtayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir John Narborough therefore was impoſed on by the Spaniards, who told him that there were 8 Sail, or more, that uſed this Trade.

The Port of Acapulco is very commodious for the reception of Ships, and ſo large, that ſome hundreds may ſafely Ride there without damnifying each other. There is a ſmall low Iſland croſſing the mouth of the Harbour; it is about a Mile and a half long, and half a Mile broad, ſtretching Eaſt and Weſt. It leaves a good wide deep Channel at each end, where Ships may ſafely go in or come out, taking the advantage of the Winds; they muſt enter with the Sea-Wind, and go out with the Land-Wind, for theſe Winds ſeldom or never fail to ſucceed each other alternately in their proper ſeaſon of the Day or Night. The Weſtermoſt Channel is the narroweſt, but ſo deep, there is no Anchoring, and the Manila Ships paſs in that way, but the Ships from Lima enter on the S. W. Channel. This Harbour runs in North about 3 Miles, then growing very narrow, it turns ſhort about to the Weſt, and runs about a Mile farther, where it ends. The Town ſtands on the N. W. ſide; at the mouth of this narrow paſſage, cloſe by the Sea, and at the end of the Town, there is a Platform with a great many Guns. Oppoſite to the Town, on the Eaſt ſide, ſtands a high ſtrong Caſtle, ſaid to have 40 Guns of a very great bore. Ships commonly Ride near the bottom of the Harbour, under the Command both of the Caſtle and the Platform.

Captain Townly, who, as I ſaid before, with 140 Men, left our Ships on a deſign to fetch the Lima Ship out of the Harbour, had not Rowed above 3 or 4 Leagues before the Voyage was like to end [247] with all their Lives; for on a ſudden they were encountred with a violent Tornado from the ſhore, which had like to have foundered all the Canoas: but they eſcaped that danger, and the ſecond night got ſafe into Port Marquis. Port Marquis is a very good Harbour, a League to the Eaſt of Acapulco Harbour. Here they ſtaid all the next Day to dry themſelves, their Cloaths, their Arms, and Ammunition, and the next Night they rowed ſoftly into Acapulco Harbour; and becauſe they would not be heard, they hal'd in their Oars, and paddled as ſoftly as if they had been ſeeking Manatee. They paddled cloſe to the Caſtle; then ſtruck over to the Town, and found the Ship riding between the Breſt-work and the Fort, within about 100 Yards of each. When they had well viewed her, and conſidered the danger of the deſign, they thought it not poſſible to accompliſh it; therefore they paddled ſoftly back again, till they were out of command of the Forts, and then they went to Land, and fell in among a Company of Spaniſh Soldiers (for the Spaniards having ſeen them the day before, had ſet Guards along the Coaſt) who immediately fired at them, but did them no damage, only made them retire farther from the ſhore. They lay afterwards at the mouth of the Harbour till it was day, to take a view of the Town and Caſtle, and then returned aboard again, being tired, hungry, and ſorry for their Diſappointment.

The 11th day we made ſail again further on to the Weſtward, with the Land wind, which is commonly at N. E. but the Sea winds are at S. W. We paſſed by a long ſandy Bay of above 20 Leagues. All the way along it the Sea falls with ſuch force on the ſhore, that it is impoſſible to come near it with Boat or Canoa; yet it is good clean ground, and good anchoring a Mile or two from the ſhore. The Land by the Sea is low, and indifferent Fertile, producing [248] many ſorts of Trees, eſpecially the ſpreading [...], which grows in ſpots from one end of the Bay to the other.

The P [...] tree is as big as an ordinary Aſh, growing about 20 or 30 Foot high. The Body is clear from Boughs or Branches, till juſt at the head; there it ſpreads forth many large green Branches, not much unlike the Cabbage tree before deſcribed. Theſe Branches alſo grow in many Places, (as in Jamaica, Darien, the Bay of Campeachy, &c.) from a ſtump not above a Foot or two high; which is not the Remains of a Tree cut down; for none of theſe ſort of Trees will ever grow again when they have once loſt their Head; but theſe are a ſort of Dwarf-palm, and the Branches which grow from the ſtump, are not ſo large as thoſe that grow on the great Tree. Theſe ſmaller Branches are uſed both in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies for thatching Houſes: They are very laſting and ſerviceable, much ſurpaſſing the Palmeto. For this Thatch, if well laid on, will endure five or ſix Years; and this is called by the Spaniards the Palmeto Royal. The Engliſh at Jamaica give it the ſame Name. Whether this be the ſame which they in Guinea get the Palm wine from, I know not; but I know that it is like this.

The Land in the Country is full of ſmall pecked barren Hills, making as many little Valleys, which appear flouriſhing and green. At the Weſt-end of this Bay is the Hill of Petaplan, in lat. 17 d. 30 m. N. This is a round Point ſtretching out into the Sea: At a diſtance it ſeems to be an Iſland. A little to the Weſt of this Hill are ſeveral round Rocks, which we left without us, ſteering in between them and the round Point, where we had 11 fathom Water. We came to an Anchor on the N. W. ſide of the Hill, and went aſhore, about 170 Men of us, and marched into the Country 12 or 14 [249] Miles. There we came to a poor Indian Village that did not afford us a Meal of Victuals. The People all fled, only a Mulatto Woman, and three or four ſmall Children, who were taken and brought aboard. She told us that a Carrier (one who drives a Caravan of Mules) was goin to Acapulco, laden with Flower and other Goods, but ſtopt in the Road for fear of us, a little to the Weſt of this Village, (for he had heard of our being on this Coaſt) and ſhe thought he ſtill remained there: And therefore it was we kept the Woman to be our Guide to carry us to that place. At this place where we now lay our Moskito-men ſtruck ſome ſmall Turtle, and many ſmall Jew-fiſh.

The Jew-fiſh is a very good Fiſh, and I judge ſo called by the Engliſh, becauſe it hath Scales and Fins, therefore a clean Fiſh, according to the Levitical Law, and the Jews at Jamaica buy them, and eat them very freely. It is a very large Fiſh, ſhaped much like a Cod, but a great deal bigger; one will weigh 3, or 4, or 5 hundred weight. It hath a large Head, with great Fins and Scales, as big as an Half-Crown, anſwerable to the bigneſs of his Body. It is very ſweet Meat, and commonly fat. This Fiſh lives among Rocks; there are plenty of them in the Weſt Indies, about Jamaica, and the Coaſt of Caraccos; but chiefly in theſe Seas, eſpecially more Weſtward.

We went from hence with our Ships the 18th day, and ſteered Weſt about two Leagues farther, to a place called Chequetan. A Mile and half from the ſhore there is a ſmall Key, and within it is a very good Harbour where Ships may careen; there is alſo a ſmall River of freſh Water, and Wood enough.

The 14th Day in the Morning we went with 95 Men in ſix Canoas to ſeek for the Carrier, taking the Mulatto-Woman for our Guide; but Captain Townley would not go with us. Before day we landed [250] at a place called Eſtapa, a League to the Weſt of Chequeton. The Woman was well acquainted here, having been often at this place for Muſcles, as ſhe told us; for here are great plenty of them. They ſeem in all reſpects like our Engliſh Muſcles. She carry'd us through the pathleſs Wood by the ſide of a River, for about a League: Then we came into a Savannah full of Bulls and Cows; and here the Carrier before-mentioned was lying at the Eſtantion-houſe with his Mules, not having dared to advance all this while, as not knowing where we lay; ſo his own fear made him, his Mules, and all his Goods, become a Prey to us. He had 40 Packs of Flower, ſome Chocolate, a great many ſmall Cheeſes, and abundance of Earthen Ware. The Eatables we brought away, but the Earthen Veſſels we had no occaſion for, and therefore left them. The Mules were about 60: We brought our Prize with them to the Shore, and ſo turned them away. Here we alſo kill'd ſome Cows, and brought with us to our Canoas. In the Afternoon our Ships came to an Anchor half a Mile from the place where we landed, and then we went aboard. Captain Townley ſeeing our good ſucceſs, went aſhore with his Men to kill ſome Cows; for here were no Inhabitants near to oppoſe us. The Land is very woody, of a good fertile Soil, watered with many ſmall Rivers; yet it hath but few Inhabitants near the Sea. Capt. Townley kill'd 18 Beefs, and after he came aboard, our Men, contrary to Captain Swan's inclination, gave Capt. Townley part of the Flower which we took aſhore. Afterwards we gave the Woman ſome Cloaths for her, and her Children, and put her and two of them aſhore; but one of them, a very pretty Boy, about 7 or 8 Years old Capt. Swan kept. The Woman cried, and begg'd hard to have him; but Capt. Swan would not, but promiſed to make much of him, and was as [251] good as his word. He proved afterwards a very fine Boy for Wit, Courage, and Dexterity; I have often wonder'd at his Expreſſions and Actions.

The 21ſt day in the evening, we ſailed hence with the Land-Wind. The Land-Winds on this part of the Coaſt are at N. and the Sea-Winds at W. S. W. We had fair Weather, and Coaſted along to the Weſtward. The Land is high, and full of ragged Hills; and Weſt from theſe ragged Hills, the Land makes many pleaſant and fruitful Valleys among the Mountains. The 25th day we were abreſt of a very remarkable Hill, which towring above the reſt of its fellows, is divided in the top, and makes two ſmall parts. It is in lat. 18 d. 8 m. North. The Spaniards make mention of a Town called Thelupan near this Hill, which we would have viſited if we could have found the way to it. The 26th day Captain Swan and Capt. Townley, with 200 Men, of whom I was one, went in our Canoas to ſeek for the City of Colima, a rich Place by report, but how far within Land I could never learn: for, as I ſaid before, here is no Trade by Sea, and therefore we could never get Guides to inform us, or conduct us to any Town, but one or two, on this Coaſt, and there is never a Town that lieth open to the Sea but Acapulco; and therefore our ſearch was commonly fruitleſs, as now; for, we rowed above 20 Leagues along ſhoar, and found it a very bad Coaſt to Land. We ſaw no Houſe, nor ſign of Inhabitants, although we paſt by a fine Valley, called the Valley of Maguella; only at two places, the one at our firſt ſetting out on this Expedition, and the other at the end of it, we ſaw a Horſeman ſet, as we ſuppoſed, as a Centinel, to watch us. At both places we landed with difficulty, and at each place we followed the track of the Horſe on the ſandy Bay; but where they entred the Woods we loſt the track, and although we diligently ſearcht [252] for it, yet we could find it no more; ſo we were perfectly at a loſs to find out the Houſes or Town they came from. The 28th Day, being tired and hopeleſs to find any Town, we went aboard our Ships, that were now come abreſt of the place where we were; for always when we leave our Ships, we either order a certain place of meeting, or elſe leave them a ſign to know where we are, by making one or more great Smoaks: yet we had all like to have been ruin'd by ſuch a ſignal as this, in a former Voyage under Captain Sharp, when we made that unfortunate Attempt upon Arica, which is mentioned in the Hiſtory of the Buccaneers. For upon the routing our Men, and taking ſeveral of them, ſome of thoſe ſo taken told the Spaniards, that it was agreed between them and their Companions on board, to make two great Smoaks at a diſtance from each other, as ſoon as the Town ſhould be taken, as a ſignal to the Ship, that it might ſafely enter the Harbour. The Spaniards made theſe Smoaks preſently: I was then among thoſe who ſtaid on board; and whether the ſignal was not ſo exactly made, or ſome other diſcouragement happen'd, I remember not, but we forbore going in, till we ſaw our ſcatter'd Crew coming off in their Canoas. Had we enter'd the Port upon the falſe ſignal, we muſt have been taken or ſunk; for we muſt have paſt cloſe by the Fort, and could have had no Wind to bring us out, till the Land-Wind ſhould riſe in the Night.

But to our preſent Voyage: After we came aboard we ſaw the Volcan of Colima. This is a very high Mountain, in about 18 d. 36 m. North, ſtanding 5 or 6 Leagues from the Sea, in the midſt of a pleaſant Valley. It appears with two ſharp peeks, from each of which there do always iſſue flames of fire or ſmoak. The Valley in which this Volcan ſtands, is callel the Valley of Colima, from the Town [253] it ſelf which ſtands there not far from the Volcan. The Town is ſaid to be great and rich, the chief of all its Neighbourhood: and the Valley in which it is ſeated, by the relation which the Spaniards give of it, is the moſt pleaſant and fruitful Valley in all the Kingdom of Mexico. This Valley is about ten or twelve Leagues wide by the Sea, where it makes a ſmall Bay: but how far the Vale runs into the Country I know not. It is ſaid to be full of Cacoagardens, Fields of Corn, Wheat, and Plantain-Walks. The neighbouring Sea is bounded with a ſandy ſhoar; but there is no going aſhoar for the violence of the Waves. The Land within it is low all along, and Woody for about two Leagues from the Eaſt ſide; at the end of the Woods there is a deep River runs out into the Sea, but it hath ſuch a great Bar, or ſandy Shoal, that when we were here, no Boat or Canoa could poſſibly enter, the Sea running ſo high upon the Bar: otherwiſe, I judge, we ſhould have made ſome farther diſcovery into this pleaſant Valley. On the Weſt ſide of the River the Savannah land begins, and runs to the other ſide of the Valley. We had but little Wind when we came aboard, therefore we lay off this Bay that Afternoon and the Night enſuing.

The 29th Day our Captains went away from our Ships with 200 Men, intending at the firſt convenient place to land and ſearch about for a Path: for the Spaniſh Books make mention of 2 or 3 other Towns hereabouts, eſpecially one called Sallagua, to the Weſt of this Bay. Our Canoas rowed along as near the ſhoar as they could, but the Sea went ſo high that they could not land. About 10 or 11 a Clock, two Horſemen came near the ſhoar, and one of them took a Bottle out of his Pocket, and drank to our Men. While he was drinking, one of our Men ſnatch'd up his Gun, and let drive at him, and kill'd his Horſe: ſo his Conſort immediately ſet Spurs to [254] his Horſe and rode away, leaving the other to come after afoot. But he being Booted, made but ſlow haſte; therefore two of our Men ſtript themſelves, and ſwam aſhoar to take him. But he had a Macheat, or long Knife, wherewith he kept them both from ſeizing him, they having nothing in their Hands wherewith to defend themſelves, or offend him. The 30th day our Men came all aboard again, for they could not find any place to land in.

The firſt day of December we paſſed by the Port of Sallagua. This Port is in lat. 18 d. 52 m. It is only a pretty deep Bay, divided in the middle with a rocky point, which makes, as it were, two Harbours. Ships may ride ſecurely in either, but the Weſt Harbour is the beſt: there is good Anchoring any where in 10 or 12 fathom, and a Brook of freſh Water runs into the Sea. Here we ſaw a great new thatched Houſe, and a great many Spaniards both Horſe and Foot, with Drums beating, and Colours flying, in defiance of us, as we thought. We took no notice of them till the next Morning, and then we landed about 200 Men to try their Courage; but they preſently withdrew. The Foot never ſtay'd to exchange one ſhot, but the Horſemen ſtay'd till two or three were knock'd down, and then they drew off, our Men purſuing them. At laſt, two of our Men took two Horſes that had loſt their Riders, and mounting them, rode after the Spaniards full drive till they came among them, thinking to have taken a Priſoner for Intelligence, but had like to have been taken themſelves: for four Spaniards ſurrounded them, after they had diſcharged their Piſtols, and unhorſed them; and if ſome of our beſt Footmen had not come to their reſcue, they muſt have yielded, or have been killed. They were both cut in two or three places, but their Wounds were not Mortal. The four Spaniards got away before our Men [255] could hurt them, and mounting their Horſes, ſpeeded after their Conſorts, who were marched away into the Country. Our Men finding a broad Road leading into the Country, followed it about four Leagues in a dry ſtony Country, full of ſhort Wood; but finding no ſign of Inhabitants, they returned again. In their way back they took two Mullatto's, who were not able to march as faſt as their Conſorts; therefore they had skulked in the Woods, and by that means thought to have eſcaped our Men. Theſe Priſoners informed us, that this great Road did lead to a great City called Oarrha, from whence many of thoſe Horſemen before ſpoken of came: That this City was diſtant from hence as far as a Horſe will go in four Days; and that there is no place of conſequence nearer: That the Country is very poor, and thinly inhabited. They ſaid alſo, that theſe Men came to aſſiſt the Philippine Ship, that was every day expected here, to put aſhore Paſſengers for Mexico. The Spaniſh Pilot-Books, mention a Town alſo called Sallogua hereabouts; but we could not find it, nor hear any thing of it by our Priſoners.

We now intended to cruiſe off the Cape Corrientes, to wait for the Philippine Ship. So the 6th Day of Decemb. we ſet ſail, coaſting to the Weſtwards towards Cape Corrientes. We had fair Weather, and but little Wind; the Sea-Breezes at N. W. and the Land Wind at N. The Land is of an indifferent heighth, full of ragged Points, which at a diſtance appear like Iſlands: The Country is very woody, but the Trees are not high, nor very big.

Here I was taken ſick of a Fever and Ague that afterwards turned to a Dropſie, which I laboured under a long time after; and many of our Men died of this Diſtemper, though our Surgeons uſed their greateſt skill to preſerve their Lives. The Dropſie is a general Diſtemper on this Coaſt, and the Natives [256] ſay, that the beſt remedy they can find for it, is the Stone or Cod of an Allegator (of which they have 4, one near each Leg, within the Fleſh) pulverized and drunk in Water: This Receipt we alſo found mentioned in an Almanack made at Mexico: I would have tried it, but we found no Allegators here, tho' there are ſeveral.

There are many good Harbours between Sallagua and Cape Corrientes: but we paſſed by them all. As we drew near the Cape, the Land by the Sea appeared of an indifferent heighth, full of white Cliffs; but in the Country the Land is high and barren, and full of ſharp pecked Hills, unpleaſant to the ſight. To the Weſt of this ragged Land is a Chain of Mountains running parallel with the Shore; They end on the Weſt with a gentle deſcent; but on the Eaſt ſide they keep their heighth, ending with a high ſteep Mountain, which hath three ſmall ſharp pecked tops, ſomewhat reſembling a Crown; and therefore called by the Spaniards, Coronada, the Crown Land.

The 11th day we were fair in ſight of Cape Corrientes, it bore N. by W. and the Crown Land bore North. The Cape is of an indifferent heighth, with ſteep Rocks to the Sea. It is flat and even on the top, cloathed with Woods: The Land in the Country is high and doubled. This Cape lieth in 20 d. 28 m. North. I find its longitude from Tenariff to be 230 d. 56 m. but I keep my longitude Weſtward, according to our Courſe; and according to this reckoning, I find it is from the Lizard in England 121 d. 41 m. ſo that the difference of time is eight Hours, and almoſt ſix Minutes.

Here we had reſolved to cruize for the Philippine Ship, becauſe ſhe always makes this Cape in her Voyage homeward. We were (as I have ſaid) four Ships in Company; Captain Swan, and his Tender; Captain Townley, and his Tender. It was ſo [257] ordered that Captain Swan ſhould lye Eight or Ten Leagues off ſhore, and the reſt about a League diſtant each from other, between him and the Cape, that ſo we might not miſs the Philippine Ship; but we wanted Proviſion, and therefore we ſent Capt. Townley's Bark, with 50 or 60 Men to the Weſt of the Cape, to ſearch about for ſome Town or Plantations, where we might get Proviſion of any ſort. The reſt of us in the mean time cruiſing in our Stations. The 17th Day the Bark came to us again, but had got nothing, for they could not get about the Cape, becauſe the Wind on this Coaſt is commonly between the N. W. and the S. W. which makes it very difficult getting to the Weſtward; but they left four Canoas with 46 Men at the Cape, who reſolved to row to the Weſtward. The 18th Day we ſailed to the Keys of Chametly to fill our Water. Theſe Keys or Iſlands of Chametly are about 16 or 18 Leagues to the Eaſtward of Cape Corrientes. They are ſmall, low, and woody, invironed with Rocks; there are five of them lying in the form of an half Moon, not a Mile from the ſhore, and between them and the Main is very good Riding, ſecure from any Wind. The Spaniards do report, that here live Fiſhermen, to fiſh for the Inhabitants of the City of Purification. This is ſaid to be a large Town, the beſt hereabouts; but is 14 Leagues up in the Country.

The 20th inſtant we entred within theſe Iſlands, paſſing in on the S. E. ſide, and Anchored between the Iſlands and the Main, in five fathom clean Sand. Here we found good freſh water and wood, and caught plenty of Rock-fiſh with Hook and Line, a ſort of Fiſh I deſcribed at the Iſle of John Fernando, but we ſaw no ſign of Inhabitants, beſides three or four old Hutts; therefore I do believe that the Spaniſh or Indian Fiſhermen come hither only at Lent, or ſome other ſuch Seaſon, but that they do not live [258] here conſtantly. The 21ſt Day Captain Townley went away, with about 60 Men, to take an Indian Village, 7 or 8 Leagues from hence to the Weſtward more towards the Cape, and the next Day we went to cruiſe off the Cape, where Captain Townley was to meet us. The 24th Day, as we were cruiſing off the Cape, the four Canoas before-mentioned, which Captain Townley's Bark left at the Cape, came off to us. They, after the Bark left them, paſt to the VVeſt of the Cape, and rowed into the Valley Valderas, or perhaps Val d' Iris; for it ſignifies the Valley of Flags.

This Valley lies in the bottom of a pretty deep Bay, that runs in between Cape Corrientes on the S. E. and the point of Pontique on the N. VV. which two places are about 10 Leagues aſunder. The Valley is about 3 Leagues wide; there is a level ſandy Bay againſt the Sea, and good ſmooth landing. In the midſt of the Bay is a fine River, whereinto Boats may enter; but it is brackiſh at the latter end of the dry Seaſon, which is in February, March, and part of April. I ſhall ſpeak more of the Seaſons in my Chapter of VVinds, in the Appendix. This Valley is bounded within Land, with a ſmall green Hill, that makes a very gentle deſcent into the Valley, and affords a very pleaſant proſpect to Sea-ward. It is inriched with fruitful Savannahs, mixt with Groves of Trees fit for any uſes, beſides Fruit-Trees in abundance, as Guava's, Oranges and Limes, which here grow wild in ſuch plenty, as if Nature had deſigned it only for a Garden. The Savannahs are full of fat Bulls and Cows, and ſome Horſes, but no Houſe in ſight.

VVhen our Canoas came to this pleaſant Valley, they landed 37 Men, and marched into the Country ſeeking for ſome Houſes. They had not gone paſt three Mile before they were attackt by 150 Spaniards, Horſe and Foot: There was a ſmall thin [259] VVood cloſe by them, into which our Men retreated, to ſecure themſelves from the fury of the Horſe: Yet the Spaniards rode in among them, and attackt them very furiouſly, till the Spaniſh Captain, and 17 more, tumbled dead off their Horſes: then the reſt retreated, being many of them wounded. VVe loſt four Men, and had two deſperately wounded. In this action, the Foot, who were armed with Lances and Swords, and were the greateſt number, never made any attack; the Horſemen had each a brace of Piſtols, and ſome ſhort Guns. If the Foot had come in, they had certainly deſtroy'd all our Men. VVhen the Skirmiſh was over, our Men placed the two wounded Men on Horſes, and came to their Canoas. There they kill'd one of the Horſes, and dreſs'd it, being afraid to venture into the Savannah to kill a Bullock, of which there was ſtore. VVhen they had eaten, and ſatisfied themſelves, they returned aboard. The 25th Day, being Chriſtmaſs, we cruiſed in pretty near the Cape, and ſent in 3 Canoas with the Strikers to get Fiſh, being deſirous to have a Chriſtmas Dinner. In the Afternoon they returned aboard with three great Jew fiſh, which feaſted us all, and the next Day we ſent aſhoar our Canoas again, and got three or four more.

Captain Townley, who went from us at Chametly, came aboard the 28th Day, and brought about 40 Buſhels of Maiz. He had landed to the Eaſtward of Cape Corrientes, and march'd to an Indian Village that is 4 or 5 Leagues in the Country. The Indians ſeeing him coming, ſet two Houſes on fire that were full of Maiz, and run away; yet he and his Men got in other Houſes as much as they could bring down on their backs, which he brought aboard.

year 1686 We cruiſed off the Cape till the firſt Day of January, 1686. and then made towards the Valley Valderas, to hunt for Beef, and before Night we Anchored in the bottom of the Bay, in 60 fathom [260] Water a Mile from the Shoar. Here we ſtay'd hunting till the 7th Day, and Captain Swan and Captain Townley went aſhoar every Morning with about 240 Men, and marched to a ſmall Hill; where they remained with 50 or 60 Men to watch the Spaniards, who appeared in great companies on other Hills not far diſtant, but did never attempt any thing againſt our Men. Here we killed and ſalted above two Months Meat, beſides what we ſpent freſh; and might have killed as much more, if we had been better ſtored with Salt. Our hopes of meeting the Philippine Ship were now over; for we did all conclude, that while we were neceſſitated to hunt here for Proviſions, ſhe was paſt by to the Eaſtward, as indeed ſhe was, as we did underſtand afterwards by Priſoners. So this deſign fail'd, through Captain Townley's eagerneſs after the Lima Ship, which he attempted in Acapulco Harbour, as I have related. For though we took a little Flower hard by, yet the ſame Guide which told us of that Ship, would have conducted us where we might have had ſtore of Beef and Maiz: but inſtead thereof, we loſt both our time, and the opportunity of providing our ſelves; and ſo we were forced to be victualling, when we ſhould have been cruiſing off Cape Corrientes in expectation of the Manila Ship.

Hitherto we had coaſted along here with two different deſigns; the one was to get the Manila Ship, which would have inriched us beyond meaſure; and this Captain Townley was moſt for. Sir Tho. Cavendiſh formerly took the Manila Ship off Cape St. Lucas in California, (where we alſo would have waited for her, had we been early enough ſtored with Proviſions, to have met her there) and threw much rich Goods over-board. The other deſign, which Captain Swan and our Crew were moſt for, was to ſearch along the Coaſt for rich Towns, and Mines chiefly of Gold and Silver, which we were [261] aſſured were in this Country, and we hoped near the ſhoar: not knowing (as we afterwards found) that it was in effect an Inland Country, its Wealth remote from the South Sea Coaſt, and having little or no commerce with it, its Trade being driven Eaſtward with Europe by La Vera Cruz. Yet we had ſtill ſome expectation of Mines, and ſo reſolved to Steer on farther Northward; but Captain Townley, who had no other deſign in coming on this Coaſt, but to meet this Ship, reſolved to return again towards the Coaſt of Peru.

In all this Voyage on the Mexican Coaſt, we had with us a Captain, and two or three of his Men, of our friendly Indians of the Iſthmus of Darien; who having conducted over ſome parties of our Privateers, and expreſſing a deſire to go along with us, were received, and kindly entertained aboard our Ships; and we were pleas'd in having, by this means, Guides ready provided, ſhould we be for returning over Land, as ſeveral of us thought to do, rather than ſail round about. But at this time, we of Captain Swan's Ship deſigning farther to the North-Weſt; and Captain Townley going back, we committed theſe our Indian Friends to his care, to carry them home. So here we parted; he to the Eaſtward, and we to the Weſtward, intending to ſearch as far to the Weſtward as the Spaniards were ſettled.

It was the 7th Day of January in the Morning when we ſailed from this pleaſant Valley. The Wind was at N. E. and the weather fair. At 11 a Clock the Sea-wind came at N. W. Before Night we paſſed by Point Pontique; this is the Weſt point of the Bay of the Valley of Valderas, and is diſtant from Cape Corrientes 10 Leagues. This point is in lat. 20 d. 50 m. North; it is high, round, rocky and barren. At a diſtance it appears like an Iſland. A league to the Weſt of this point are two ſmall barren [262] Iſlands, called the Iſlands of Pontique. There are ſeveral high, ſharp, white Rocks, that lie ſcattering about them: We paſs'd between theſe rocky Iſlands on the left, and the Main on the right, for there is no danger. The Sea-coaſt beyond this point runs Northward for about 18 Leagues, making many ragged points, with ſmall ſandy Bays between them. The Land by the Sea-ſide is low and pretty woody; but in the Country, full of high, ſharp, barren, rugged, unpleaſant Hills.

The 14th Day we had ſight of a ſmall white Rock, which appears very much like a Ship under ſail. This Rock is in lat. 21 d. 15 m. it is 3 Leagues from the Main. There is a good Channel between it and the Main, where you will have 12 or 14 fathom Water near the Iſland; but running nearer the Main, you will have gradual ſoundings, till you come in with the ſhoar. At Night we Anchored in ſix fathom Water, near a League from the Main, in good ouzy ground. We caught a great many Catfiſh here, and at ſeveral places on this Coaſt, both before and after this.

From this Iſland the Land runs more Northerly, making a fair ſandy Bay; but the Sea falls in with ſuch violence on the ſhoar, that there is no landing, but very good Anchoring on all the Coaſt, and gradual Soundings. About a League off ſhoar, you will havo 6 fathom, and 4 Mile off ſhoar you will have 7 fathom Water. We came to an Anchor every Evening; and in the Mornings we ſailed off with the Land-wind, which we found at N. E. and the Sea-breezes at N. W.

The 20th Day we Anchored about three Miles on the Eaſt ſide of the Iſlands Chametly, different from thoſe of that name before-mentioned; for theſe are ſix ſmall Iſlands, in lat. 23 d. 11 m. a little to the South of the Tropick of Cancer, and about 3 Leagues from the Main, where a Salt Lake hath its out-let [263] into the Sea. Theſe Iſles are of an indifferent heighth: Some of them have a few ſhrubby buſhes; the reſt are bare of any ſort of Wood. They are rocky round by the Sea; only one or two of them have ſandy Bays on the North ſide. There is a ſort of Fruit growing on theſe Iſlands called Penguins; and 'tis all the Fruit they have.

The Penguin Fruit is of two ſorts, the yellow and the red. The yellow Penguin grows on a green Stem, as big as a Man's Arm, above a Foot high from the ground: The Leaves of this Stalk are half a Foot long, and an Inch broad; the edges full of ſharp prickles. The Fruit grows at the Head of the Stalk, in 2 or 3 great cluſters, 16 or 20 in a cluſter. The Fruit is as big as a Pullets Egg, of a round form, and in colour yellow. It has a thick Skin or Rind, and the inſide is full of ſmall black Seeds, mixt among the Fruit. It is ſharp pleaſant Fruit. The red Penguin is of the bigneſs and colour of a ſmall dry Onion, and is in ſhape much like a Nine-pin; for it grows not on a Stalk, or Stem, as the other, but one end on the ground, the other ſtanding upright. Sixty or ſeventy grow thus together, as cloſe as they can ſtand one by another, and all from the ſame Root, or cluſter of Roots. Theſe Penguins are encompaſs'd or fenced with long Leaves, about a Foot and an half, or two Foot long, and prickly like the former; and the Fruit too is much alike. They are both wholſome, and never offend the Stomach; but thoſe that eat many, will find a heat or tickling in their Fundament. They grow ſo plentifully in the Bay of Campeachy, that there is no paſſing for their high prickly Leaves.

There are ſome Guanoes on theſe Iſlands, but no other ſort of Land Animal. The Bays about the Iſlands are ſometimes viſited with Seals; and this was the firſt place where I had ſeen any of theſe Animals, on the North ſide of the Equator, in theſe [264] Seas. For the Fiſh on this ſandy Coaſt lye moſt in the Lagunes or Salt-lakes, and Mouths of Rivers; but the Seals come not ſo much there, as I judge: For this being no rocky Coaſt, where Fiſh reſort moſt, there ſeems to be but little Food for the Seals, unleſs they will venture upon Cat-fiſh.

Capt. Swan went away from hence with 100 Men in our Canoas, to the Northward, to ſeek for the River Coolecan, poſſibly the ſame with the River of Paſtla, which ſome Maps lay down in the Province or Region of Cullacan. This River lieth in about 24 d. N. lat. We were informed, that there is a fair rich Spaniſh Town ſeated on the Eaſt-ſide of it, with Savannahs about it, full of Bulls and Cows; and that the Inhabitants of this Town paſs over in Boats to the Iſland California, where they fiſh for Pearl. I have been told ſince by a Spaniard, that ſaid he had been at the Iſland California, that there are great plenty of Pearl Oyſters there, and that the Native Indians of California, near the Pearl-fiſhery, are mortal Enemies to the Spaniards. Our Canoas were abſent 3 or 4 Days, and ſaid they had been above 30 leagues but found no River; that the Land by the Sea was low, and all ſandy Bay; but ſuch a great Sea, that there was no landing. They met us in their return in the lat. 23 d. 30 m. coaſting along ſhore after them towards Cullacan; ſo we returned again to the Eaſtward. This was the fartheſt that I was to the N. on this Coaſt.

Six or ſeven leagues N. N. W. from the Iſles of Chametly, there is a ſmall narrow entrance into a Lake, which runs about 12 leagues Eaſterly, parallel with the ſhore, making many ſmall low Mangrove Iſlands. The Mouth of this Lake is in lat. about 23 d. 30 m. It is called by the Spaniards Rio de Sall: for it is a ſalt Lake. There is Water enough for Boats and Canoas to enter, and ſmooth landing after you are in. On the Weſt-ſide of it, there is an [265] Houſe, and an Eſtantion, or Farm of large Cattle. Our Men went into the Lake and landed, and coming to the Houſe, found 7 or 8 Buſhels of Maiz: but the Cattle were driven away by the Spaniards, yet there our Men took the Owner of the Eſtantion, and brought him aboard. He ſaid, that the Beefs were driven a great way in the Country for fear we ſhould kill them. While we lay here, Capt. Swan went into this Lake again, and landed 150 Men on the N. E. ſide, and marched into the Country: About a Mile from the Landing-place, as they were entring a dry Salina, or Salt-pond, they fired at two Indians that croſs'd the way before them; one of them being wounded in the Thigh, fell down, and being examined, he told our Men, that there was an Indian Town 4 or 5 leagues off, and that the way which they were going would bring them thither. While they were in Diſcourſe with the Indian they were attack'd by 100 Spaniſh Horſemen, who came with a deſign to ſcare them back, but wanted both Arms and Hearts to do it.

Our Men paſt on from hence, and in their way marched through a Savannah of long dry Graſs. This the Spaniards ſet on fire, thinking to burn them, but that did not hinder our Men from marching forward, though it did trouble them a little. They rambled for want of Guides all this Day, and part of the next, before they came to the Town the Indian ſpoke of. There they found a company of Spaniards and Indians, who made head againſt them, but were driven out of the Town after a ſhort Diſpute. Here our Surgeon and one Man more were wounded with Arrows, but none of the reſt were hurt. When they came into the Town they found two or three Indians wounded, who told them that the Name of the Town was Maſſaclan; that there were a few Spaniards living in it, and the reſt were Indians; that five Leagues from this Town [266] there were two rich Gold Mines, where the Spaniards of Compoſtella, which is the chiefeſt Town in theſe parts, kept many Slaves and Indians at Work for Gold. Here our Men lay that Night, and the next Morning packt up all the Maiz that they could find, and brought it on their backs to the Canoas, and came aboard.

We lay here till the 2d of February, and then Captain Swan went away with about 80 Men to the River Roſario; where they landed, and marched to an Indian Town of the ſame Name. They found it about 9 Mile from the Sea; the way to it fair and even. This was a fine little Town, of about 60 or 70 Houſes, with a fair Church; and it was chiefly inhabited with Indians, they took Priſoners there, which told them, That the River Roſario is rich in Gold, and that the Mines are not above two Leagues from the Town. Captain Swan did not think it convenient to go to the Mines, but made haſte aboard with the Maiz which he took there, to the quantity of about 80 or 90 Buſhels; and which to us, in the ſcarcity we were in of Proviſions, was at that time more valuable than all the Gold in the World; and had he gone to the Mines, the Spaniards would probably have deſtroyed the Corn before his return. The 3d of February, we went with our Ships alſo towards the River Roſario, and Anchored the next Day againſt the Rivers mouth, 7 fathom, good ouzy ground, a League from the ſhoar. This River is in lat. 22d. 51 m. N. When you are at an Anchor againſt this River, you will ſee a round Hill, like a Sugar-loaf, a little way within Land, right over the River, and bearing N. E. by N. To the Weſtward of that Hill there is another pretty long Hill, called by the Spaniards Caput Cavalli, or the Horſe's head.

The 7th day Captain Swan came a board with the Maiz which he got. This was but a ſmall quantity for ſo many Men as we were, eſpecially conſidering [267] the place we were in, being ſtrangers, and having no Pilots to direct or guide us into any River; and we being without all ſort of Proviſion, but what we were forced to get in this manner from the ſhoar. And though our Pilot-Book directed us well enough to find the Rivers, yet for want of Guides to carry us to the Settlements, we were forced to ſearch 2 or 3 Days before we could find a place to land: for, as I have ſaid before, beſides the Seas being too rough for landing in many places, they have neither Boat, Bark, nor Canoa, that we could ever ſee or hear of: and therefore as there are no ſuch landing places in theſe Rivers, as there are in the North Seas; ſo when we were landed, we did not know which way to go to any Town, except we accidentally met with a path. Indeed, the Spaniards and Indians, whom we had aboard, knew the Names of ſeveral Rivers and Towns near them, and knew the Towns when they ſaw them; but they knew not the way to go to them from the Sea.

The 8th day, Captain Swan ſent about 40 Men to ſeek for the River Oleta, which is to the Eaſtward of the River Roſario. The next day we followed after with the Ships, having the Wind at W. N. W. and fair weather. In the Afternoon our Canoas came again to us, for they could not find the River Oleta; therefore we deſigned next for the River St. Jago, to the Eaſtward ſtill. The 11th day in the Evening, we Anchored againſt the mouth of the River, in 7 fathom Water, good ſoft ouzy ground, and about two Mile from the ſhoar. There was a high white Rock without us, called Maxentelbo. This Rock at a diſtance, appears like a Ship under ſail; it bore from us W. N. W. diſtant about 3 Leagues. The Hill Zeliſco bore S. E. which is a very high Hill in the Country, with a Saddle or bending on the top. The River St. Jago is in lat. 22 d. 15 m. It is one of the principal Rivers on [268] this Coaſt; there is 10 Foot Water on the Bar at low Water, but how much it flows here I know not. The mouth of this River is near half a Mile broad, and very ſmooth entring. Within the mouth it is broader, for there are three or four Rivers more meet there, and iſſue all out together, is freſh Water, is brackiſh a great way up; yet there, the Water is to be had, by digging or making Wells in the ſandy Bay, two or three Foot deep, juſt at the mouth of the River.

The 11th Day Captain Swan ſent 70 Men in four Canoas into this River, to ſeek a Town; for although we had no intelligence of any, yet the Country appearing very promiſing, we did not queſtion but they would find Inhabitants before they returned. They ſpent two Days in rowing up and down the Creeks and Rivers; at laſt they came to a large Field of Maiz, which was almoſt ripe: they immediately fell to gathering as faſt as they could, and intended to lade the Canoas; but ſeeing an Indian that was ſet to watch the Corn, they quitted that troubleſome and tedious work, and ſeiz'd him, and brought him aboard, in hopes by his information, to have ſome more eaſie and expedite way of a ſupply, by finding Corn ready cut and dried. He being examined, ſaid, that there was a Town called Santa Pecaque, four leagues from the place where he was taken, and that if we deſigned to go thither he would undertake to be our Guide. Captain Swan immediately ordered his Men to make ready, and the ſame Evening went away with Eight Canoas and 140 Men, taking the Indian for their Guide.

He rowed about five Leagues up the River, and landed the next Morning. The River at this place was not above Piſtol-ſhot wide, and the Banks pretty high on each ſide, and the Land plain and even. He left 23 Men to guard the Canoas, and [269] marcht with the reſt to the Town. He ſet out from the Canoas at ſix a Clock in the Morning, and reach'd the Town by 10. The way through which he paſſed was very plain, part of it Wood-land, part Savannahs The Savannahs were full of Horſes, Bulls and Cows. The Spaniards ſeeing him coming run all away; ſo he entred the Town without the leaſt oppoſition.

This Town of Santa Pecaque ſtands on a Plain, in a Savannah, by the ſide of a Wood, with many Fruit Trees about it. It is but a ſmall Town, but very regular, after the Spaniſh mode, with a Parade in the midſt. The Houſes fronting the Parade had all Balconies: there were two Churches; one againſt the Parade, the other at the end of the Town. It is inhabited moſt with Spaniards. Their chiefeſt occupation is Husbandry. There are alſo ſome Carriers, who are imployed by the Merchants of Compoſtella, to Trade for them to and from the Mines.

Compoſtella is a rich Town, about 21 leagues from hence. It is the chiefeſt in all this part of the Kingdom, and is reported to have 70 white Families; which is a great matter in theſe parts; for it may be, that ſuch a Town hath not leſs than 500 Families of copper-coloured People, beſides the white. The Silver Mines are about five or ſix leagues from Santa Pecaque; where, as we were told, the Inhabitants of Compoſtella had ſome hundreds of Slaves at Work. The Silver here, and all over the Kingdom of Mexico, is ſaid to be finer and richer in proportion than that of Potoſi or Peru, tho' the Oar be not ſo abundant; and the Carriers of this Town of Santa Pecaque, carry the Oar to Compoſtella, where it is refined. Theſe Carriers, or Sutlers, alſo furniſh the Slaves at the Mines with Maiz, whereof here was great plenty now in the Town deſigned for that uſe: Here was alſo Sugar, Salt, and Salt-fiſh.

[270] Captain Swan's only buſineſs at Santa Pecaque was to get Proviſion; therefore he ordered his Men to divide themſelves into two parts, and by turns carry down the Proviſion to the Canoas; one half remaining in the Town to ſecure what they had taken, while the other half were going and coming. In the Afternoon they caught ſome Horſes, and the next Morning, being the 17th day, 57 Men, and ſome Horſes, went laden with Maiz to the Canoas. They found them, and the Men left to guard them, in good order; though the Spaniards had given them a ſmall diverſion, and wounded one Man: but our Men of the Canoas landed, and drove them away. Theſe that came loaded to the Canoas left 7 Men more there, ſo that now they were 30 Men to guard the Canoas. At Night the other returned; and the 18th Day in the Morning, that half which ſtaid the Day before at the Town, took their turn of going with every Man his burthen, and 24 Horſes-laden. Before they returned, Captain Swan, and his other Men at the Town, caught a Priſoner, who ſaid, that there were near a thouſand Men of all colours, Spaniards and Indians, Negroes and Mulatto's, in arms, at a place called St. Jago, but 3 Leagues off, the chief Town on this River; that the Spaniards were armed with Guns and Piſtols, and the Copper-coloured with Swords and Lances. Captain Swan, fearing the ill conſequence of ſeparating his ſmall Company, was reſolved the next Day to march away with the whole Party; and therefore he ordered his Men to catch as many Horſes as they could, that they might carry the more Proviſion with them. Accordingly, the next Day, being the 19th Day of February 1686. Captain Swan called out his Men betimes to be gone; but they refuſed to go, and ſaid, that they would not leave the Town till all the Proviſion was in the Canoas: Therefore he was forced to [271] yield to them, and ſuffered half the company to go as before: They had now 54 Horſes laden, which Captain Swan ordered to be tied one to another, and the Men to go in two bodies, 25 before, and as many behind; but the Men would go at their own rate, every Man leading his Horſe. The Spaniards obſerved their manner of marching, and laid an Ambuſh about a Mile from the Town, which they managed with ſuch ſucceſs, that falling on our body of Men, who were guarding the Corn to the Canoas, they killed them every one. Capt. Swan hearing the report of their Guns, ordered his Men, who were then in the Town with him, to march out to their aſſiſtance; but ſome oppoſed him, deſpiſing their Enemies, till two of the Spaniards Horſes, that had loſt their Riders, came galloping into the Town in a great fright, both bridled and ſaddled, with each a pair of Holſters by their ſides, and one had a Carbine newly diſcharged; which was an apparent token that our Men had been engaged, and that by Men better armed than they imagined they ſhould meet with. Therefore Captain Swan immediately march'd out of the Town, and his Men all followed him; and when he came to the place where the Engagement had been, he ſaw all his Men that went out in the Morning lying dead. They were ſtript, and ſo cut and mangl'd that he ſcarce knew one Man. Captain Swan had not more Men then with him, than thoſe were who lay dead before him, yet the Spaniards never came to oppoſe him, but kept at a great diſtance; for 'tis probable, the Spaniards had not cut off ſo many Men of ours, but with the loſs of a great many of their own. So he marched down to the Canoas, and came aboard the Ship with the Maiz that was already in the Canoas. We had about 50 Men killed, and among the reſt, my Ingenious Friend Mr. Ringroſe was one, who wrote that [272] Part of the Hiſtory of the Buccaneers, which relates to Captain Sharp. He was at this time Cape-Merchant, or Super-Cargo of Captain Swan's Ship. He had no mind to this Voyage; but was neceſſitated to engage in it or ſtarve.

This loſs diſcouraged us from attempting any thing more hereabouts. Therefore Captain Swan propoſed to go to Cape St. Lucas on California to careen. He had two reaſons for this: Firſt, that he thought he could lye there ſecure from the Spaniards; and next, that if he could get a Commerce with the Indians there, he might make a diſcovery in the Lake of California, and by their Aſſiſtance try for ſome of the Plate of New Mexico.

This Lake of California (for ſo the Sea, Channel or Streight, between that and the Continent, is called) is but little known to the Spaniards, by what I could ever learn; for their Drafts do not agree about it. Some of them do make California an Iſland, but give no manner of account of the Tides flowing in the Lake, or what depth of Water there is, or of the Harbours, Rivers, or Creeks, that border on it: Whereas on the Weſt ſide of the Iſland, towards the Aſiatick Coaſt, their Pilot-Book gives an account of the Coaſt from Cape St. Lucas to 40 d. North. Some of their Drafts newly made do make California to join to the Main. I do believe that the Spaniards do not care to have this Lake diſcovered, for fear leſt other European Nations ſhould get knowledge of it, and by that means viſit the Mines of New Mexico. We heard that not long before our arrival here, the Indians in the Province of New Mexico made an Inſurrection, and deſtroyed moſt of the Spaniards there, but that ſome of them flying towards the Gulph or Lake of California, made Canoas in that Lake, and got ſafe away; though the Indians of the Lake of California, ſeem to be at perfect Enmity with the Spaniards. We had [273] an old intelligent Spaniard now aboard, who ſaid that he ſpoke with a Frier that made his Eſcape among them.

New Mexico, by report of ſeveral Engliſh Priſoners there, and Spaniards I have met with, lieth N. W. from Old Mexico between four and 500 Leagues, and the biggeſt part of the Treaſure which is found in this Kingdom, is in that Province; but without doubt there are plenty of Mines in other parts, as well in this part of the Kingdom where we now were, as in other places; and probably, on the Main, bordering on the Lake of California; although not yet diſcovered by the Spaniards, who have Mines enough, and therefore, as yet, have no reaſon to diſcover more.

In my opinion, here might be very advantageous Diſcoveries made by any that would attempt it: for the Spaniards have more than they can well manage. I know, they would lie like the Dog in the Manger; altho' not able to eat themſelves, yet they would endeavour to hinder others. But the Voyage thither being ſo far, I take that to be one reaſon that hath hindered the Diſcoveries of theſe parts: yet it is poſſible, that a Man may find a nearer way hither than we came; I mean by the North Weſt.

I know there have been divers attempts made about a North Weſt Paſſage, and all unſucceſsful: yet I am of opinion, that ſuch a Paſſage may be found. All our Countrymen that have gone to diſcover the N. W. Paſſage, have endeavoured to paſs to the Weſtward, beginning their ſearch along Davis's or Hudſon's Bay. But if I was to go on this Diſcovery, I would go firſt into the South Seas, bend my courſe from thence along by California, and that way ſeek a Paſſage back into the Weſt Seas. For as others have ſpent the Summer, in firſt ſearching on this more known ſide nearer home, and ſo before they got through, the time of the [274] year obliged them to give over their ſearch, and provide for a long Courſe back again, for fear of being left in the Winter; on the contrary, I would ſearch firſt on the leſs known Coaſt of the South Sea-ſide, and then as the Year paſt away, I ſhould need no retreat, for I ſhould come farther into my knowledge, if I ſucceeded in my attempt, and ſhould be without that Dread and Fear which the others muſt have in paſſing from the known to the unknown: who, for ought I know, gave over their ſearch juſt as they were on the point of accompliſhing their Deſires.

I would take the ſame Method if I was to go to diſcover the North-Eaſt Paſſage. I would winter about Japan, Corea, or the North-Eaſt part of China; and taking the Spring and Summer before me, I would make my firſt trial on the Coaſt of Tartary, wherein, if I ſucceeded, I ſhould come into ſome known Parts, and have a great deal of time before me to reach Archangel or ſome other Port. Captain Wood, indeed, ſays, this N. Eaſt Paſſage is not to be found for Ice: but how often do we ſee that ſometimes Deſigns have been given over as impoſſible, and at another time, and by other ways, thoſe very things have been accompliſhed; but enough of this.

The next day after that fatal Skirmiſh near Santa Pecaque, Capt. Swan ordered all our Water to be filled, and to get ready to ſail. The 21ſt day we ſailed from hence, directing our Courſe towards California: we had the wind at N. W. and W. N. W. a ſmall gale, with a great Sea out of the Weſt. We paſt by 3 Iſlands called the Maria's. After we paſt theſe Iſlands we had much wind at N. N. W. and N. W. and at N. with thick rainy weather. We beat till the 6th day of February, but it was againſt a brisk wind, and proved labour in vain. For we were now within reach of the Land Trade-wind, [275] which was oppoſite to us: but would we go to California upon the diſcovery, or otherwiſe we ſhould bear 60 or 70 Leagues off from the ſhoar; where we ſhould avoid the Land-winds, and have the benefit of the true Eaſterly Trade-wind.

Finding therefore that we got nothing, but rather loſt ground, being then 21 d. 5 m. N. we ſteered away more to the Eaſtward again for the Iſlands Maria's, and the 7th day we came to an anchor at the Eaſt-end of the middle Iſland, in 8 fathom Water, good clean Sand.

The Maria's are three uninhabited Iſlands in lat. 21 d. 40 m. they are diſtant from Cape St. Lucas on California 40 leagues, bearing Eaſt South Eaſt, and they are diſtant from Cape Corrientes 20 leagues, bearing upon the ſame points of the Compaſs with Cape St. Lucas. They ſtretch N. W. and S. E. about 14 leagues. There are 2 or 3 ſmall high Rocks near them: The weſtermoſt of them is the biggeſt Iſland of the three; and they are all three of an indifferent heighth. The Soil is ſtony and dry, the Land in moſt places is covered with a ſhrubby ſort of Wood, very thick and troubleſome to paſs through. In ſome places there is plenty of ſtraight large Cedars, though ſpeaking of the places where I have found Cedars, Chap. 3. I forgot to mention this place. The Spaniards make mention of them in other places: but I ſpeak of thoſe which I have ſeen. All round by the Sea-ſide it is ſandy; and there is produced a green prickly Plant, whoſe leaves are much like the Penguin-leaf, and the root like the root of a Sempervive, but much larger. This root being bak'd in an Oven is good to eat: and the Indians on California, as I have been informed, have great part of their ſubſiſtence from theſe Roots. We made an Oven in a ſandy Bank, and baked of theſe Roots, and I eat of them: but none of us greatly cared for them. They taſte exactly [276] like the Roots of our Engliſh Burdock boil'd, of which I have eaten. Here are plenty of Guanoes and Raccoons (a large ſort of Rat) and Indian Conies, and abundance of large Pigeons and Turtle-Doves. The Sea is alſo pretty well ſtored with Fiſh, and Turtle or Tortoiſe, and Seal. This is the ſecond place on this Coaſt where I did ſee any Seal: and this place helps to confirm what I have obſerved, that they are ſeldom ſeen but where there is plenty of Fiſh. Captain Swan gave the middle Iſland the Name of Prince George's Iſland.

The 8th Day we run nearer the Iſland, and anchored in five fathom, and moored Head and Stern, and unrigg'd both Ship and Bark, in order to Careen. Here Capt. Swan propoſed to go into the Eaſt-Indies. Many were well pleaſed with the Voyage; but ſome thought, ſuch was their Ignorance, that he would carry them out of the World; for about two thirds of our Men did not think there was any ſuch way to be found; but at laſt he gained their Conſents.

At our firſt coming hither we did eat nothing but Seal; but after the firſt 2 or 3 Days our Strikers brought aboard Turtle every Day; on which we fed all the time that we lay here, and ſaved our Maiz for our Voyage. Here alſo we meaſured all our Maiz, and found we had about 80 Buſhels. This we divided into three parts; one for the Bark, and two for the Ship; our Men were divided alſo, 100 Men aboard the Ship, and 50 aboard the Bark, beſides three or four Slaves in each.

I had been a long time ſick of a Dropſie, a Diſtemper, whereof, as I ſaid before, many of our Men died; ſo here I was laid and covered all but my Head in the hot Sand: I indured it near half an Hour, and then was taken out and laid to Sweat in a Tent. I did ſweat exceedingly while I was in the Sand, and I do believe it did me much good, for I grew well ſoon after.

[277] VVe ſtaid here till the 26th Day, and then both Veſſels being clean, we ſailed to the Valley of Balderas to VVater, for we could not do it here now. In the wet Seaſon indeed here is VVater enough, for the Brooks then run down plentifully; but now, though there was VVater, yet it was bad filling, it being a great way to fetch it from the holes where it lodged. The 28th Day we anchored in the bottom of the Bay in the Valley of Balderas, right againſt the River, where we watered before; but this River was brackiſh now in the dry ſeaſon; and therefore we went 2 or 3 Leagues nearer Cape Corrientes, and anchored by a ſmall round Iſland, not half a Mile from the Shoar. The Iſland is about four Leagues to the Northward of the Cape; and the Brook where we filled our VVater is juſt within the Iſland, upon the Main. Here our Strikers ſtruck 9 or 10 Jew-fiſh; ſome we did eat, and the reſt we ſalted: and the 29th Day we fill'd 32 Tuns of very good VVater.

Having thus provided our ſelves, we had nothing more to do, but to put in execution our intended Expedition to the Eaſt-Indies, in hopes of ſome better ſucceſs there, than we had met with on this little frequented Coaſt. VVe came on it full of expectations; for beſides the richneſs of the Country, and the probability of finding ſome Sea-Ports worth viſiting, we perſwaded our ſelves that there muſt needs be Shipping and Trade here, and that Acapulca and La Vera Cruz were to the Kingdom of Mexico, what Panama and Portobel are to that of Peru, viz. Marts for carrying on a conſtant Commerce between the South and North Seas, as indeed they are. But whereas we expected that this Commerce ſhould be managed by Sea, we found our ſelves miſtaken: that of Mexico being almoſt wholly a Land-trade, and managed more by Mules than by Ships: ſo that inſtead of profit we met with little [278] on this Coaſt, beſides fatigues, hardſhips and loſſes, and ſo were the more eaſily induced to try what better fortune we might have in the Eaſt-Indies. But to do right to Captain Swan, he had no intention to be as a Privateer in the Eaſt-Indies; but, as he hath often aſſured me with his own Mouth, he reſolved to take the firſt opportunity of returning to England: So that he feigned a compliance with ſome of his Men, who were bent upon going to cruiſe at Manila, that he might have leiſure to take ſome favourable opportunity of quitting the Privateer Trade.

CHAP. X.

[279]

Their Departure from Cape Corrientes for the Ladrone Iſlands, and the Eaſt-Indies. Their Courſe thither, and Accidents by the way: with a Table of each days Run, &c. Of the different accounts of the breadth of theſe Seas. Guam, one of the Ladrone Iſlands. The Coco-Nut Tree, Fruit, &c. The Toddi, or Arack that diſtils from it; with other Uſes that are made of it. Coire Cables. The Lime, or Crab Limon. The Bread-fruit. The Native Indians of Guam. Their Proe's, a remarkable ſort of Boats: and of thoſe uſed in the Eaſt-Indies. The State of Guam: and the Proviſions with which they were furniſh'd there.

I Have given an Account in the laſt Chapter of the Reſolutions we took of going over to the Eaſt-Indies. But having more calmly conſidered on the length of our Voyage, from hence to Guam, one of the Ladrone Iſlands, which is the firſt place that we could to [...]ch at, and there alſo being not certain to find Proviſions, moſt of our Men were almoſt daunted at the thoughts of it; for we had not 60 days Proviſion, at a little more than half a pint of Maiz a day for each Man, and no other Proviſion, except 3 Meals of ſalted Jew-fiſh; and we had a great many Rars aboard, which we could not hinder from eating part of our Maiz. Beſide, the great diſtance between Cape Corrientes and Guam: which is variouſly ſet down. The Spaniards, [280] who have the greateſt reaſon to know beſt, make it to be between 2300 and 2400 Leagues; our Books alſo reckon it differently, between 90 and 100 degrees, which all comes ſhort indeed of 2000 Leagues, but even that was a Voyage enough to frighten us, conſidering our ſcanty Proviſions. Captain Swan, to encourage his Men to go with him, perſwaded them that the Engliſh Books did give the beſt account of the diſtance; his Reaſons were many, although but weak. He urged among the reſt, that Sir Thomas Candiſh and Sir Francis Drake, did run it in leſs than 50 Days, and that he did not queſtion but that our Ships were better ſailers, than thoſe which were built in that Age, and that he did not doubt to get there in little more than 40 Days: This being the beſt time in the Year for breezes, which undoubtedly is the reaſon that the Spaniards ſet out from Acapulco about this time; and that although they are 60 Days in their Voyage, it is becauſe they are great Ships, deep laden, and very heavy ſailers; beſides, they wanting nothing, are in no great haſte in their way, but ſail with a great deal of their uſual Caution. And when they come near the Iſland Guam, they lie by in the Night for a Week, before they make Land. In prudence we alſo ſhould have contrived to lie by in the Night when we came near Land, for otherwiſe we might have run aſhoar, or have outſailed the Iſlands, and loſt ſight of them before Morning. But our bold Adventures ſeldom proceed with ſuch warineſs when in any ſtraights.

But of all Captain Swan's Arguments, that which prevailed moſt with them was, his promiſing them, as I have ſaid, to cruiſe off the Manila's. So he and his Men being now agreed, and they incouraged with the hope of gain, which works its way thro' all Difficulties, we ſet out from Cape Corrientes March the 31ſt, 1686. We were 2 Ships in Company, [281] Captain Swan's Ship, and a Bark commanded under Captain Swan, by Captain Teat, and we were 150 Men, 100 aboard of the Ship, and 50 aboard the Bark, beſide Slaves, as I ſaid.

We had a ſmall Land-wind at E. N. E. which carried us 3 or 4 Leagues, then the Sea-wind came at W. N. W. a freſh gale, ſo we ſteered away S. W. By 6 a Clock in the Evening we were about 9 leagues S. W. from the Cape, then we met a Land-wind which blew freſh all Night, and the next Morning about 10 a Clock we had the Sea-breez at N. N. E. ſo that at Noon we were 30 leagues from the Cape. It blew a freſh gale of Wind, which carried us off into the true Trade-wind, (of the difference of which Trade-winds I ſhall ſpeak in the Chapter of Winds, in the Appendix) for although the conſtant Sea-breez near the Shoar is at W. N. W. yet the true Trade off at Sea, when you are clear of the Land-winds, is at E. N. E. At firſt we had it at N. N. E. ſo it came about Northerly, and then to the Eaſt as we run off. At 250 leagues diſtance from the Shoar we had it at E. N. E. and there it ſtood till we came within 40 leagues of Guam. When we had eaten up our 3 Meals of ſalted Jewfiſh, in ſo many Days time, we had nothing but our ſmall allowance of Maiz.

After the 31ſt Day of March we made great runs every Day, having very fair clear Weather, and a freſh Trade wind, which we made uſe of with all our Sails, and we made many good Obſervations of the Sun. At our firſt ſetting out, we ſteer'd into the lat. of 13 degrees, which is near the lat. of Guam; then we ſteered Weſt, keeping in that lat. By that time we had ſailed 20 Days, our Men ſeeing we made ſuch great runs, and the Wind like to continue, repined becauſe they were kept at ſuch ſhort allowance. Captain Swan endeavoured to perſwade them to have a little Patience; yet [282] nothing but an augmentation of their daily allowance would appeaſe them. Captain Swan, though with much reluctance, gave way to a ſmall enlargement of our Commons, for now we had not above 10 ſpoonfuls of boil'd Maiz a Man, once a day, whereas before we had [...]: I do believe that this ſhort allowance did me a great deal of good, though others were weakened by it; for I found that my Strength encreaſed, and my Dropſie wore off. Yet I drank 3 times every 24 Hours; but many of our Men did not drink in 9 or 10 days time, and ſome not in 12 days; one of our Men did not drink in 17 days time, and ſaid he was not adry when he did drink; yet he made water every day more or leſs. One of our Men in the midſt of theſe hardſhips was found guilty of theft, and condemned for the ſame, to have [...] blows from each Man in the Ship, with a 2 inch and a half rope on his bare back. Captain Swan began firſt, and ſtruck with a good will; whoſe example was followed by all of us.

It was very ſtrange, that in all this Voyage we did not ſee one Fiſh, not ſo much as a Flying-Fiſh, nor any ſort of Fowl; but at one time, when we were by my account 4975 miles Weſt from Cape Corrientes, then we ſaw a great number of Boobies, which we ſuppoſed came from ſome Rocks not far from us, which were mentioned in ſome of our Sea-Carts, but we did not ſee them.

After we had run the 1900 Leagues by our reckoning, which made the Engliſh account to Guam, the Men began to murmur againſt Captain Swan, for perſwading them to come this Voyage; but he gave them fair words, and told them that the Spaniſh account might probably be the trueſt, and ſeeing the Gale was likely to continue, a ſhort time longer would end our troubles.

Figure 1. A Map of the EAST INDIES

[283] As we drew nigh the Iſland, we met with ſome ſmall Rain, and the Clouds ſettling in the Weſt, were an apparent token that we were not far from Land; for in theſe Climates, betwixt or near the Tropicks, where the Trade-wind blows conſtantly, the Clouds which fly ſwift over head, yet ſeem near the Limb of the Horizon to hang without much motion or alteration, where the Land is near. I have often taken notice of it, eſpecially if it is high Land, for you ſhall then have the Clouds hang about it without any viſible motion.

The 20th day of May, our Bark being about 3 Leagues a-head of our Ship, ſailed over a rocky Shole, on which there was but 4 fathom water, and abundance of Fiſh ſwimming about the Rocks. They imagin'd by this that the Land was not far off; ſo they clap'd on a Wind with the Barks Head to the North, and being paſt the Shole lay by for us. When we came up with them, Captain Teat came aboard us, and related what he had ſeen. We were then in lat. 12. d. 55 m. ſteering Weſt. The Iſland Guam is laid down in Lat. 13. d. N. by the Spaniards, who are Maſters of it, keeping it as a baiting-place as they go to the Philippine Iſlands. Therefore we clap'd on a Wind and ſtood to North-ward, being ſomewhat troubled and doubtful whether we were right, becauſe there is no Shole laid down, in the Spaniſh Drafts about the Iſland Guam, At 4 a Clock, to our great Joy, we ſaw the Iſland Guam, at about 8 Leagues diſtance.

It was well for Captain Swan that we got ſight of it before our Proviſion was ſpent, of which we had but enough for 3 days more; for, as I was afterwards informed, the Men had contrived, firſt to kill Captain Swan, and eat him when the Victuals was gone, and after him all of us who were acceſſary in promoting the undertaking this Voyage. This made Captain Swan ſay to me after our ararrival [284] at Guam, Ah! Dampier, you would have made them but a poor Meal; for I was as lean as the Captain was luſty and fleſhy. The Wind was at E. N. E. and the Land bore at N. N. E. therefore we ſtood to the Northward, till we brought the Iſland to bear Eaſt, and then we turned to get in to an anchor.

The account I have given hitherto of our Courſe from Cape Corrientes in the Kingdom of Mexico, (for I have mentioned another Cape of that name in Peru, South of the Bay of Panama) to Guam, one of the Ladrone Iſlands, hath been in the groſs. But for the ſatisfaction of thoſe who may think it ſerviceable to the fixing the Longitudes of theſe Parts, or to any other Uſe in Geography or Navigation, I have here ſubjoined a particular Table of every Days run, which was as follows.

[285]

 DayCourſe.DiſtS.WLatt.Winds.
March.31SW 5d W.27172020: 11W N W
Ap1SW 5 W1066881R. 19: 25N W: NNW
 2SW 1 W14298101R. 17: 25N b W
 3W bv S10219100Ob. 17: 6N
 4W 12 S14029136Ob. 16: 37N: N N E
 5W 20 S16054150Ob. 15: 43N
 6W 10 S10818106Ob. 15: 25N E:
 7W 15 S892386Ob. 15: 2N E: E N E
 8W 2 S64563Ob. 14: 57E N E
 9W 4 S94693Ob. 14: 51E N E
 10W 5 S13812137Ob. 14: 39E N E
 11W 5 S12410123Ob. 14: 29E N E
 12W 5 S17014169R. 14: 15E N E
 13W 5 S17014169R. 14: 1E N E
 14W 5 S18015177R. 13: 46E N E
 15W 6 S17418172R. 13: 28ENE clo [...]
 16W 6 S18219180R. 13: 9E N E m [...]
 17W 6 S21622224R. 12: 47E N E Ra [...]
The Summ of the Weſtings hitherto is—2283 which make Deg. of Longitude—39 d. 5 m.
From hence my Courſe is moſt Weſt, ſometimes Southerly, ſometimes Northerly.
 DayCourſe.DiſtN. or S.W.Lat.Winds.
 18W1920192R. 12: 47E by N
 19W1800180R. 12: 47E cloudy
 20W1770170R 12: 47E N E
 21W1710171R. 12: 47E N E
 22W1800180R. 12: 47E N E
 23R. W. Ob. W4N17011N168R. 12: 47 Ob. 12: 58E by N
[286]24R. W.1460146R. 12: 58E by N
 25W1460146R. 12: 58E by N
 26W 3 N1859N184Ob. 13: 7E by N
 27W1400140Ob. 13: 7E by N
 28W1670167R. 13: 7E by N
 29W 2 N1725171Ob. 13: 12E
 30W1720173Ob. 13: 12E N E
M1W1960196R. 13: 12E by N
 2W1600160Ob. 13: 12E by N
 3W1540154R. 13: 12E N E
 4R. W.1535S152R. 13: 12E N E
Ob. W. 2SOb. 13: 7
 5W 2 N1807 N179Ob. 13: 14E N E
 6W 2 N1729 N171Ob. 13. 22E N E
 7W1600160Ob. 13: 22E N E
 8W 3 S1497 S148Ob. 13: 15E by N
 9W 4 S1349 S33Ob. 13: 6E N E
 10W1280128R. 13: 6E N E
 11W 5 S1129111Ob. 12: 57E N E
 12W1280128R. 12: 57E N E
 13W1290129R. 12: 57E N E
 14W1280128R. 12: 57E N E
 15W 4 N1188 N117Ob. 13: 5E N E
 16W 6 S11411 S113Ob. 12: 54E N E
 17W 3 S1095 S108Ob. 12: 49E N E
 18W1200120R. 12: 49E N E
 19W1270137R. 12: 49E N E
 20W1340130R. 12: 50E
 21NW7W138 N10R. 12: 59E N E
Summ of all the Weſtings—7323
Making Deg. of Longitude in all—125 d. 11. m.

[287] Now the Iſland Guam bore N. N. E. 8 Leagues diſt. this gives 22 m. to my Lat. and takes 9 from my Meridian diſt. ſo that the Iſland is in Lat. 13: 21; and the Merid. diſt. from Corrientes 7302 miles; which, reduced into degrees, makes 125 d. 11 m.

The Table conſiſts of 7 Columns. The firſt is of the days of the Month. The 2d Column contains each days courſe, or the point of the Compaſs we ran upon. The 3d gives the diſtance or length of ſuch courſe in Italian or Geometrical miles, (at the rate of 60 to a degree (or the Progreſs the Ship makes every day; and is reckoned always from noon to noon. But becauſe the Courſe is not always made upon the ſame Rumb in a direct line, therefore the 4th and 5th Columns ſhew how many miles we ran to the South every day, and how many to the Weſt; which laſt was our main run in this Voyage. By the 17th of April we were got pretty near into the latitude of Guam, and our Courſe then lying along that parallel, our Northing and Southing conſequently were but little, according as the Ship deviated from its direct Courſe; and ſuch deviation is thenceforward expreſt by N. or S. in the 5th Column, and the Ships keeping ſtraight on the Weſt Rumb, by 0, that is to ſay, no Northing or Southing. The 6th Column ſhews the lat. we were in every day, where R. ſignifies the dead Reckoning, by the running of the Logs, and Ob. ſhews the lat. by obſervation. The 7th Column ſhews the Wind and Weather.

To theſe I would have added an 8th Column, to ſhew the variation of the Needle; but as it was very ſmall in this Courſe, ſo neither did we make any obſervation of it, above once, after we were ſet out from the Mexican Coaſt. At our departure from Cape Corrientes, we found it to be 4 d. 28 m. Eaſterly: and the obſervation we made of it afterwards, when we had gone about a third of the Voyage, [288] ſhewed it to be ſo near the ſame, to be decreaſing: Neither did we obſerve it at Guam, for Captain Swan who had the Inſtruments in his Cabbin, did not ſeem much to regard it: Yet I am inclined to think that at Guam, the Variation might be either none at all, or even increaſing to the Weſtward.

To conclude, May 20th at Noon (when we begin to call it 21ſt) we were in lat. 12 d. 50 m. N. by R. having run ſince the Noon before 134 Miles directly Weſt. We continued the ſame Courſe till Two that Afternoon, for which I allow ten Miles more Weſt ſtill, and then, finding the parallel we ran upon to be too much Southerly, we clapt on a Wind and ſailed directly North, till Five in the Afternoon, having in that time run 8 Miles, and increaſed our latitude ſo many Minutes, making it 12 d. 58 m. We then ſaw the Iſland Guam bearing N. N. E. diſtant from us about 8 leagues, which gives the latitude of the Iſland 13 d. 20 m. And according to the account foregoing, its longitude is 125 d. 11 m. Weſt from the Cape Corrientes on the Coaſt of Mexico, allowing 58 and 59 Italian Miles to a degree in theſe latitudes, at the common rate of 60 Miles to a degree of the Equator, as before computed.

As a Corollary from hence it will follow, that upon a ſuppoſal of the truth of the general allowance, Seamen make of 60 Italian Miles to an Equinoctial degree, that the South Sea muſt be of a greater breadth by 25 degrees, than it's commonly reckoned by Hydrographers, who make it only about 100, more or leſs. For ſince we found (as I ſhall have occaſion to ſay) the diſtance from Guam to the Eaſtern parts of Aſia, to be much the ſame with the common reckoning; it follows by way of neceſſary conſequence from hence, that the 25 degrees of longitude, or thereabouts, which are under-reckoned in the diſtance between America and the Eaſt-Indies Weſtward, are over-reckoned [289] in the breadth of Aſia and Africk, the Atlantick Sea, or the American Continent, or all together; and ſo that Tract of the Terraqueous Globe, muſt be ſo much ſhortned. And for a further confirmation of the fact, I ſhall add, that as to the Aethiopick or Indian Sea, its breadth muſt be conſiderably leſs than 'tis generally calculated to be; if it be true what I have heard over and over, from ſeveral able Seamen, whom I have converſed with in theſe parts, that Ships ſailing from the Cape of Good Hope to New Holland, (as many Ships bound to Java, or thereabouts, keep that latitude) find themſelves there, (and ſometimes to their coſt) running aground when they have thought themſelves to be a great way off; and 'tis from hence poſſibly, that the Dutch call that part of this Coaſt the Land of Indraught, (as if it magnetically drew Ships too faſt to it) and give cautions to avoid it: But I rather think, 'tis the nearneſs of the Land, than any Whirlpool, or the like, that ſurprizes them. As to the breadth of the Atlantick Sea, I am from good hands aſſured, that it is over-reckoned by ſix, ſeven, eight, or ten degrees; for beſides the concurrent Accounts of ſeveral experienced Men, who have confirmed the ſame to me: Mr. Canby particularly, who hath ſailed as a Mate in a great many Voyages, from Cape Lopez, on the Coaſt of Guinea, to Barbadoes, and is much eſteem'd as a very ſenſible Man, hath often told me, that he conſtantly found the diſtance to be between 60 and 62 degrees; whereas 'tis laid down in 68, 69, 70, and 72 degrees, in the common draughts.

As to the ſuppoſition it ſelf, which our Seamen make, in the allowing but 60 Miles to a Degree, I am not ignorant how much this hath been canvaſed of late Years eſpecially, and that the prevailing opinion hath been that about 70, or upwards, ſhould be allowed. But till I can ſee ſome better grounds [290] for the exactneſs of thoſe trials, that have been made on Land by Mr. Norwood and others, conſidering the inequality of the Earths ſurface, as well as the obliquity of the way; in their allowing for which, I am ſomewhat doubtful of their meaſures. Upon the whole matter, I cannot but adhere to the general Sea-calculation, confirmed as to the main by daily experience, till ſome more certain eſtimate ſhall be made, than thoſe hitherto attempted. For we find our ſelves, when we ſail North or South, to be brought to our intended place, in a time agreeable enough with what we expect upon the uſual ſuppoſition, making all reaſonable allowance, for the little unavoidable deviations Eaſt or Weſt: and there ſeems no reaſon why the ſame eſtimate ſhould not ſerve us in croſſing the Meridians, which we find ſo true in Sailing under them. As to this courſe of ours to Guam particularly, we ſhould rather increaſe than ſhorten our eſtimate of the length of it, conſidering that the Eaſterly Wind and Current being ſo ſtrong, and bearing therefore our Log after us, as is uſual in ſuch caſes; ſhould we therefore, in caſting up the run of the Log, make allowance for ſo much ſpace as the Log it ſelf drove after us (which is commonly 3 or 4 Miles in 100, in ſo brisk a gale as this was) we muſt have reckoned more than 125 degrees; but in this Voyage we made no ſuch allowance: (though it be uſual to do it) ſo that how much ſoever this computation of mine exceeds the common Draughts, yet is it of the ſhorteſt, according to our experiment and calculation.

But to proceed with our Voyage: The Iſland Guam or Guahon, (as the Native Indians pronounce it) is one of the Ladrone Iſlands, belongs to the Spaniards, who have a ſmall Fort with ſix Guns in it, with a Governour, and 20 or 30 Soldiers. They keep it for the relief and refreſhment of their Philippine [291] Ships, that touch here in their way from Acapulco to Manila, but the Winds will not ſo eaſily let them take this way back again. The Spaniards of late have named Guam, the Iſland Maria, it is about 12 leagues long, and 4 broad, lying N. and S. It is pretty high Champain Land.

The 21ſt day of May, 1686. at 11 a Clock in the Evening, we anchored near the middle of the Iſland Guam, on the Weſt ſide; a Mile from the ſhore. At a diſtance it appears flat and even, but coming near it you will find it ſtands ſhelving, and the Eaſt ſide, which is much the higheſt, is fenced with ſteep Rocks, that oppoſe the Violence of the Sea, which continually rage againſt it, being driven with the conſtant Trade-wind, and on that ſide there is no Anchoring. The Weſt ſide is pretty low, and full of ſmall ſandy Bays, divided with as many rocky Points. The Soil of the Iſland is reddiſh, dry and indifferent fruitful. The Fruits are chiefly Rice, Pine-Apples, Water-melons, Musk-melons, Oranges and Limes, Coco-nuts, and a ſort of Fruit called by us Bread-fruit.

The Coco-nut Trees grow by the Sea, on the Weſtern ſide in great Groves, 3 or 4 Miles in length, and a Mile or two broad. This Tree is in ſhape like the Cabbage-tree, and at a diſtance they are not to be known each from other, only the Coco-nut Tree is fuller of Branches; but the Cabbage-tree generally is much higher, tho' the Coco-nut Trees in ſome places are very high.

The Nut or Fruit grows at the head of the Tree, among the Branches and in Cluſters, 10 or 12 in a Cluſter. The Branch to which they grow is about the bigneſs of a Man's Arm, and as long, running ſmall towards the end. It is of a yellow Colour, full of Knots, and very tough. The Nut is generally bigger than a Man's Head. The outer Rind is near two Inches thick, before you come to the Shell; [292] the Shell it ſelf is black, thick, and very hard. The Kernel in ſome Nuts is near an Inch thick, ſticking to the inſide of the Shell clear round, leaving a hollow in the middle of it, which contains about a Pint, more or leſs, according to the bigneſs of the Nut, for ſome are much bigger than others.

This Cavity is full of ſweet, delicate, wholſom and reſreſhing Water. While the Nut is growing, all the inſide is full of this Water, without any Kernel at all; but as the Nut grows towards its Maturity, the Kernel begins to gather and ſettle round on the inſide of the Shell, and is ſoft like Cream; and as the Nut ripens, it increaſeth in ſubſtance and becomes hard. The ripe Kernel is ſweet enough, but very hard to digeſt, therefore ſeldom eaten, unleſs by Strangers, who know not the effects of it; but while it is young and ſoft like Pap, ſome Men will eat it, ſcraping it out with a Spoon, after they have drunk the Water that was within it. I like the Water beſt when the Nut is almoſt ripe, for it is then ſweeteſt and briskeſt.

When theſe Nuts are ripe and gathered, the outſide Rind becomes of a brown ruſty colour; ſo that one would think that they were dead and dry; yet they will ſprout out like Onions, after they have been hanging in the Sun 3 or 4 Months, or thrown about in a Houſe or Ship, and if planted afterward in the Earth, they will grow up to a Tree. Before they thus ſprout out, there is a ſmall ſpungy round knob grows in the inſide, which we call an Apple. This at firſt is no bigger than the top of ones finger, but increaſeth daily, ſucking up the Water till it is grown ſo big as to fill up the Cavity of the Coco-nut, and then it begins to ſprout forth. By this time the Nut that was hard, begins to grow oily and ſoft, thereby giving paſſage to the Sprout that ſprings from the [293] Apple, which Nature hath ſo contrived, that it points to the hole in the Shell, (of which there are three, till it grows ripe, juſt where it's faſtned by its Stalk to the Tree; but one of theſe holes remains open, even when it is ripe) through which it creeps and ſpreads forth its Branches. You may let theſe teeming Nuts ſprout out a foot and half, or two foot high before you plant them, for they will grow a great while like an Onion out of their own Subſtance.

Beſide the Liquor or Water in the Fruit, there is alſo a ſort of Wine drawn from the Tree called Toddy, which looks like Whey. It is ſweet and very pleaſant, but it is to be drunk within 24 hours after it is drawn, for afterwards it grows ſowre. Thoſe that have a great many Trees, draw a Spirit from the ſowre Wine, called Arack. Arack is diſtill'd alſo from Rice, and other things in the Eaſt Indies; but none is ſo much eſteemed for making Punch as this ſort, made of Toddy, or the ſap of the Coco-nut Tree, for it makes moſt delicate Punch; but it muſt have a daſh of Brandy to hearten it, becauſe this Arack is not ſtrong enough to make good Punch of it ſelf. This ſort of Liquor is chiefly uſed about Goa; and therefore it has the Name of Goa Arack. The way of drawing the Toddy from the Tree, is by cutting the top of a Branch that would bear Nuts; but before it has any Fruit; and from thence the Liquor which was to feed its Fruit, diſtils into the hole of a Callabaſh that is hung upon it.

This Branch continues running almoſt as long as the Fruit would have been growing, and then it dries away. The Tree hath uſually three fruitful Branches, which if they be all tapp'd thus, then the Tree bears no Fruit that Year; but if one or two only be tapp'd, the other will bear Fruit all the while. The Liquor which is thus drawn is emptied out of the [294] Callabaſh duly Morning and Evening, ſo long as it continues running, and is ſold every Morning and Evening in moſt Towns in the Eaſt Indies, and great gains are produced from it even this way; but thoſe that diſtil it and make Arack, reap the greateſt profit. There is alſo great profit made of the Fruit, both of the Nut and the Shell.

The Kernel is much uſed in making Broath. When the Nut is dry, they take off the Husk, and giving two good Blows on the middle of the Nut, it breaks in two equal parts, letting the Water fall on the Ground; then with a ſmall Iron Raſp made for the purpoſe, the Kernel or Nut is raſped out clean, which being put into a little freſh Water, makes it become white as Milk. In this milky Water they boil a Fowl, or any other ſort of Fleſh, and it makes very ſavory Broath. Engliſh Seamen put this Water into boiled Rice, which they eat inſtead of Ricemilk, carrying Nuts purpoſely to Sea with them. This they learn from the Natives.

But the greateſt uſe of the Kernel is to make Oyl, both for burning and for frying. The way to make the Oyl is to grate or raſp the Kernel, and ſteep it in freſh Water; then boil it, and ſcum off the Oyl at top as it riſes: But the Nuts that make the Oyl ought to be a long time gathered, ſo as that the Kernel may be turning ſoft and oily.

The Shell of this Nut is uſed in the Eaſt Indies for Cups, Diſhes, Ladles, Spoons, and in a manner for all eating and drinking Veſſels. Well ſhaped Nuts are often brought home to Europe, and much eſteemed. The Husk of the Shell is of great uſe to make Cables; for the dry Husk is full of ſmall Strings and Threads, which being beaten, become ſoft, and the other Subſtance which was mixt among it falls away like Saw-duſt, leaving only the Strings. Theſe are afterwards ſpun into long Yarns, and twiſted up into Balls for Convenience: and many of theſe [295] Rope-Yarns joined together make good Cables. This Manufactory is chiefly uſed at the Maldive-Iſlands, and the Threads ſent in Balls into all places that Trade thither, purpoſely for to make Cables. I made a Cable at Achin with ſome of it. Theſe are called Coire Cables; they will laſt very well. But there is another ſort of Coire Cables (as they are called) that are black, and more ſtrong and laſting; and are made of Strings that grow, like Horſe-hair, at the heads of certain Trees, almoſt like the Coconut Tree. This ſort comes moſt from the Iſland Timor. In the South Seas the Spaniards do make Oakam to chalk their Ships, with the Husk of the Coco-nut, which is more ſerviceable than that made of Hemp, and they ſay it will never rot. I have been told by Captain Knox, who wrote the Relation of Ceylon, that in ſome places of India they make a ſort of courſe Cloth of the Husk of the Coco-nut, which is uſed for Sails. I my ſelf have ſeen a ſort of courſe Sail-cloth made of ſuch a kind of ſubſtance; but whether the ſame or no I know not.

I have been the longer on this ſubject, to give the Reader a particular Account of the uſe and profit of a Vegetable, which is poſſibly of all others the moſt generally ſerviceable to the conveniencies, as well as the neceſſities of humane Life. Yet this Tree, that is of ſuch great uſe, and eſteemed ſo much in the Eaſt Indies, is ſcarce regarded in the Weſt Indies, for want of the knowledge of the benefit which it may produce. And 'tis partly for the ſake of my Country-men, in our American Plantations, that I have ſpoken ſo largely of it. For the hot Climates there are a very proper ſoil for it: and indeed it is ſo hardy, both in the raiſing it, and when grown, that it will thrive as well in dry ſandy ground as in rich land. I have found them growing very well in low ſandy Iſlands (on the Weſt of Sumatra) that are over-flowed with the Sea every [296] Spring-tide; and though the Nuts there are not very big, yet this is no loſs, for the Kernel is thick and ſweet; and the Milk, or Water in the inſide, is more pleaſant and ſweet than of the Nuts that grow in rich ground, which are commonly large indeed, but not very ſweet. Theſe at Guam grow in dry ground, are of a middle ſize, and I think the ſweeteſt that I did ever taſte. Thus much for the Coco-nut.

The Lime is a ſort of baſtard or Crab Limon. The Tree, or Buſh that bears it, is prickly, like a Thorn, growing full of ſmall boughs. In Jamaica, and other places, they make of the Lime Buſh Fences about Gardens, or any other Incloſure, by planting the ſeeds cloſe together, which growing up thick, ſpread abroad, and make a very good Hedge. The Fruit is like a Limon, but a ſmaller; the rind thin, and the incloſed ſubſtance full of Juice. The Juice is very tart, yet of a pleaſant taſte ſweetned with Sugar. It is chiefly uſed for making Punch, both in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, as well aſhoar as at Sea, and much of it is for that purpoſe yearly brought home to England, from out Weſt India Plantations. It is alſo uſed for a particular kind of Sauce, which is called Pepper-Sauce, and is made of Cod-pepper, commonly call'd Guinea-pepper, boiled in Water, and then pickled with Salt, and mix'd with Lime-juice to preſerve it. Limes grow plentiful in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, within the Tropicks.

The Bread-fruit (as we call it) grows on a large Tree, as big and high as our largeſt Apple-Trees. It hath a ſpreading Head full of Branches, and dark Leaves. The Fruit grows on the Boughs like Apples; it is as big as a Penny-loaf, when Wheat is at five Shillings the Buſhel. It is of a round ſhape, and hath a thick t [...]ugh rind. When the Fruit is ripe, it is yellow and ſoft; and the taſte is ſweet [297] and pleaſant. The Natives of this Iſland uſe it for Bread: they gather it when full grown, while it is green and hard; then they bake it in an Oven, which ſcorcheth the rind and makes it black: but they ſcrape off the outſide black cruſt, and there remains a tender thin cruſt, and the inſide is ſoft, tender and white, like the crumb of a Penny Loaf. There is neither Seed nor Stone in the inſide, but all is of a pure ſubſtance like Bread: it muſt be eaten new, for if it is kept above 24 hours, it becomes dry, and eats harſh and choaky; but 'tis very pleaſant before it is too ſtale. This Fruit laſts in ſeaſon 8 Months in the Year; during which time the Natives eat no other ſort of food of Bread-kind. I did never ſee of this Fruit any where but here. The Natives told us, that there is plenty of this Fruit growing on the reſt of the Ladrone Iſlands; and I did never hear of any of it any where elſe.

They have here ſome Rice alſo: but the Iſland being of a dry Soil, and therefore not very proper for it, they do not ſow very much. Fiſh is ſcarce about this Iſland; yet on the ſhole that our Bark came over there was great plenty, and the Natives commonly go thither to fiſh.

The Natives of this Iſland are ſtrong bodied, large limb'd, and well-ſhap'd. They are Copper-coloured, like other Indians: their Hair is black and long, their Eyes meanly proportioned; they have pretty high Noſes; their Lips are pretty full, and their Teeth indifferent white. They are long viſaged, and ſtern of Countenance; yet we found them to be affable and Courteous. They are many of them troubled with a kind of a Leproſie. This diſtemper is very common at Mindanao: therefore I ſhall-ſpeak more of it in my next Chapter. They of Guam are otherwiſe very healthy, eſpecially in the dry ſeaſon: but in the wet ſeaſon, which comes in in June, and holds till October, the Air is more [298] thick and unwholſome; which occaſions Fevers: but the Rains are not violent nor laſting. For the Iſland lies ſo far Weſterly from the Philippine Iſlands, or any other Land, that the Weſterly Winds do ſeldom blow ſo far; and when they do, they do not laſt long: but the Eaſterly Winds do conſtantly blow here, which are dry and healthy; and this Iſland is found to be very healthful, as we were informed while we lay by it. The Natives are very ingenious beyond any People, in making Boats, or Proes, as they are called in the Eaſt Indies, and therein they take great delight. Theſe are built ſharp at both ends; the bottom is of one piece, made like the bottom of a little Canoa, very neatly dug, and left of a good ſubſtance. This bottom part is inſtead of a Keel. It is about 26 or 28 foot long; the under part of this Keel is made round, but inclining to a wedge, and ſmooth; and the upper part is almoſt flat, having a very gentle hollow, and is about a foot broad: From hence both ſides of the Boat are carried up to about 5 foot high with narrow Plank, not above 4 or 5 inches broad, and each end of the Boat turns up round, very prettily. But what is very ſingular, one ſide of the Boat is made perpendicular, like a Wall, while the other ſide is rounding, made as other Veſſels are, with a pretty full belly. Juſt in the middle it is about 4 or 5 foot broad aloft, or more, according to the length of the Boat. The Maſt ſtands exactly in the middle, with a long Yard that [...] up and down like a Mizen-yard. One end of it reacheth down to the end or head of the Boat, where it is placed in a notch, that is made there purpoſely to receive it, and keep it faſt. The other end hangs over the Stern: To this Yard the Sail is faſtened. At the foot of the Sail there is another ſmall Yard, to keep the Sail out ſquare, and to roll up the Sail on when it blows hard; for it ſerves inſtead of a [299] Reef to take up the Sail to what degree they pleaſe, according to the ſtrength of the Wind. Along the Belly-ſide of the Boat, parallel with it, at about 6 or 7 foot diſtance, lies another ſmall Boat, or Canoa, being a Log of very light Wood, almoſt as long as the great Boat, but not ſo wide, being not above a foot and an half wide at the upper part, and very ſharp like a Wedge at each end. And there are two Bamboas of about 8 or 10 foot long, and as big as ones Leg, placed over the great Boats ſide, one near each end of it, and reaching about 6 or 7 foot from the ſide of the Boat: By the help of which, the little Boat is made firm and contiguous to the other. Theſe are generally called by the Dutch, and by the Engliſh from them, Outlayers. The uſe of them is to keep the great Boat upright from over-ſetting; becauſe the Wind here being in a manner conſtantly Eaſt, (or if it were at Weſt it would be the ſame thing) and the Range of theſe Iſlands, where their buſineſs lies to and fro, being moſtly North and South, they turn the flat ſide of the Boat againſt the Wind, upon which they ſail, and the Belly-ſide, conſequently, with its little Boat, is upon the Lee: And the Veſſel having a Head at each end, ſo as to ſail with either of them foremoſt (indifferently) they need not tack, or go about, as all our Veſſels do, but each end of the Boat ſerves either for Head or Stern as they pleaſe. When they ply to Windward, and are minded to go about, he that Steers bears away a little from the Wind, by which means the Stern comes to the Wind; which is now become the Head, only by ſhifting the end of the Yard. This Boat is ſteered with a broad Paddle, inſtead of a Rudder. I have been the more particular in deſcribing theſe Boats, becauſe I do believe, they Sail the beſt of any Boats in the World. I did here for my own ſatiſfaction, try the ſwiſtneſs of one of them; ſailing [300] by our Log, we had 12 Knots on our Reel, and ſhe run it all out before the half Minute-Glaſs was half out; which, if it had been no more, is after the rate of 12 Mile an Hour; but I do believe ſhe would have run 24 Mile an Hour. It was very pleaſant to ſee the little Boat running a long ſo ſwift by the others ſide.

The Native Indians are no leſs dextrous in managing, than in building theſe Boats. By report, they will go from hence to another of the Ladrone Iſlands about 30 Leagues off, and there do their Buſineſs, and return again in leſs than 12 Hours. I was told that one of theſe Boats was ſent Expreſs to Manila, which is above 400 Leagues, and performed the Voyage in 4 Days time. There are of theſe Proes or Boats uſed in many places of the Eaſt Indies, but with a Belly and a little Boat on each ſide. Only at Mindanao I ſaw one like theſe, with the Belly and a little Boat only on one ſide, and the other flat, but not ſo neatly built.

The Indians of Guam have neat little Houſes, very handſomly thatch'd with Palmeto-thatch. They inhabit together in Villages built by the Sea, on the Weſt-ſide, and have Spaniſh Prieſts to inſtruct them in the Chriſtian Religion.

The Spaniards have a ſmall Fort on the Weſt ſide, near the South end, with ſix Guns in it. There is a Governour, and 20 or 30 Spaniſh Soldiers. There are no more Spaniards on this Iſland, beſide 2 or 3 Prieſts. Not long before we arrived here, the Natives roſe on the Spaniards to deſtroy them, and did kill many: But the Governour with his Soldiers at length prevailed, and drove them out of the Fort: So when they found themſelves diſappointed of their intent, they deſtroyed the Plantations and Stock, and then went away to other Iſlands: There were then 3 or 400 Indians on this Iſland; but now there are not above 100; for all that were [301] in this Conſpiracy went away. As for theſe who yet remain, if they were not actually concerned in that broil, yet their Hearts alſo are bent againſt the Spaniards: for they offered to carry us to the Fort, and aſſiſt us in the Conqueſt of the Iſland; but C. Swan was not for moleſting the Spaniards here.

Before we came to an Anchor here, one of the Prieſts came aboard in the Night, with 3 Indians. They firſt haled us to know from whence we came, and what we were: To whom anſwer was made in Spaniſh, that we were Spaniards, and that we came from Acapulco. It being dark they could not ſee the make of our Ship, nor very well diſcern what we were: Therefore we came aboard; but perceiving the miſtake they were in, in taking us for a Spaniſh Ship, they endeavoured to get from us again, but we held their Boat faſt, and made them [...]ome in. Capt. Swan received the Prieſt with much Civility, and conducting him into the Great Cabbin, declared, That the reaſon of our coming to this Iſland was want of Proviſon, and that he came not in any hoſtile manner, but as a Friend to purchaſe with his Money what he wanted: And therefore deſired the Prieſt to write a Letter to the Governour, to inform him what we were, and on what account we came. For having him now aboard, the Captain was willing to detain him as an Hoſtage, till we had Proviſion. The Padre told Captain Swan, that Proviſion was now ſcarce on the Iſland; but he would engage, that the Governour would do his utmoſt to furniſh us.

In the Morning the Indians, in whoſe Boat or Proe the Frier came aboard, were ſent to the Governour with two Letters; one from the Frier, and another very obliging one from Captain Swan, and a Preſent of four Yards of Scarlet-cloath, and a piece of broad Silver and Gold Lace. The Governour lives near the South end of the Iſland on the Weſt [302] ſide; which was about 5 Leagues from the place where we were; therefore we did not expect an anſwer till the Evening, not knowing then how nimble they were. Therefore when the Indian Canoa was diſpatched away to the Governour, we hoiſed out 2 of our Canoas, and ſent one a fiſhing, and the other aſhore for Coco-nuts. Our fiſhing Canoa got nothing; but the Men that went aſhore for Coco-nuts came off laden.

About 11 a Clock, that ſame Morning, the Governour of the Iſland ſent a Letter to Capt. Swan, complimenting him for his Preſent, and promiſing to ſupport us with as much Proviſion, as he could poſſibly ſpare; and as a Token of his Gratitude, he ſent a Preſent of 6 Hogs, of a ſmall ſort, moſt excellent Meat, the beſt I think, that ever I eat: They are fed with Coco-nuts, and their Fleſh is hard as Brisket Beef. They were doubtleſs of that breed in America which came originally from Spain. He ſent alſo 12 Musk-melons, larger than ours in England, and as many Water-melons, both ſorts here being a very excellent Fruit; and ſent an order to the Indians that lived in a Village not far from our Ship, to bake every day as much of the Bread-fruit as we did deſire, and to aſſiſt us in getting as many dry Coco-nuts as we would have; which they accordingly did, and brought off the Bread-Fruit every day hot, as much as we could eat. After this the Governour ſent every day a Canoa or two with Hogs and Fruit, and deſired for the ſame, Powder, Shot and Arms; which was ſent according to his Requeſt. We had a delicate large Engliſh Dog; which the Governour did deſire, and had it given him very freely by the Captain, though much againſt the grain of many of his Men, who had a great value for that Dog. Captain Swan endeavoured to get this Governour's Letter of Recommendation to ſome Merchants at Manila, for he [303] had then a deſign to go to Fort St. George, and from thence intended to trade to Manila: but this his deſign was concealed from the company. While we lay here, the Acapulco Ship arrived in ſight of the Iſland, but did not come in the ſight of us; for the Governour ſent an Indian Proe, with advice of our being here. Therefore ſhe ſtood off to the Southward of the Iſland, and coming foul of the ſame ſhole that our Bark had run over before, was in great danger of being loſt there, for ſhe ſtruck off her Rudder, and with much ado got clear; but not till after three days labour. For tho' the ſhole be ſo near the Iſland, and the Indians go off and fiſh there every day, yet the Maſter of the Acapulco Ship, who ſhould (one would think) know theſe Parts, was utterly ignorant of it. This their ſtriking on the ſhole we heard afterward, when we were on the Coaſt of Manila; but theſe Indians of Guam did ſpeak of her being in ſight of the Iſland while we lay there, which put our Men in a great heat to go out after her, but Captain Swan perſwaded them out of that humour, for he was now wholly averſe to any Hoſtile action.

The 30th day of May, the Governor ſent his laſt Preſent, which was ſome Hogs, a Jar of pickled Mangoes, a Jar of excellent pickled Fiſh, and a Jar of fine Rusk, or Bread of fine Wheat Flower, baked like Bisket, but not ſo hard. He ſent beſides, 6 or 7 packs of Rice, deſiring to be excuſed from ſending any more Proviſion to us, ſaying he had no more on the Iſland that he could ſpare. He ſent word alſo, that the Weſt Monſoon was at hand, that therefore it behoved us to be jogging from hence, unleſs we were reſolved to return back to America again. Captain Swan returned him thanks for his kindneſs and advice, and took his leave; and the ſame day ſent the Frier aſhoar, that was ſeized on at our firſt arrival, and gave him a large [304] Braſs Clock, an Aſtrolable, and a large Teleſcope: for which Preſent the Frier ſent us aboard ſix Hogs, and a Roaſting Pig, 3 or 4 Buſhels of Potatoes, and 50 pound of Manila Tobacco. Then we prepared to be gone, being pretty well furniſhed with Proviſion to carry us to Mindanao, where we deſigned next to touch. We took aboard us as many Coco-nuts as we could well ſtow, and we had a good ſtock of Rice, and about 50 Hogs in Salt.

CHAP. XI.

[305]

They reſolve to go to Mindanao. Their departare from Guam. Of the Philippine Iſlands. The Iſle Luconia, and its chief Town and Port, Manilo, Manila, or Manilbo. Of the rich Trade we might eſtabliſh with theſe Iſlands. St. John's Iſland. They arrive at Mindanao. The Iſland deſcribed. Its Fertility. The Libby Trees, and the Sago made of them. The Plantain Tree, Fruit, Liquor, and Cloath. A ſmaller Plantain at Mindanao. The Bonano. Of the Clove bark Cloves and Nutmegs, and the Methods taken by the Dutch to Monopolize the Spices. The Betel-Nut, and Arek-Tree. The Durian, and the Jaca-Tree and Fruit. The Beaſts of Mindanao. Centapees or Forty Legs, a venemous Inſect, and others. Their Fowls, Fiſh, &c. The temperature of the Climate, with the Courſe of the Winds, Tornadoes, Rain, and temper of the Air throughout the Year.

WHile we lay at Guam, we took up a Reſolution of going to Mindanao, one of the Philippine Iſlands, being told by the Frier, and others, that it was exceedingly well ſtored with Proviſions; that the Natives were Mahometans, and that they had formerly a Commerce with the Spaniards, but that now they were at Wars with them. This Iſland was therefore thought to be a convenient place for us to go to; for beſides that, it was in our [306] way to the Eaſt Indies, which we had reſolved to viſit; and that the Weſterly Monſoon was at hand, which would oblige us to ſhelter ſomewhere in a ſhort time, and that we could not expect good Harbours in a better place than in ſo large an Iſland as Mindanao: beſides all this, I ſay, the Inhabitants of Mindanao being then, as we were told, (tho' falſly) at Wars with the Spaniards, our Men, who it ſhould ſeem were very ſqueamiſh of plundering without Licence, derived hopes from thence of getting a Commiſſion there from the Prince of the Iſland, to plunder the Spaniſh Ships about Manila, and ſo to make Mindanao their common Rendezvous. And it Captain Swan was minded to go to an Engliſh Port, yet his Men, who thought he intended to leave them, hoped to get Veſſels and Pilots at Mindanao fit for their turn, to cruize on the Coaſt of Manila. As for Captain Swan, he was willing enough to go thither, as beſt ſuiting his own deſign; and therefore this Voyage was concluded on by general conſent.

Accordingly June 2d, 1686. we left Guam, bound for Mindanao. We had fair Weather, and a pretty ſmart gale of Wind at Eaſt, for 3 or 4 Days, and then it ſhifted to the S. W. being Rainy, but it ſoon came about again to the Eaſt, and blew a gentle gale; yet it often ſhuffled about to the S. E. For though in the Eaſt Indies the Winds ſhift in April, yet we found this to be the ſhifting ſeaſon for the Winds here; the other ſhifting ſeaſon being in October, ſooner or later, all over India. As to our courſe from Guam to the Philippine Iſlands, we found it (as I intimated before) agreeable enough with the account of our common Draughts.

The 21ſt Day of June we arrived at the Iſland St. John, which is one of the Philippine Iſlands. The Philippines are a great company of large Iſlands, taking up about 13 deg. of Lat. in length, reaching [307] near upon, from 5 d. of North Lat. to the 19th degree, and in breadth about 6 deg. of Longitude. They derive this Name from Philip II. King of Spain; and even now they do moſt of them belong to that Crown.

The chiefeſt Iſland in this range is Luconia, which lies on the North of them all. At this Iſland Magellan died on the Voyage that he was making round the World. For after he had paſt thoſe Streights between the South end of America and Terra del Fuego, which now bear his Name, and had ranged down in the South Seas on the back of America; from thence ſtretching over to the Eaſt-Indies, he fell in with the Ladrone Iſlands, and from thence ſteering Eaſt ſtill, he fell in with theſe Philippine Iſlands, and anchored at Luconia; where he warr'd with the Native Indians, to bring them in Obedience to his Maſter the King of Spain, and was by them kill'd with a Poyſoned Arrow. It is now wholly under the Spaniards, who have ſeveral Towns there. The chief is Manilo, which is a large Sea-port Town near the S. E. end, oppoſite to the Iſland Mindora. It is a place of great Strength and Trade: The two great Acapulco Ships before mentioned fetching from hence all ſorts of Eaſt-India Commodities; which are brought hither by Foreigners, eſpecially by the Chineſe, and the Portugueſe. Sometimes the Engliſh Merchants of Fort St. George ſend their Ships hither as it were by ſtealth, under the charge of Portugueſe Pilots and Mariners: For as yet we cannot get the Spaniards there to a Commerce with us or the Dutch, although they have but few Ships of their own. This ſeems to ariſe from a Jealouſie or Fear of diſcovering the Riches of theſe Iſlands, for moſt, if not all the Philippine Iſlands, are rich in Gold: And the Spaniards have no place of much ſtrength in all theſe Iſlands that I could ever hear of, beſides Manilo it ſelf. Yet they have Villages [308] and Towns on ſeveral of the Iſlands, and Padres or Prieſts to inſtruct the Native Indians, from whom they get their Gold.

The Spaniſh Inhabitants, of the ſmaller Iſlands eſpecially, would willingly trade with us if the Government was not ſo ſevere againſt it: for they have no Goods but what are brought from Manilo at an extraordinary dear rate. I am of the Opinion, That if any of our Nations would ſeek a Trade with them, they would not loſe their labour; for the Spaniards can and will Smuggle (as our Seamen call Trading by ſtealth) as well as any Nation that I know; and our Jamaicans are to their profit ſenſible enough of it. And I have been informed that Captain Goodlud of London, in a Voyage which he made from Mindanao to China, touch'd at ſome of theſe Iſlands, and was civilly treated by the Spaniards, who bought ſome of his Commodities, giving him a very good Price for the ſame.

There are about 12 or 14 more large Iſlands lying to the Southward of Luconia; moſt of which as I ſaid before, are inhabited by the Spaniards. Beſides theſe there are an infinite number of ſmall Iſlands of no account, and even the great Iſlands, many of them, are without Names; or at leaſt ſo variouſly ſet down, that I find the ſame Iſlands named by divers Names.

The Iſland St. John and Mindanao are the Southermoſt of all theſe Iſlands, and are the only Iſlands in all this Range that are not ſubject to the Spaniards.

St. John's Iſland is on the Eaſt-ſide of the Mindanao, and diſtant from it 3 or 4 Leagues. It is in lat. about 7 or 8 North. This Iſland is in length about 38 Leagues, ſtretching N. N. W. and S. S. E. and it is in breadth about 24 Leagues, in the middle of the Iſland. The Northermoſt end is broader, and the Southermoſt is narrower: This Iſland is of a [309] good heighth, and is full of many ſmall Hills. The Land at the South-Eaſt end (where I was aſhoar) is of a black fat Mould; and the whole Iſland ſeems to partake of the ſame fatneſs, by the vaſt number of large Trees that it produceth; for it looks all over like one great Grove.

As we were paſſing by the S. E. end we ſaw a Canoa of the Natives under the ſhoar; therefore one of our Canoas went after to have ſpoken with her; but ſhe run away from us, ſeeing themſelves chaced, put their Canoa aſhoar, leaving her, fled into the Woods; nor would be allured to come to us, altho' we did what we could to entice them; beſides theſe Men, we ſaw no more here, nor ſign of any Inhabitants at this end.

When we came aboard our Ship again, we ſteered away for the Iſland Mindanao, which was now fair in ſight of us: it being about 10 leagues diſtant from this part of St. John's. The 22d day we came within a league of the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland Mindanao, and having the Wind at S. E. we ſteered toward the North-end, keeping on the Eaſt-ſide, till we came into the lat. of 7 d. 40 m. and there we anchored in a ſmall Bay, about a Mile from the Shoar, in 10 Fathom Water, Rocky foul ground.

Some of our Books gave us an account, That Mindanao City and Iſle lies in 7 d. 40 m. we gueſt that the middle of the Iſland might lie in this lat. but we were at a great loſs where to find the City, whether on the Eaſt or Weſt ſide. Indeed, had it been a ſmall Iſland, lying open to the Eaſtern Wind, we might probably have ſearched firſt on the Weſt-ſide; for commonly the Iſlands within the Tropicks, or within the bounds of the Trade-Winds, have their Harbours on the Weſt-ſide, as beſt ſheltered; but the Iſland Mindanao being guarded on the Eaſt-ſide by St. John's Iſland, we might as reaſonably expect to find the Harbour and City on [310] this ſide, as any where elſe: but coming into the Lat. in which we judg'd the City might be, found no Canoas, or People, that might give us any umbrage of a City, or place of Trade near at hand, tho' we coaſted within a League of the Shoar.

The Iſland Mindanao is the biggeſt of all the Philippine Iſlands, except Luconia. It is about 60 Leagues long, and 40 or 50 broad. The South end is in about 5 d. N. and the N. W. end reacheth almoſt to 8 d. N. It is a very Mountainous Iſland, full of Hills and Valleys. The Mould in general is deep and black, and extraordinary fat and fruitful. The ſides of the Hills are ſtony, yet productive enough of very large tall Trees. In the heart of the Country there are ſome Mountains that yield good Gold. The Valleys are well moiſtned with pleaſant Brooks, and ſmall Rivers of delicate Water; and have Trees of divers ſorts flouriſhing and green all the Year. The Trees in general are very large, and moſt of them are of kinds unknown to us.

There is one ſort which deſerves particular notice; called by the Natives Libby-Trees. Theſe grow wild in great Groves of 5 or 6 Miles long, by the ſides of the Rivers. Of theſe Trees Sago is made, which the poor Country People eat inſtead of Bread 3 or 4 Months in the Year. This Tree for its body and ſhape is much like the Palmeto-Tree, or the Cabbage-Tree, but not ſo tall as the latter. The Bark and Wood is hard and thin like a Shell, and full of white Pith, like the Pith of an Elder. This Tree they cut down, and ſplit it in the middle, and ſcrape out all the Pith; which they beat Iuſtily with a Wooden Peſtle in a great Mortar or Trough, and then put it into a Cloth or Strainer held over a Trough; and pouring Water in among the Pith, they ſtir it about in the Cloth: So the Water carries all the ſubſtance of the Pith through the Cloth down into the Trough, leaving nothing in [311] the Cloth but a light ſort of Husk, which they throw away; but that which falls into the Trough ſettles in a ſhort time to the bottom like Mud; and then they draw off the Water, and take up the muddy ſubſtance, wherewith they make Cakes; which being baked proves very good Bread.

The Mindanao People live 3 or 4 Months of the Year on this Food for their Bread kind. The Native Indians of Teranate, and Tidore, and all the Spice Iſlands, have plenty of theſe Trees, and uſe them for Food in the ſame manner; as I have been inform'd by Mr. Caril Rofy, who is now Commander of one of the King's Ships. He was one of our Company at this time; and being left with Captain Swan at Mindanao, went afterwards to Teranate, and lived there among the Dutch a Year or two. The Sago which is tranſported into other parts of the Eaſt Indies, is dried in ſmall pieces like little Seeds or Comfits, and commonly eaten with Milk of Almonds, by thoſe that are troubled with the Flux; for it is a great binder, and very good in that Diſtemper.

In ſome places of Mindanao there is plenty of Rice; but in the hilly Land they plant Yams, Potatoes, and Pumkins; all which thrive very well. The other Fruits of this Iſland are Water-Melons, Musk-Melons, Plaintains, Bonanoes, Guavas, Nutmegs, Cloves, Betel-Nuts, Durians, Jacks, or Jacas, Coco-Nuts, Oranges, &c.

The Plantain I take to be the King of all Fruit, not except the Coco it ſelf. The Tree that bears this Fruit is about 3 Foot, or 3 Foot and an half round, and about 10 or 12 Foot high. Theſe Trees are not raiſed from Seed, (for they ſeem not to have any) but from the Roots of other old Trees. If theſe young ſuckers are taken out of the Ground, and planted in another place, it will be 15 Months before they bear, but if let ſtand in their own native [312] Soil they will bear in 12 Months. As ſoon as the Fruit is ripe the Tree decays, but then there are many young ones growing up to ſupply its place. When this Tree firſt ſprings out of the Ground, it comes up with two Leaves; and by that time it is a Foot high, two more ſprings up in the inſide of them; and in a ſhort time after two more within them; and ſo on. By that time the Tree is a Month old, you may perceive a ſmall body almoſt as big as ones Arm, and then there are eight or ten Leaves, ſome of them four or five Foot high. The firſt Leaves that it ſhoots forth are not above a Foot long, and half a Foot broad; and the Stem that bears them no bigger than ones Finger; but as the Tree grows higher the Leaves are larger. As the young Leaves ſpring up up in the inſide, ſo the old Leaves ſpread off, and their tops droop downward, being of a greater length and breadth, by how much they are nearer the Root, and at laſt decay and rot off: but ſtill there are young Leaves ſpring up out of the top, which makes the Tree look always green and flouriſhing. When the Tree is full grown, the Leaves are 7 or 8 Foot long, and a Foot and half broad; towards the end they are ſmaller, and end with a round point. The Stem of the Leaf is as big as a Man's Arm, almoſt round, and about a Foot in length, between the Leaf and the Body of the Tree. That part of the Stem which comes from the Tree, if it be the outſide Leaf, ſeems to incloſe half the Body, as it were with a thick Hide; and right againſt it, on the other ſide of the Tree, is another ſuch anſwering to it. The next two Leaves, in the inſide of theſe, grow oppoſite to each other, in the ſame manner, but ſo that if the two outward grow North and South, theſe grow Eaſt and Weſt, and thoſe ſtill within them keep the ſame order. Thus the Body of this Tree ſeems to be made up of many thick Skins, growing one over another, and when it is full grown, there [313] ſprings out of the top a ſtrong Stem, harder in ſubſtance than any other part of the Body. This Stem ſhoots forth at the Heart of the Tree, is as big as a Man's Arm, and as long; and the Fruit grows in cluſters round it, firſt bloſſoming, and then ſhooting forth the Fruit. It is ſo excellent, that the Spaniards give it the preheminence of all other Fruit, as moſt conducing to Life. It grows in a Cod about 6 or 7 Inches long, and as big as a Man's Arm. The Shell, Rind or Cod, is ſoft, and of a yellow colour when ripe. It reſembles in ſhape a Hogs-gut Pudding. The incloſed Fruit is no harder than Butter in Winter, and is much of the colour of the pureſt yellow Butter. It is of a delicate taſte, and melts in ones Mouth like Marmalet. It is all pure Pulp, without any Seed, Kernel or Stone. This Fruit is ſo much eſteemed by all Europeans that ſettle in America, that when they make a new Plantation, they commonly begin with a good Plantain-walk, as they call it, or a Field of Plantains; and as their Family encreaſeth, ſo they augment the Plantain-walk, keeping one Man purpoſely to prune the Trees, and gather the Fruit as he ſees convenient. For the Trees continue bearing, ſome or other, moſt part of the Year; and this is many times the whole Food on which a whole Family ſubſiſts. They thrive only in rich fat ground, for poor ſandy will nor bear them. The Spaniards in their Towns in America, as at Havana, Cartagena, Portabel, &c. have their Markets full of Plantains, it being the common Food for poor People: Their common price is half a Riol, or 3 d. a Dozen. When this Fruit is only uſed for Bread, it is roaſted or boil'd when it's juſt full grown, but not yet ripe, or turn'd yellow. Poor People, or Negroes, that have neither Fiſh nor Fleſh to eat with it, make Sauce with Cod-pepper, Salt and Lime-juice, which makes it eat very ſavory; much better than a cruſt of Bread alone. Sometimes for [314] a change they eat a roaſted Plantain, and a ripe raw Plantain together, which is inſtead of Bread and Butter. They eat very pleaſant ſo, and I have made many a good meal in this manner. Sometimes our Engliſh take 5 or 7 ripe Plantains, and maſhing them together, make them into a lump, and boil them inſtead of a Bag-pudding; which they call a Buff-Jacket: and this is a very good way for a change. This Fruit makes alſo very good Tarts; and the green Plantains ſlic'd thin, and dried in the Sun, and grated, will make a ſort of Flour which is very good to make Puddings. A ripe Plantain ſlic'd and dried in the Sun may be preſerved a great while; and then eats like Figs, very ſweet and pleaſant. The Darien Indians preſerve them a long time, by drying them gently over the Fire; maſhing them firſt, and moulding them into lumps The Moskito Indians will take a ripe Plantain and roaſt it; then take a pint and half of Water in a Calabaſh, and ſqueeze the Plantain in pieces with their Hands, mixing it with the Water; then they drink it all off together: This they call Miſhlaw, and it's pleaſant and ſweet, and nouriſhing; ſomewhat like Lambs-wool (as 'tis call'd) made with Apples and Ale: and of this Fruit alone many thouſands of Indian Families in the Weſt-Indies have their whole ſubſiſtence. When they make Drink with them, they take 10 or 12 ripe Plantains and maſh them well in a Trough: then they put 2 Gallons of Water among them; and this in 2 Hours time will ferment and froth like Wort. In 4 Hours it is fit to Drink, and then they Bottle it, and Drink it as they have occaſion: but this will not keep above 24 or 30 Hours. Thoſe therefore that uſe this Drink, Brew it in this manner every Morning. When I went firſt to Jamaica I could reliſh no other Drink they had there. It drinks brisk and cool, and is very pleaſant. This Drink is windy, and ſo is the Fruit eaten raw; but [315] boil'd or roaſted it is not ſo. If this Drink is kept above 30 Hours it grows ſharp: but if then it be put out into the Sun, it will become very good Vinegar. This Fruit grows all over the Weſt-Indies (in the proper Climates) at Guinea, and in the Eaſt-Indies.

As the Fruit of this Tree is of great uſe for Food, ſo is the Body no leſs ſerviceable to make Cloaths; but this I never knew till I came to this Iſland. The ordinary People of Mindanao do wear no other Cloth. The Tree never bearing but once, and ſo being fell'd when the Fruit is ripe, they cut it down cloſe by the Ground, if they intend to make Cloth with it. One blow with a Hachet, or long Knife, will ſtrike it aſunder; then they cut off the top, leaving the trunk 8 or 10 foot long, ſtripping off the outer Rind, which is thickeſt towards the lower end, having ſtript 2 or 3 of theſe Rinds, the Trunk becomes in a manner all of one bigneſs, and of a whitiſh colour: Then they ſplit the Trunk in the middle; which being done, they ſplit the two halves again, as near the middle as they can. This they leave in the Sun 2 or 3 Days, in which time part of the juicy ſubſtance of the Tree dries away, and then the ends will appear full of ſmall Threads. The Women, whoſe employment it is to make the Cloth, take hold of thoſe Threads one by one, which rend away eaſily from one end of the Trunk to the other, in bigneſs like whited brown-thread; for the threads are naturally of a determinate bigneſs, as I obſerved their Cloth to be all of one ſubſtance and equal fineneſs; but 'tis ſtubborn when new, wears out ſoon, and when wet, feels a little ſlimy. They make their pieces 7 or 8 Yards long, their Warp and Woof all one thickneſs and ſubſtance.

There is another ſort of Plantains in that Iſland, which are ſhorter and leſs than the others, which I never ſaw any where but here. Theſe are full [316] of black Seeds mixt quite through the Fruit. They are binding, and are much eaten by thoſe that have Fluxes. The Country People gave them us for that uſe, and with good ſucceſs.

The Bonano Tree is exactly like the Plantain for ſhape and bigneſs, nor eaſily diſtinguiſhable from it but by its Fruit, which is a great deal ſmaller, and not above half ſo long as a Plantain, being alſo more mellow and ſoft, leſs luſcious, yet of a more delicate taſte. They uſe this for the making Drink oftner than Plantains, and it is beſt when uſed for Drink, or eaten as Fruit; but it is not ſo good for Bread, nor doth it eat well at all when roaſted or boil'd; ſo 'tis only neceſſity that makes any uſe it this way. They grow generally where Plantains do, being ſet intermixt with them purpoſely in their Plantain-walks. They have plenty of Clove-bark, of which I ſaw a Ship load; and as for Cloves, Raja Laut, whom I ſhall have occaſion to mention, told me, that if the Engliſh would ſettle there, they could order Matters ſo in a little time, as to ſend a Ship-load of Cloves from thence every Year. I have been informed that they grow on the Boughs of a Tree about as big as a Plumb-tree, but I never happened to ſee any of them.

I have not ſeen the Nutmeg-trees any where; but the Nutmegs this Iſland produces are ſair and large, yet they have no great ſtore of them, being unwilling to propagate them or the Cloves, for fear that ſhould invite the Dutch to viſit them, and bring them into ſubjection, as they have done the reſt of the neighbouring Iſlands where they grow. For the Dutch being ſeated among the Spice-Iſlands, have monopolized all the Trade into their own Hands, and will not ſuffer any of the Natives to diſpoſe of it, but to themſelves alone. Nay, they are ſo careful to preſerve it in their own Hands, that they will not ſuffer the Spice to grow in the [317] uninhabited Iſlands, but ſend Soldiers to cut the Trees down. Captain Rofy told me, that while he lived with the Dutch, he was ſent with other Men to cut down the Spice-Trees; and that he himſelf did at ſeveral times cut down 7 or 800 Trees. Yet altho' the Dutch take ſuch care to deſtroy them, there are many uninhabited Iſlands that have great plenty of Spice-Trees, as I have been informed by Dutch Men that have been there, particularly by a Captain of a Dutch Ship that I met with at Achin, who told me, that near the Iſland Banda there is an Iſland where the Cloves falling from the Trees do lie and rot on the ground, and they are at the time when the Fruit falls, 3 or 4 Inches thick under the Trees. He and ſome others told me, that it would not be a hard matter for an Engliſh Veſſel to purchaſe a Ships Cargo of Spice, of the Natives of ſome of theſe Spice-Iſlands.

He was a free Merchant that told me this. For by that name the Dutch and Engliſh in the Eaſt-Indies, diſtinguiſh thoſe Merchants who are not Servants to the Company. The free Merchants are not ſuffered to Trade to the Spice-Iſlands, nor to many other places where the Dutch have Factories; but on the other Hand, they are ſuffered to Trade to ſome places where the Dutch Company themſelves may not Trade, as to Achin particularly, for there are ſome Princes in the Indies, who will not Trade with the Company for fear of them. The Seamen that go to the Spice-Iſlands are obliged to bring no Spice from thence for themſelves, except a ſmall matter for their own uſe, about a pound or two. Yet the Maſters of thoſe Ships do commonly ſo order their buſineſs, that they often ſecure a good quantity, and ſend it aſhoar to ſome place near Batavia, before they come into that Harbour, (for it is always brought thither firſt before it's ſent to Europe,) and if they meet any Veſſel at Sea that [318] will buy their Cloves, they will ſell 10 or 15 Tuns out of 100, and yet ſeemingly carry their Complement to Batavia; for they will pour Water among the remaining part of their Cargo, which will ſwell them to that degree, that the Ships Hold will be as full again, as it was before any were ſold. This Trick they uſe whenever they diſpoſe of any clandeſtinely, for the Cloves when they firſt take them in are extraordinary dry; and ſo will imbibe a great deal of Moiſture. This is but one Inſtance, of many hundreds, of little deceitful Arts the Dutch Sea-Men have in theſe Parts among them, of which I have both ſeen and heard ſeveral. I believe there are no where greater Thieves; and nothing will perſuade them to diſcover one another; for ſhould any do it, the reſt would certainly knock him on the Head. But to return to the Products of Mindanao.

The Betel-Nut is much eſteemed here, as it is in moſt places of the Eaſt Indies. The Betel-Tree grows like the Cabbage-Tree, but it is not ſo big, nor ſo high. The Body grows ſtrait, about 12 or 14 foot high, without Leaf or Branch, except at the Head. There it ſpreads forth long Branches, like other Trees of the like nature, as the Cabbage-Tree, the Coco-Nut Tree, and the Palm. Theſe Branches are about 10 or 12 foot long, and their ſtems near the head of the Tree, as big as a Man's Arm. On the top of the Tree among the Branches the Betel-Nut grows on a tough ſtem, as big as a Man's Finger, in cluſters much as the Coco-Nuts do, and they grow 40 or 50 in a cluſter. This Fruit is bigger than a Nutmeg, and is much like it, but rounder. It is much uſed all over the Eaſt-Indies. Their way is to cut it in four pieces, and wrap one of them up in an Arek leaf, which they ſpread with a ſoft Paſte made of Lime or Plaſter, and then chew it altogether. [319] Every Man in theſe parts carries his Lime-Box by his ſide, and dipping his Finger into it, ſpreads his Betel and Arek leaf with it. The Arek is a ſmall Tree or Shrub, of a green Bark, and the Leaf is long and broader than a Willow. They are packt up to ſell into Parts that have them not, to chew with the Betel. The Betel-Nut is moſt eſteem'd when it is young, and before it grows hard, and then they cut it only in two pieces with the green Husk or Shell on it. It is then exceeding juicy, and therefore makes them ſpit much. It taſtes rough in the Mouth, and dies the Lips red, and makes the Teeth black, but it preſerves them, and cleanſeth the Gums. It is alſo accounted very wholſom for the Stomach; but ſometimes it will cauſe great giddineſs in the Head of thoſe that are not us'd to chew it. But this is the effect only of the old Nut, for the young Nuts will not do it. I ſpeak of my own Experience.

This Iſland produceth alſo Durians and Jacks, The Trees that bear the Durians, are as big as Apple Trees, full of Boughs. The Rind is thick and rough; the Fruit is ſo large that they grow only about the Bodies, or on the Limbs near the Body, like the Cacao. The Fruit is about the bigneſs of a large Pumkin, covered with a thick green rough Rind. When it is ripe, the Rind begins to turn yellow, but it is not fit to eat till it opens at the top. Then the Fruit in the inſide is ripe, and ſends forth an excellent Scent. When the Rind is opened, the Fruit may be ſplit into four quarters; each quarter hath ſeveral ſmall Cells, that incloſe a certain quantity of the Fruit, according to the bigneſs of the Cell, for ſome are larger than others. The largeſt of the Fruit may be as big as a Pullets Egg: 'Tis as white as Milk, and as ſoft as Cream, and the Taſte very delicious to thoſe that are accuſtomed to them; but thoſe who have not been [320] uſed to eat them, will diſlike them at firſt, becauſe they ſmell like roaſted Onions. This Fruit muſt be eaten in its prime, (for there is no eating of it before it is ripe) and even then 'twill not keep above a day or two before it putrifies, and turns black, or of a dark colour, and then it is not good. Within the Fruit there is a Stone as big as a ſmall Bean, which hath a thin Shell over it. Thoſe that are minded to eat the Stones or Nuts, roaſt them, and then a thin Shell comes off, which incloſes the Nut; and it eats like a Cheſnut.

The Jack or Jaca is much like the Durian, both in bigneſs and ſhape. The Trees that bear them alſo are much a like, and ſo is their manner of the Fruits growing. But the inſide is different; for the Fruit of the Durian is white, that of the Jack is yellow, and fuller of Stones. The Durian is moſt eſteemed; yet the Jack is very pleaſant Fruit, and the Stones or Kernels are good roaſted.

There are many other ſorts of Grain, Roots and Fruits in this Iſland, which to give a particular deſcription of would fill up a large Volume.

In this Iſland are alſo many ſorts of Beaſts, both wild and tame; as Horſes, Bulls, and Cows, Buffaloes, Goats, Wild Hogs, Deer, Monkies, Guano's, Lizards, Snakes, &c. I never ſaw or heard of any Beaſts of Prey here, as in many other places. The Hogs are ugly Creatures; they have all great Knobs growing over their Eyes, and there are multitudes of them in the Woods. They are commonly very poor, yet ſweet. Deer are here very plentiful in ſome places, where they are not diſturbed.

Of the venemous kind of Creatures here are Scorpions, whoſe ſting is in their Tail; and Centapees, call'd by the Engliſh 40 Legs, both which are alſo common in the Weſt-Indies, in Jamaica, and elſewhere. Theſe Centapees are 4 or 5 Inches long, as big as [321] a Gooſe-Quill, but flattiſh; of a Dun or reddiſh colour on the Back, but Belly whitiſh, and full of Legs on each ſide the Belly. Their Sting or bite is more raging than the Scorpion. They lie in old Houſes, and dry Timber. There are ſeveral ſorts of Snakes, ſome very Poiſonous. There is another ſort of Creature like a Guano both in colour and ſhape, but four times as big, whoſe Tongue is like a ſmall Harpoon, having two beards like the beards of a Fiſhook. They are ſaid to be very venemous, but I know not their Names. I have ſeen them in other places alſo, as at Pulo Condore, or the Iſland Condore, and at Achin, and have been told that they are in the Bay of Bengal.

The Fowls of this Country are Ducks and Hens: Other tame Fowl I have not ſeen nor heard of any. The wild Fowl are Pidgeons, Parrots, Parakits, Turtle Doves, and abundance of ſmall Fowls. There are Bats as big as a Kite.

There are a great many Harbours, Creeks, and good Bays for Ships to ride in; and Rivers navigable for Canoas, Proes or Barks, which are all plentifully ſtored with Fiſh of divers ſorts, ſo is alſo the adjacent Sea. The chiefeſt Fiſh are Bonetas, Snooks, Cavally's, Bremes, Mullets, 10 Pounders, &c. Here are alſo plenty of Sea Turtle, and ſmall Manatee, which are not near ſo big as thoſe in the Weſt-Indies. The biggeſt that I ſaw would not weigh above 600 Pound, but the fleſh both of the Turtle and Manatee are very ſweet.

The Weather at Mindanao is temperate enough as to heat, for all it lies ſo near the Equator, and eſpecially on the borders near the Sea. There they commonly enjoy the breezes by day, and cooling Land Winds at Night. The Winds are Eaſterly one part of the Year, and Weſterly the other. The Eaſterly Winds begin to blow in October, and it is the middle of November before they are ſettled.

[322] Theſe Winds bring fair Weather. The Weſterly Winds begin to blow in May, but are not ſettled till a Month afterwards. The Weſt Winds always bring Rain, Tornadoes, and very Tempeſtuous Weather. At the firſt coming in of theſe Winds they blow but faintly; but then the Tornadoes riſe one in a Day, ſometimes two. Theſe are Thunder-ſhowers which commonly come againſt the Wind, bringing with them a contrary Wind to what did blow before. After the Tornadoes are over, the Wind ſhifts about again, and the Sky becomes clear, yet then in the Valleys and the ſides of the Mountains, there riſeth a thick fog, which covers the Land. The Tornadoes continue thus for a Week or more; then they come thicker, two or three in a Day, bringing violent guſts of Wind, and terrible claps of Thunder. At laſt they come ſo faſt, that the Wind remains in the quarter from whence theſe Tornadoes do riſe, which is out of the Weſt, and there it ſettles till October or November. When theſe Weſtward Winds are thus ſettled, the Sky is all in mourning, being covered with black Clouds, pouring down exceſſive Rains ſome times mixt with Thunder and Lightning, that nothing can be more diſmal. The Winds raging to that degree, that the biggeſt Trees are torn up by the Roots, and the Rivers ſwell and overflow their Banks, and drown the low Land, carrying great Trees into the Sea. Thus it continues ſometimes a week together, before the Sun or Stars appear. The fierceſt of this Weather is in the latter end of July and in Auguſt, for then the Towns ſeem to ſtand in a great Pond, and they go from one Houſe to another in Canoas. At this time the Water carries away all the filth and naſtineſs from under their Houſes. Whilſt this tempeſtuous ſeaſon laſts, the Weather is Cold and Chilly. In September the Weather is more moderate, and the Winds are not ſo [323] fierce, nor the Rain ſo violent. The Air thenceforward begins to be more clear and delightſome; but then in the morning there are thick Fogs, continuing till 10 or 11 a Clock before the Sun ſhines out, eſpecially when it has rained in the Night. In October the Eaſterly Winds begin to blow again, and bring fair Weather till April. Thus much concerning the natural ſtate of Mindanao.

CHAP. XII.

[324]

Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Iſle of Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly ſo called; Their Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A Comical Cuſtom at Mindanao. Their Houſes, their Diet, and Waſhings. The Languages ſpoken there, and Tranſactions with the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and ſeeming deſire of the Engliſh. Their Handy-crafts, and peculiar ſort of Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A ſort of Leproſie there, and other Diſtempers. Their Marriages. The Sultan of Mindano, his Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut the General, Brother to the Sultan, and his Family. Their way of Fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock or Drum in their Moſques. Of their Circumciſion, and the Solemnity then uſed. Of other their Religious Obſervations and Superſtitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Fleſh, &c.

THis Iſland is not ſubject to one Prince, neither is the Language one and the ſame; but the People are much alike, in colour, ſtrength, and ſtature. They are all or moſt of them of [325] one Religion, which is Mahometaniſm, and their cuſtoms and manner of living are alike. The Mindanao People, more particularly ſo called, are the greateſt Nation in the Iſland, and trading by Sea with other Nations, they are therefore the more civil. I ſhall ſay but little of the reſt, being leſs known to me, but ſo much as hath come to my knowledge, take as follows. There are beſides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones, (as they call them) or the Mountaneers, the Sologues and Alſoores.

The Hilanoones live in the heart of the Country: They have little or no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14 Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with their Gold buy forreign Commodities of the Mindanao People. They have alſo plenty of Bees-Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities.

The Sologues inhabit the N. W. end of the Iſland. They are the leaſt Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proes, and to ſome of the Neighbouring Iſlands, but have no Commerce with the Mindanao People.

The Alſoores are the ſame with the Mindanayans, and were formerly under the ſubjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were divided between the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of their own; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultan of Mindanao, this has occaſioned that Prince to claim them again as his Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away, as I afterwards underſtood.

The Mindanayans properly ſo called, are Men of mean ſtatures; ſmall Limbs, ſtraight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, their Foreheads flat, with black ſmall Eyes, ſhort low Noſes, pretty large Mouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very ſound, their Hair [326] black and ſtraight, the colour of their Skin tawney, but inclining to a brighter yellow than ſome other Indians, eſpecially the Women. They have a Cuſtom to wear their Thumb-nails very long, eſpecially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it but ſcrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and thieviſh, and will not work except forced by Hunger. This lazineſs is natural to moſt Indians; but theſe People's lazineſs ſeems rather to proceed not ſo much from their natural Inclinations, as from the ſeverity of their Prince of whom they ſtand in awe: For he dealing with them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps their Induſtry, ſo they never ſtrive to have any thing but from Hand to Mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very ſtately. They are civil enough to Strangers, and will eaſily be acquainted with them, and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to their Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently poiſoning ſecretly thoſe that have affronted them.

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a ſhort Turbat, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the Head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocks and Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes.

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long; which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their Poles. They are more round viſaged than the Men, and generally well featured; only their Noſes are very ſmall, and ſo low between their Eyes, that in ſome of the Female Children the riſing that ſhould be between the Eyes is ſcarce diſcernable; neither is there any [327] ſenſible riſing in their Foreheads. At a diſtance they appear very well; but being nigh, theſe Impediments are very obvious. They have very ſmall Limbs. They wear but two Garments; a Frock, and a ſort of Petticoat; the Petticoat is only a piece of Cloth, ſowed both ends together: but it is made two Foot too big for their Waſtes, ſo that they may wear either end uppermoſt: that part that comes up to their Waſtes, becauſe it is ſo much to big, they gather it in their Hands, and twiſt it till it ſits cloſe to their Waſtes, tucking in the twiſted part between their Waſte and the edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it cloſe. The Frock ſits looſe about them, and reaches down a little below the Waſte. The Sleeves are a great deal longer than their Arms, and ſo ſmall at the end, that their Hands will ſcarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve ſits in folds about the wriſt, wherein they take great pride.

The better ſort of People have their Garments made of long Cloth; but the ordinary ſort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which they call Saggen, by which Name they call the Plantain. They have neither Stocking or Shooe, and the VVomen have very ſmall Feet.

The VVomen are very deſirous of the company of Strangers, eſpecially of VVhite Men; and doubtleſs would be very familiar, if the Cuſtom of the Country did not debar them from that freedom, which ſeems coveted by them. Yet from the higheſt to the loweſt they are allowed liberty to converſe with, or treat Strangers in the fight of their Husbands.

There is a kind of begging Cuſtom at Mindanao, that I have not met elſewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to the little Trade they have; which is thus: VVhen Strangers arrive here, the Mindanao Men will come aboard, [328] and invite them to their Houſes, and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have from the Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiar Male-friend; a Pagally is an Innocent Platonick Friend of the other Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this Acquaintance and Familiarity, which muſt be firſt purchaſed with a ſmall Preſent, and afterwards confirmed with ſome Gift or other to continue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes aſhore, he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally's Houſe, where he may be entertained for his Money, to Eat, Drink, or Sleep; and complimented, as often as he comes aſhore, with Tobacco and Betel-Nut, which is all the Entertainment he muſt expect gratis. The richeſt Mens Wives are allow'd the freedom to converſe with her Pagally in publick, and may give or receive Preſents from him. Even the Sultans and the Generals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their Cages when a Stranger paſſeth by, and demand of him if he wants a Pagally: and to invite him to their Friendſhip, will ſend a Preſent of Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants.

The chiefeſt City on this Iſland is called by the ſame name of Mindanao. It is ſeated on the South ſide of the Iſland, in lat. 7 d. 20 m. N. on the banks of a ſmall River, about two Mile from the Sea. The manner of building is ſomewhat ſtrange: yet generally uſed in this part of the Eaſt-Indies. Their Houſes are all built on Poſts, about 14, 16, 18, or 20 Foot high. Theſe Poſts are bigger or leſs, according to the intended magnificence of the Superſtructure. They have but one Floor, but many Partitions or Rooms, and a Ladder or Stairs to go up out of the Streets. The Roof is large, and covered with Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear paſſage like a Piazza (but a filthy one) under the [329] Houſe. Some of the poorer People that keep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the Poſts of their Houſes, with a Door to go in and out; and this Under-room ſerves for no other uſe. Some uſe this place for the common draught of their Houſes, but building moſtly cloſe by the River in all parts of the Indies, they make the River receive all the filth of their Houſe; and at the time of the Land-floods, all is waſhed very clean.

The Sultan's Houſe is much bigger than any of the reſt. It ſtands on about 180 great Poſts or Trees, a great deal higher than the common Building, with great broad Stairs made to go up. In the firſt Room he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed on Field-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have ſome Guns alſo in their Houſes. About 20 paces from the Sultan's Houſe there is a ſmall low Houſe, built purpoſely for the Reception of Ambaſſadors or Merchant Strangers. This alſo ſtands on Poſts, but the Floor is not raiſed above three or four Foot above the Ground, and is neatly Matted purpoſely for the Sultan and his Council to ſit on; for they uſe no Chairs, but ſit croſs-legg'd like Taylors on the Floor.

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a ſmall Fiſh or two. The better ſort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill dreſt, and abundance of Rice with it. They uſe no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Man takes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water, that it may not ſtick to his Hand, ſqueezes it into a lump, as hard as poſſibly he can make it, and then crams it into his Mouth. They all ſtrive to make theſe lumps as big as their Mouths can receive them; and ſeem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the biggeſt lump; ſo that ſometimes they almoſt choak themſelves. They always waſh after Meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean; for which reaſon [330] they ſpend abundance of VVater in their Houſes. This VVater, with the waſhing of their Diſhes, and what other filth they make, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers are not boarded, but floored with ſplit Bamboes, like Lathe, ſo that the VVater preſently falls underneath their dwelling Rooms, where it breeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious ſtink. Beſides this filthineſs, the ſick People eaſe themſelves, and make VVater in their Chambers; there being a ſmall hole made purpoſely in the floor, to let it drop through. But healthy ſound People commonly eaſe themſelves, and make VVater in the River. For that reaſon you ſhall always ſee abundance of People, of both Sexes in the River. from Morning till Night; ſome eaſing themſelves, others waſhing their bodies or Cloaths. If they come into the River purpoſely to waſh their Cloaths, they ſtrip and ſtand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march out again: both Men and VVomen take great delight in ſwimming, and waſhing themſelves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it is very wholſom to waſh Mornings and Evenings in theſe hot Countries, at leaſt three or four Days in the VVeek: For I did uſe my ſelf to it when I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreſhing and comfortable. It is very good for thoſe that have Fluxes to waſh and ſtand in the River Mornings and Evenings. I ſpeak it experimentally; for I was brought very low with that diſtemper at Achin; but by waſhing conſtantly Mornings and Evenings I found great benefit, and was quickly cured by it.

In the City of Mindanao they ſpeak two Languages indifferently; their own Mindanao Language, and the Malaya: but in other parts of the Iſland they ſpeak only their proper Language, having little Commerce abroad. They have Schools, and inſtruct the Children to Read and VVrite, and [331] bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. There fore many of the words, eſpecially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and many of the words of civility the ſame as in Turkey; and eſpecially when they meet in the Morning, or take leave of each other, they expreſs themſelves in that Language.

Many of the old People, both Men and Women, can ſpeak Spaniſh, for the Spaniards were formerly ſettled among them, and had ſeveral Forts on this Iſland; and then they ſent two Friers to the City, to convert the Sultan of Mindanao and his People. At that time theſe People began to learn Spaniſh, and the Spaniards incroached on them and endeavoured to bring them into ſubjection; and probably before this time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themſelves had not been drawn off from this Iſland to Manila, to reſiſt the Chineſs, who threatned to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone, the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the preſent, in whoſe time it was, razed and demoliſhed their Forts, brought away their Guns, and ſent away the Friers; and ſince that time will not ſuffer the Spaniards to ſettle on the Iſlands.

They are now moſt afraid of the Dutch, being ſenſible how they have inſlaved many of the Neighbouring Iſlands. For that Reaſon they have a long time deſired the Engliſh to ſettle among them, and have offered them any convenient Place to build a Fort in, as the General himſelf told us; giving this Reaſon, that they do not find the Engliſh ſo incroaching as the Dutch or Spaniſh. The Dutch are no leſs jealous of their admitting the Engliſh, for they are ſenſible what detriment it would be to them if the Engliſh ſhould ſettle here.

There are but few Tradeſmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefeſt Trades are Goldſmiths, Blackſmiths, and Carpenters. There are but two or [332] three Goldſmiths; theſe will work in Gold or Silver, and make any thing that you deſire: but they have no Shop furniſhed with Ware ready made for Sale. Here are ſeveral Blackſmiths who work very well, conſidering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are much different from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the trunk of a Tree, about three Foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and ſet upright on the ground, on which the Fire it ſelf is made. Near the lower end there is a ſmall hole, in the ſide of the Trunk next the Fire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the wind is driven to the Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers faſtned to one end of the Stick, which cloſing up the inſide of the Cylinder, drives the Air out of the Cylinder through the Pipe: Two of theſe Trunks or Cylinders are placed ſo nigh together, that a Man ſtanding between them may work them both at once alternately, one with each Hand. They have neither Vice nor Anvil, but a great hard Stone or a piece of an old Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both common Utenſils and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They work altogether with Charcoal. Every Man almoſt is a Carpenter, for they can work with the Ax and Adds. Their Ax is but ſmall, and ſo made that they can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Adds of it. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank, they ſplit the Tree in two, and make a Plank of each part, plaining it with the Ax and Adds. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time; but they work cheap, and the goodneſs of the Plank thus hewed, which hath its grain preſerv'd entire, makes amends for their coſt and pains.

They build good and ſerviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea, ſome for Trade, others for Pleaſure; and ſome Ships of War. Their trading Veſſels they [333] ſend chiefly to Manila. Thither they tranſport Bees-wax, which, I think, is the only Commodity, beſides Gold that they vend there. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal of Bees-wax themſelves: but the greateſt quantity they purchaſe is of the Mountaneers, from whom they alſo get the Gold which they ſend to Manila; and with theſe they buy their Calicoes, Muſlins, and China Silk. They ſend ſometimes their Barks to Borneo and other Iſlands; but what they tranſport thither, or import from thence, I know not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore, and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for here is a great deal of Tobacco grows on this Iſland, more than in any Iſland or Country in the Eaſt-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is an excellent ſort of Tobacco; but theſe People have not the Art of managing this Trade to their beſt advantage, as the Spaniards have at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were firſt brought hither from Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is, that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf larger and groſſer than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in a fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent ſize, not ſtrong, but pleaſant to Smoak. The Spaniards at Manila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way of making it up nearly in the Leaf. For they take two little Sticks, each about a Foot long, and flat, and placing the Stalks of the Tobacco Leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two Sticks, they bind them hard together, ſo that the Leaves hang dangling down. One of theſe bundles is ſold for a Rial at Fort St. George: but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial; and the Tobacco is [334] as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.

The Mindanao People are much troubled with a ſort of Leproſie, the ſame as we obſerved at Guam. This Diſtemper runs with a dry Scurf all over their Bodies, and cauſeth great itching in thoſe that have it, making them frequently ſcratch and ſcrub themſelves, which raiſeth the outer skin in ſmall whitiſh flakes, like the ſcales of little Fiſh, when they are raiſed on end with a Knife. This makes their skin extraordinary rough, and in ſome you ſhall ſee broad white ſpots in ſeveral parts of their Body. I judge ſuch have had it, but are cured; for their skins were ſmooth, and I did not perceive them to ſcrub themſelves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that theſe ſpots were from this Diſtemper. Whether they uſe any means to cure themſelves, or whether it goes away of it ſelf, I know not: but I did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any company for it; none of our People caught it of them, for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are ſometimes troubled with the Small Pox, but their ordinary Diſtempers are Fevers, Agues, Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their Guts. The Country affords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs, whoſe Virtues are not unknown to ſome of them that pretend to cure the Sick.

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are uſed when they Marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feaſt made by the Bridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the moſt part of the Night is ſpent in Mirth.

The Sultan is abſolute in his Power over all his Subjects. He is but a poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade, and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan underſtands [335] that any Man has Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will ſend to borrow ſo much Money, pretending urgent occaſions for it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will ſend to ſell one thing or another that he hath to diſpoſe of, to ſuch whom he knows to have Money, and they muſt buy it, and give him his price; and if afterwards he hath occaſion for the ſame thing, he muſt have it if he ſends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 or 60 Years old, and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by thoſe about him. He has a Queen, and keeps about 29 Women, or Wives more, in whoſe company he ſpends moſt of his time. He has one Daughter by his Sultaneſs or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by the reſt. Theſe walk about the Streets, and would be always begging things of us; but it is reported, that the young Princeſs is kept in a Room, and never ſtirs out, and that ſhe did never ſee any Man but her Father and Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about Fourteen Years Old.

When the Sultan viſits his Friends he is carried in a ſmall Couch on four Mens ſhoulders, with eight or ten armed Men to guard him; but he never goes far this way; for the Country is very Woody, and they have but little Paths, which renders it the leſs commodious. When he takes his pleaſure by Water, he carries ſome of his Wives along with him. The Proes that are built for this purpoſe, are large enough to entertain 50 or 60 Perſons or more. The Hull is neatly built, with a round Head and Stern, and over the Hull there is a ſmall ſlight Houſe built with Bamboes; the ſides are made up with ſplit Bamboes, about four Foot high, with little Windows in them of the ſame, to open and ſhut at their pleaſure. The roof is almoſt flat, neatly thatched with Palmeto Leaves. This Houſe is divided [336] into two or three ſmall Partitions or Chambers, one particularly for himſelf. This is neatly Matted underneath, and round the ſides; and there is a Carpit and Pillows for him to ſleep on. The ſecond Room is for his Women, much like the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them with Tobacco and Betel-Nut; for they are always chewing or ſmoaking. The fore and after-parts of the Veſſel are for the Marriners to ſit and Row. Beſides this, they have Outlayers, ſuch as thoſe I deſcribed at Guam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. Theſe Boats are more round, like the Half-Moon almoſt; and the Bamboes or Outlayers that reach from the Boat are alſo crooked. Beſides, the Boat is not flat on one ſide here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayers on each ſide: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat faſten'd to the Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here are faſten'd traverſewiſe to the Outlayers on each ſide, and touch not the Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 Foot above the Water, and ſerve for the Barge Men to ſit and Row and paddle on; the inſide of the Veſſel, except only juſt afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments for the Paſſengers. There run a-croſs the Outlayers two tire of Beams for the Padlers to ſit on, on each ſide the Veſſel. The lower tire of theſe Beams is not a bove a Foot from the Water: ſo that upon any the leaſt reeling of the Veſſel, the Beams are dipt in the Water, and the Men that ſit are wet up to their Waſte: their Feet ſeldom eſcaping the Water. And thus as all our Veſſels are Rowed from within, theſe are Paddled from without.

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave Man. He is the ſecond Man in the Kingdom. All Strangers that come hither to Trade muſt make their Addreſs to him, for all Sea Affairs belong to [337] him. He Licenceth Strangers to Import or Export any Commodity, and 'tis by his Permiſſion that the Natives themſelves are ſuffered to Trade: Nay the very Fiſhermen muſt ake a Permit from him: So that there is no Man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is two or three Years younger than the Sultan, and a little Man like him. He has eight Women, by ſome of whom he hath Iſſue. He hath only one Son, about twelve or fourteen Years old, who was Circumciſed while we were there. His Eldeſt Son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was ſtill in great heavineſs. If he had lived a little longer he ſhould have Married the Young Princeſs, but whether this ſecond Son muſt have her I know not, for I did never hear any Diſcourſe about it. Raja Laut is a very ſharp Man; he ſpeaks and writes Spaniſh, which he learned in his Youth. He has by often converſing with Strangers, got a great ſight into the Cuſtoms of other Nations, and by Spaniſh Books has ſome knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert Soldier and a very ſtout Man; and the Women in their Dances, Sing many Songs in his praiſe.

The Sultan of Mindanao ſometimes makes War with his Neighbours the Mountaneers or Alfoores. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and ſome Hand-Creſſets. The Creſſet is a ſmall thing like a Baggonet, which they always wear in War or Peace, at Work or Play, from the greateſt of them to the pooreſt, or the meaneſt Perſons. They do never meet each other ſo as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build ſmall Works or Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lie in ſight of each other 2 or 3 Months, skirmiſhing every Day in ſmall Parties, and ſometimes ſurprizing a Breſt-work; and whatever ſide is like to be worſted, if they have no probability to eſcape by flight, they [336] [...] [337] [...] [338] ſell their lives as dear as they can; for there is ſeldom any quarter given, but the Conqueror cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces.

The Religion of theſe People is Mahometaniſm, Friday is their Sabbath; but I did never ſee any difference that they make between this Day and any other Day, only the Sultan himſelf goes then to the Moſque twice. Raja Laut never goes to the Moſque, but Prays at certain Hours, Eight or Ten times in a Day; where ever he is, he is very punctual to his Canonical Hours, and if he be aboard will go aſhore, on purpoſe to Pray. For no Buſineſs nor Company hinders him from this Duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a Houſe or in the Field, he leaves all his Company, and goes about 100 Yards off, and there kneels down to his Devotion. He firſt kiſſes the Ground, then prays aloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kiſſes the Ground, and does the ſame when he leaves off. His Servants, and his Wives and Children talk and ſing, or play how they pleaſe all the time, but himſelf is very ſerious. The meaner ſort of People have little Devotion: I did never ſee any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Moſque.

In the Sultan's Moſque there is a great Drum with but one Head called a Gong; which is inſtead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a Man being appointed for that Service. He has a Stick as big as a Man's Arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a Man's Fiſt, made with Cotton, bound faſt with ſmall Cords: with this he ſtrikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 ſtrokes; beginning to ſtrike leiſurely the firſt 5 or 6 ſtrokes; then he ſtrikes faſter, and at laſt ſtrikes as faſt as he can; and then he ſtrikes again ſlower and ſlower ſo many more ſtrokes: thus he riſes and falls three times, and then leaves off till three Hours after. This is done Night and Day.

[339] They circumciſe the Males at 11 or 12 Years of Age, or older; and many are circumciſed at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great deal of Solemnity. There had been no Circumciſion for ſome Years before our being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. They chuſe to have a general Circumciſion when the Sultan, or General, or ſome other great Perſon hath a Son fit to be Circumciſed; for with him a great many more are Circumciſed. There is notice given about 8 or 10 Days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and great preparation is made againſt the ſolemn Day. In the Morning before the Boys are Circumciſed, Preſents are ſent to the Father of the Child, that keeps the Feaſt; which, as I ſaid before, is either the Sultan, or ſome great Perſon: and about 10 or 11 a Clock the Mahometan Prieſt does his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two Sticks, and with a pair of Sciſſors ſnips it off. After this moſt of the Men, both in City and Country being in Arms before the Houſe, begin to act as if they were ingaged with an Enemy, having ſuch Arms as I deſcribed. Only one acts at a time, the reſt make a great Ring of 2 or 300 Yards round about him. He that is to exerciſe comes into the Ring with a great ſhriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches two or three large ſtately ſtrides, and falls to work. He holds his broad Sword in one Hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverſes his Ground, leaping from one ſide of the Ring to the other; and in a menacing poſture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom his fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but Air to oppoſe him. Then he ſtamps and ſhakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth makes many ruful Faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly ſnatches out his Creſſet, with which he hacks and hews the Air like a Mad-man, often ſhrieking At laſt, being almoſt tired with [340] motion, he flies to the middle of the Ring, where he ſeems to have his Enemy at his Mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the Ground as if he was cutting off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a Sweat, and withdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and preſently another enters with the like ſhrieks and geſture. Thus they continue combating their imaginary Enemy all the reſt of the Day; towards the concluſion of which the richeſt Men act, and at laſt the General, and then the Sultan concludes this Ceremony: He and the General with ſome other great Men, are in Armor, but the reſt have none. After this the Sultan returns home, accompanied with abundance of People who wait on him there till they are diſmiſt. But at the time when we were there, there was an after game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumciſed, the Sultan intended to give him a ſecond viſit in the Night, ſo they all waited to attend him thither. The General alſo provided to meet him in the beſt manner, and therefore deſired Captain Swan with his Men to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get our Guns, and wait at the General's Houſe till further Orders. So about 40 of us waited till Eight a Clock in the Evening: When the General with Captain Swan, and about 1000 Men, went to meet the Sultan, with abundance of Torches that made it as light as Day. The manner of the march was thus. Firſt of all there was a Pageant, and upon it two dancing Women gorgeouſly apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads, full of gliſtering Spangles, and Pendants of the ſame, hanging down over their Breaſt and Shoulders. Theſe are Women bred up purpoſely for dancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except ſometimes to turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head and Body, are in continual motion, eſpecially [341] their Arms, which they turn and twiſt ſo ſtrangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Beſides the two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holding each a lighted Torch in their Hands, cloſe by the two dancing Women, by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriouſly. This Pageant was carried by ſix luſty Men: Then came ſix or ſeven Torches, lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched ſide by ſide next, and we that attended Captain Swan followed cloſe after, marching in order ſix and ſix abreſt, with each Man his Gun on his Shoulder, and Torches on each ſide. After us came twelve of the General's Men with old Spaniſh Match-locks, marching four in a row. After them about forty Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching all in order. After them came abundance only with Creſſers by their fides, who marched up cloſe without any order. When we came near the Sultan's Houſe, the Sultan and his Men met us, and we wheel'd off to let them paſs. The Sultan had three Pageants went before him: In the firſt Pageant were four of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 Years old. They had gotten abundance of ſmall Stones, which they roguiſhly threw about on the Peoples Heads. In the next were four young Maidens, Nieces to the Sultan, being his Siſters Daughters; and in the 3d, there were three of the Sultan's Children, not above ſix Years old. The Sultan himſelf followed next, being carried in his Couch, which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very little and ordinary. A multitude of People came after, without any order: but as ſoon as he was paſt by, the General, and Captain Swan, and all our Men, cloſed in juſt behind the Sultan, and ſo all marched together to the General's Houſe. We came thither between 10 and 11 a Clock, where the biggeſt part [342] of the Company were immediately diſmiſt; but the Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and ſome other Perſons of Quality, entred the General's Houſe. They were met at the head of the Stairs by the General's Women, who with a great deal of Reſpect conducted them into the Houſe. Captain Swan, and we that were with him followed after. It was not long before the General cauſed his dancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the Company with that paſtime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal Muſick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind of Bells without Clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increaſing gradually from about three to ten pound weight. Theſe were ſet in a row on a Table in the General's Houſe, where for ſeven or eightDays together before the Circumciſion Day, they were ſtruck each with a little Stick, for the biggeſt part of the Day making a great noiſe, and they ceaſed that Morning. So theſe dancing Women ſung themſelves, and danced to their own Muſick. After this the General's Women, and the Sultan's Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultan's Nieces were about 18 or 19 Years Old, the other two were three or four Years Younger. Theſe Young Ladies were very richly dreſt, with looſe Garments of Silk, and ſmall Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairer than any Women that I did ever ſee there, and very well featured; and their Noſes, tho' but ſmall, yet higher than the other Womens, and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well diverted themſelves and the Company with dancing, the General cauſed us to fire ſome Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's Order, purpoſely for this Nights Solemnity; and after that the Sultan and his retinue went away with a few Attendants, and we all broke up, and thus ended this Days Solemnity: but the Boys [343] being ſore with their Amputation, went ſtradding for a fortnight after.

They are not, as I ſaid before, very curious, or ſtrict in obſerving any Days, or Times of particular Devotions, except it be Ramdam time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in Auguſt, as I take it, for it was ſhortly after our arrival here. In this time they Faſt all Day and about ſeven a Clock in the Evening, they ſpend near an Hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer, they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an Hour, both old and young bawling out very ſtrangely, as if they intended to fright him out of his ſleepineſs or neglect of them. After their Prayer is ended, they ſpend ſome time in Feaſting before they take their repoſe. Thus they do every Day for a whole Month at leaſt; for ſometimes 'tis two or three Days longer before the Ramdam ends: For it begins at the New Moon, and laſts till they ſee the next New Moon, which ſometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till three or four Days after the Change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, where they continued the Ramdam till the New Moon's appearance. The next Day after they have ſeen the New Moon, the Guns are all diſcharged about Noon, and then the time ends.

A main part of their Religion conſiſts in waſhing often, to keep themſelves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleanſe themſelves again. They alſo take great care to keep themſelves from being polluted, by taſting or touching any thing that is accounted Unclean; therefore Swines Fleſh is very abominable to them; nay, any one that hath either taſted of Swines fleſh, or touched thoſe Creatures, is not permitted to come into their Houſes in many Days after, and there is nothing will ſcare them more than a Swine. Yet there are wild Hogs in the Iſlands, and thoſe ſo plentiful, that they will [344] come in Troops out of the Woods in the Night into the very City, and come under their Houſes, to romage up and down the Filth that they find there. The Natives therefore would even deſire us to lie in wait for the Hogs, to deſtroy them, which we did frequently, by ſhooting them and carrying them preſently on board, but were prohibited their Houſes afterwards.

And now I am on this Subject, I cannot omit a Story concerning the General. He once deſired to have a pair of Shoes made after the Engliſh Faſhion, tho' he did very ſeldom wear any: So one our Men made him a Pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwards ſome Body told him, That the Thread wherewith the Shoes were ſowed, were pointed with Hogs-briſtles. This put him into a great Paſſion; ſo he ſent the Shoes to the Man that made them, and ſent him withal more Leather to make another Pair, with Threads pointed with ſome other Hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleaſed.

CHAP. XIII.

[345]

Their coaſting along the Iſle of Mindanao, from a Bay on the Eaſt-ſide to another at the S. E. end. Tornadoes and boiſterous Weather. The S. E. Coaſt, and its Savannah and plenty of Deer. They coaſt along the South-ſide to the River of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultan's Brother and Son come aboard them, and invite them to ſettle there. Of the Feaſibleneſs and probable Advantage of ſuch a Settlement, from the Neighbouring Gold and Spice Iſlands. Of the beſt way to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Auſtralis; and of an accidental Diſcovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability of a greater. The Capacity they were in to ſettle here. The Mindanayans meaſure their Ship. Captain Swan's Preſent to the Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of him. The Contents of two Engliſh Letters ſhewn them by the Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Puniſhments there. The General's Caution how to demean themſelves: at his Perſuaſion they lay up their Ships in the River. The Mindanaians Careſſes. The great Rains and Floods at the City. The Mindanaians have Chineſe Accomptants. How their Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten up, and their Ship endanger'd by the Worm. Of the [346] Worms here and elſewhere. Of Captain Swan Raja Laut, the General's Deceitfulneſs. Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of ſome of the Engliſh. Captain Swan treats with a Young Indian of a Spice-Iſland. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His puniſhing a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A ſort of ſtrong Rice-drink. The General's foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain Swan's Uneaſineſs and indiſcreet Management. His Men Mutiny. Of a Snake twiſting about one of their Necks. The main part of the Grew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and ſome of his Men: Several others poiſoned there.

HAving in the two laſt Chapters given ſome Account of the Natural, Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I ſhall now go on with the proſecution of our Affairs during our ſtay there.

'Twas in a Bay on the N. Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland that we came to an Anchor, as hath been ſaid. We lay in this Bay but one Night, and part of the next Day. Yet there we got Speech with ſome of the Natives, who by ſigns made us to underſtand, that the City Mindanao was on the Weſt-ſide of the Iſland. We endeavoured to perſuade one of them, to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in the Afternoon we looſed from hence, ſteering again to the South Eaſt, having the Wind at S. W. When we came to the S. E. end of the Iſland Mindanao, we ſaw two ſmall Iſlands about three Leagues diſtant from it. We might have paſſed between them and the main Iſland, as we learnt ſince; but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might encounter there, we choſe rather to Sail to the Eaſtward of them. But meeting very ſtrong Weſterly Winds, we got nothing forward in many [347] Days. In this time we firſt ſaw the Iſlands Meangis, which are about 16 Leagues diſtant from the Mindanao, bearing S. E. I ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak more of them hereafter.

The 4th Day of July we got into a deep Bay, four Leagues N. W. from the two ſmall Iſlands before mentioned. But the Night before, in a violent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away, which put us in ſome pain for fear ſhe was overſet, as we had like to have been our ſelves. We anchored on the South Weſt ſide of the Bay, in fifteen fathom Water, about a Cables length from the ſhore. Here we were forced to ſhelter our ſelves from the violence of the Weather, which was ſo boiſterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a ſtrong Weſterly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to Anchor in, being the only ſhelter on this ſide from the Weſt Winds.

This Bay is not above two Mile wide at the Mouth, but farther in it is three Leagues wide, and ſeven fathom deep, running in N. N. W. There is a good depth of Water about four or five Leagues in, but Rocky foul Ground for about two Leagues in, from the mouth on both ſides of the Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About three Leagues in from the mouth, on the Eaſtem ſide, there are fair ſandy Bays, and very good anchoring in four, five, and ſix fathom. The Land on the Eaſt ſide is high, Mountainous, and Woody, yet very well watered with ſmall Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoes to enter. On the Weſt ſide of the Bay, the Land is of a mean heighth with a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and ſtretching from the mouth of the Bay, a great way to the Weſtward.

This Savannah abounds with long Graſs, and it is plentifully ſtock'd with Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat of the Day: but [348] Mornings and Evenings they feed in the open Plains, as thick as in our Parks in England. I never ſaw any where ſuch plenty of wild Deer, tho' I have met with them in ſeveral parts of America, both in the North and South Seas.

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmoleſted; for there are no Inhabitants on that ſide of the Bay. We viſited this Savannah every Morning, and killed as many Deer as we pleaſed, ſometimes 16 or 18 in a Day; and we did eat nothing but Veniſon all the time we ſtaid here.

We ſaw a great many Plantations by the ſides of the Mountains, on the Eaſt ſide of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to learn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might not over-ſail it in the Night: but they fled from us.

We lay here till the 12th Day before the Winds abated of their fury, and then we ſailed from hence, directing our courſe to the Weſtward. In the Morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a Clock the Sea breeze came at Weſt, juſt in our Teeth, but it being fair Weather, we kept on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes by Night, and the Sea breezes by Day.

Being now paſt the S. E part of the Iſland, we coaſted down on the South ſide, and we ſaw abundance of Canoas a fiſhing, and now and then a ſmall Village. Neither were theſe Inhabitants afraid of us (as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not underſtand them, nor they us, but by ſigns: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao, they would point towards it.

The 18th Day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; the mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. N. and is laid in 231 d. 12 m. Longitude Weſt, from the Lizard in England. We anchored right againſt the River in 15 fathom Water, clear [349] hard Sand; about 2 Miles from the ſhore, and 3 or 4 Miles from a ſmall Iſland, that lay without us to the Southward. VVe fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which, and were anſwered again with 3 from the ſhore; for which we gave one again. Immediately after our coming to an Anchor Raja Laut, and one of the Sultan's Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, and demanded in Spaniſh what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith (he who was taken Priſoner at Leon in Mexico) anſwered in the ſame Language, that we were Engliſh, and that we had been a great while out of England. They told us that we were welcome, and asked us a great many queſtions about England; eſpecially concerning our Eaſt India Merchants; and whether we were ſent by them to ſettle a Factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buy Proviſion. They ſeemed a little diſcontented when they underſtood that we were not come to ſettle among them: for they had heard of our arrival on the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were ſent purpoſely out of England hither to ſettle a Trade with them; which it ſhould ſeem they are very deſirous of. For Capt. Goodlud had been here not long before to treat with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they ſaid) that in a ſhort time they might expect an Ambaſſadour from England, to make a full bargain with them.

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I ſhould think we could not have done better, than to have complied with the deſire they ſeemed to have of our ſettling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For as thereby we might better have conſulted our own profit and ſatisfaction, than by the other looſe roving way of life; ſo it might probably have proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means of introducing an [350] Engliſh Settlement and Trade, not only here, but through ſeveral of the Spice-Iſlands, which lye in its neighbourhood.

For the Iſlands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, lye within twenty Leagues of Mindanao. Theſe are three ſmalls Iſlands that abound with Gold and Cloves, If I may credit my Author Prince Jeoly, who was born on one of them, and was at that time a Slave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchaſed by us of his Maſter for a ſmall matter, as he was aftewards by Mr. Moody, (who came hither to trade, and laded a Ship with Clove-Bark) and by tranſporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten a Trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I ſhall ſpeak more hereafter. Theſe Iſlands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I ſaid before, indeavour to ingroſs all the Spice into their own Hands.

There was another opportunity offered us here of ſettling on another Spice-Iſland that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitants fearing the Dutch, and underſtanding that the Engliſh were ſettling at Mindanao, their Sultan ſent his Nephew to Mindanao while we were there to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about it divers times, and I do believe he had ſome Inclination to accept the offer; and I am ſure moſt of the Men were for it: but this never came to a head, for want of a true underſtanding between Captain Swan and his Men, as may be declared hereafter.

Beſide the benefit which might accrue from this Trade with Meangis, and other the Spice Iſlands, the Philippine Iſlands themſelves, by a little care and induſtry, might have afforded us a very beneficial Trade, and all theſe Trades might have been managed from Mindanao, by ſettling there firſt. For that Iſland lyeth very convenient for Trading [351] either to the Spice-Iſlands, or to the reſt of the Philippine Iſlands: ſince as its Soil is much of the ſame nature with either of them, ſo it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Trade in theſe parts; the Iſlands North of Mindanao abounding moſt in Gold, and thoſe South of Meangis in Spice.

As the Iſland Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, ſo conſidering its diſtance, the way thither may not be over-long and tireſome. The Courſe that I would chooſe ſhould be to ſet out of England about the latter end of Auguſt, and to paſs round Terra del Fuego, and ſo ſtretching over towards New Holland, coaſt it along that Shore till I came near to Mindanao; or firſt I would coaſt down near the American Shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my Courſe accordingly for the Iſland. By this I ſhould avoid coming near any of the Dutch Settlements, and he ſure to meet always with a conſtant brisk Eaſterly Trade Wind, after I was once paſt Terra del Fuego. Whereas in paſſing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are ſhot over the Eaſt-Indian Ocean, and are come to the Iſlands, you muſt paſs through the Streights of Malacca or Sandy, or elſe ſome other Streights Eaſt from Java, where you will be ſure to meet with Country-winds, go on which ſide of the Equator you pleaſe; and this would require ordinarily 7 or 8 Months for the Voyage, but the other I ſhould hope to perform in 6 or 7 at moſt. In your return from thence alſo you muſt obſerve the ſame Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to Acapulco; only as they run towards the North-Pole for variable Winds, ſo you muſt run to the Southward, till you meet with a Wind that will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enough to touch at for Refreſhment, either going or coming. You may touch going thither on either [352] ſide of Terra Patagonica, or, if you pleaſe, at the Gallapagoes Iſlands, where there is Refreſhment enough; and returning you may probably touch ſomewhere on New Holland, and ſo make ſome profitable diſcovery in theſe Places without going out of your way. And to ſpeak my Thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owing to the neglect of this eaſie way that all that vaſt Tract of Terra Auſtralis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiſcovered: thoſe that croſs that Sea ſeeming to deſign ſome Buſineſs on the Peruvian or Mexican Coaſt, and ſo leaving that at a diſtance. To confirm which, I ſhall add what Captain Davis told me lately, That after his Departure from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa (as is mentioned in the 8th Chap.) he went after ſeveral Traverſes, to the Gallapagoes, and that ſtanding thence Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terra del Fuego, in the Lat. of 27 South, about 500 leagues from Copayapo, on the Coaſt of Coili, he ſaw a ſmall ſandy Iſland juſt by him; and that they ſaw to the Weſtward of it a long Tract of pretty high Land, tending away toward the North Weſt out of ſight. This might probably be the Coaſt of Terra Auſtralis Incognita.

But to return to Mindanao; as to the Capacity we were then in, of ſettling our ſelves at Mindanao, although we were not ſent out of any ſuch deſign of ſettling, yet we were as well provided, or better, conſidering all Circumſtances, than if we had. For there was ſcarce any uſeful Trade, but ſome or other of us underſtood it. We had Sawyers, Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors, &c. we only wanted a good Smith for great Work; which we might have had at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and all ſorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had Powder and Shot enough, and very good ſmall Arms. If we had deſigned to [353] build a Fort, we could have ſpared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough to have managed it, and any Affair of Trade beſide. We had alſo a great Advantage above raw Men that are ſent out of England into theſe places, who proceed uſually too cautiouſly, coldly and formally, to compaſs any conſiderable Deſign, which Experience better teaches than any Rules whatſoever; beſides the danger of their Lives in ſo great and ſudden a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates, hardened by many Fatigues, and, in general, daring Men, and ſuch as would not be eaſily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men were almoſt tired, and began to deſire a quietus eſt; and therefore they would gladly have ſeated themſelves any where. We had a good Ship too, and enough of us (beſide what might have been ſpared to manage our new Settlement) to bring the News with the Effects to the Owners in England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. in Gold, which he and his Merchants received for Goods ſold moſtly to Captain Harris and his Men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice, as probably he might have done, would have ſatisfy'd the Merchants to their Hearts content. So much by way of digreſſion.

To proceed therefore with our firſt Reception at Mindanao, Raja Laut and his Nephew ſat ſtill in their Canoa, and would not come aboard us; becauſe, as they ſaid, they had no Orders for it from the Sultan. After about half an Hour's Diſcourſe, they took their leaves, firſt inviting Captain Swan aſhore, and promiſing him to aſſiſt him in getting Proviſion; which they ſaid at preſent was ſcarce, but in three or four Month's time the Rice would be gathered in, and then he might have as much as he pleaſed: and that in the mean time he might ſecure his Ship in ſome convenient place, for fear of the Weſterly [352] [...] [353] [...] [354] winds, which they ſaid would be very violent at the latter end of this Month, and all the next, as we found them.

We did not know the quality of theſe two Perſons till after they were gone; elſe we ſhould have fir'd ſome Guns at their departure: When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboard, and meaſured our Ship. A cuſtom derived from the Chineſe, who always meaſure the length and breadth, and the depth of the Hold of all Ships that come to load there; by which means they know how much each Ship will carry. But for what reaſon this Cuſtom is uſed either by the Chineſe, or Mindanao Men, I could never learn; unleſs the Mindanaians deſign by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, againſt they have a Trade.

Captain Swan, conſidering that the Seaſon of the Year would oblige us to ſpend ſome time at this Iſland, thought it convenient to make what intereſt he could with the Sultan; who might afterwards either obſtruct, or advance his deſigns. He therefore immediately provided a Preſent to ſend aſhore to the Sultan, viz. 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth, 3 Yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkiſh Scimiter and a Pair of Piſtols: and to Raja Laut he ſent 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth, and 3 Yards of Silver Lace. This Preſent was carried by Mr. Henry More in the Evening. He was firſt conducted to Raja Laut's Houſe; where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, who immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him.

About Nine a Clock at Night, a Meſſenger came from the Sultan to bring the Preſent away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way with Torches and armed Men, till be came to the Houſe where the Sultan was. The Sultan with eight or ten Men of his Council were ſeated on Carpets, waiting [355] his coming. The Preſent that Mr. More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who cauſed Mr. More to ſit down by them, and asked a great many queſtions of him. The diſcourſe was in Spaniſh by an Interpreter. This Conference laſted about an Hour, and then he was diſmiſt, and returned again to Raja Laut's Houſe. There was a Supper provided for him, and the Boats Crew; after which he returned aboard.

The next Day the Sultan ſent for Capt. Swan: He immediately went aſhore with a Flag flying in the Boats Head, and two Trumpets ſounding all the way. When he came aſhore, he was met at his Landing by two principal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance of People gazing to ſee him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamber of Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel, which was all his Entertainment.

The Sultan ſent for two Engliſh Letters for Captain Swan to read, purpoſely to let him know, that our Eaſt-India Merchants did deſign to ſettle here, and that they had already ſent a Ship hither. One of theſe Letters was ſent to the Sultan from England, by the Eaſt-India Merchants. The chiefeſt things contained in it, as I remember, for I ſaw it afterwards in the Secretaries Hand, who was very proud to ſhew it to us, was to deſire ſome priviledges, in order to the building of a Fort there. This Letter was written in a very fair Hand; and between each Line, there was a Gold Line drawn. The other Letter was left by Captain Goodlud, directed to any Engliſh Men who ſhould happen to come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account, at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Iſland, and how European Goods ſhould be ſold to them; [256] with an account of their Weight and Meaſures, and their difference from ours.

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spaniſh Dollars, (which is a current Coin all over India) the Engliſh Ounce, and 18 Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I do not remember the rate; neither do I well remember the rates of Europe Commodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above four Dollars a Hundred. Captain Goodlud's Letter concluded thus. Truſt none of them, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. We underſtood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb'd of ſome Goods by one of the General's Men, and that he that robb'd him was fled into the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was here. But the Fellow returning back to the City ſome time after our arrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and told him what he had done, deſiring him to puniſh him for it as he pleaſed; but Captain Swan excuſed himſelf, and ſaid it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the General Raja Laut, would not pardon him, but puniſhed him according to their own Cuſtom, which I did never ſee but at this time.

He was ſtript ſtark naked in the Morning at Sunriſing, and bound to a Poſt, ſo that he could not ſtir Hand nor Foot, but as he was mov'd; and was placed with his Face Eaſtward againſt the Sun. In the Afternoon they turn'd his Face towards the Weſt, that the Sun might ſtill be in his Face; and thus he ſtood all Day, parcht in the Sun (which ſhines here exceſſively hot) and tormented with the Moskitos or Gnats: After this the General would have kill'd him, if Captain Swan had conſented to it. I did never ſee any put to Death; but I believe they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himſelf [357] that he put two Men to Death in a Town where ſome of us were with him; but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of puniſhing is to ſtrip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but ſometimes they lay them flat on their Backs on the Sand, which is very hot; where they remain a whole Day in the ſcorching Sun, with the Moskito's biting them all the time.

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the puniſhment of the Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the ſame offer of his Men, when any had offended the Mindanao Men: but the General left ſuch Offenders to be puniſhed by Captain Swan, as he thought convenient. So that for the leaſt offence Captain Swan puniſhed his Men, and that in the ſight of the Mindanaians; and I think ſometimes only for revenge; as he did once puniſh his Chief Mate Mr. Teat, he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time Captain Swan had his Men as much under command as if he had been in a King's Ship: and had he known how to uſe his Authority, he might have led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to aſſiſt him in any deſign he had pleaſed.

Captain Swan being diſmiſt from the Sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two Hours Diſcourſe with him, went thence to Raja Laut's Houſe. Raja Laut had then ſome difference with the Sultan, and therefore he was not preſent at the Sultan's reception of our Captain, but waited his return, and treated him and all his Men with boiled Rice and Fowls. He then told Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, that it would be beſt to get his Ship into the River as ſoon as he could, becauſe of the uſual tempeſtuous Weather at this time of the Year; and that he ſhould want no aſſiſtance to further him in any thing. He told him alſo, that as we muſt of neceſſity ſtay here ſome [358] time, ſo our Men would often come aſhore; and he therefore deſired him to warn his Men to be careful to give no afront to the Natives; who, he ſaid, were very revengeful. That their Cuſtoms being different from ours, he feared that Captain Swan's Men might ſome time or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning, to prevent it: that his Houſe ſhould always be open to receive him or any of his Men, and that he knowing our Cuſtoms, would never be offended at any thing. After a great deal of ſuch Diſcourſe he diſmiſt the Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard.

Captain Swan having ſeen the two Letters, did not doubt but that the Engliſh did deſign to ſettle a Factory here: therefore he did not much ſcruple the honeſty of theſe People, but immediately ordered us to get the Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanao ſtands is but ſmall, and hath not above 10 or 11 Foot Water on the Bar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightened our Ship, and the Spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being aſſiſted by 50 or 60 Mindanaian Fiſhermen, who liv'd at the Mouth of the River; Raja Laut himſelf being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carried her about a quarter of a Mile up, within the Mouth of the River, and there moored her, Head and Stern in a hole, where we always rode afloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, to invite our Men to their Houſes, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a long time ſince any of us had received ſuch Friendſhip, and therefore we were the more eaſily drawn to accept of their kindneſſes; and in a very ſhort time moſt of our Men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies; eſpecially ſuch of us as had good Cloths, and [...]ore of Gold, as many had, who were of the [359] number of thoſe, that accompanied Captain Harris over the Iſthmus of Darien, the reſt of us being Poor enough. Nay, the very Pooreſt and Meaneſt of us could hardly paſs the Streets, but we were even hal'd by Force into their Houſes, to be treated by them; altho' their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-Nut, or a little ſweet ſpiced Water. Yet their ſeeming Sincerity, Simplicity, and the manner of beſtowing theſe Gifts, made them very acceptable. When we came to their Houſes, they would always be praiſing the Engliſh, as declaring that the Engliſh and Mindanaians were all one. This they expreſt by putting their two Fore-fingers cloſe together, and ſaying, that the Engliſh and Mindanaians were ſamo, ſamo, that is, all one. Then they would draw their Fore-fingers half a Foot aſunder, and ſay the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which ſignifies ſo, that they were at ſuch diſtance in point of Friendſhip: And for the Spaniards, they would make a greater Repreſentation of diſtance than for the Dutch: Fearing theſe, but having felt, and ſmarted from the Spaniards, who had once almoſt brought them under.

Captain Swan did ſeldom go into any Houſe at firſt, but into Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his Men as were aſhore, and had no Money to Entertain themſelves, reſorted thither about twelve a Clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well dreſt, and ſome ſcraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, dreſt very naſtily. Captain Swan was ſerved a little better, and his two Trumpeters ſounded all the time that he was at Dinner. After Dinner Raja Laut would ſit and Diſcourſe with him moſt part of the Afternoon. It was now the Ramdam time, therefore the General excuſed himſelf, that he could not Entertain our Captain with Dances, and other Paſtimes, as he intended to do when this ſolemn Time was paſt; [360] beſides, it was the very heighth of the wet Seaſon, and therefore not ſo proper for Paſtimes.

We had now very tempeſtuous Weather, and exceſſive Rains, which ſo ſwell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; ſo that we had much ado to keep our Ship ſafe: For every now and then we ſhould have a great Tree come floating down the River, and ſometimes lodge againſt our Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either the driving us in, over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both which would have been very dangerous to us, eſpecially being without Ballaſt.

The City is about a Mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the Banks of the River on the Right Hand going up, tho' it hath many Houſes on the other ſide too. But at this time it ſeemed to ſtand as in a Pond, and there was no paſſing from one Houſe to another but in Canoas. This tempeſtuous rainy Weather happened the latter end of July, and laſted moſt part of Auguſt.

When the bad Weather was a little aſſwaged, Captain Swan hired a Houſe to put our Sails and Goods in, while we carren'd our Ship. We had a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought aſhore into this Houſe. Of theſe Commodities Captain Swan ſold to the Sultan or General, Eight or Ten Tuns, at the Rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud, to be paid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; thereſore the Chineſe that live here, do caſt up their Accompts for them. After this, Captain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and ſet ſome of our Men to Saw them into Planks, to Sheath the Ship's bottom. He had two Whip-Saws on Board, which he brought out of England, and four or five Men that knew the uſe of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jamaica.

[361] When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time ſet in a little, the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every Night with Dances. The dancing Women that are purpoſely bred up to it, and make it their Trade, I have already deſcribed. But beſide them, all the Women in general are much addicted to Dancing. They Dance 40 or 50 at once; and that ſtanding all round in a Ring, joined Hand in Hand, and Singing and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places, nor make any motion till the Chorus is Sung; then all at once they throw out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and ſometime they only clap their Hands when the Chorus is Sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate the General's Favours, ſent for his Violins, and ſome that could Dance Engliſh Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleaſed. They commonly ſpent the biggeſt part of the Night in theſe ſort of Paſtimes.

Among the reſt of our Men that did uſe to Dance thus before the General, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, and could neither Write nor Read; but had formerly learnt to Dance in the Muſick-Houſes about Wapping: This Man came into the South Seas with Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold, and being a pretty good Husband of his Share, had ſtill ſome left, beſides what he laid out in a very good Suit of Cloaths. The General ſuppoſed by his Garb and his Dancing, that he had been of noble Extraction; and to be ſatisfy'd of his Quality, asked of one of our Men, if he did not gueſs aright of him? The Man of whom the General asked this Queſtion told him, he was much in the right; and that moſt of our Ship's Company were of the like Extraction; eſpecially all thoſe that had fine Cloaths; and that they came abroad only to ſee the World, having Money enough to bear their Exexpences [362] where-ever they came; but that for the reſt, thoſe that had but mean Clothes, they were only common Seamen. After this, the General ſhew'd a great deal of Reſpect to all that had good Clothes, but eſpecially to John Thacker, till Captain Swan came to know the Buſineſs, and marr'd all; undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-Man: For he was ſo much incenſed againſt John Thacker, that he could never indure him afterwards; tho' the poor Fellow knew nothing of the Matter.

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ship's bottom, which we found very much eaten with the Worm: For this is a horrid place for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been in the River a Month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten like Honey-combs; our Bark, which was a ſingle bottom, was eaten thro'; ſo that ſhe could not ſwim. But our Ship was ſheathed, and the Worm came no farther than the Hair between the ſheathing Plank, and the main Plank. We did not miſtruſt the General's Knavery till now: for when he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the ſheathing Plank, and ſaw the firm bottom underneath, he ſhook his Head, and ſeemed to be diſcontented; ſaying, he did never ſee a Ship with two bottoms before. We were told that in this place, where we now lay, a Dutch Ship was earen up in two Months time, and the General had all her Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had Ours: Which I do believe was the main Reaſon that made him ſo forward in aſſiſting us to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we had no Aſſiſtance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place: For when we Careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; nor at Guam, for there we ſcrubb'd; nor after we came to the Iſland Mindanao; for at the S. E. end of the [363] Iſland we heel'd and ſcrubb'd alſo. The Mindanaians are ſo ſenſible of theſe deſtructive Inſects, that whenever they come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ship into a dry Dock, and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are ready to get to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and never ſuffer them to be long in the Water. It is reported that thoſe Worms which get into a Ships bottom in the ſalt Water, will die in the freſh Water; and that the freſh Water Worms will die in ſalt Water: but in brackiſh Water both ſorts will increaſe prodigiouſly. Now this place where we lay was ſometimes brackiſh Water, yet commonly freſh; but what ſort of Worm this was I know not. Some Men are of Opinion, that theſe Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perſwaded they breed in the Sea: For I have ſeen Millions of them ſwimming in the Water, particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, Captain Swan and my ſelf, and moſt of our Men, did take notice of them divers times, which was the reaſon of our Cleaning ſo often while we were there: and theſe were the largeſt Worms that I did ever ſee. I have alſo ſeen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in the latter of which places the Worms eat prodigiouſly. They are alway in Bays, Creeks, Mouths of Rivers, and ſuch places as are near the ſhore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn: yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way.

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, by the beginning of December 1686, our Ships bottom was ſheathed and tallowed, and the 10th Day went over the Bar, and took aboard the Iron and Lead that we could not ſell, and began to fill our Water, and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain'd aſhore ſtill, and was not yet determin'd when to ſail, or whither. [364] But I am well aſſured that he did never intend to Cruiſe about Manila, as his Crew deſigned; for I did once ask him, and he told me, That what he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at Liberty, he would never more Engage in any ſuch Deſign: For, ſaid he, there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the Stain of ſuch Actions. What other Deſigns he had I know not, for he was commonly very Croſs; yet he did never propoſe doing any thing elſe, but only ordered the Proviſion to be got Aboard in order to Sail; and I am confident if he had made a motion to go to any Engliſh Factory, moſt of his Men would have conſented to it, tho' probably ſome would have ſtill oppoſed it. However, his Authority might ſoon have over-ſway'd thoſe that were Refractory; for it was very ſtrange to ſee the Awe that theſe Men were in of him, for he puniſhed the moſt ſtubborn and daring of his Men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road, they were not altogether ſo ſubmiſſive, as while it lay in the River, tho' even then it was that he puniſhed Captain Teat.

I was at that time a Hunting with the General for Beef, which he had a long time promiſed us. But now I ſaw that there was no Credit to be given to his Word; for I was a Week out with him and ſaw but four Cows, which were ſo wild, that we did not get one. There were five or ſix more of our Company with me; theſe who were young Men, and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the Place, all agreed with the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the Truth, and adviſed him not to be too credulous of the General's Promiſes. He ſeemed to be very angry, and ſtormed behind the General's Back, but in his Preſence was very mute, being a Man of ſmall Courage.

[365] It was about the 20th Day of December when we returned from Hunting, and the General deſigned to go again to another place to Hunt for Beef; but he ſtayed till after Chriſtmas-day, becauſe ſome of us deſigned to go with him; and Captain Swan had deſired all his Men to be aboard that Day, that we might keep it ſolemnly together: And accordingly he ſent aboard a Buffaloe the Day before, that we might have a good Dinner. So the 25th Day about 10 a Clock, Captain Swan came aboard, and all his Men who were aſhore: For you muſt underſtand that near a third of our Men lived conſtantly aſhore, with their Comrades and Pagallies, and ſome with Women ſervants, whom they hired of their Maſters for Concubines. Some of our Men alſo had Houſes, which they hired or bought, for Houſes are very cheap, for five or ſix Dollars. For many of them having more Mony than they knew what to do with, eaſed themſelves here of the trouble of telling it, ſpending it very laviſhly, their prodigality making the People impoſe upon them, to the making the reſt of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and to the endangering the like impoſitions upon ſuch Engliſhmen as may come here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our Squires Gold from them (for we had no Silver,) and when our Men wanted Silver, they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get for it no more than 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce, which they would not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the great prices the Mindanaians ſet on their Goods, were not the only way to leſſen their ſtocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often be begging ſomewhat of them, and our Men were generous enough, and would beſtow half an Ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies, or in a Silver Wriſt-band, or Hoop to come about their [366] Arms, in hopes to get a Nights Lodging with them.

When we were all aboard on Chriſtmas-day, Captain Swan and his two Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made ſome propoſals, or have told us his deſigns; but he only dined and went aſhore again, without ſpeaking any thing of his Mind. Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a deſign, of going to one of the Spice Iſlands, to load with Spice; for the Young Man before mentioned, who I ſaid was ſent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Iſland near Ternate, to invite the Engliſh to their Iſland, came aboard at this time, and after ſome private Diſcourſe with Captain Swan, they both went aſhore together. This Young Man did not care that the Mindanaians ſhould be privy to what he ſaid. I have heard Captain Swan ſay that he offered to load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a ſmall Fort, and leave ſome Men to ſecure the Iſland from the Dutch; but I am ſince informed, that the Dutch have now got poſſeſſion of the Iſland.

The next Day after Chriſtmas the General went away again, and five or ſix Engliſhmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going a hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, together with his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General always carried his Wives and Children, his Servants, his Money and Goods with him: ſo we all imbarked in the Morning, and arrived there before Night. I have already deſcribed the faſhion of their Proes, and the Rooms made in them. We were entertained in the General's Room or Cabbin. Our Voyage was not ſo far, but that we reached our Port before Night.

[367] At this time one of the General's Servants had offended, and was puniſhed in this manner: He was bound faſt flat on his Belly, on a Bamboe belonging to the Proe, which was ſo near the Water, that by the Veſſel's motion, it frequently delved under Water, and the Man along with it; and ſometimes when hoiſted up, he had ſcarce time to blow before he would be carried under Water again.

When we had rowed about two Leagues, we entred a pretty large deep River, and rowed up a League further, the Water ſalt all the way. There was a pretty large Village, the Houſes built after the Country faſhion. We landed at this place, where there was a Houſe made ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at one end of the Houſe, and we at the other end, and in the Evening all the Women in the Village danced before the General.

While he ſtaid here, the General with his Men went out every Morning betimes, and did not return till four or five a Clock in the Afternoon, and he would often complement us, by telling us what good Truſt and Confidence he had in us, ſaying, that he left his Women and Goods under our Protection, and that he thought them as ſecure with us ſix, (for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own Men to guard them. Yet for all this great Confidence, he always left one of his principal Men, for fear ſome of us ſhould be too familiar with his Women.

They did never ſtir out of their own Room when the General was at Home, but as ſoon as he was gone out, they would preſently come into our Room, and ſit with us all Day, and ask a Thouſand Queſtions of us concerning our Engliſh Women, and our Cuſtoms. You may imagin that before this time, ſome of us had attained ſo much of [368] their Language as to underſtand them, and give them Anſwers to their Demands. I remember that one Day they asked how many Wives the King of England had? We told them but one, and that our Engliſh Laws did not allow of any more. They ſaid it was a ſtrange Cuſtom, that a Man ſhould be conſined to one Woman; ſome of them ſaid it was a very bad Law, but others again ſaid it was a good Law; ſo there was a great Diſpute among them about it. But one of the General's Women ſaid poſitively, That our Law was better than theirs, and made them all ſilent by the Reaſon which ſhe gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called her, for ſhe did always Accompany the General when ever he was called out to Engage his Enemies, but the reſt did not.

By this Familiarity among the Women, and by often diſcourſing them, we came to be acquainted with their Cuſtoms and Priviledges. The General lies with his Wives by turns; but ſhe by whom he had the firſt Son, has a double Portion of his Company: For when it comes to her turn, ſhe has him two Nights, whereas the reſt have him but one. She with whom he is to lye at Night, ſeems to have a particular Reſpect ſhewn her by the reſt all the precedent Day; and for a Mark of diſtinction, wears a ſtriped ſilk Handkerchief about her Neck, by which we knew who was Queen that Day.

We lay here about five or ſix Days, but did never in all that time ſee the leaſt ſign of any Beef, which was the Buſineſs we came about; neither were we ſuffered to go out with the General to ſee the wild Kine, but we wanted for nothing elſe: However, this did not pleaſe us, and we often importuned him to let us go out among the Cattle. At laſt he told us, That he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us, and after that we ſhould go with him.

[369] year 1687 This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where it remains a long time ſteeping in Water. I know not the manner of making it, but it is very ſtrong pleaſant Drink: The Evening when the General deſigned to be merry, he cauſed a Jar of this Drink to be brought into our Room, and he began to drink firſt himſelf, then afterwards his Men; ſo they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before they ſuffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt about our Room a little while; but having his Load ſoon went to ſleep.

The next Day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where he had near 100 Men making of a large Pen to drive the Cattle into. For that is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I ſaw not above 8 or 10 Cows, and thoſe as wild as Deer, ſo that we got none this Day: yet the next Day ſome of his Men brought in 3 Heifers, which they kill'd in the Savannah. With theſe we returned aboard, they being all that we got there.

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals Actions; for he promiſed to ſupply us with as much Beef as we ſhould want, but now either could not, or would not make good his Promiſe. Beſides, he failed to perform his Promiſe in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the Iron which he ſold him, but he put us off ſtill from time to time, and would not come to any Account. Neither were theſe all his Tricks; for a little before his Son was Circumciſed, (of which I ſpake in the foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great ſtreight for Money, to defray the Charges of that Day; and therefore deſired Captain Swan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that Captain [370] Swan had a conſiderable quantity of Gold in his poſſeſſion, which the General thought was his own, but indeed had none but what belonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but when he came to an Account with Captain Swan, he told him, that it was uſual at ſuch ſolemn times to make Preſents, and that he received it as a Gift. He alſo demanded Payment for the Victuals that our Captain and his Men did eat at his Houſe. Theſe things ſtartled Captain Swan, yet how to help himſelf he knew not. But all this, with other inward troubles, lay hard on our Captain's Spirits, and put him very much out of Humour; for his own Company alſo were preſſing him every Day to be gone, becauſe, now was the heighth of the Eaſterly Monſoon, the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies.

About this time ſome of our Men, who were weary and tired with wandring, ran away into the Country and abſconded, they being aſſiſted, as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others alſo, who fearing we ſhould not go to an Engliſh Port, bought a Canoa, and deſigned to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a Mindanao Veſſel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chief of the Engliſh Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General would have Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from ſome of the Eaſt-India Merchants whoſe Affairs he would not intermeddle with, and therefore did not open it. I ſince met with Captain Bowry at Achin, and telling him this Story, he ſaid that he ſent that Letter, ſuppoſing that the Engliſh were ſettled there at Mindanao, and by this Letter we alſo thought that there was an Engliſh Factory at Borneo: ſo here was a miſtake on both ſides. But this Canoa, wherewith ſome of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from [371] them, and threatned the Undertakers very hardly. However, this did not ſo far diſcourage them, for they ſecretly bought another; but their Deſigns taking Air, they were again fruſtrated by Captain Swan.

The whole Crew were at this time under a general Diſaffection, and full of very different Projects; and all for want of Action. The main Diviſion was between thoſe that had Money and thoſe that had none. There was a great Difference in the Humours of theſe; for they that had Money liv'd aſhore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao; whilſt thoſe that were poor liv'd Aboard, and urg'd Capt Swan to go to Sea. Theſe began to be Unruly as well as Diſſatisfy'd, and ſent aſhore the Merchants Iron to ſell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch, wherewith they grew Drunk and Quarelſome: Which diſorderly Actions deterr'd me from going Aboard; for I did ever abhor Drunkenneſs, which now our Men that were Aboard abandon'd themſelves wholly to.

Yet theſe Diſorders might have been cruſht, if Capt. Swan had uſed his Authority to Suppreſs, them: But he with his Merchants living always aſhore, there was no Command; and therefore every Man did what he pleaſed and encouraged each other in his Villanies. Now Mr. Harthop, who was one of Captain Swan's Merchants, did very much importune him to ſettle his Reſolutions, and declare his Mind to his Men; which at laſt he conſented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his Men to come Aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.

We did all earneſtly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propoſe, and therefore were very willing to go Aboard. But unluckily for him, two days before this Meeting was to be, Captain Swan ſent Aboard his Gunner [...] to fetch ſomething aſhore out of his Cabbin. The Gunner rummaging to [372] find what he was ſent for, among other things took out the Captain's Journal, from America to the Iſland Guam, and laid down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Read, a Briſtol man, whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty Ingenious young Man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was alſo accounted a good Artiſt, and kept a Journal, and was now prompted by his curioſity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to ſee how it agreed with his own; a thing very uſual among Seamen that keep Journals, when they have an opportunity, and eſpecially young Men, who have no great experience. At the firſt opening of the Book he light on a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly againſt moſt of his Men, eſpecially againſt another John Reed a Jamaica man. This was ſuch ſtuff as he did not ſeek after: But hitting ſo pat on this ſubject, his curioſity led him to pry farther; and therefore while the Gunner was buſie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it at his leiſure. The Gunner having diſpatch'd his buſineſs, lock'd up the Cabbin-door, not miſſing the Book, and went aſhore. Then John Reed ſhewed it to his Name-ſake, and to the reſt that were aboard, who were by this time the biggeſt part of them ripe for miſchief; only wanting ſome fair pretence to ſet themſelves to work about it. Therefore looking on what was written in this Journal to be matter ſufficient for them to accompliſh their Ends, Captain Teat, who as I ſaid before, had been abuſed by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be revenged for his Injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height; perſwading the Men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, in hopes to have commanded the Ship himſelf. As for the Sea-men they were eaſily perſwaded to any thing; for they were quite tired with this long and [373] tedious Voyage, and moſt of them deſpaired of ever getting home, and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It was only want of being buſied in ſome Action that made them ſo uneaſie; therefore they conſented to what Teat propoſed, and immediately all that were aboard bound themſelves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out, and to conceal this deſign from thoſe that were aſhore, until the Ship was under Sail; which would have been preſently, if the Surgeon or his Mate had been aboard; but they were both aſhore, and they thought it no Prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Therefore the next Morning they ſent aſhore one John Cookworthy, to haſten off either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men in the Night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next day with the Captain, and would not come before; but ſent his Mate, Herman Coppinger.

This Man ſometime before this, was ſleeping at his Pagallies, and a Snake twiſted himſelf about his Neck; but after wards went away without hurting him. In this Country it is uſual to have the Snakes come into the Houſes, and into the Ships too; for we had ſeveral came aboard our Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his Men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us miſtruſted what was deſigning by thoſe aboard, till we came thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off; for now, having obtained their Deſires, the Canoa was ſent aſhore again immediately, to deſire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but not to tell the Reaſon, left Captain Swan ſhould come to hear of it.

[374] The 13th day in the Morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Capt. Swan immediately ſent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, to ſee what the matter was: To him they told all their Grievances, and ſhewed him the Journal. He perſwaded them to ſtay till the next day, for an Anſwer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came to an Anchor again, and the next Morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: He perſwaded them to be reconciled again, or at leaſt to ſtay and get more Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was aboard Yet at Mr. Harthop's Perſwaſion they promiſed to ſtay till 2 a Clock in the Afternoon for Captain Swan, and the reſt of the Men, if they would come aboard; but they ſuffered no Man to go aſhore, except one William Williams that had a wooden Leg, and another that was a Sawyer.

If Capt. Swan had yet come aboard, he might have daſh'd all their deſigns; but he neither came himſelf, as a Captain of any Prudence and Courage would have done, nor ſent till the time was expired. So we left Captain Swan and about 36 Men aſhore in the City, and 6 or 8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the moſt of which died by Poiſon. The Natives are very expert at Poiſoning, and do it upon ſmall occaſions: Nor did our Men want for giving Offence, through their general Rogueries, and ſometimes by dallying too familiarly with their Women, even before their Faces. Some of their Poiſons are ſlow and lingering; for we had ſome now aboard who were Poiſon'd there; but died not till ſome Months after.

CHAP. XIV.

[375]

They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time loſt or gain'd in ſailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen, about the allowance they are to take for the difference of the Suns declination. The South Coaſt of Mindanao. Chambongo Town an Harbour, with its Neighbouring Keys. Green Turtle. Ruins of a Spaniſh Fort. The Weſtermoſt point of Mindanao. Two Proes of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Iſle to the Weſt of Sebo. Walking Canes. Iſle of Batts, very large; and numerous Turtle and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They ſail by Panay belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philipine Iſlands. Iſle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account of the Iſle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They go off Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel, &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The Wild or Baſtard Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of Pulo Condore; its Water, and its Cochinchineſe Inhabitants. Of the Malayan Tongue. The Cuſtom of proſtituting their Women in theſe Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin, and among the Chineſe Seamen, and of a Proceſſion at Fort St. George. [376] Change of Time in compaſſing of the World. They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyſon they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the Bay of Siam. Pulo Uby; and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian Veſſels. Iſles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Veſſels and Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chineſe Jonk from Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody Fray with a Malayan Veſſel. The Surgeon's and the Author's deſires of leaving their Crew.

THE 14th day of January, 1687, at 3 of the Clock in the Afternoon, we ſailed from the River of Mindanao, deſigning to cruiſe before Manila.

It was during our ſtay at Mindanao, that we were firſt made ſenſible of the change of time, in the courſe of our Voyage. For having Travell'd ſo far Weſtward, keeping the ſame Courſe with the Sun, we muſt conſequently have gain'd ſomething inſenſibly in the length of the particular Days, but have loſt in the tale, the bulk, or number of the Days or Hours. According to the different Longitudes of England and Mindanao, this Iſle being Weſt from the Lizzard, by common Computation, about 210 Degrees, the difference of time at our Arrival at Mindanao ought to be about 14 Hours: and ſo much we ſhould have anticipated our reckoning, having gained it by bearing the Sun company. Now the natural Day in every particular place muſt be conſonant to it ſelf: but this going about with, or againſt the Suns courſe, will of neceſſity make a difference in the Calculation of the civil Day between any two places. Accordingly, at Mindanao, and all other places in the Eaſt-Indies, [377] we found them reckoning a Day before us, both Natives and Europeans; for rhe Europeans coming Eaſtward by the Cape of Good Hope, in a Courſe contrary to the Sun and us, where-ever we met they were a full Day before us in their Accounts. So among the Indian Mahometans here, their Friday, the Day of their Sultan's going to their Moſques, was Thurſday with us; though it were Friday alſo with thoſe who came Eaſtward from Europe. Yet at the Ladrone Iſlands, we found the Spaniards of Guam keeping the ſame Computation with our ſelves; the reaſon of which I take to be, that they ſettled that Colony by a Courſe Weſtward from Spain; the Spaniards going firſt to America, and thence to the Ladrones and Philippines. But how the reckoning was at Manila, and the reſt of the Spaniſh Colonies in the Philippine Iſlands, I know not; whether they keep it as they brought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of the Portugueze, Dutch and Engliſh, coming the contrary way from Europe.

One great Reaſon why Seamen ought to keep the difference of time as exact as they can, is, that they may be the more exact in their Latitudes. For our Tables of the Suns declination, being calculated for the Meridians of the places in which they were made, differ about 12 Minutes from thoſe parts of the World that lie on their oppoſite Meridians, in the Months of March and September; and in proportion to the Suns declination, at other times of the Year alſo. And ſhould they run farther as we did, the difference would ſtill increaſe upon them, and be an occaſion of great Errours. Yet even able Seamen in theſe Voyages are hardly made ſenſible of this, tho' ſo neceſſary to be obſerved, for want of duly attending to the reaſon of it, as it happened among thoſe of our Crew; who after we had paſt 180 Degrees, began [378] to decreaſe the difference of declination, whereas they ought ſtill to have increaſed it, for it all the way increaſed upon us.

We had the Wind at N. N. E, fair clear Weather, and a brisk Gale. We coaſted to the Weſtward, on the South-ſide of the Iſland of Mindanao, keeping within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Shore. The Land from hence tends away W. by S. It is of a good heighth by the Sea, and very woody, and in the Country we ſaw high Hills.

The next Day we were abreſt of Chambongo; a Town in this Iſland, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here is ſaid to be a good Harbour, and a great Settlement, with plenty of Beef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly fortified here alſo: There are two ſhoals lie off this place, 2 or 3 Leagues from the Shoar. From hence the Land is more low and even; yet there are ſome Hills in the Country.

About 6 Leagues before we came to the Weſt-end of the Iſland Mindanao, we fell in with a great many ſmall low Iſlands or Keys, and about two or three Leagues to the Southward of theſe Keys, there is a long Iſland ſtretching N. E. and S. W. about 12 Leagues. This Iſland is low by the Sea on the North-ſide, and has a Ridge of Hills in the middle, running from one end to the other. Between this Iſle and the ſmall Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys alſo there is a good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point of the Compaſs it flows, I know not, nor how much it riſeth and falls.

The 17th day we anchored on the Eaſt-ſide of all theſe Keys, in 8 fathom Water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whoſe Fleſh is as ſweet as any in the Weſt-Indies: but they are very ſhy. A little to the Weſtward of theſe Keys, on the Iſland Mindanao, we ſaw abundance of Coco-nut Trees: [379] Therefore we ſent our Canoa aſhore, thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor ſign of any; but great Tracts of Hogs, and great Cattle; and cloſe by the Sea there were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good heighth, built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanſhip ſeem'd to be Spaniſh. From this place the Land trends W. N. W. and it is of an indifferent heighth by the Sea. It run on this point of the Compaſs 4 or 5 Leagues, and then the Land trends away N. N. W. 5 or 6 Leagues farther, making with many bluff Points.

We weigh'd again the 14th day, and went thro between the Keys; but met ſuch uncertain Tides, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d day we got about the Weſtermoſt Point of all Mindanao, and ſtood to the Northward, plying under the Shore, and having the Wind at N. N. E. a freſh Gale. As we ſailed along further, we found the Land to trend N. N. E. On this part of the Iſland the Land is high by the Sea, with full bluff Points, and very woody. There are ſome ſmall Sandy Bays, which afford Streams of freſh Water.

Here we met with two Prows belonging to the Sologues, one of the Mindanaiin Nations before-mentioned. They came from Manila laden with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Weſtern part of the Iſland ſteering Northerly, till we came abreſt of ſome other of the Philippine Iſlands, that lay to the Northward of us; then ſteered away towards them; but ſtill keeping on the Weſt ſide of them, and we had the Winds at N. N. E.

The 3d of February we anchored in a good Bay on the Weſt ſide of the Iſland, in Lat. 9 d. 55 min. where we had 13 Fathom-water, good ſoft Oaze. This Iſland hath no Name that we could find in any Book, but lieth on the Weſt ſide of the Iſland [380] Sebo. It is about 8 or 10 Leagues long, mountainous and woody. At this place Captain Read, who was the ſame Captain Swan had ſo much railed againſt in his Journal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat was made Maſter, and Mr. Henry More Quarter-Maſter) ordered the Carpenters to cut down our Quarter-Deck to make the Ship ſnug, and the fitter for ſailing. When that was done we heeled her, ſcrubbed her Bottom, and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicate ſmall run of Water.

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, and the Trees of ſeveral Kinds, very thick and tall. In ſome places we found plenty of Canes, ſuch as we uſe in England for Walking-Canes. Theſe were ſhort-jointed, not above two Foot and a half, or two Foot ten Inches the longeſt, and moſt of them not above two Foot. They run along on the Ground like a Vine; or taking hold of the Trees, they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20 Fathom long, and much of a bigneſs from the Root, till within 5 or 6 Fathom of the end. They are of a pale green Colour, cloathed over with a Coat of ſhort thick hairy Subſtance, of a dun Colour; but it comes off by only drawing the Cane through your Hand. We did cut many of them, and they proved very tough heavy Canes.

We ſaw no Houſes, nor ſign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here, there was a Canoa with 6 Men came into this Bay; but whither they were bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians, and we could not underſtand them.

In the middle of this Bay, about a Mile from the Shore, there is a ſmall low woody Iſland, not above a Mile in Circumference; our Ship rode about a mile from it. This Iſland was the Habitation [381] of an incredible number of great Batts, with Bodies as big as Ducks, or large Fowl, and with vaſt Wings: For I ſaw at Mindanao one of this ſort, and I judge that the Wings ſtretcht out in length, could not be leſs aſſunder than 7 or 8 Foot from tip to tip; for it was much more than any of us could fathom with our Arms extended to the utmoſt. The Wings are for Subſtance like thoſe of other Batts, of a Dun or Mouſe colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs running along it, and draws up in 3 or 4 Folds; and at the joints of thoſe Ribs and the extremities of the Wings, there are ſharp and crooked Claws, by which they may hang on any thing. In the Evening as ſoon as the Sun was ſet, theſe Creatures would begin to take their flight from this Iſland, in ſwarms like Bees, directing their flight over to the Main Iſland; and whither afterwards I know not. Thus we ſhould ſee them riſing up from the Iſland till Night hindred our ſight; and in the Morning as ſoon as it was light, we ſhould ſee them returning again like a Cloud, to the ſmall Iſland, till Sun riſing. This courſe they kept conſtantly while we lay here, affording us every Morning and Evening an Hour's Diverſion in gazing at them, and talking about them; but our Curioſity did not prevail with us to go aſhoar to them, our ſelves and Canoas being all the day time taken up in buſineſs about our Ship. At this Iſle alſo we found plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fiſh.

We ſtay'd here till the 10th of February, 1687. and then having compleated our Buſineſs, we ſailed hence with the Wind at North. But going out we ſtruck on a Rock, where we lay two Hours: It was very ſmooth Water, and the Tide of Flood, or elſe we ſhould there have loſt our Ship. We ſtruck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was all the damage that we received, but we more narrowly [382] miſt loſing our Ships this time, than in any othe [...] in the whole Voyage. This is a very dangerou [...] Shoal, becauſe it does not break, unleſs probably it may appear in foul Weather. It lies about two mile to the Weſtward, without the ſmall Batt Iſland. Here we found the Tide of Flood ſetting to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward.

After we were paſt this Shoal, we Coaſted along by the reſt of the Philippine Iſlands, keeping on the Weſt-ſide of them. Some of them appeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We ſaw many Fires in the Night as we paſſed by Panay, a great Iſland ſettled by Spaniards, and by the Fires up and down it ſeems to be well ſettled by them; for this is a Spaniſh Cuſtom, whereby they give Notice of any Danger or the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had ſeen our Ship the day before. This is an unfrequented Coaſt, and 'tis rare to have any Ship ſeen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where elſe; tho' we ſaw a great many ſmall Iſlands to the Weſtward of us, and ſome Shoals, but none of them laid down in our Draughts.

The 18th day of Feb. we anchored at the N. W. end of the Iſland Mindora, in 10 Fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a Mile from the Shore. Mindora is a large Iſland; the middle of it lying in Lat 13. about 40 Leagues long, ſtretching N. W. and S. E. It is High and Mountainous, and not very Woody. At this Place where we anchored the Land was neither very high nor low. There was a ſmall Brook of Water, and the Land by the Sea was very Woody, and the Trees high and tall, but a League or two farther in, the Woods are very thin and ſmall. Here we ſaw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we ſaw ſome of each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none.

[383] While we were here, there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came from Manila. They were very ſhy of us a while: but at laſt, hearing us ſpeak Spaniſh, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to a Fryer, that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S. E. end of the Iſland. They told us alſo, that the Harbour of Manila is ſeldom or never without 20 or 30 Sail of Veſſels, moſt Chineſe, ſome Portugueze, and ſome few the Spaniards have of their own. They ſaid, that when they had done their buſineſs with the Fryer they would return to Manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 Days time. We told them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and ſhould be glad if they would carry a Letter to ſome Merchant there, which they promiſed to do. But this was only a pretence of ours, to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping, Strength, and the like, under Colour of ſeeeking a Trade; for our buſineſs was to pillage. Now if we had really deſigned to have Traded there, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have deſired: for theſe Men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to, and a ſmall Preſent to him would have engaged him to do any kindneſs for us in the way of Trade: for the Spaniſh Governours do not allow of it, and we muſt Trade by ſtealth.

The 21ſt Day we went from hence with the wind at E. N. E. a ſmall gale. The 23d Day in the Morning we were fair by the S. E. end of the Iſland Luconia, the Place that had been ſo long deſired by us. We preſently ſaw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after her we took her in 2 Hours time. She was a Spaniſh Bark, that came from a place called Pangaſanam, a ſmall Town on the N. end of Luconia, as they told us; propably the ſame with Pongaſſinay, which lies on a Bay at the N. W. ſide of the Iſland. She was bound to Manila [384] but had no Goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away.

The 23d. we took another Spaniſh Veſſel that came from the ſame place as the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-Cloth, and bound for Manila alſo. Theſe Goods were purpoſely for the Acapulco Ship: The Rice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in their return: and the Cotton-cloth was to make Sail. The Maſter of this Prize was Boatſwain of the Acapulco Ship which eſcaped us at Guam, and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the Relation of what Strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th Chapter. We took theſe two Veſſels within 7 or 8 Leagues of Manila.

Luconia I have ſpoken of already: but I ſhall now add this further account of it. It is a great Iſland, taking up between 6 and 7 degrees of Lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about 60 Leagues, but the ends are narrow. The North-end lies in about 19 d. North Lat. and the S. end in about 12 d. 30 m. This great Iſland hath abundance of ſmall Keys or Iſlands lying about it; eſpecially at the North-end. The South-ſide fronts towards the reſt of the Philippine Iſlands: Of theſe that are its neareſt Neighbours, Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Sea or Streight that parts it and the other Iſlands from Luconia: being called the Streights of Mindora.

[]
Figure 2. A Prospect of ye Coa [...]t of ye I L [...] near Manila, at [...] L off Shore [...] bearing Eaſt.
Figure 3. [...] the Islands Pulo Condor appear at 8 L distance bearing South.
[depiction of the islands and harbour of Pulo Condore [the Con Dao Islands of Vietnam]]
Figure 4. The BASHEE Iſlands

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, moſt of them, if not all, under the Spaniards, who now are maſters of it. The Native Indians do live together in Towns; and they have Prieſts among them to inſtruct them in the Spaniſh Religion.

Manila the chief, or perhaps the only City, lies at the foot of a ridge of high Hills, facing upon a ſpacious harbour near the S. W. point of the Iſland, in about the Lat. of 14 d. North. It is environ'd with a high ſtrong Wall, and very well fortify'd with Forts and Breaſt-works. The Houſes are large, ſtrongly built, and covered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large and pretty regular; with a Parade in the midſt, after the Spaniſh faſhion. There are a great many fair Buildings, beſide Churches and other Religious Houſes; of which there are not a few.

The Harbour is ſo large, that ſome hundreds of Ships may ride here: and is never without many, both of their own and ſtrangers. I have already given you an account of the two Ships going and coming between this place and Acapulco. Beſides them, they have ſome ſmall Veſſels of their own; and they do allow the Portugueſe to trade here, but the Chineſe are the chiefeſt Merchants, and they drive the greateſt Trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour at a time, and a great many Merchants conſtantly reſiding in the City, [388] beſide Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts-men in a bundance. Small Veſſels run up near the Town but the Acapulco Ships and others of greater bur then, lye a league ſhort of it, where there is a ſtrong Fort alſo, and Store-houſes to put Goods in.

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time, from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon; for he made a Voyage hither from Porto Nova, a Town on the Coaſt of Coromandel; in a Portugueſe Ship, as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; ſome of thoſe that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, they brought a Proe there, by the Inſtigation of an Iriſh man, who went by the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a perſon that ſpoke Spaniſh very well; and ſo in this their Proe they came hither. They had been here but 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald had in this time gotten a Spaniſh Muſteſa Woman to Wife, and a good Dowry with her. He then profeſſed Phyſick and Surgery, and was highly eſteemed among the Spaniards for his ſuppoſed knowledge in thoſe Arts: for being always troubled with ſore Shins while he was with us, he kept ſome Plaiſters and Salves by him; and with theſe he ſet up upon his bare natural ſtock of knowledge, and his experience in Kibes. But then he had a very great ſtock of Confidence withal, to help out the other, and being an Iriſh Roman Catholick, and having the Spaniſh Language, he had a great advantage of all his Conſorts; and he alone lived well there of them all. We were not within ſight of this Town, but I was ſhewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of them as we lay off at Sea; which I have cauſed to be engraven among a few others that I took my ſelf: See the Table.

[389] The time of the year being now too far ſpent to do any thing here, it was concluded to ſail from hence to Pulo Condore, a little parcel of Iſlands, on the Coaſt of Cambodia, and carry this Prize with us, and there careen if we could find any convenient place for it, deſigning to return hither again by the latter end of May, and wait for the Acapulco Ship that comes about that time. By our Drafts (which we were guided by, being ſtrangers to theſe parts) this ſeemed to us then to be a place out of the way, where we might lye ſnug for a while, and wait the time of returning for our Prey. For we avoided as much as we could the going to lye by at any great place of Commerce, leſt we ſhould become too much expoſed, and perhaps be aſſaulted by a Force greater than our own.

So having ſet our Priſoners aſhore, we ſailed from Luconia the 26th Day of Feb. with the Wind E. N. E. and fair Weather, and a briſk Gale. We were in Lat. 14 d. N. when we began to ſteer away for Pulo Condore, and we ſteer'd S. by W. In our way thither we went pretty near the Shoals of Pracel, and other Shoals which are very dangerous. We were very much afraid of them, but eſcaped them without ſo much as ſeeing them, only at the very South-end of the Pracel Shoals we ſaw 3 little ſandy Iſlands or ſpots of Sand, ſtanding juſt above Water within a Mile of us.

It was the 13th Day of March before we came in ſight of Pulo Condore, or the Iſland Condore, as Pulo ſignifies. The 14th Day about Noon we Anchored on the North-ſide of the Iſland, againſt a ſandy Bay 2 Mile from the Shore, in 10 Fathom clean hard Sand, with both Ship and Prize. Pulo Condore is the Principal of a heap of Iſlands, and the only inhabited one of them. They lye in lat. 8d. 40 m. North, and about 20 Leagues South and [390] by Eaſt from the Mouth of the River of Cambodia. Theſe Iſlands lye ſo near together, that at a diſtance they appear to be but one Iſland.

Two of theſe Iſlands are pretty large, and of a good heighth, they may be ſeen 14 or 15 Leagues at Sea; the reſt are but little Spots. The biggeſt of the two (which is the inhabited one) is about 4 or 5 Leagues long, and lies Eaſt and Weſt. It is not above 3 Mile broad at the broadeſt place, in moſt places not above a Mile wide. The other large Iſland is about 3 Mile long, and half a Mile wide. This Iſland ſtretcheth N. and S. It is ſo conveniently placed at the Weſt-end of the biggeſt Iſland, that between both there is formed a very commodious Harbour. The entrance of this Harbour is on the North-ſide, where the two Iſlands are near a mile aſunder. There are 3 or 4 ſmall Keys, and a good deep Channel between them and the biggeſt Iſland. Towards the South-end of the Harbour the two Iſlands do in a manner cloſe up, leaving only a ſmall Paſſage for Boats and Canoas. There are no more Iſlands on the North-ſide, but 5 or 6 on the South-ſide of the great Iſland. See the Table.

The Mold of theſe Iſlands for the biggeſt part is blackiſh, and pretty deep, only the Hills are ſomewhat ſtony. The Eaſtern part of the biggeſt Iſland is ſandy, yet all cloathed with Trees of divers ſorts. The Trees do not grow ſo thick as I have ſeen them in ſome Places, but they are generally large and tall, and fit for any uſe.

There is one ſort of Tree much larger than any other on this Iſland, and which I have not ſeen any where elſe. It is about 3 or 4 Foot Diameter in the Body, from whence is drawn a ſort of clammy Juice, which being boiled a little becomes perfect Tar; and if you boil it much it will become hard as Pitch. It may be put to either uſe; we [391] uſed it both ways, and found it to be very ſerviceable. The way that they get this Juice, is by cuting a great gap horizontally in the Body of the Tree half through, and about a Foot from the Ground; and then cutting the upper part of the Body aſlope inwardly downward, till in the middle of the Tree it meet with the traverſe cutting or plain. In this plain horizontal ſemicircular ſtump, they make a hollow like a Baſon, that may contain a Quart or two. Into this hole the Juice which drains from the wounded upper part of the Tree falls; from whence you muſt empty it every day. It will run thus for ſome Months, and then dry away, and the Tree will recover again.

The Fruit-trees that Nature hath beſtowed on theſe Iſles are Mangoes; and Trees bearing a ſort of Grape, and other Trees bearing a kind of wild or baſtard Nutmegs. Theſe all grow wild in the Woods, and in very great plenty.

The Mangoes here grow on Trees as big as Apple-trees: Thoſe at Fort St. George are not ſo large. The Fruit of theſe is as big as a ſmall Peach; but long and ſmaller towards the top: It is of a yellowiſh colour when ripe; it is very juicy, and of a pleaſant ſmell, and delicate taſte. When the Mango is young they cut them in two pieces, and pickle them with Salt and Vinegar, in which they put ſome Cloves of Garlick. This is an excellent Sauce, and much eſteemed; it is called Mango-Achar. Achar I preſume ſignifies Sauce. They make in the Eaſt-Indies, eſpecially at Siam and Pegu, ſeveral ſorts of Achar, as of the young tops of Bamboes, &c. Bambo-Achar and Mango-Achar are moſt uſed. The Mangoes were ripe when we were there, (as were alſo the reſt of theſe Fruits) and they have then ſo delicate a Fragrancy, that we could ſmell them out in the thick Woods if we had but the wind of them, while we were a good way from them, and [393] could not ſee them; and we generally found them out this way. Mangoes are common in many Places of the Eaſt-Indies; but I did never know any grow wild only at this Place. Theſe, though not ſo big as thoſe I have ſeen at Achin and at Maderas or Fort St. George, are yet every whit as pleaſant as the beſt ſort of their Garden Mangoes.

The Grape-tree grows with a ſtrait Body, of a Diameter about a Foot or more, and hath but few Limbs or Boughs. The Fruit grows in Cluſters, all about the Body of the Tree, like the Jack, Durian, and Cacao Fruits. There are of them both red and white. They are mueh like ſuch Grapes as grow on our Vines, both in ſhape and colour; and they are of a very pleaſant Winy taſte. I never ſaw theſe but on the two biggeſt of theſe Iſlands; the reſt had no Tar-trees, Mangoes, Grape-trees, nor Wild Nutmegs.

The Wild Nutmeg-tree is as big as a Walnut-tree; but it does not ſpread ſo much. The Boughs are groſs, and the Fruit grows among the Boughs, as the Walnut, and other Fruits. This Nutmeg is much ſmaller than the true Nutmeg, and longer alſo. It is incloſed with a thin Shell, and a ſort of Mace, encircling the Nut, within the Shell. This baſtard Nutmeg is ſo much like the true Nutmeg in ſhape, that at our firſt arrival here we thought it to be the true one; but it has no manner of ſmell nor taſte.

The Animals of theſe Iſlands, are ſome Hogs, Lizards and Guanoes; and ſome of thoſe Creatures mentioned in Chap. XI. which are like, but much bigger than the Guano.

Here are many ſorts of Birds, as Parrots, Parakites, Doves and Pigeons. Here are alſo a ſort of wild Cocks and Hens: They are much like our tame Fowl of that kind; but a great deal leſs, for they are about the bigneſs of a Crow. The Cocks do [393] crow like ours, but much more ſmall and ſhrill; and by their crowing we do firſt find them out in the Woods, where we ſhoot them. Their fleſh is very white and ſweet.

There are a great many Limpits and Muſcles, and plenty of green Turtle.

And upon this mention of Turtle again, I think it not amiſs to add ſome reaſons to ſtrengthen the opinion that I have given concerning theſe Creatures removing from place to place. I have ſaid in Chapter 5th, that they leave their common feeding places, and go to places a great way from thence to lay, as particularly to the Iſland Aſcention. Now I have diſcourſed with ſome ſince that Subject was printed, who are of opinion, that when the laying time is over, they never go from thence, but lye ſomewhere in the Sea about the Iſland, which I think is very improbable: for there can be no food for them there, as I could ſoon make appear; as particularly from hence, that the Sea about the Iſle of Aſcention is ſo deep as to admit of no anchoring but at one place, where there is no ſign of Graſs: and we never bring up with our ſounding Lead any Graſs or Weeds out of very deep Seas, but Sand, or the like, only. But if this be granted, that there is food for them, yet I have a great deal of reaſon to believe that the Turtle go from hence; for after the laying time you ſhall never ſee them, and where-ever Turtle are, you will ſee them riſe, and hold their Head above water to breath, once in 7 or 8 minutes, or at longeſt in 10 or 12. And if any Man does but conſider, how Fiſh take their certain Seaſons of the year to go from one Sea to another, this would not ſeem ſtrange; even Fowls alſo having their ſeaſons to remove from one place to another.

Theſe Iſlands are pretty well watered with ſmall Brooks of freſh Water, that run fluſh into [394] the Sea for 10 Months in the Year. The latter end of March they begin to dry away, and in April you ſhall have none in the Brooks, but what is lodged in deep Holes; but you my dig Wells in ſome places. In May, when the Rain comes, the Land is again repleniſhed with Water, and the Brooks run out into the Sea.

Theſe Iſlands lie very commodiouſly in the way to and from Japan, China, Manila, Tunquin, Cochinchina, and in general all this moſt Eaſterly Coaſt of the Indian Continent; whether you go through the Streights of Malacca, or the Streights of Sunda, between Samatra and Java: and one of them you muſt paſs in the common way from Europe, or other parts of the Eaſt-Indies; unleſs you mean to fetch a great Compaſs round moſt of the Eaſt-India Iſlands, as we did. Any Ship in diſtreſs may be refreſhed and recruited here very conveniently; and beſides ordinary Accommodations, be furniſhed with Maſts, Yards, Pitch and Tar. It might alſo be a convenient place to uſher in a Commerce with the neighbouring Country of Cochinchina; and Forts might be built to ſecure a Factory; particularly at the Harbour, which is capable of being well fortified. This place therefore being upon all theſe Accounts ſo valuable, and withal ſo little known, I have here inſerted a Draft of it, which I took during our ſtay there.

The Inhabitants of this Iſland are by Nation Cochinchineſe, as they told us, for one of them ſpake good Malayan: which Language we learnt a ſmattering of, and ſome of us ſo as to ſpeak it pretty well, while we lay at Mindanao; and this is the common Tongue of Trade and Commerce (though it be not in ſeveral of them the Native Language) in moſt of the Eaſt-India Iſlands, being the Lingua Franca, as it were, of theſe Parts. I believe 'tis the vulgar Tongue at Malacca, Sumatra, Java, and [395] Borneo; but at Celebes, the Philippine Iſlands, and the Spice Iſlands, it ſeems borrowed for the carrying on of Trade.

The Inhabitants of Pulo Condore are but a ſmall People in Stature, well enough ſhaped, and of a darker Colour than the Mindanayans. They are pretty long Viſaged; their Hair is black and ſtreight, their Eyes are but ſmall and black, their Noſes of a mean bigneſs, and pretty high, their Lips thin, their Teeth white, and little Mouths. They are very civil People, but extraordinary poor. Their chiefeſt Employment is to draw the Juice of thoſe Trees that I have deſcribed, to make Tar. They preſerve it in wooden Troughs; and when they have their Cargo, they tranſport it to Cochinchina, their Mother-Country. Some others of them employ themſelves to catch Turtle, and boil up their Fat to Oil, which they alſo tranſport home. Theſe People have great large Nets, with wide Maſhes to catch the Turtle. The Jamaica Turtlers have ſuch; and I did never ſee the like Nets but at Jamaica and here.

They are ſo free of their Women, that they would bring them aboard, and offer them to us; and many of our Men hired them for a ſmall matter. This is a Cuſtom uſed by ſeveral Nations in the Eaſt-Indies, as at Pegu, Siam, Cochinchina, and Cambodia, as I have been told. It is uſed at Tunquin alſo to my Knowledge; for I did afterwards make a Voyage thither, and moſt of our Men had Women aboard all the time of our abode there. In Africa, alſo, on the Coaſt of Guinea, our Merchants, Factors, and Seamen that reſide there, have their black Miſſes. It is accounted a piece of Policy to do it; for the chief Factors and Captains of Ships have the Great Mens Daughters offered them, the Mandarins or Noblemens at Tunquin, and even the King's Wives in Guinea; and by this ſort of Alliance [396] the Country people are engaged to a greater Friendſhip: And if there ſhould ariſe any difference about Trade, or any thing elſe, which might provoke the Natives to ſeek ſome treacherous Revenge, (to which all theſe Heathen Nations are very prone) then theſe Dalilahs would certainly declare it to their White Friends, and ſo hinder their Countrymens Deſigns.

Theſe People are Idolaters: but their manner of Worſhip I know not. There are a few ſcattering Houſes and Plantations on the great Iſland, and a ſmall Village an the South-ſide of it; where there is a little Idol Temple, and an Image of an Elephant, about 5 foot high, and in bigneſs proportionable, placed on one ſide of the Temple; and a Horſe, not ſo big, placed on the other ſide of it: both ſtanding with thei [...] Heads towards the South. The Temple it ſelf was low and ordinary, built of Wood, and thatched, like one of their Houſes; which are but very meanly.

The Images of the Horſe and the Elephant were the moſt general Idols that I obſerv'd in the Temples of Tunquin, when I travell'd there. There were other Images alſo, of Beaſts, Birds and Fiſh. I do not remember I ſaw any Humane Shape there; nor any ſuch monſtrous Repreſentations as I have ſeen among the Chineſe. Where-ever the Chineſe Seamen or Merchants come (and they are very numerous all over theſe Seas) they have always hideous Idols on board their Jonks or Ships, with Altars, and Lamps burning before them. Theſe Idols they bring aſhore with them: And beſide thoſe they have in common, every Man hath one in his own Houſe. Upon ſome particular ſolemn Days I have ſeen their Bonzies, or Prieſts, bring whole Armfuls of painted Papers, and burn them with a great deal of Ceremony, being very careful to let no Piece eſcape them. The ſame Day they kill'd a Goat [397] which had been purpoſely fatting a Month before; this they offer or preſent before their Idol, and then dreſs it and feaſt themſelves with it. I have ſeen them do this in Tunquin, where I have at the ſame time been invited to their Feaſts; and at Bancouli, in the Iſle of Sumatra, they ſent a Shoulder of the ſacrific'd Goat to the Engliſh, who eat of it, and ask'd me to do ſo too; but I refuſed.

When I was at Maderas, or Fort St. George, I took notice of a great Ceremony uſed for ſeveral Nights ſucceſſively by the Idolaters inhabiting the Suburbs: Both Men and Women (theſe very well clad) in a great multitude went in ſolemn Proceſſion with lighted Torches, carrying their Idols about with them. I knew not the meaning of it. I obſerv'd ſome went purpoſely carrying Oyl to ſprinkle into the Lamps, to make them burn the brighter. They began their Round about 11 a Clock at Night, and having paced it gravely about the Streets till 2 or 3 a Clock in the Morning, their Idols were carry'd with much Ceremony into the Temple by the Chief of the Proceſſion, and ſome of the Women I ſaw enter the Temple, particularly. Their Idols were different from thoſe of Tunquin, Cambodia, &c. being in Humane Shape.

I have ſaid already that we arrived at theſe Iſlands the 14th day of March, 1687. The next day we ſearched about for a place to careen in; and the 16th day we entred the Harbour, and immediately provided to careen. Some Men were ſet to fell great Trees to ſaw into Plank; others went to unrigging the Ship; ſome made a Houſe to put our Goods in, and for the Sail-maker to work in. The Country People reſorted to us, and brought us of the Fruits of the Iſland, with Hogs, and ſometimes Turtle; for which they received Rice in exchange, which we had a Ship-load of, taken at Manila. We bought of them alſo a good quantity of their [398] pitchy Liquor, which we boiled, and uſed about our Ship's bottom. We mixed it firſt with Lime, which we made here; and it made an excellent Coat, and ſtuck on very well.

We ſtaid in this Harbour from the 16th day of March till the 16th of April; in which time we made a new Suit of Sails of the Cloth that was taken in the Prize. We cut a ſpare Main-top-maſt, and ſawed Plank to ſheath the Ship's Bottom; for ſhe was not ſheathed all over at Mindanao, and that old Plank that was left on then we now ript off, and clapt on new.

While we lay here 2 of our Men died, who were poiſon'd at Mindanao, they told us of it when they found themſelves poiſon'd, and had linger'd ever ſince. They were open'd by our Doctor, according to their own Requeſt before they died, and their Livers were black, light and dry, like pieces of Cork.

Our Buſineſs being finiſhed here, we left the Spaniſh Prize taken at Manila, and moſt of the Rice, taking out enough for our ſelves; and on the 17th day we went from hence to the place where we firſt anchored, on the North-ſide of the great Iſland, purpoſely to water; for there was a great Stream when we firſt came to the Iſland, and we thought it was ſo now. But we found it dried up, only it ſtood in Holes, 2 or 3 Hogsheads, or a Tun in a Hole: Therefore we did immediately cut Bamboos, and made Spouts, through which we conveyed the Water down to the Sea-ſide; by taking it up in Bowls, and pouring it into theſe Spouts or Troughs. We convey'd ſome of it thus near half a Mile. While we were filling our Water, Captain Read engaged an old Man, one of the Inhabitants of this Iſland, the ſame, who, I ſaid, could ſpeak the Malayan Language, to be his Pilot to the Bay of Siam; for he had often been telling [399] us, that he was well acquainted there, and that he knew ſome Iſlands there, where there were Fiſhermen lived, who he thought could ſupply us with Salt-fiſh to eat at Sea; for we had nothing but Rice to eat. The Eaſterly Monſoon was not yet done; therefore it was concluded to ſpend ſome time there, and then take the advantage of the beginning of the Weſtern Monſoon, to return to Manila again.

The 21ſt day of April 1687, we ſailed from Pulo Condore, directing our Courſe W. by S. for the Bay of Siam. We had fair Weather, and a fine moderate Gale of Wind at E. N. E.

The 23d day we arriv'd at Pulo Ubi, or the Iſland Ubi. This Iſland is about 40 Leagues to the Weſtward of Pulo Condore; it lies juſt at the entrance of the Bay of Siam, at the S. W. point of Land, that makes the Bay; namely, the point of Cambodia. This Iſland is about 7 or 8 Leagues round, and it is higher Land than any of Pulo Condore Iſles. Againſt the South-Eaſt part of it there is a ſmall Key, about a Cables length from the main Iſland. This Pulo Ubi is very woody, and it has good Water on the North-ſide, where you may anchor; but the beſt anchoring is on the Eaſt-ſide againſt a ſmall Bay; then you will have the little Iſland to the Southward of you.

At Pulo Ubi we found two ſmall Barks laden with Rice. They belonged to Cambodia, from whence they came not above two or three Days before, and they touched here to fill Water. Rice is the general Food of all theſe Countries, therefore it is tranſported by Sea from one Country to another, as Corn in theſe parts of the World. For in ſome Countries they produce more than enough for themſelves, and ſend what they can ſpare to thoſe places where there is but little.

[400] The 24th Day we went into the Bay of Siam: This is a large deep Bay, of which and of this Kingdom I ſhall at preſent ſpeak but little, becauſe I deſign a more particular account of all this Coaſt, to wit, of Tunquin, Cochinchina, Siam, Champa, Cambodia, and Malacca, making all the moſt Eaſterly part of the Continent of Aſia, lying South of China; but to do it in the Courſe of this Voyage, would too mueh ſwell this Volume: and I ſhall chuſe therefore to give a ſeparate Relation of what I know or have learnt of them, together with the neighbouring Parts of Sumatra, Jova, &c. where I have ſpent ſome time.

We run down into the Bay of Siam, till we came to the Iſlands that our Pulo Condore Pilot told us of, which lie about the middle of the Bay: But as good a Pilot as he was, he run us aground,; yet we had no damage. Captain Read went aſhore at theſe Iſlands, where he found a ſmall Town of Fiſhermen; but they had no Fiſh to ſell, and ſo we returned empty.

We had yet fair Weather, and very little Wind; ſo that being often becalmed, we were till the 13th day of May before we got to Pulo Ubi again. There we found two ſmall Veſſels at an Anchor on the Eaſt-ſide: They were laden with Rice and Laquer, which is uſed in Japanning of Cabinets. One of theſe come from Champa, bound to the Town of Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch, who took it from the Portugueze: and this ſhews that they have a Trade with Champa. This was a very pretty neat Veſſel, her bottom very clean and curiouſly coated; ſhe had about 40 Men all armed with Cortans, or broad Swords, Lances, and ſome Guns, that went with a Swivel upon their Gunnal. They were of the Idolaters, Natives of Champa, and ſome of the briskeſt, moſt ſociable, without fearfulneſs or ſhyneſs, and the moſt neat and dextrous about [401] their Shipping, of any ſuch I have met with in all my Travels. The other Veſſel came from the River of Cambodia, and was bound towards the Streights of Malacca. Both of them ſtopt here, for the Weſterly Winds now began to blow, which were againſt them, being ſomewhat bleated.

We anchored alſo on the Eaſt-ſide, intending to fill Water. While we lay here we had very violent Wind at S. W. and a ſtrong Current ſetting right to Windward. The fiercer the Wind blew, the more ſtrong the Current ſet againſt it. This Storm laſted till the 20th day, and then it began to abate.

The 21ſt day of May we went back from hence towards Pulo Condore. In our way we overtook a great Jonk that came from Palimbam, a Town on the Iſland Sumatra: She was full laden with Pepper which they bought there, and was bound to Siam: but it blowing ſo hard, ſhe was afraid to venture into that Bay, and therefore came to Pula Condore with us, where we both anchored May the 24th. This Veſſel was of the Chineſe make, full of little Rooms or Partitions, like our Well-boats. I ſhall deſcribe them in the next Chapter. The Men of this Jonk told us, that the Engliſh were ſettled on the Iſland Sumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and the firſt knowledge we had that the Engliſh had any ſettlement on Sumatra was from theſe.

When we came to an Anchor, we ſaw a ſmall Bark at an Anchor near the Shore; therefore Captain Read ſent a Canoa aboard her, to know from whence they came; and ſuppoſing that it was a Malaya Veſſel, he ordered the Men not to go aboard, for they are accounted deſperate Fellows, and their Veſſels are commonly full of Men, who all wear Creſſets, or little Daggers by their ſides. The Canoas Crew not minding the Captain's Orders went aboard, all but one Man that ſtay'd in [402] the Canoa. The Malayans, who were about 20 of them, ſeeing our Men all armed, thought that they came to take their Veſſel; therefore at once, on a Signal given, they drew out their Creſſets, and ſtabbed 5 or 6 of our Men before they knew what the matter was. The reſt of our Men leapt over-board, ſome into the Canoa, and ſome into the Sea, and ſo got away. Among the reſt, one Daniel Wallis leapt into the Sea, who could never ſwim before nor ſince; yet now he ſwam very well a good while before he was taken up. When the Canoas came aboard, Captain Read manned two Canoas, and went to be revenged on the Malayans; but they ſeeing him coming, did cut a Hole in their Veſſel's bottom, and went aſhore in their Boat. Capt. Read followed them, but they run into the Woods and hid themſelves. Here we ſtay'd ten or eleven Days, for it blew very hard all the time. While we ſtay'd here Herman Coppinger our Surgeon went aſhore, intending to live here; but Captain Read ſent ſome Men to fetch him again. I had the ſame Thoughts, and would have gone aſhore too, but waited for a more convenient place. For neither he nor I, when we were laſt on board at Mindanao, had any knowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Capt. Swan, and run away with the Ship; and being ſufficiently weary of this mad Crew, we were willing to give them the ſlip at any place from whence we might hope to get a paſſage to an Engliſh Factory. There was nothing elſe of Moment happen'd while we ſtay'd here.

CHAP. XV.

[403]

They leave Pulo Condore, deſigning for Manila, but are driven off from thence, and from the Iſle of Prata, by the Winds, and brought upon the Coaſt of China. Iſle of St. John, on the Coaſt of the Province of Canton; its Soil and Productions, China Hogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing the Chineſe to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little Feet of their Women. China-ware, China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village at St. John's Iſland, and of their Husbandry of their Rice. A Story of a Chineſe Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the China Jonks, and their Rigging. They leave St. John's and the Coaſt of China. A moſt outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a Light, or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piſcadores, or Fiſhers Iſlands near Formoſa: A Tartarian Garriſon, and Chineſe Town on one of theſe Iſlands. They anchor in the Harbour near the Tartars Garriſon, and treat with the Governor. Of Amoy in the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chineſe and Portugueſe Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer and his Retinue. Their Preſents, excellent Beef. Samciu, a ſort of Chineſe Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chineſe Mum, and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Iſle of Formoſa, and the five Iſlands; to [404] which they give the Names of Orange, Monmouth, Grafton, Baſhee, and Goat-Iſlands, in general, the Baſhee-Iſlands. A Digreſſion concerning the different depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. as before. The Soil, Fruits and Animals of theſe Iſlands. The Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal like Gold. Their Houſes built on remarkable Precipices. Their Boats and Employments. Their Food, of Goat Skins, Entrails, &c. Parcht Locuſts. Baſhee, or Sugar-cane Drink. Of their Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols, nor civil Form of Government. A young Man buried alive by them; ſuppoſed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the Ships firſt Entercourſe with theſe People, and Bartering with them. Their Courſe among the Iſlands; their ſtay there, and proviſion to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm, and return. The Natives Kindneſs to 6 of them left behind. The Crew diſcouraged by thoſe Storms, quit their deſign of Cruiſing off Manila for the Acapulco Ship; and 'tis reſolved to fetch a Compaſs to Cape Comorin, and ſo for the Red-Sea.

HAving fill'd our Water, cut our Wood, and got our Ship in a Sailing poſture, while the bluſtring hard Winds laſted, we took the firſt opportunity of a ſettled Gale to Sail towards Manila. Accordingly June the 4th, 1687. we looſed from [405] Pulo Condore, with the Wind at S. W. fair Weather at a brisk Gale. The Pepper Jonk bound to Siam remained there, waiting for an Eaſterly Wind; but one of his Men, a kind of a baſtard Portugueſe, came aboard our Ship, and was entertained for the ſake of his knowledge in the ſeveral Languages of theſe Countries. The Wind continued in the S. W. but 24 hours, or a little more, and then came about to the North, and then to the N. E.; and the Sky became exceeding clear. Then the Wind came at Eaſt, and laſted betwixt E. and S. E. for 8 or 10 Days. Yet we continued plying to Windward, expecting every Day a ſhift of Wind, becauſe theſe Winds were not according to the Seaſon of the Year.

We were now afraid leſt the Currents might deceive us, and carry us on the Shoals of Pracel, which were near us, a little to the N. W. but we paſſed on to the Eaſtward, without ſeeing any ſign of them; yet we were kept much to the Northward of our intended courſe: and the Eaſterly Winds ſtill continuing, we deſpaired of getting to Manila; and therefore began to project ſome new deſign; and the reſult was, to viſit the Iſland Prata, about the Lat. of 20 Deg. 40 Min. North; and not far from us at this time.

It is a ſmall low Iſland, environ'd with Rocks clear round it, by report. It lyeth ſo in the way between Manila and Canton, the head of a Province, and a Town of great Trade in China, that the Chineſe do dread the Rocks about it, more than the Spaniards did formerly dread Bermudas; for many of their Jonks coming from Manila have been loſt there, and with abundance of Treaſure in them; as we were informed by all the Spaniards that ever we converſt with in theſe parts. They told us alſo, that in theſe Wrecks moſt of the Men were drowned, and that the Chineſe did never go thither [406] to take upon any of the Treaſure that was loſt there, for fear of being loſt themſelves. But the danger of the place did not daunt us; for we were reſolued to try our Fortunes there, if the Winds would permit; and we did beat for it 5 or 6 Days: but at laſt were forced to leave that Deſign alſo for want of Winds; for the S. E. Winds continuing, forced us on the Coaſt of China.

It was the 25th Day of June when we made the Land; and running in towards the Shore we came to an Anchor the ſame Day, on the N. E. end of St. John's Iſland.

This Iſland is in Lat. about 22 d. 30 min. North, lying on the S. Coaſt of the Province of Quantung or Canton in China. It is of an indifferent heighth, and pretty plain, and the Soil fertile enough. It is partly woody, partly Savannahs or Paſturage for Cattle; and there is ſome moiſt arable Land for Rice. The skirts or outer part of the Iſland, eſpecially that part of it which borders on the main Sea, is woody: The middle part of it is good thick graſſy Paſture, with ſome Groves of Trees; and that which is cultivated Land is low wet Land, yielding plentiful Crops of Rice; the only Grain that I did ſee here. The tame Cattel which this Iſland affords, are China Hogs, Goats, Buffaloes, and ſome Bullocks. The Hogs of this Iſland are all black; they have but ſmall Heads, very ſhort thick Necks, great Bellies, commonly touching the Ground, and ſhort Legs. They Eat but little Food, yet they are moſt of them very fat; probably becauſe they Sleep much. The tame Fowls are Ducks, and Cocks and Hens. I ſaw no wild Fowl but a few ſmall Birds.

The Natives of this Iſland are Chineſe. They are ſubject to the Crown of China, and conſequently at this time to the Tartars. The Chineſe in general are tall, ſtrait-bodied, raw-boned Men. They [407] are long Viſaged, and their Foreheads are high; but they have little Eyes. Their Noſes are pretty large, with a riſing in the middle. Their Mouths are of a mean ſize, pretty thin Lips. They are of an aſhy Complexion; their Hair is black, and their Beards thin and long, for they pluck the Hair out by the Roots, ſuffering only ſome few very long ſtraggling Hairs to grow about their Chin in which they take great pride, often combing them, and ſometimes tying them up in a knot, and they have ſuch Hairs too growing down from each ſide of their upper Lip like Whiskers. The ancient Chineſe were very proud of the Hair of their Heads, letting it grow very long, and ſtroking it back with their Hands curiouſly, and then winding the plats all together round a Bodkin, thruſt through it at the hinder part of the Head; and both Men and Women did thus. But when the Tartars conquer'd them, they broke them of this cuſtom they were fond of, by main force; inſomuch that they reſented this Impoſition worſe than their ſubjection, and rebelled upon it: but being ſtill worſted, were forc'd to acquieſce; and to this day they follow the faſhion of their Maſters the Tartars, and ſhave all their Heads, only reſerving one lock, which ſome tye up, others let it hang down to a great or ſmall length as they pleaſe. The Chineſe in other Countries ſtill keep their old cuſtom, but if any of the Chineſe is found wearing long Hair in China, he forfeits his Head; and many of them have abandoned their Country to preſerve their liberty of wearing their Hair, as I have been told by themſelves.

The Chineſe have no Hats, Caps, or Turbans; but when they walk abroad, they carry a ſmall Umbrello in their Hands, wherewith they fence their Head from the Sun or the Rain, by holding it over their Heads. If they walk but a little way, [408] they carry only a large Fan made of Paper, or Silk, of the ſame faſhion as thoſe our Ladies have, and many of them are brought over hither; one of theſe every Man carries in his Hand if he do but croſs the Street, skreening his Head with it, if he hath not an Umbrello with him.

The common Apparel of the Men, is a looſe Frock and Breeches. They ſeldom were Stockings, but they have Shoes, or a ſort of Slippers rather. The Mens Shoes are made diverſly: The Women have very ſmall Feet, and conſequently but little Shoes; for from their Infancy their Feet are kept ſwathed up with Bands, as hard as they can poſſibly endure them; and from the time they can go till they have done growing they bind them up every night. This they do purpoſely to hinder them from growing, eſteeming little Feet to be a great Beauty. But by this unreaſonable Cuſtom they do in a manner loſe the uſe of their Feet, and inſtead of going they only ſtumble about their Houſes, and preſently ſquat down on their Breeches again, being, as it were, confined to ſitting all Days of their Lives. They ſeldom ſtir abroad, and one would be apt to think, that, as ſome have conjectured, their keeping up their fondneſs for this Faſhion were a Stratagem of the Mens, to keep them from gadding and goſſipping about, and confine them at home. They are kept conſtantly to their work, being fine Needle-Women, and making many curious Embroideries, and they make their own Shoes; but if any Stranger be deſirous to bring away any for Novelty's ſake, he muſt be a great Favourite to get a pair of Shoes, of them, though he give twice their value. The poorer ſort of Women trudge about Streets, and to the Market, without Shoes or Stockings; and theſe cannot afford to have little Feet, being to get their living with them.

[409] The Chineſe, both Men and Women, are very ingenious; as may appear by the many curious things that are brought from thence, eſpecially the Porcelaine, or China Earthen Ware. The Spaniards of Manila, that we took on the Coaſt of Luconia, told me, that this Commodity is made of Conch-ſhells; the inſide of which looks like Mother of Pearl. But the Portugueſe lately mentioned, who had lived in China, and ſpoke that and the neighbouring Languages very well, ſaid, That it was made of a fine ſort of Clay that was dug in the Province of Canton. I have often made enquiry about it, but could never be well ſatisfied in it: But while I was on the Coaſt of Canton I forgot to inquire about it. They make very fine Lacquer-ware alſo, and good Silks; and they are curious at Painting and Carring.

China affords Drugs in great abundance; eſpecially China-Root; but this is not [...]culiar to that Country alone; for there is much of this Root growing at Jamaica, particularly at 16 mile walk, and in the Bay of Honduras it is very plentiful. There is great ſtore of Sugar made in this Country; and Tea in abundance is brought from thence; being much uſed there, and in Tunquin and Cochinchina as common drinking; Women ſitting in the Streets, and ſelling Diſhes of Tea hot and ready made; they call it Chau, and even the pooreſt People ſip it. But the Tea at Tonqueen or Cochinchina ſeems not ſo good, or of ſo pleaſant a bitter, or of ſo fine a colour, or ſuch virtue as this in China; for I have drank of it in theſe Countries: unleſs the fault be in their way of making it, for I made none there my ſelf; and by the high red colour it looks as if they made a Decoction of it, or kept it ſtale. Yet at Japan I was told there is a great deal of pure Tea, very good.

The Chineſe are very great Gameſters, and they will never be tired with it, playing night and day, [410] till they have loſt all their Eſtates; then it is uſual with them to hang themſelves. This was frequently done by the Chineſe Factors at Manila, as I was told by Spaniards that lived there. The Spaniards themſelves are much addicted to Gaming, and are very expert at it; but the Chineſe are too ſubtle for them, being in general a very cunning People.

But a particular Account of them and their Country would fill a Volume; nor doth my ſhort Experience of them qualify me to ſay much of them. Wherefore I confine my ſelf chiefly to what I obſerv'd at St. John's Iſland, where we lay ſome time, and viſited the ſhore every day to buy Proviſion, as Hogs, Fowls, and Buffaloe. Here was a ſmall Town ſtanding in a wet ſwampy Ground, with many filthy Ponds amongſt the Houſes, which were built on the Ground as ours are, not on Poſts as at Mindanao. In theſe Ponds were plenty of Ducks; the Houſes were ſmall and low, and covered with Thatch, and the inſide were but ill furniſhed, and kept naſtily: and I have been told by one who was there, that moſt of the Houſes in the City of Canton it ſelf are but poor and irregular.

The Inhabitants of this Village ſeem to be moſt Husbandmen: They were at this time very buſy in Sowing their Rice which is their chiefeſt Commodity. The Land in which they chooſe to Sow the Rice is low and wet, and when Plowed the Earth was like a maſs of Mud. They plow their Land with a ſmall Plow, drawn by one Buffaloe, and one Man both holds the Plow, and drives the Beaſt. When the Rice is ripe and gathered in, they tread it out of the Ear with Buffaloes, in a large round place made with a hard floor fit for that purpoſe, where they chain 3 or 4 of theſe Beaſts, one at the tail of the other, and driving them round in a ring, as in a Horſe-mill, they ſo order [411] it that the Buffaloes may tread upon it all.

I was once aſhore at this Iſland, with 7 or 8 Engliſh Men more, and having occaſion to ſtay ſome time, we killed a Shote, or young Porker, and roaſted it for our Dinners. While we were buſie dreſſing of our Pork, one of the Natives came and ſat down by us; and when the Dinner was ready, we cut a good piece and gave it him, which he willingly received. But by Signs he begged more, and withal pointed into the Woods; yet we did not underſtand his meaning, nor much mind him, till our Hunger was pretty well aſſwaged; although he did ſtill make Signs, and walking a little way from us, he beckoned to us to come to him; which at laſt I did, and 2 or 3 more. He going before, led the way in a ſmall blind Path, through a Thicket, into a ſmall Grove of Trees, in which there was an old Idol Temple about 10 foot ſquare: The Walls of it were about 6 Foot high, and 2 Foot thick, made of Bricks. The Floor was paved with broad Bricks, and in the middle of the Floor ſtood an old ruſty Iron Bell on its Brims. This Bell was about two Foot high, ſtanding flat on the Ground; the Brims on which it ſtood were about 16 Inches diameter. From the brims it did taper away a little towards the Head, much like our Bells; but that the Brims did not turn out ſo much as ours do. On the Head of the Bell there were 3 Iron Bars as big as a Man's Arm, and about 10 Inches long from the top of the Bell, where the ends join'd as in a Center, and ſeemed of one Maſs with the Bell, as if Caſt together. Theſe Bars ſtood all Parallel to the Ground, and their further ends, which ſtood Triangularly and opening from each other at equal Diſtances, like the Fliers of our Kitchen-Jacks, were made exactly in the ſhape of the Paw of ſome monſtrous Beaſt, having ſharp Claws on it. This it ſeems was their God; for as ſoon as our zealous [412] Guide came before the Bell, he fell flat on his Face and beckoned to us, ſeeming very deſirous to have us do the like. At the inner ſide of the Temple [...] againſt the Walls, there was an Altar of white hewn Stone. The Table of the Altar was about 3 Foot long, 16 Inches broad, and 3 Inches thick It was raiſed about two Foot from the Ground, and ſupported by 3 ſmall Pillars of the ſame white Stone. On this Altar there were ſeveral ſmall Earthen Veſſels; one of them was full of ſmall Sticks that had been burned at one end. Our Guide made a great many Signs for us to fetch and to leave ſome of our Meat there, and ſeemed very importunate, but we refuſed. We left him there, and went aboard; I did ſee no other Temple nor Idol here.

While we lay at this Place, we ſaw ſeveral ſmall China Jonks, Sailing in the Lagune between the Iſlands and the Main, one came and anchored by us. I and ſome more of our Men went aboard to view her: She was built with a ſquare flat Head as well as Stern, only the Head or fore-part was not ſo broad as the Stern. On her Deck ſhe had little thacht Houſes like Hovels, cover'd with Palmeto Leaves, and raiſed about 3 Foot high, for the Seamen to creep into. She had a pretty large Cabin, wherein there was an Altar and a Lamp burning, I did but juſt look in, and ſaw not the Idol. The Hold was divided in many ſmall Partitions, all of them made ſo tight, that if a Leak ſhould Spring up in any one of them, it could go no farther, and ſo could do but little Damage, but only to the Goods in the bottom of that Room where the Leak ſprings up. Each of theſe Rooms belong to one or two Merchants, or more; and every Man freights his Goods in his own Room; and probably Lodges there, if he be on Board himſelf. Theſe Jonks have only two Maſts, a Main-maſt and a Fore-maſt. The [413] fore-maſt has a ſquare Yard and a ſquare Sail, but the Main-maſt has a Sail narrow aloft, like a Sloops-Sail, and in fair Weather they uſe a Top-ſail, which is to hale down on the Deck in foul weather, Yard and all; for they do not go up to furl it. The Main-maſt in their biggeſt Jonks ſeemed to me as big as any third-rate Man of Wars Maſt in England, and yet not pieced as ours, but made of one grown Tree; and in all my Travels I never ſaw any ſingle Tree-maſts ſo big in the Body, and ſo long, and yet ſo well tapered, as I have ſeen in the Chine [...]e Jonks.

Some of our Men went over to a pretty large Town on the Continent of China, where we might have furniſhed our Selves with Proviſion, which was a thing we were always in want of, and was our chief Buſineſs here; but we were afraid to lye in this Place any longer, for we had ſome ſigns of an approaching Storm: this being the time of the Year in which Storms are expected on this Coaſt; and here was no ſafe Riding. It was now the time of the Year for the S. W. Monſoon, but the Wind had been whiſtling about from one part of the Compaſs to another for two or three Days, and ſometimes it would be quite calm. This cauſed us to put to Sea, that we might have Sea-room at leaſt; for ſuch flattering Weather is commonly the fore-runner of a Tempeſt.

Accordingly we weighed Anchor, and ſet out; yet we had very little Wind all the next night. But the Day enſuing, which was the 4th day of July, about 4 a clock in the afternoon, the Wind came to the N. E. and freſhned upon us, and the Sky look'd very black in that quarter, and the black Clouds began to riſe apace and mov'd towards us; having hung all the morning in the Horizon. This made us take in our Top-ſails, and the Wind ſtill increaſing, about 9 a clock we rift our Main-ſail and Foreſail; [414] at 10 we furl'd our Fore-ſail, keeping under a Main-ſail and Mizen. At 11 a clock we furl'd our Main-ſail, and ballaſted our Mizen; at which time it began to rain, and by 12 a clock at night it blew exceeding hard, and the Rain poured down as through a Sieve. It thundered and lightned prodigiouſly, and the Sea ſeemed all of a Fire about us; for every Sea that broke ſparkled like Lightning. The violent Wind raiſed the Sea preſently to a great heighth, and it ran very ſhort, and began to break in on our Deck. One Sea ſtruck away the Rails of our Head, and our Sheet-Anchor, which was ſtowed with one Flook or bending of the Iron, over the Ships Gunal, and laſht very well down to the ſide, was violently waſht off, and had like to have ſtruck a hole in our Bow, as it lay beating againſt it. Then we were forced to put right before the Wind to ſtow our Anchor again; which we did with much ado: but afterwards we durſt not adventure to bring our Ship to the Wind again, for fear of foundring, for the turning the Ship either to or fro from the Wind is dangerous in ſuch violent Storms. The fierceneſs of the Weather continued till 4a clock that morning; in which time we did cut away two Canoas that were towing aſtern.

After four a clock the Thunder and the Rain abated, and then we ſaw a Corpus Sant at our Main-top-maſt head, on the very top of the truck of the Spindle. This ſight rejoyc'd our Men exceedingly; for the heighth of the Storm is commonly over when the Corpus Sant is ſeen aloft; but when they are ſeen lying on the Deck, it is generally accounted a bad Sign.

A Corpus Sant is a certain ſmall glittering light; when it appears as this did, on the very top of the Main-maſt or at a Yard-arm, it is like a Star; but when it appears on the Deck, it reſembles a great Glowworm. [415] The Spaniards have another Name for it, (though I take even this to be a Spaniſh or Portugueſe Name, and a corruption only of Corpus Sanctum) and I have been told that when they ſee them, they preſently go to Prayers, and bleſs themſelves for the happy ſight. I have heard ſome ignorant Seamen diſcourſing how they have ſeen them creep, or as they ſay, travel about in the Scuppers, telling many diſmal Stories that hapned at ſuch times: but I did never ſee any one ſtir out of the place where it was firſt fixt, except upon Deck, where every Sea waſheth it about: Neither did I ever ſee any but when we have had hard Rain as well as Wind; and therefore do believe it is ſome Jelly: but enough of this.

We continued ſcudding right before Wind and Sea from 2 till 7 a Clock in the Morning, and then the Wind being much abated, we ſet our Mizen again, and brought our Ship to the Wind, and lay under a Mizen till 11. Then it fell flat calm, and it continued ſo for about 2 Hours: but the Sky looked very black and rueful, eſpecially in the S. W. and the Sea toſſed us about like an Egg-ſhell, for want of Wind. About one a Clock in the Afternoon the Wind ſprung up at S. W. out of the quarter from whence we did expect it: therefore, we preſently brail'd up our Mizen, and wore our Ship: but we had no ſooner put our Ship before the Wind, but it blew a Storm again, and rain'd very hard; though not ſo violently as the Night before: but the Wind was altogether as boyſterous, and ſo continued till 10 or 11 a Clock at Night. All which time we ſcudded, or run before the Wind very ſwift, tho' only with our bare Poles, that is, without any Sail abroad. Afterwards the Wind died away by degrees, and before Day we had but little Wind, and ſine clear Weather.

[416] I was never in ſuch a violent Storm in all my Life [...] ſo ſaid all the Company. This was near the chang [...] of the Moon: it was 2 or 3 days before the change [...] The 6th day in the Morning, having fine handſom [...] Weather, we got up our Yards again, and began to dry our Selves and our Cloaths, for we were all well ſopt. This Storm had deadned the Hearts of our Men ſo much, that inſtead of going to buy more Proviſion at the ſame place from whence we came before the Storm, or of ſeeking any more for the Iſland Prata, they thought of going ſomewhere to ſhelter before the Full Moon, for fear of another ſuch Storm at that time: For commonly, if there is any very bad Weather in the Month, it is about 2 or 3 Days before or after the Full, or Change of the Moon.

Theſe Thoughts, I ſay, put our Men on thinking where to go, and the Drafts or Sea-plats being firſt conſulted, it was concluded to go to certain Iſlands lying in Lat. 23 d. N. called Piſcadores. For there was not a Man aboard that was any thing acquainted on theſe Coaſts; and therefore all our dependance was on the Drafts, which only pointed out to us where ſuch and ſuch Places or Iſlands were, without giving us any account, what Harbour, Roads, or Bays there were; or the Produce, Strength, or Trade of them: theſe we were forced to ſeek after our ſelves.

The Piſcadores are a great many inhabited Iſlands, lying near the Iſland Formoſa, between it and China, in or near the Lat. of 23 deg. N. Lat. almoſt as high as the Tropick of Cancer. Theſe Piſcadore Iſlands are moderately high, and appear much like our Dorſetſhire and Wiltſhire-Downs in England. They produce thick ſhort Graſs, and a few Trees. They are pretty well watred, and they feed abundance of Goats, and ſome great Cattle. There are abundance of Mounts and old Fortifications on them: [417] but of no uſe now, what-ever they have been.

Between the 2 Eaſtermoſt Iſlands there is a very good Harbour, which is never without Jonks Riding in it: And on the Weſt-ſide of the Eaſtermoſt Iſland there is a large Town and Fort commanding the Harbour. The Houſes are but low, yet well built, and the Town makes a ſine Proſpect. This is a Garriſon of the Tartars, wherein are alſo 3 or 400 Soldiers; who live here 3 years, and then they are remov'd to ſome other Place.

On the Iſland, on the Weſt-ſide of the Harbour, cloſe by the Sea, there is a ſmall Town of Chineſe, and moſt of the other Iſlands have ſome Chineſe living on them, more or leſs.

Having, as I ſaid before, concluded to go to theſe Iſlands, we ſteered away for them, having the Wind at W. S. W. a ſmall gale. The 20th day of July we had firſt ſight of them, and ſteered in among them; finding no place to anchor in till we came into the Harbour before-mentioned. We blundering in, knowing little of our way, and we admired to ſee ſo many Jonks going and coming, and ſome at an Anchor, and ſo great a Town as the Neighbouring Eaſtermoſt Town, the Tartarian Garriſon; for we did not expect, nor deſire, to have ſeen any People, being in care to lie conceal'd in theſe Seas; however, ſeeing we were here, we boldly run into the Harbour, and preſently ſent aſhore our Canoa to the Town.

Our People were met by an Officer at their Landing; and our Quarter-maſter, who was the chiefeſt Man in the Boat, was conducted before the Governour and examined, of what Nation we were, and what was our Buſineſs here. He anſwer'd, That we were Engliſh, and were bound to Amoy, or Anhay, which is a City ſtanding on a Navigable River in the Province of Fokien in China, and is a place of vaſt Trade, there being a huge multitude [418] of Ships there, and in general on all theſe Coaſts, as I have heard of ſeveral that have been there. He ſaid alſo, that having received ſome Damage by a Storm, we therefore put in here to refit, before we could adventure to go farther; and that we did intend to lie here till after the full Moon, for fear of another Storm. The Governour told him, that we might better refit our Ship at Amoy than here, and that he heard that two Engliſh Veſſels were arrived there already; and that he ſhould be very ready to aſſiſt us in any thing; but we muſt not expect to Trade there, but muſt go to the places allowed to entertain Merchant-Strangers, which were Amoy and Macao. Macao is a Town of great Trade alſo, lying in an Iſland at the very Mouth of the River of Canton. 'Tis fortified and garriſoned by a large Portugueſe Colony, but yet under the Chineſe Governour, whoſe People inhabit one Moiety of the Town, and lay on the Portugueſe what Tax they pleaſe; for they dare not diſoblige the Chineſe, for fear of loſing their Trade. However, the Governour very kindly told our Quarter-maſter, that whatſoever we wanted, if that place could furniſh us, we ſhould have it. Yet that we muſt not come aſhore on that Iſland, but he would ſend aboard ſome of his Men, to know what we wanted, and they ſhould alſo bring it off to us. That nevertheleſs we might go on ſhore on other Iſlands to buy Refreſhments of the Chineſe. After the Diſcourſe was ended, the Governour diſmiſt him, with a ſmall Jar of Flower, and 3 or 4 large Cakes of very fine Bread, and about a dozen Pine-Apples and Water-Melons (all very good in their kind) as a Preſent to the Captain.

The next day an eminent Officer came aboard, with a great many Attendants. He wore a black Silk Cap of a particular make, with a Plume of [419] black and white Feathers, ſtanding up almoſt round his Head behind, and all his outſide Cloaths were black Silk, He had a looſe black Coat, which reached to his Knees, and his Breeches were of the ſame; and underneath his Coat he had two Garments more, of other coloured Silk. His Legs were covered with ſmall black limber Boots. All his Attendants were in a very handſom garb of black Silk, all wearing thoſe ſmall black Boots and Caps. Theſe Caps were like the Crown of a Hat made of Palmeto-leaves, like our Straw-hats; but without brims, and coming down but to their Ears. Theſe had no Feathers, but had an oblong Button on the top, and from between the Button and the Cap, there fell down all round their Head as low as the Cap reached, a ſort of courſe Hair like Horſe-hair, dyed (as I ſuppoſe) of a light red colour.

The Officer brought aboard, as a preſent from the Governour, a young Heifer, the fatteſt and kindlieſt Beef, that I did ever taſte in any Foreign Country: 'Twas ſmall yet full grown; 2 large Hogs, 4 Goats, 2 Baskets of fine Flower, 20 great flat Cakes of fine well taſted Bread, 2 great Jars of Arack, (made of Rice as I judged) called by the Chineſe, Sam Shu; and 55 Jars of Hoc Shu, as they call it, and our Europeans from them. This is a ſtrong Liquor, made of Wheat as I have been told. It looks like Mum, and taſtes much like it, and is very pleaſant and hearty. Our Seamen love it mightily, and will lick their Lips with it: for ſcarce a Ship goes to China, but the Men come home fat with ſoaking this Liquor, and bring ſtore of Jars of it home with them. It is put into ſmall white thick Jars, that hold near a quart: The double Jars hold about two quarts. Theſe Jars are ſmall below, and thence riſe up with a pretty full belly, cloſing in pretty ſhort at top, with a ſmall thick mouth. Over [420] the mouth of the Jar they put a thin Chip cut round, juſt ſo as to cover the mouth, over that a piece of Paper, ayd over that they put a great lump of Clay, almoſt as big as the Bottle or Jar it ſelf, with a hollow in it, to admit the neck of the Bottle, made round, and about 4 inches long; this is to preſerve the Liquor. If the Liquor take any vent it will be ſowre preſently, ſo that when we buy any of it, of the Ships from China returning to Maderas, or Fort St. George, where it is then ſold, or o the Chineſe themſelves, of whom I have bought it at Achin, and Bencouli in Sumatra, if the Clay be crackt, or the Liquor motherly, we make them take it again. A quart Jar there is worth Six-pence. Beſides this Preſent from the Governor, there was a Captain of a Jonk ſent two Jars of Arack, and abundance of Pine-apples, and Water-melons.

Captain Read ſent aſhore, as a Preſent to the Governor, a curious Spaniſh Silver-hilted Rapier, an Engliſh Carbine, and a Gold Chain, and when the Officer went aſhore, three Guns were fired. In the Afternoon the Governour ſent off the ſame Officer again, to complement the Captain for his Civility, and promiſed to retaliate his kindneſs before we departed; but we had ſuch bluſtring Weather afterward, that no Boat could come aboard.

We ſtayed here till the 29th Day, and then ſailed from hence with the Wind at S. W. and pretty fair Weather. We now directed our courſe for ſome Iſlands we had choſen to go to, that lye between Formoſa and Luconia. They are laid down in our Plots without any name, only with a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was ſuppoſed by us, that theſe Iſlands had no Inhabitants, becauſe they had not any name by our Hydrographers. Therefore we thought to lye there ſecure, and be pretty near the Iſland Luconia, which we did ſtill intend to viſit.

[421] In going to them we ſailed by the South Weſt end of Formoſa, leaving it on our Larboard-ſide. This is a large Iſland; the South-end is in Lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the North-end in the 25 d. 10 m. North Lat. the Longitude of this Iſle is laid down from 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16 m. reckoning Eaſt from the Pike of Tenariffe, ſo that 'tis but narrow; and the Tropick of Cancer croſſes it. It is a High and Woody Iſland, and was formerly well inhabited by the Chineſe, and was then frequently viſited by Engliſh Merchants, there being a very good Harbour to ſecure their Ships. But ſince the Tartars have conquered China, they have ſpoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinder the Chineſe that were then in Rebellion, from Fortifying themſelves there; and ordered the Foreign Merchants to come and Trade on the Main.

The ſixth day of August we arrived at the five Iſlands that we were bound to, and anchored on the Eaſt-ſide of the Northermoſt Iſland, in 15 Fathom, a Cable's length from the Shore. Here, contrary to our Expectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in ſight; for there were 3 large Towns all within a League of the Sea; and another larger Town than any of the three, on the backſide of a ſmall Hill cloſe by alſo, as we found afterwards. Theſe Iſlands lie in Lat. 20 d. 20 m. North Lat. by my Obſervation, for I took it there, and I find their Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. Theſe Iſlands having no particular Names in the Drafts, ſome or other of us made uſe of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what Names we pleaſed. Three of the Iſlands were pretty large; the Weſtermoſt is the biggeſt. This the Dutchmen who were among us called the Prince of Orange's Iſland, in honour of his preſent Majeſty. It is about 7 or 8 Leagues long, and about two Leagues wide; and it lies almoſt N. and S. [422] The other two great Iſlands are about 4 or 5 Leagues to the Eaſtward of this. The Northermoſt of them, where we firſt anchored, I called the Duke of Grafton's Iſle, as ſoon as we landed on it; having married my Wfe out of his Dutcheſs's Family, and leaving her at Arlington-houſe, at my going Abroad. This Iſle is about 4 Leagues long, and one League and a half wide, ſtretching North and South. The other great Iſland onr Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Iſland. This is about a League to the Southward of Grafton Iſle. It is about 3 Leagues long, and a League wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouth and the South end of Orange Iſland, there are two ſmall Iſlands of a roundiſh Form, lying Eaſt and Weſt. The Eaſter-moſt Iſland of the two, our Men unanimouſly called Boſhee Iſland, from a Liquor which we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an Anchor at it. The other, which is the ſmalleſt of all, we called Goat Iſland, from the great number of Goats there; and to the Northward of them all, are two high Rocks.

Orange Iſland, which is the biggeſt of them all, is not Inhabited. It is high Land, flat and even on the top, with ſteep Cliffs againſt the Sea; for which-Reaſon we could not go aſhore there, as we did on all the reſt.

I have made it my general Obſervation, That where the Land is fenced with ſteep Rocks and Cliffs againſt the Sea, there the Sea is very deep, and ſeldom affords Anchor-ground; and on the other ſide where the Land falls away with a declivity into the Sea, (altho' the Land be extraordinary high within,) yet there are commonly good Soundings, and conſequently Anchoring; and as the viſible declivity of the Land appears near, or at the edge of the Water, whether pretty ſteep, or more ſtoping, ſo we commonly find our Anchorground [423] to be, more or leſs deep or ſteep; therefore we come nearer the Shore, or anchor farther off, as we ſee convenient; for there is no Coaſt in the World, that I know, or have heard of, where the Land is of a continual heighth, without ſome ſmall Valleys or Declivities, which lye intermixt with the high Land. They are the ſubſidings of Valleys or low Lands, that make Dents in the Shore and Creeks, ſmall Bays, and Harbours, or little Coves, &c. which afford good anchoring, the ſurface of the Earth being there lodged deep under Water. Thus we find many good Harbours on ſuch Coaſts, where the Land bounds the Sea with ſteep Cliffs, by reaſon of the Declivities, or ſubſiding of the Land between theſe Cliffs: But where the Declenſion from the Hills, or Cliffs, is not within Land, between Hill and Hill, but, as on the Coaſt of Chili and Peru, the Declivity is toward the Main Sea, or into it, the Coaſt being perpendicular, or very ſteep from the neighbouring Hills, as in thoſe Countries from the Andes, that run along the Shore, there is a deep Sea, and few or no Harbours, or Creeks. All that Coaſt is too ſteep for anchoring, and hath the feweſt Roads ſit for Ships of any Coaſt I know, The Coaſts of Gallicia, Portugal, Norway and Newſoundland, &c. are Coaſts like the Peruvian, and the high Iſlands of the Archipelago; but yet not ſo ſcanty of good Harbours; for where there are ſhort Ridges of Land, there are good Bays at the extremities of thoſe Ridges, where they plunge into the Sea; as on the Coaſt of Caraccos, &c. The Iſland of John Fernando, and the Iſland St. Helena, &c. are ſuch high Land with deep Shore: and in general, the plunging of any Land under Water, ſeems to be in proportion to the riſing of its continuous part above Water, more or leſs ſteep; and it muſt be a bottom almoſt level, or very gently declining, [424] that affords good Anchoring, Ships being ſoon driven from their Moorings on a ſteep Bank; Therefore we never ſtrive to anchor where we ſee the Land high, and bounding the Sea with ſteep Cliffs; and for this reaſon, when we came in ſight of States Iſland near Terra del Fuego, before we entred into the South Seas, we did not ſo much as think of anchoring after we ſaw what Land it was, becauſe of the ſteep Cliffs which appeared againſt the Sea: Yet there might be little Harbours or Coves for Shallops, or the like, to anchor in, which we did not ſee or ſearch after.

As high ſteep Cliffs bounding on the Sea have this ill conſequence, that they ſeldom afford anchoring; ſo they have this benefit, that we can ſee them far off, and ſail cloſe to them, without danger: for which reaſon we call them Bold Shores; whereas low Land, on the contrary, is ſeen but a little way, and in many places we dare not come near it, for fear of running aground before we ſee it. Beſides, there are in many places Shoals thrown out by the courſe of great Rivers, that from the low Land fall into the Sea.

This which I have ſaid, that there is uſually good anchoring near low Lands, may be illuſtrated by ſeveral Inſtances. Thus on the South ſide of the Bay of Campeachy, there is moſtly low Land, and there alſo is good anchoring all along Shore; and in ſome Places to the Eaſtward of the Town of Campeachy, we ſhall have ſo many Fathom as we are Leagues off from Land; that is, from 9 or 10 Leagues diſtance, till you come within 4 Leagues: and from thence to Land it grows but ſhallower. The Bay of Honduras alſo is low Land, and continues moſtly ſo, as we paſt along from thence to the Coaſts of Portobel, and Cartagena, till we came as high as Santa Martha; afterwards the Land is low again, till you come towards the Coaſt of [425] Caraccos, which is a high Coaſt and bold Shore. The Land about Surinam on the ſame Coaſt is low and good anchoring, and that over on the Coaſt of Guinea is ſuch alſo. And ſuch too is the Bay of Panama, where the Pilot-Book orders the Pilot always to ſound, and not to come within ſuch a depth, be it by Night or Day. In the ſame Seas, from the high Land of Guitimala in Mexico, t [...] California, there is moſtly low Land and good Anchoring. In the Main of Aſia, the Coaſt of China, the Bay of Siam and Bengal, and all the Coaſt of Coromandel, and the Coaſt about Malacca, and againſt it the Iſland Sumatra, on that ſide, are moſtly low anchoring Shores. But on the Weſt-ſide of Sumatra, the Shore is high and bold; ſo moſt of the Iſlands lying to the Eaſtward of Sumatra; as the Iſlands Borneo, Celebes, Gilolo, and abundance of Iſlands of leſs note, lying ſcattering up and down thoſe Seas, are low Land and have good anchoring about them, with many Shoals ſcattered to and fro among them; but the Iſlands lying againſt the Eaſt-Indian Ocean, eſpecially the Weſt-ſides of them, are high Land and ſteep, particularly the Weſt-parts, not only of Sumatra, but alſo of Java, Timer, &c. Particulars are endleſs; but in general, 'tis ſeldom but high Shores and deep Waters; and on the other ſide, low Land and ſhallow Seas, are found together.

But to return from this Digreſſion, to ſpeak of the reſt of theſe Iſlands. Monmouth and Grafton Iſles are very hilly, with many of thoſe ſteep inhabited Precipies on them, that I ſhall deſcribe particularly. The two ſmall Iſlands are flat and even; only the Baſhee Iſland hath one ſteep ſcraggy Hill, but Goat Iſland is all flat and very even.

The Mold of theſe Iſlands in the Valley, is blackiſh in ſome places, but in moſt red. The [426] Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well watered with Brooks of freſh Water, which run into the Sea in many different places. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, eſpecially in the Valleys; producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho' not very big) and thick Graſs. The ſides of the Mountains have alſo ſhort Graſs; and ſome of the Mountains have Mines within them, for the Natives told us, That the yellow Metal they ſhewed us, (as I ſhall ſpeak more particularly) came from theſe Mountains; for when they held it up they would point towards them.

The Fruit of the Iſlands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-apples, Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the Natives would, for the Ground ſeems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes, and Yames, which is the common Food for the Natives, for Bread-kind: For thoſe few Plantains they have, are only uſed as Fruit. They have ſome Cotton growing here of the ſmall Plants.

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls, either wild or tame. For this I have always obſerved in my Travels, both in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, that in thoſe Places where there is plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in one, and Maiz in the other, there are alſo found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary, few Fowls in thoſe Countries where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits and Roots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and ſome other ſmall Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens.

Monmouth and Grafton Iſlands are very thick inhabited; and Baſhee Iſland hath one Town on it. The Natives of theſe Iſlands are ſhort ſquat People; they are generally round viſaged, with low Fore-heads, and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazel [427] colour, and ſmall, yet bigger than the Chineſe; ſhort low Noſes, and their Lip and Mouths middle proportioned, Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black, and thick, and lank, which they wear but ſhort; it will juſt cover their Ears, and ſo it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of a very dark copper colour.

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turbat, nor any thing to keep off the Sun. The Men for the biggeſt part have only a ſmall Clout to cover their Nakedneſs; ſome of them have Jackets made of Plantainleaves, which were as rough as any Bear's-skin: I never ſaw ſuch rugged Things. The Women have a ſhort Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes a little below their Knees. It is a thick ſort of ſtubborn Cloth, which they make themſelves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear large Ear-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mentioned. Whether it were Gold or no I cannot poſitively ſay: I took it to be ſo, it was heavy, and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought away ſome to have ſatisfied my Curioſity; but I had nothing wherewith to buy any. Captain Read bought two of theſe Rings with ſome Iron, of which the People are very greedy; and he would have bought more, thinking he was come to a very fair Market, but that the paleneſs of the Metal made him and his Crew diſtruſt its being right Gold. For my part, I ſhould have ventured on the purchaſe of ſome, but having no property in the Iron, of which we had great ſtore on board, ſent from England, by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durſt not barter it away.

Theſe Rings when firſt poliſhed look very gloriouſly, but time makes them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a ſoft Paſte of red Earth, and ſmearing it over their Rings, they caſt them into a quick Fire, where they remain till they [428] be red hot; then they take them out and cool them in Water, and rub off the Paſt; and they look again of a glorious Colour and Luſtre.

Theſe People make but ſmall low Houſes. The ſides which are made of ſmall Poſts, watled with Boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high: the Ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a Fire-place at one end of their Houſes, and Boards placed on the Ground to lye on. They inhabit together in ſmall Villages built on the ſides and tops of rocky Hills, 3 or 4 rows of Houſes one above another, and on ſuch ſteep Precipices, that they go up to the firſt Row with a wooden Ladder, and ſo with a Ladder ſtill from every Story up to that above it, there being no way to aſcend. The Plain on the firſt Precipice may be ſo wide, as to have room both for a Row of Houſes that ſtand all along on the Edge or Brink of it, and a very narrow Street running along before their Doors, between the Row of Houſes and the foot of the next Precipice; the Plain of which is in a manner level to the tops of the Houſes below, and ſo for the reſt. The common Ladder to each Row or Street comes up at a narrow Paſſage left purpoſely about the middle of it; and the Street being bounded with a Precipice alſo at each end, 'tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be aſſaulted, and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up as againſt a perpindicular Wall: And that they may not be aſſaulted from above, they take care to build on the ſide of ſuch a Hill, whoſe backſide hangs over the Sea, or is ſome high, ſteep, perpendicular Precipice, altogether inacceſſible. Theſe Precipices are natural; for the Rocks ſeem too hard to work on; nor is there any ſign that Art hath been employed about them. On Baſhee Iſland there is one ſuch, and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and Monmouth Iſles are very [429] thick ſet with theſe Hills and Towns; and the Natives, whether for fear of Pirates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions among their own Clans, care not for Building but in theſe Faſtneſſes; which I take to be the Reaſon that Orange Iſle, though the largeſt, and as Fertile as any, yet being Level, and expoſed, hath no Inhabitants. I never ſaw the like Precipices and Towns.

Theſe People are pretty Ingenious alſo in building Boats. Their ſmall Boats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not ſo big; and they are built with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with wooden Pins, and ſome Nails. They have alſo ſome pretty large Boats, which will carry 40 or 50 Men. Theſe they Row with 12 or 14 Oars of a ſide. They are built much like the ſmall ones, and they Row doubled Banked; that is, two Men ſetting on one Bench, but one Rowing on one ſide, the other on the other ſide of the Boat. They underſtand the uſe of Iron, and work it themſelves. Their Bellows are like thoſe at Mindanao.

The common Imployment for the Men is Fiſhing; but I did never ſee them catch much: Whether it is more plenty at other times of the Year I know not. The Women do manage their Plantations.

I did never ſee them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themſelves, yet they would beg the Panches of the Goats that they themſelves did ſell to us: And if any of our ſurly Seamen did heave them into the Sea, they would take them up again and the Skins of the Goats alſo. They would not meddle with Hogs-guts, if our Men threw away any beſide what they made Chitterlings and Sauſages of. The Goat-skins theſe People would carry aſhore, and making a Fire they would ſinge off all the Hair, and afterwards let the Skin lie and Pearch on the Coals, till they thought it eatable; and then they [430] would knaw it, and tear it in pieces with their Teeth, and at laſt ſwallow it. The Paunches of the Goats would make them an excellent Diſh; they dreſt it in this manner. They would turn out all the chopt Graſs and Crudities found in the Maw into their Pots, and ſet it over the Fire, and ſtir it about often: This would Smoak and Puff, and heave up as it was Boyling; wind breaking out of the Ferment, and making a very ſavory Stink. While this was doing, if they had any Fiſh, as commonly they had 2 or 3 ſmall Fiſh, theſe they would make very clean (as hating Naſtineſs belike) and cut the Fleſh from the Bone, and then mince the Fleſh as ſmall as poſſibly they could, and when that in the Pot was well boiled, they would take it up, and ſtrewing a little Salt into it, they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced Fleſh. The Dung in the Maw would look like ſo much boil'd Herbs mine'd very ſmall; and they took up their Meſs with their Fingers, as the Moors do their Pilaw, uſing no Spoons.

They had another Diſh made of a ſort of Locuſts, whoſe Bodies were about an Inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's little Finger; with large thin Wings, and long and ſmall Legs. At this time of the Year theſe Creatures came in great Swarms to devour their Potato-leaves, and other Herbs; and the Natives would go out with ſmall Nets, and take a Quart at one ſweep. When they had enough, they would carry them home, and Parch them over the Fire in an earthen Pan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads and Backs would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before browniſh. Their Bodies being full, would eat very moiſt, their Heads would crackle in one's Teeth. I did once eat of this Diſh, and liked it well enough; but their other Diſh my Stomach would not take.

[431] Their common Drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: Beſide which they make a ſort of Drink with the Juice of the Sugar-cane, which they boil, and put ſome ſmall black ſort of Berries among it. When it is well boiled, they put it into great Jars, and let it ſtand 3 or 4 days and work. Then it ſettles, and becomes clear, and is preſently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very much like Engliſh Beer, both in Colour and Taſte. It is very ſtrong, and I do believe very wholeſome: For our Men, who drank briskly of it all day for ſeveral Weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never ſick after it. The Natives brought a vaſt deal of it every day to thoſe aboard and aſhore: For ſome of our Men were aſhore at work on Baſhee Iſland; which Iſland they gave that Name to from their drinking this Liquor there; that being the Name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by: and as they ſold it to our Men very cheap, ſo they did not ſpare to drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor, and their plentiful uſe of it, our Men call'd all theſe Iſlands, the Baſhee Iſlands.

What Language theſe People do ſpeak I know not: for it had no affinity in ſound to the Chineſe, which is ſpoke much through the Teeth; nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that their Ear-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindana word for Gold; therefore propably they may be related to the Philippine Indians; for that is the general Name for Gold among all thoſe Indians. I could not learn from whence they have their Iron; but it is moſt likely they go in their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and Trade with the Indians of that Iſland for it. Neither did I ſee any thing beſide Iron, and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they bought of Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own Growth and Manufacture.

[432] Theſe Men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron; which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece o [...] Buffaloe-hide, ſhaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves, and ſowed both ſides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms to come forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is cloſe about their Shoulders, but below it is 3 Foot wide, and as thick as a Board.

I could never perceive them to Worſhip any thing, neither had they any Idols; neither did they ſeem to obſerve any one day more than other. I could never perceive that one Man was of greater Power than another; but they ſeemed to be all equal; only every Man Ruling in his own Houſe, and the Children Reſpecting and Honouring their Parents.

Yet 'tis probable that they have ſome Law, or Cuſtom, by which they are govern'd; for while we lay here we ſaw a young Man buried alive in the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could underſtand from them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of People came to the Place to take their laſt Farewell of him: Among the reſt, there was one Woman who made great Lamentation, and took off the condemn'd Perſon's Ear-rings. We ſuppoſed her to be his Mother. After he had taken his leave of her and ſome others, he was put into the Pit, and covered over with Earth. He did not ſtruggle, but yielded very quietly to his Puniſhment; and they cramm'd the Earth cloſe upon him, and ſtifled him.

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well; and their Children live very Obediently under them. The Boys go out a Fiſhing with their Fathers; and the Girles live at home with their Mothers: And when the Girles are grown pretty ſtrong, they ſend them to their Plantations, [433] to dig Hames and Potatoes; of which they bring home on their Heads every day enough to ſerve the whole Family; for they have no Rice nor Maize.

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good diſtance from their Houſes; where every Man has a certain ſpot of Land, which is properly his own. This he manageth himſelf for his own uſe; and provides enough, that he may not be beholding to his Neighbour.

Notwithſtanding the ſeeming naſtineſs of their Diſh of Goats Maw, they are in their Perſons a very neat cleanly People, both Men and Women: And they are withal the quieteſt and civileſt People that I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with one another. I have admired to ſee 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occaſion: No noiſe, nor appearance of diſtaſte: and although ſometimes croſs Accidents would happen, which might have ſet other Men together by the Ears, yet they were not moved by them. Sometimes they will alſo drink freely, and warm themſelves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive them out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themſelves, but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rude to us, as is uſual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houſes, would modeſty beg any Rags, or ſmall pieces of Cloth, to ſwaddle their young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and begging is uſual among all theſe wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg ſo importunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing at all. Neither, except once at the firſt time that we came to an Anchor (as I ſhall relate) did they ſteal any thing; but dealt juſtly, and with great ſincerity with us; and make us very welcome to [434] their Houſes with Baſhee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themſelves, they would buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and ſit down with us: for we could ſee them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for ſome Jars of Baſhee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as theſe ſeem to be, I wonder'd to ſee buying and ſelling, which is not ſo uſual; nor to converſe ſo freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with ſo little caution: Yet their own ſmall Trading may have brought them to this. At theſe Entertainments, they and their Family, Wife and Children drank out of ſmall Callabaſhes: and when by themſelves, they drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, then they would always drink to one of us.

They have no ſort of Coin; but they have ſmall Crumbs of the Metal before deſcribed, which they bind up very ſafe in Plantain Leaves, or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving a ſmall quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink, that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by gueſs. Thus much in general.

To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have ſaid before, that we anchored here the 6th day of Auguſt. While we were furling our Sails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or 4 Men in each; ſo that our Deck was full of Men. We were at firſt afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 ſmall Arms on our Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to moleſt us. But they were pretty quiet, only they pickt up ſuch old Iron that they found on our Deck, and they alſo took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pins out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At laſt, one of our Men perceived [435] one of them very buſie getting out one of our Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the reſt preſently leaped over-board, ſome into their Boats, others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But when we perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold, who ſtood Trembling all the while; and at laſt we gave him a ſmall piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and ſwam to his Conſorts; who hovered about our Ship to ſee the Iſſue. Then we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to loſe a Commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they were always very Honeſt and Civil afterward.

We preſently after this ſent a Canoa aſhore, to ſee their manner of living, and what Proviſion they had: The Canoa's Crew were made very welcome with Baſhee drink, and ſaw abundance of Hogs, ſome of which they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day we ſhould have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our ſide. Theſe we bought for a ſmall matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for an old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound of Iron. Their drink alſo they brought off in Jars, which we bought for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Beſide the fore-mentioned Commodities, they brought aboard' great quantities of Yams and Potatoes; which we purchaſed for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets, It was one Man's work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into ſmall pieces with a cold Chiſel: And theſe were for the great Purchaſes of Hogs and Goats, which they would not ſell for Nails, as their Drink and Roots. Wo never let them know what Store we have, that they may value it the more. [436] Every morning, aſſoon as it was light, they would thus come aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occaſion. We did commonly furniſh our ſelves with as many Goats and Roots as ſerved us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as we thought convenient; for we ſalted them. Their Hogs were very ſweet; but I never ſaw ſo many Meazled ones.

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook cloſe by us in Grafton's Iſle, where we firſt anchored. We ſtayed there about three or four days, before we went to other Iſlands. We ſailed to the Southward, paſſing on the Eaſt-ſide of Grafton Iſland, and then paſſed thro' between that and Monmouth Iſland; but we found no Anchoring till we came to the North end of Monmouth Iſland, and there we ſtopt during one Tide. The Tide runs very ſtrong here, and ſometimes makes a ſhort chopping Sea. Its courſe among theſe Iſlands is S. by E. and N. by W. The Flood ſets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it riſeth and falleth 8 Foot.

When we went from hence, we coaſted about 2 Leagues to the Southward, on the Weſt ſide of Monmouth Iſland; and finding no Anchor-ground, we ſtood over to the Baſhee Iſland, and came to an Anchor on the North Eaſt part of it, againſt a ſmall ſandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean hard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is a pretty wide Channel between theſe two Iſlands, and Anchoring all over it. The Depth of Water is 12, 14, and 16 Fathom.

We preſently built a Tent aſhore, to mend our Sails in, and ſtay'd all the reſt of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of Auguſt till the 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and ſcrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day ſome of us went to their Towns, and were [437] kindly entertained by them. Their Boats alſo came aboard with their Merchandize to ſell, and lay aboard all Day; and if we did not take it off their Hands one day, they would bring the ſame again the next.

We had yet the Winds at S. W. and S. S. W. moſtly fair Weather. In October we did expect the Winds to ſhift to the N. E. and therefore we provided to ſail (aſſoon as the Eaſtern Monſoon was ſettled) to cruize off of Manila. Accordingly we provided a ſtock of Proviſion. We ſalted 70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good ſtore to eat at Sea.

About the 24th day of September, the Winds ſhifted about to the Eaſt, and from thence to the N. E. fine fair Weather. The 25th it came at N. and began to grow freſh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the Wind freſhned on us.

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then riding with our beſt Bower a Head and though our Yards and Top-maſt were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor, veering out a good ſcope of Cable, which ſtopt us till 10 or 11 a clock the next day. Then the Wind came on ſo fierce, that ſhe drove again, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that there were no Iſlands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for if there had, we muſt have been driven upon them. We uſed our utmoſt Endeavours to ſtop here, being loath to go to Sea, becauſe we had ſix of our Men aſhore, who could not get off now. At laſt we were driven out into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer: Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor, and cut away our beſt Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would [438] have gone near to have foundred us) and ſo put to Sea. We had very violent Weather the night enſuing, with very hard Rain, and we were forced to ſcud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Then the Wind ſlacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and lay with our Head to the Weſtward. The 27th day the Wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the Night enſuing. The 28th day the Wind came about to the N. E. and it cleared up, and blew a hard Gale, but it ſtood not there, for it ſhifted about to the Eaſtward, thence to the S. E. then to the South, and at laſt ſettled at S. W. and then we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather.

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S. W. Then we made all the Sail we could for the Iſland again. The 30th day we had the Wind at Weſt, and ſaw the Iſlands; but could not get in before night. Therefore we ſtood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then we tackt, and ſtood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1ſt day of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.

Then our ſix Men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave 3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindneſs and civility, which was an extraordinaay Preſent to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that was left aſhore. I ſhall ſpeak more of him hereafter. He and the reſt of them told me, that after the Ship was out of ſight, the Natives began to be more kind to them than they had been before, and perſuaded them to cut their Hair ſhort, as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a ſmall Hatchet, and other Iron Utenſils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal ſhewed [439] them a piece of Land for them to manage They were courted thus by ſeveral of the Town where they then were: but they took up their head quarters at the Houſe of him with whom they firſt went aſhore. When the Ship appeared in ſight again, then they importuned them for ſome Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, or other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been aſſur'd of its goodneſs; and yet when it was touch'd and compar [...]d with other Gold, we could not diſcern any difference, tho' it look'd ſo pale in the lump; but the ſeeing them poliſh it ſo often, was a new diſcouragement.

This laſt Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not altogether ſo fierce as that which we were in on the Coaſt of China, which was ſtill freſh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and frighted them from their deſign of cruiſing before Manila, fearing another Storm there. Now every Man wiſht himſelf at home, as they had done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teat the Maſter, perſuaded them to go towards Cape Comorin, and then they would tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtleſs to cruize in the Red Sea; and they eaſily prevailed with the Crew.

The Eaſtern Monſoon was now at hand, and the beſt way had been to go through the Streights of Malacca: but Captain Teat ſaid it was dangerous, by reaſon of many Iſlands and Shoals there, with which none of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it beſt to go round on the Eaſt-ſide of all the Philippine Iſlands, and ſo keeping South toward the Spice Iſlands, to paſs out into the Eaſt Indian Ocean about the Iſland Timor.

[440] This ſeemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether for Sholes; but not for meeting with Engliſh or Dutch Ships, which was their greateſt Fear. I was well enough ſatisfied, knowing that the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I ſhould get, which was the main Thing that I regarded; and ſhould alſo have the more variety of Places to attempt an Eſcape from them, being fully reſolv'd to take the firſt opportunity of giving them the ſlip.

CHAP. XVI

[441]

They depart from the Baſhee Iſlands, and paſſing by ſome others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Iſle, and other of the Phillipines. They ſtop at the two Iſles near Mindanao; where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spaniſh faſhion. By the young Prince of the Spice Iſland they have News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author propoſes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain: The Story of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Iſlands. Ternate. Tidore, &c. The Iſland Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macaſſer. They Coaſt along the Eaſt ſide of Celebes, and between it and other Iſlands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vaſt Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees; one exceſſively big. Beacons inſtead of Buoys on the Sholes. A Spout: a Deſcription of them, with a Story of one. Ʋncertain Tornadoes. Turtle. The Iſland Bouton, and its chief Town and Harbour Callaſuſung. The Inhabitants. Viſits given and receiv'd by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards, Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different eſteem (as they pretend) of the Engliſh and Dutch. Maritime Indians ſell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the [442] Town. A Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a ſort of White Parrots. They paſs among other inhabited Iſlands, Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New-Holland: laid down too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor winking Inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms, &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants on the Iſlands. Their Habitations, Ʋnfitneſs for Labour, &c. The great Tides here. They deſign for the Iſland Cocos, and Cape Comorin.

THE third Day of October 1687. we ſailed from theſe Iſlands, ſtanding to the Southward; intending to ſail through among the Spice Iſlands. We had fair Weather, and the Wind at Weſt. We firſt ſteer'd S. S. W. and paſſed cloſe by certain ſmall Iſlands that lye juſt by the North-end of the Iſland Luconia. We left them all on the Weſt of us, and paſt on the Eaſt-ſide of it, and the reſt of the Philippine Iſlands, coaſting to the Southward.

The N. Eaſt-end of the Iſland Luconia appears to be good Champion Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues; only it has ſome pretty high Hills ſtanding upright by themſelves in theſe Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning one to another. The Land on this ſide ſeems to be moſt Savannah, or Paſture: The S. E part is more Mountainous and Woody.

Leaving the Iſland Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, we ſailed on to the Southward, paſſing on the Eaſt ſide of the reſt of the Philippine Iſlands. Theſe appear to be more Mountainous, and leſs Woody, till we came in ſight of the Iſland St. John; the firſt of that name I mentioned: the other I [443] ſpake of on the Coaſt of China. This I have already deſcribed to be a very woody Iſland. Here the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Iſlands.

The 14 day of October we came cloſe by a ſmall low woody Iſland, that lieth Eaſt from the S. E. end of Mindanao, diſtant from it about 20 Leagues. I do not find it ſet down in any Sea-Chart.

The 15th day we had the Wind at N. E. and we ſteered Weſt for the Iſland Mindanao, and arrived at the S. E. end again on the 16th day. There we went in and anchored between two ſmall Iſlands, which lie in about 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we firſt came on this Coaſt. Here we found a fine ſmall Cove, on the N. W. end of the Eaſtermoſt Iſland, fit to careen in, or hale aſhore; ſo we went in there, and preſently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided to hale our Ship aſhore, to clean her bottom. Theſe Iſlands are about 3 or 4 Leagues from the Iſland Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leagues in Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is black and deep; and there are two ſmall Brooks of freſh Water.

They are both plentifully ſtored with great high Trees; therefore our Carpenters were ſent aſhore to cut down ſome of them for our uſe; for here they made a new Boltſprit, which we did ſet here alſo, our old one being very ſaulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and a Fore-top-maſt: And our Pumps being faulty, and not ſerviceable, they did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They firſt ſquared it, then ſawed it in the middle, and then hollowed each ſide exactly. The two hollow ſides were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midſt of them both, when they were joined together; and it required their utmoſt Skill to cloſe them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the [444] Pump-box; being unaccuſtomed to ſuch Work. We learnt this way of Pump-making from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they uſe in their Ships in the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that there are no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have.

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13th Chapter, came aboard. He underſtanding that we were bound farther to the Southward, deſired us to tranſport him and his Men to his own Iſland. He ſhewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it; which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but I quite forgot to put it into my Journal.

This Man told us, that not above ſix days before this, he ſaw Captain Swan, and ſeveral of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of ſome of them, who, he ſaid, were all well, and that now they were at the City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with Raja Laut, fighting under him in his Wars againſt his Enemies the Alfoores; and that moſt of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they were highly honoured and eſteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the General Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Men to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty Ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed; and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away till the Wars were ended.

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan Tongue, which many of us had learnt; and when he went away he promiſed to return to us again in 3 days time, and ſo long Captain Read promiſed to ſtay for him (for we had now almoſt finiſhed our Buſineſs) and he ſeemed very glad of the opportunity of going with us.

[445] After this I endeavoured to perſwade our Men, to return with the Ship to the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to Captain Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there being then half the Ships Company aſhore; and I found all theſe very willing to do it. I deſired them to ſay nothing, till I had tried the Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day; it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of theſe Men, who ſeemed moſt forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read and Captain Teat of the Project, and they preſently diſſwaded the Men from any ſuch Deſigns. Yet fearing the worſt, they made all poſſible haſte to be gone.

I have ſince been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men ſtayed there a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got paſſage from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy, and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at laſt got to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and ſo to Europe; and that ſome of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which number Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were two. At laſt Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a ſmall Canoa aboard of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get paſſage to Europe, were overſet by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited their coming purpoſely to do it, but unſuſpected by them; where they both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as ſome think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately ſeize on. Others ſay, it was becauſe the General's Houſe was burnt a little before, and Captain Swan was ſuſpected to be the Author of it; and others ſay, That it was Captain Swan's Threats occaſioned his own Ruin; for he would often ſay paſſionately, [446] that he had been abuſed by the General, and that he would have ſatisfaction for it; ſaying alſo, that now he was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any time; that he alſo knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakneſs of their Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Men to aſſiſt him, and returning thither again, he would ſpoil and take all that they had, and their Country too. When the General had been informed of theſe Diſcourſes, he would ſay, What, is Captain Swan made of Iron, and able to reſiſt a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we are afraid of him, that he ſpeaks thus? Yet did he never touch him, till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might be ſomewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was paſſionate, and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occaſion, ſo he was killed, as ſeveral have aſſured me, and his Gold ſeized on, and all his Things; and his Journal alſo from England, as far as Cape Corrientes on the Coaſt of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards ſent away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and a little after the Murder) and he ſent it to England by Mr. Goddard, Chief Mate of the Defence.

But to our purpoſe: Seeing I could not perſuade them to go to Captain Swan again, I had a great deſire to have had the Prince's Company: But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. That very day that the Prince had promiſed to return to us, which was November 2. 1687. we ſailed hence, directing our courſe South-Weſt, and having the Wind at N. W.

This Wind continued till we came in ſight of the Iſland Celebes; then it veered about to the W. and to the Southward of the Weſt. We came up with the N. E. end of the Iſland Celebes the 9th [447] day, and there we found the Current ſetting to the Weſtward ſo ſtrongly, that we could hardly get on the Eaſt-ſide of that Iſland.

The Iſland Celebes is a very large Iſland, extended in length from North to South, about 7 degrees of Lat. and in breadth it is about 3 degrees. It lies under the Equator, the North-end being in Lat. 1 d. 30 m. North, and the South-end in Lat. 5 d. 30 m. South, and by common account the North-point in the Bulk of this Iſland, lies neareſt North and South, but at the North-Eaſt end there runs out a long narrow Point, ſtretching N. E. about 30 Leagues; and about 30 Leagues to the Eaſtward of this long Slipe, is the Iſland Gilolo, on the Weſt-ſide of which are 4 ſmall Iſlands, cloſe by it, which are very well ſtored with Cloves. The two chiefeſt are Ternate and Tidore; and as the Iſle of Ceylon is reckoned the only place for Cinnamon, and that of Banda for Nutmegs, ſo theſe are thought by ſome to be the only Clove-Iſlands in the World; but this is a great Error, as I have already ſhewn.

At the South-end of the Iſland C [...]lebes there is a Sea or Gulph, of about 7 or 8 Leagues wide, and 40 or 50 long, which runs up the Country almoſt directly to the North; and this Gulph hath ſeveral ſmall Iſlands along the middle of it. On the Weſt-ſide of the Iſland, almoſt at the South-end of it, the Town of Macaſſer is ſeated. A Town of great Strength and Trade, belonging to the Dutch.

There are great Inlets and Lakes on the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland; as alſo abundance of ſmall Iſlands, and Sholes lying ſcattered about it. We ſaw a high peeked Hill at the N. end: but the Land on the Eaſt-ſide is low all along; for we cruized almoſt the length of it. The Mold on this ſide is black and deep, and extraordinary fat and rich, [448] and full of Trees: And there are many Brooks of Water run out into the Sea. Indeed all this Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland ſeems to be but one large Grove of extraordinary great high Trees.

Having with much ado got on this Eaſt-ſide, coaſting along to the Southward, and yet having but little Wind, and even that little againſt us, at S. S. W. and ſometimes Calm, we were a long time going about the Iſland.

The 22d day we were in Lat. 1 d. 20 m. South, and being about 3 Leagues from the Iſland ſtanding to the Southward, with a very gentle Land-Wind, about 2 or 3 a Clock in the Morning, we heard a claſhing in the Water, like Boats rowing: and fearing ſome ſudden Attack, we got up all our Arms, and ſtood ready to defend our ſelves. As ſoon as it was day, we ſaw a great Proe, built like the Mindanayan Proes, with about 60 Men in her: and 6 ſmaller Proes. They lay ſtill about a Mile to windward of us, to view us; and probably deſign'd to make a Prey of us when they firſt came out; but they were now afraid to venture on us.

At laſt we ſhewed them Dutch Colours, thinking thereby to allure them to come to us: for we could not go to them; but they preſently rowed in toward the Iſland, and went into a large Opening; and we ſaw them no more; nor did we ever ſee any other Boats or Men, but only one fiſhing Canoa, while we were about this Iſland; neither did we ſee any Houſe on all the Coaſt.

About 5 or 6 Leagues to the South of this place, there is a great Range of both large and ſmall Iſlands; and many Shoals alſo that are not laid down in our Drafts; which made it extreamly troubleſome for us to get through. But we paſt between them all and the Iſland Celebes, and anchored againſt a ſandy Bay in 8 Fathom ſandy Ground, about half a Mile from the main Iſland; being then in Lat. 1 d. 50 m. South.

[449] Here we ſtay'd ſeveral Days, and ſent out our Canoas a ſtriking of Turtle every Day; for here is great plenty of them; but they were very ſhy, as they were generally where-ever we found them in the Eaſt-India Seas. I know not the reaſon of it, unleſs the Natives go very much a ſtriking here: for even in the Weſt-Indies they are ſhy in places that are much diſturbed: And yet on New-Holland we found them ſhy, as I ſhall relate; tho' the Natives there do not moleſt them.

On the Sholes without us we went and gathered Shell-fiſh at low Water. There were a monſtrous ſort of Cockles; the Meat of one of them would ſuffice 7 or 8 Men. It was very good wholſom Meat. We did alſo beat about in the Woods on the Iſland, but found no Game. One of our Men who was always troubled with ſore Legs, found a certain Vine that ſupported it ſelf by clinging about other Trees. The Leaves reach 6 or 7 Foot high, but the Strings or Branches 11 or 12. It had a very green Leaf, pretty broad and roundiſh, and of a thick Subſtance. Theſe Leaves pounded ſmall and boiled with Hogs Lard, make an excellent Salve. Our Men, knowing the Vertues of it, ſtockt themſelves here: there was ſcarce a Man in the Ship but got a Pound or two of it; eſpecially ſuch as were troubled with old Ulcers, who found great benefit by it. This Man that diſcovered theſe leaves here had his firſt knowledge of them in the Iſthmus of Darien, he having had his Receipt from one of the Indians there: and he had been aſhore in divers places ſince, purpoſely to ſeek theſe Leaves, but did never find any but here. Among the many vaſt Trees hereabouts, there was one exceeded all the reſt. This Captain Read cauſed to be cut down, in order to make a Canoa, having loſt our Boats, all but one ſmall one, in the late Storms; ſo 6 luſty Men, who had been Logwood-cutters in [450] the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras (as Captain Read himſelf, and many more of us had) and ſo were very expert at this work, undertook to fell it [...] taking their turn, 3 always cutting together; and they were one whole Day, and half the next before they got it down. This Tree, though it grew in a Wood, was yet 18 Foot in circumference, and 44 Foot of clean Body, without Knot or Branch: and even there it had no more than one or two Branches, and then ran clean again 10 Foot higher; there it ſpread it ſelf into many great Limbs and Branches, like an Oak, very green and flouriſhing: yet it was periſht at the Heart, which marr'd it for the Service intended.

So leaving it, and having no more Buſineſs here, we weighed, and went from hence the next Day, it being the 29th Day of November. While we lay here we had ſome Tornadoes, one or two every Day, and pretty freſh Land-winds which were at Weſt. The Sea-breezes were ſmall and uncertain, ſometimes out of the N. E. and ſo veering about to the Eaſt and South-Eaſt. We had the Wind at North Eaſt when we weighed, and we ſteered off S. S. W. In the Afternoon we ſaw a Shole a-head of us, and altered our Courſe to the S. S. E. In the Evening, at 4 a Clock, we were cloſe by another great Shole; therefore we tackt, and ſtood in for the Iſland Celebes again, for fear of running on ſome of the Sholes in the Night. By Day a Man might avoid them well enough, for they had all Beacons on them, like Huts built on tall Poſts, above High-water Mark, probably ſet up by the Natives of the Iſland Celebes, or thoſe of ſome other neighbouring Iſlands; and I never ſaw any ſuch elſewhere. In the Night we had a violent Tornado out of the S. W. which laſted about an Hour.

[451] The 30th day we had a freſh Land Wind, and ſteered away South, paſſing between the 2 Shoals, which we ſaw the Day before. Theſe Shoals lye in Lat. 3 d. South, and about 10 Leagues from the Iſland Celebes. Being paſt them, the Wind died away; and we lay becalmed till the Afternoon: Then we had a hard Tornado out of the South Weſt, and towards the Evening, we ſaw two or three Spouts, the firſt I had ſeen ſince I came into the Eaſt-Indies; in the Weſt-Indies I had often met with them. A Spout is a ſmall Ragged piece or part of a Cloud hanging down about a Yard; ſeemingly from the blackeſt part thereof. Commonly it hangs down ſloping from thence; or ſometimes appearing with a ſmall bending, or elbow in the middle. I never ſaw any hang perpendicularly down. It is ſmall at the lower end, ſeeming no bigger than ones Arm, but 'tis fuller towards the Cloud, from whence it proceeds.

When the ſurface of the Sea begins to work; you ſhall ſee the Water, for about 100 paces in circumference, foam and move gently round till the whirling motion increaſes: and then it flies upward in a Pillar, about 100 Paces in compaſs at the bottom, but leſſening gradually upwards to the ſmallneſs of the Spout it ſelf, there where it reacheth the lower end of the Spout, through which the riſing Sea-water ſeems to be conveyed into the Clouds. This viſibly appears by the Clouds increaſing in bulk and blackneſs. Then you ſhall preſently ſee the Cloud drive along, although before it ſeemed to be without any motion: the Spout alſo keeping the ſame courſe with the Cloud, and ſtill ſucking up the Water as it goes along, and they make a Wind as they go. Thus it continues for the ſpace of half an Hour, more or leſs, until the ſucking is ſpent, and then breaking off, all the Water which was below [452] the Spout, or pendulous piece of Cloud, falls down again into the Sea, making a great noiſe with its fall and claſhing motion in the Sea.

It is very dangerous for a Ship to be under a Spout when it breaks, therefore we always endeavoured to ſhun it, by keeping at a diſtance, if poſſibly we can. But for want of Wind to carry us away, we are often in great fear and danger; for it is uſually calm when Spouts are at work, except only juſt where they are. Therefore Men at Sea, when they ſee a Spout coming, and know not how to avoid it, do ſometimes fire Shot out of their great Guns into it, to give it air or vent, that ſo it may break; but I did never hear that it proved to be of any benefit.

And now being on this Subject, I think it not amiſs to give you an account of an accident that happened to a Ship once on the Coaſt of Guinea, ſome time in or about the Year 1674. One Captain Records of London, bound for the Coaſt of Guinea, in a Ship of 300 Tuns, and 16 Guns, called the Bleſſing; when he came into the Lat. 7 or 8 degrees North, he ſaw ſeveral Spouts, one of which came directly towards the Ship, and he having no Wind to get out of the way of the Spout, made ready to receive it by furling his Sails. It came on very ſwift, and broke a little before it reached the Ship; making a great noiſe, and raiſing the Sea round it, as if a great Houſe, or ſome ſuch thing, had been caſt into the Sea. The fury of the Wind ſtill laſted, and took the Ship on the Starboardbow with ſuch violence, that it ſnapt off the Boltſprit and Fore-maſt both at once, and blew the Ship all along, ready to over-ſet it, but the Ship did preſently right again, and the Wind whirling round, took the Ship a ſecond time with the like fury as before, but on the contrary ſide, and was again like to over-ſet her the other way. [453] The Mizen-maſt felt the fury of this ſecond Blaſt, and was ſnapt ſhort off, as the Fore-maſt and Boltſprit had been before. The Main-maſt, and Maintop-maſt received no damage, for the fury of the Wind, (which was preſently over) did not reach them. Three Men were in the Fore-top when the Fore-maſt broke, and one on the Boltſprit, and fell with them into the Sea, but all of them were ſaved. I had this Relation from Mr. John. Canby, who was then Quarter-maſter and Steward of her; one Abraham Wiſe was Chief Mate, and Leonard Jefferies Second Mate.

We are uſually very much afraid of them: Yet this was the only damage that ever I heard done by them. They ſeem terrible enough; the rather becauſe they come upon you while you lie becalm'd, like a Log in the Sea, and cannot get out of their way: But though I have ſeen, and been beſet by them often, yet the Fright was always the greateſt of the harm.

December the 1ſt, we had a gentle Gale at E. S. E. we ſteered South; and at noon I was by Obſervation in Lat. 3 d. 34 m. South. Then we ſaw the Iſland Bouton, bearing South Weſt, and about 10 Leagues diſtant. We had very uncertain and unconſtant Winds: The Tornadoes came out of the S. W. which was againſt us; and what other Winds we had were ſo faint, that they did us little kindneſs; but we took the advantage of the ſmalleſt Gale, and got a little way every day. The 4th day at noon I was by Obſervation in Lat. 4 d. 30 m. South.

The 5th day we got cloſe by the N. W. end of the Iſland Bouton, and in the Evening, it being fair Weather, we hoiſed out our Canoa, and ſent the Moskito Men, of whom we had 2 or 3; to ſtrike Turtle, for here are plenty of them; but they being ſhy, we choſe to ſtrike them in the night (which [454] is cuſtomary in the Weſt-Indies alſo) for every time they come up to breathe, which is once in 8 or 10 minutes, they blow ſo hard, that one may hear them at 30 or 40 yards diſtance; by which means the Striker knows where they are, and may more eaſily approach them than in the day; for the Turtle ſees better than he hears; but, on the contrary, the Manatee's hearing is quickeſt.

In the morning they returned with a very large Turtle, which they took near the Shore; and withal an Indian of the Iſland cameaboard with them. He ſpake the Malayan Language; by which we did underſtand him. He told us, that 2 Leagues farther to the Southward of us, there was a good Harbour, in which we might Anchor: So having a fair Wind, we got thither by noon.

This Harbour is in Lat. 4 d. 54 m. South; lying on the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland Bouton. Which Iſland lies near the S. E. end of the Iſland Celebcs, diſtant from it about 3 or 4 leagues. It is of a long form, ſtretching S. W. and N. E. about 25 Leagues long, and 10 broad. It is pretty high Land, and appears pretty even, and flat, and very woody.

There is a large Town within a League of the anchoring place, called Callaſuſung, being the chief, if there were more; which we knew not. It is about a Mile from the Sea, on the top of a ſmall Hill, in a very fair Plain, incompaſſed with Coconut Trees. Without the Trees there is a ſtrong Stone Wall, clear round the Town. The Houſes are built like the Houſes at Mindanao; but more neat: And the whole Town was very clean and delightſome.

The Inhabitants are ſmall, and well ſhaped. They are much like the Mindanaians in ſhape, colour, and habit; but more neat and tight. They ſpeak the Malayan Language, and are all Mahometans. They are very obedient to the Sultan, who [455] is a little Man, about 40 or 50 years old, and hath a great many Wives and Children.

About an hour after we came to an Anchor, the Sultan ſent a Meſſenger aboard, to know what we were, and what our Buſineſs. We gave him an account, and he returned aſhore, and in a ſhort time after he came aboard again, and told us, That the Sultan was very well pleaſed when he heard that we were Engliſh; and ſaid, That we ſhould have any thing that the Iſland afforded; and that he himſelf would come aboard in the morning. Therefore the Ship was made clean, and every thing put in the beſt order to receive him.

The 6th day in the morning betimes a great many Boats and Canoas came aboard, with Fowls, Eggs, Plantains, Potatoes, &c. but they would diſpoſe of none till they had order for it from the Sultan, at his coming. About 10 a clock the Sultan came aboard in a very neat Proe, built after the Mindanao Faſhion. There was a large white Silk Flag at the head of the Maſt, edged round with a deep red for about 2 or 3 Inches broad, and in the middle there was neatly drawn a Green Griffon, trampling on a winged Serpent, that ſeemed to ſtruggle to get up, and threatned his Adverſary with open Mouth, and with a long Sting that was ready to be darted into his Legs. Other Eaſt-Indian Princes have their Devices alſo.

The Sultan with 3 or 4 of his Nobles, and 3 of his Sons, ſate in the Houſe of the Proe. His Guards were 10 Muſqueteers, 5 ſtanding on one ſide of the Proe, and 5 on the other ſide, and before the door of the Proe-houſe ſtood one with a great broad Sword and a Target, and 2 more ſuch at the after part of the Houſe; and in the Head and Stern of the Proe ſtood 4 Muſqueteers more, 2 at each end.

[456] The Sultan had a Silk Turbat, laced with narrow Gold Lace by the ſides, and broad Lace at the end: which hung down on one ſide the Head, after the Mindanayan Faſhion. He had a Sky coloured Silk pair of Breeches, and a piece of red Silk thrown croſs his Shouldiers, and hanging loofe about him; the greateſt part of his Back and Waiſt appearing naked. He had neither Stocking nor Shoe. One of his Sons was about 15 or 16 year old, the other two were young things; and they were always in the arms of one or other of his Attendants.

Captain Read met him at the ſide, and led him into his ſmall Cabin, and fired five Guns for his welcome. Aſſoon as he came aboard he gave leave to his Subjects to traffick with us; and then our People bought what they had a mind to. The Sultan ſeemed very well pleas'd to be viſited by the Engliſh; and ſaid he had coveted to have a ſight of Engliſhmen, having heard extraordinary Characters of their juſt and honourable Dealing: But he exclaimed againſt the Dutch (as all the Mindanayans, and all the Indians we met with do) and wiſh'd them at a greater diſtance.

For Macaſſer is not very far from henee, one of the chiefeſt Towns that the Dutch have in thoſe parts. From thence the Dutch comes ſometimes hither to purchaſe Slaves. The Slaves that theſe People get here and ſell to the Dutch, are ſome of the idolatrous Natives of the Iſland, who not being under the Sultan, and having no Head, live ſtraggling in the Country, flying from one place to another to preſerve themſelves from the Prince and his Subjects, who hunt after them to make them Slaves. For the Civilized Indians of the Maritime Places, who Trade with Foreigners, if they cannot reduce the inland People to the Obedience of their Prince, they catch all they can of them and ſell them for Slaves; accounting them to be but [457] as Savages, juſt as the Spaniards do the poor Americans.

After two or three Hours diſcourſe, the Sultan went aſhore again, and 5 Guns were fired at his departure alſo. The next day he ſent for Captain Read to come aſhore, and he with 7 or 8 Men, went to wait on the Sultan. I could not ſlip an opportunity of ſeeing the Place; and ſo accompanied them. We were met at the landing place by two of the chief Men, and guided to a pretty neat Houſe, where the Sultan waited our coming. The Houſe ſtood at the farther end of all the Town before-mentioned, which we paſt through; and abundance of People were gazing on us as we paſt by. When we came near the Houſe, there were 40 poor naked Soldiers with Muſquets made a Lane for us to paſs through. This Houſe was not built on Poſts, as the reſt were, after the Mindanayan way; but the Room in which we were entertained was on the Ground, covered with Mats to ſit on. Our Entertainment was Tobacco and Betelnut, and young Coco-nuts; and the Houſe was beſet with Men, and Women and Children, who thronged to get near the Windows to look on us.

We did not tarry above an hour before we took our leaves and departed. This Town ſtands in a ſandy Soil; but what the reſt of the Iſland is I know not, for none of us were aſhore but at this Place.

The next day the Sultan came aboard again, and preſented Capt. Read with a little Boy, but he was too ſmall to be ſerviceable on board; and ſo Captain Read returned Thanks, and told him he was to little for him. Then the Sultan ſent for a bigger Boy, which the Captain accepted. This Boy was a very pretty tractable Boy; but what was wonderful in him, he had two Rows of Teeth, [458] one within another on each Jaw. None of the other People were ſo, nor did I ever ſee the like. The Captain was preſented alſo with 2 He-goats, and was promiſed ſome Buffaloe, but I do believe that they have but few of either on the Iſland. We did not ſee any Buffaloe, nor many Goats, neither have they much Rice, but their chiefeſt Food is Roots. We bought here about a thouſand pound Weight of Potatoes. Here our Men bought alſo abundance of Crockadores, and fine large Parakites, curiouſly coloured, and ſome of them the fineſt I ever ſaw.

The Crockadore is as big as a Parrrot, and ſhaped much like it, with ſuch a Bill; but it is as white as Milk, and hath a bunch of Feathers on his head like a Crown. At this place we bought a Proe alſo of the Mindanaian make, for our own uſe, which our Carpenters afterwards altered, and made a delicate Boat fit for any Service. She was ſharp at both ends, but we ſaw'd off one, and made that end flat, faſt ening a Rudder to it, and ſhe rowed and ſailed incomparably.

We ſtay'd here but till the 12th day, becauſe it was a bad Harbour and foul Ground, and a bad time of the year too, for the Tornadoes began to come in thick, and ſtrong. When we went to weigh our Anchor, it was hooked in a Rock, and we broke our Cable, and could not get our Anchor, though we ſtrove hard for it; ſo we went away and left it there. We had the Wind at N. N. E. and we ſteered towards the S. E. and fell in with 4 or 5 ſmall Iſlands, that lie in 5d. 40 m. South Lat. and about 5 or 6 Leagues from Callaſuſung Harbour. Theſe Iſlands appeared very green with Coco-nut Trees, and we ſaw two or three Towns on them, and heard a Drum all night; for we were got in among Shoals, end could no get out again till the next day. We knew not whether the Drum were for for fear of us, [459] or that they were making merry, as 'tis uſual in theſe parts to do all the Night, ſinging and dancing till Morning.

We found a pretty ſtrong Tide here, the Flood ſetting to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward. Theſe Sholes, and many other that are not laid down in our Drafts, lie on the South Weſt ſide of the Iſlands where we heard the Drum, about a League from them. At laſt we paſt between the Iſlands, and tried for a Paſſage on the Eaſt ſide. We met with divers Sholes on this ſide alſo, but found Channels to paſs through; ſo we ſteer'd away for the Iſland Timor, intending to paſs out by it. We had the Winds commonly at W. S. W. and S. W. hard Gales, and rainy Weather.

The 16th day we got clear of the Shoals, and ſteered S. by E. with the Wind at W. S. W. but veering every half hour, ſometimes at S. W. and then again at W. and ſometimes at N. N. W. bringing much Rain, with Thunder and Lightning.

The 20th day we paſſed by the Iſland Omba, which is a pretty high Iſland, lying in Lat. 8 d. 20 m. and not above 5 or 6 Leagues from the N. E. part of the Iſland Timor. It is about 13 or 14 Leagues long, and 5 or 6 Leagues wide.

About 7 or 8 Leagues to the Weſt of Omba, is another pretty large Iſland, but it had no Name in our Plats; yet by the Situation it ſhould be that, which in ſome Maps is called Pentare. We ſaw on it abundance of Smoaks by day, and Fires by night, and a large Town on the North-ſide of it, not far from the Sea; but it was ſuch bad Weather that we did not go aſhore. Between Omba and Pentare, and in the mid Channel, there is a ſmall low ſandy Iſland, with great Sholes on either ſide; but there is a very good Channel cloſe by Pentare, between that and the Sholes about the ſmall Iſle. We were three Days beating off and on, not [460] having a Wind, for it was at South South Weſt.

The 23d day in the Evening, having a ſmall Gale at North, we got through, keeping cloſe by Pentare. The Tide of Ebb here ſet out to the Southward, by which we were helped through, for we had but little Wind. But this Tide, which did us a kindneſs in ſetting us through, had like to have ruined us afterwards; for there are two ſmall Iſlands lying at the South-end of the Channel we came through, and towards theſe Iſlands the Tide hurried us ſo ſwiftly, that we very narrowly eſcaped being driven aſhore; for the little Wind we had before at North dying away, we had not one breath of Wind when we came there, neither was there any Anchor-Ground. But we got out our Oars and rowed, yet all in vain; for the Tide ſet wholly on one of the ſmall Iſlands, that we were forced with might and main Strength to bear off the Ship, by thruſting with our Oars againſt the Shore, which was a ſteep Bank, and by this means we preſently drove away clear of Danger; and having a little Wind in the Night at North, we ſteered away S. S. W. In the Morning again we had the Wind at W. S. W. and ſteered S. and the Wind coming to the W. N. W. we ſteered S. W. to get clear of the S. W. end of the Iſland Timor. The 29th day we ſaw the N. W. point of Timor S. E. by E. diſtant about 8 Leagues.

Timor is a long high mountainous Iſland ſtretching N. E. and S. W. It is about 70 Leagues long, and 15 or 16 wide, the middle of the Iſland is in Lat. about 9 d. South. I have been informed that the Portugueſe do trade to this Iſland; but I know nothing of its produce beſides Coire for making Cables; of which there is mention Chap. X.

The 27th day we ſaw two ſmall Iſlands which lie near the S. W. end of Timor. They bear from us S. E. We had very hard Gales of Wind, and [461] ſtill with a great deal of Rain; the Wind at W. and W. S. W.

Being now clear of all the Iſlands, we ſtood off South, intending to touch at New Holland, a part of Terra Auſtralis Incognita, to ſee what that Country would afford us. Indeed, as the Winds were, we could not now keep our intended Courſe (which was firſt weſterly, and then northerly) without going to New Holland, unleſs we had gone back again among the Iſlands: But this was not a good time of the Year to be among any Iſlands to the South of the Equator, unleſs in a good Harbour.

The 31ſt day we were in Lat. 13 d. 20 m. ſtill ſtanding to the Southward, the Wind bearing commonly very hard at W. we keeping upon it under two Courſes, and our Mizen, and ſometimes a Maintop-ſail Rift. About 10 a Clock at Night we tackt and ſtood to the Northward, for fear of running on a Shoal, which is laid down in our Drafts in Lat. 13 d. 50 m. or thereabouts: It bearing S. by W. from the Eaſt-end of Timor; and ſo the Iſland bore from us by our Judgments and Reckoning. At 3 a Clock we tackt again, and ſtood S. by W. and S. S. W.

year 1688 In the Morning, aſſoon as it was day, we ſaw the Shoal right a-head: It lies in 13 d. 50 m. by all our Reckonings. It is a ſmall Spit of Sand, juſt appearing above the Waters edge, with ſeveral Rocks about it, 8 or 10 foot high above water. It lies in a triangular Form; each ſide being about a League and half. We ſtemm'd right with the middle of it, and ſtood within half a Mile of the Rocks, and ſounded; but found no Ground. Then we went about and ſtood to the North two Hours; and then tackt and ſtood to the Southward again, thinking to weather it, but could not. So we bore away on the North-ſide, till we came to the Eaſt-point, giving the Rocks a ſmall birth: Then we trimm'd [462] ſharp, and ſtood to the Southward, paſſing cloſe by it, and ſounded again, but found no Ground.

This Shole is laid down in our Drafts not above 16 or 20 Leagues from New Holland; but we did run afterwards 60 Leagues due South before we fell in with it; and I am very confident, that no part of New Holland hereabouts lies ſo far Northerly by 40 Leagues, as it is laid down in our Drafts. For if New Holland were laid down true, we muſt of neceſſity have been driven near 40 Leagues to the Weſtward of our Courſe; but this is very improbable, that the Current ſhould ſet ſo ſtrong to the Weſtward, ſeeing we had ſuch a conſtant Weſterly Wind. I grant, that when the Monſoon ſhifts firſt, the Current does not preſently ſhift, but runs afterwards near a Month; but the Monſoon had been ſhifted at leaſt two Months now. But or the Monſoons and other Winds, and of the Currents, elſewhere, in their proper place. As to theſe here, I do rather believe that the Land is not laid down true, than that the Current deceived us; for it was more probable we ſhould have been deceived before we met with the Shole, than afterwards; for on the Coaſt of New Holland we found the Tides keeping their conſtant Courſe; the Flood running N. by E. and the Ebb S. by E.

The 4th day of January, 1688. we fell in with the Land of New Holland in the Lat. of 16 d. 50 m. having, as I ſaid before, made our Courſe due South from the Shole that we paſt by the 31ſt day of December. We ran in cloſe by it, and finding no convenient anchoring, becauſe it lies open to the N. W. we ran along ſhore to the Eaſtward, ſteering N. E. by E. for ſo the Land lies. We ſteered thus about 12 Leagues; and then came to a Point of Land, from whence the Land trends Eaſt and Southerly, for 10 or 12 Leagues; but how afterwards I know not. About 3 Leagues to the Eaſtward of this Point, [463] there is a pretty deep Bay, with abundance of Iſlands in it, and a very good place to anchor in, or to hale aſhore. About a League to the Eaſtward of that Point we anchored January the 5th, 1688. 2 Mile from the Shore, in 29 Fathom, good hard Sand, and clean Groud.

New Holland is a very large Tract of Land. It is not yet determined whether it is an Iſland or a main Continent; but I am certain that it joyns neither to Aſia, Africa, nor America. This part of it that we ſaw is all low even Land, with ſandy Banks againſt the Sea, only the Points are rocky, and ſo are ſome of the Iſlands in this Bay.

The Land is of a dry ſandy Soil, deſtitute of Water, except you make Wells; yet producing divers ſorts of Trees; but the Woods are not thick, nor the Trees very big. Moſt of the Trees that we ſaw are Dragon-trees, as we ſuppoſed; and theſe too are the largeſt Trees of any there. They are about the bigneſs of our large Apple-trees, and about the ſame heighth: and the Rind is blackiſh, and ſomewhat rough. The Leaves are of a dark colour; the Gum diſtils out of the Knots or Cracks that are in the Bodies of the Trees. We compared it with ſome Gum Dragon, or Dragon's Blood, that was aboard, and it was of the ſome colour and taſte. The other ſorts of Trees were not known by any of us. There was pretty long Graſs growing under the Trees; but it was very thin. We ſaw no Trees that bore Fruit or Berries.

We ſaw no ſort of Animal, nor any Track of Beaſt, but once; and that ſeemed to be the Tread of a Beaſt as big as a great Maſtiff-Dog. Here are a few ſmall Land-birds, but none bigger than a Blackbird; and but few Sea-fowls. Neither is the Sea very plentifully ſtored with Fiſh, unleſs you reckon the Manatee and Turtle as ſuch. Of theſe Creatures there is plenty; but they are extraordinary [464] ſhy; tho' the Inhabitants cannot trouble them much; having neither Boats nor Iron.

The Inhabitants of this Country are the miſerableſt People in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a naſty People, yet for Wealth are Gentlemen to theſe; who have no Houſes and skin Garments, Sheep, Poultry, and Fruits of the Earth, Oſtrich Eggs, &c. as the Hodmadods have: And ſetting aſide their Humane Shape, they differ but little from Brutes. They are tall, ſtrait bodied, and thin, with ſmall long Limbs. They have great Heads, round Foreheads, and great Brows. Their Eye-lids are always half cloſed, to keep the Flies out of their Eyes; they being ſo troubleſome here, that no fanning will keep them from coming to ones Face; and without the aſſiſtance of both Hands to keep them off, they will creep into ones Noſtrils, and Mouth too, if the Lips are not ſhut very cloſe: So that from their Infancy being thus annoyed with theſe Inſects, they do never open their Eyes, as other People: And therefore they cannot ſee far, unleſs they hold up their Heads, as if they were looking at ſomewhat over them.

They have great Bottle Noſes, pretty full Lips, and wide Mouths. The two Fore-teeth of their Upper-jaw are wanting in all of them, Men and Women, Old and Young; whether they draw them out, I know not: Neither have they any Beards. They are long viſaged, and of a very unpleaſing Aſpect, having no one graceful Feature in their Faces. Their Hair is black, ſhort and curl'd, like that of the Negroes; and not long and lank like the common Indians. The colour of their Skins, both of their Faces and the reſt of their Body, is coal black, like that of the Negroes of Guinea.

They have no ſort of Cloaths, but a piece of the Rind of a Tree ty'd like a Girdle about their Waiſts, and a handful of long Graſs, or 3 or 4 ſmall green [465] Boughs full of Leaves, thruſt under their Girdle, cover their Nakedneſs,

They have no Houſes, but lie in the open Air, without any covering; the Earth being their Bed, and the Heaven their Canopy. Whether they cohabit one Man to one Woman, or promiſcuouſly, I know not: but they do live in Companies, 20 or 30 Men, Women, and Children together. Their only Food is a ſmall ſort of Fiſh, which they get by making Wares of Stone acroſs little Coves or Branches of the Sea; every Tide bringing in the ſmall Fiſh, and there leaving them for a Prey to theſe People, who conſtantly attend there to ſearch for them at Low-water. This ſmall Fry I take to be the top of their Fiſhery: They have no Inſtruments to catch great Fiſh, ſhould they come; and ſuch ſeldom ſtay to be left behind at Low-water: Nor could we catch any Fiſh with our Hooks and Lines all the while we lay there. In other places at Low-water they ſeek for Cockles, Muſcles, and Periwincles: Of theſe Shell-fiſh there are fewer ſtill; ſo that their chiefeſt dependance is upon what the Sea leaves in their Wares; which, be it much or little, they gather up, and march to the places of their abode. There the old People that are not able to ſtir abroad by reaſon of their Age, and the tender Infants, wait their return; and what Providence has beſtowed on them, they preſently broil on the Coals, and eat it in common. Sometimes they get as many Fiſh as makes them a plentiful Banquet; and at other times they ſcarce get every one a taſte: But be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender, the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the ſtrong and luſty. When they have eaten they lie down till the next Low-water, and then all that are able march out, be it Night or Day, rain or ſhine, 'tis all one; they muſt attend the [466] Wares, or elſe they muſt faſt: For the Earth affords them no Food at all. There is neither Herb, Root, Pulſe, nor any ſor of Grain fort them to eat, that we ſaw; nor any ſort of Bird or Beaſt that they can catch, having no Inſtruments wherewithal to do ſo.

I did not perceive that they did worſhip any thing. Theſe poor Creatures have a ſort of Weapon to defend their Ware, or fight with their Enemies, if they have any that will interfere with their poor Fiſhery. They did at firſt endeavour with their Weapons to frighten us; who lying aſhore deterr'd them from one of their Fiſhing-places. Some of them had wooden Swords, others had a ſort of Lances. The Sword is a piece of Wood ſhaped ſomewhat like a Cutlaſs. The Lance is a long ſtrait Pole, ſharp at one end, and hardened afterwards by heat. I ſaw no Iron, nor any other ſort of Metal; therfore it is probable they uſe Stone-Hatchets, as ſome Indians in America do, deſcribed in Chap. IV.

How they get their Fire I know not; but, probably, as Indians do, out of Wood. I have ſeen the Indians of Bon-Airy do it, and have my ſelf tryed the Experiment: They take a flat piece of Wood that is pretty ſoft, and make a ſmall dent in one ſide of it, then they take another hard round Stick, about the bigneſs of ones little Finger, and ſharpening it at one end like a Pencil, they put that ſharp end in the hole or dent of the flat ſoft piece, and then rubbbing or twirling the hard piece between the Palms of their Hands, they drill the ſoft piece till it ſmoaks, and at laſt takes fire.

Theſe People ſpeak ſomewhat thro' the Throat, but we could not underſtand one word that they ſaid. We anchored, as I ſaid before, January the 5th, and ſeeing Men walking on the Shore, we preſently ſent a Canoa to get ſome Acquaintance [467] with them: for we were in hopes to get ſome Proviſion among them. But the Inhabitants, ſeeing our Boat coming, run away and hid themſelves. We ſearched afterwards 3 Days in hopes to find their Houſes; but found none: yet we ſaw many places where they had made Fires. At laſt, being out of hopes to find their Habitations, we ſearched no farther: but left a great many Toys aſhore, in ſuch places where we thought that they would come. In all our ſearch we found no Water, but old Wells on the ſandy Bays.

At laſt we went over to the Iſlands, and there we found a great many of the Natives: I do believe there were 40 on one Iſland, Men, Women, and Children. The Men at our firſt coming aſhore, threatned us with their Lances and Swords; but they were frightned by firing one Gun, which we fired purpoſely to ſcare them. The Iſland was ſo ſmall that they could not hide themſelves: but they were much diſordered at our Landing, eſpecially the Women and Children: for we went directly to their Camp. The luſtieſt of the Women ſnatching up their Infants ran away howling, and the little Children run after ſqueaking and bawling; but the Men ſtood ſtill. Some of the Women, and ſuch People as could not go from us, lay ſtill by a Fire, making a doleful noiſe, as if we had been coming to devour them: but when they ſaw we did not intend to harm them they were pretty quiet, and the reſt that fled from us at our firſt coming, returned again. This their place of Dwelling was only a Fire, with a few Boughs before it, ſet up on that ſide the Winds was of.

After we had been here a little while, the Men began to be familiar, and we cloathed ſome of them, deſigning to have had ſome ſervice of them for it: for we found ſome Wells of Water here, and intended to carry 2 or 3 Barrels of it aboard. [468] But it being ſomewhat troubleſome to carry to the Canoas, we thought to have made theſe men to have carry'd it for us, and therefore we gave them ſome Cloaths; to one an old pair of Breeches, to another a ragged Shirt, to the third a Jacket that was ſcarce worth owning; which yet would have been very acceptable at ſome places where we had been, and ſo we thought they might have been with theſe People. We put them on them, thinking that this finery would have brought them to work heartily for us; and our Water being filled in ſmall long Barrels, about 6 Gallons in each, which were made purpoſely to carry Water in, we brought theſe our new Servants to the Wells, and put a Barrel on each of their Shoulders for them to carry to the Canoa. But all the ſigns we could make were to no purpoſe, for they ſtood like Statues, without motion, but grinn'd like ſo many Monkies, ſtaring one upon another: For theſe poor Creatures ſeem not accuſtomed to carry Burthens; and I believe that one of our Ship-boys of 10 years old, would carry as much as one of them. So we were forced to carry our Water our ſelves, and they very fairly put the Cloaths off again, and laid them down, as if Cloaths were only to work in. I did not perceive that they had any great liking to them at firſt, neither did they ſeem to admire any thing that we had.

At another time our Canoa being among theſe Iſlands ſeeking for game, eſpy'd a drove of theſe Men ſwimming from one Iſland to another; for they have no Boats, Canoas, or Bark-logs. They took up Four of them, and brought them aboard; two of them were middle aged, the other two were young Men about 18 or 20 Years old. To theſe we gave boiled Rice, and with it Turtle and Manatee boiled. They did greedily devour what we gave them, but took no notice of the Ship, or [469] any thing in it, and when they were ſet on Land again, they ran away as faſt as they could. At our firſt coming, before we were acquainted with them, or they with us, a Company of them who liv'd on the Main, came juſt againſt our Ship, and ſtanding on a pretty high Bank, threatned us with their Swords and Lances, by ſhaking them at us; at laſt the Captain ordered the Drum to be beaten, which was done of a ſudden with much vigour, purpoſely to ſcare the poor Creatures. They hearing the noiſe, ran away as faſt as they could drive, and when they ran away in haſte, they would cry Gurry, Gurry, ſpeaking deep in the Throat. Thoſe Inhabitants alſo that live on the Main, would always run away from us; yet we took ſeveral of them. For, as I have already obſerved, they had ſuch bad Eyes, that they could not ſee us till we came cloſe to them. We did always give them Victuals, and let them go again, but the Iſlanders, after our firſt time of being among them did not ſtir for us.

When we had been here about a week, we hal'd our Ship into a ſmall ſandy Cove, at a Springtide, as far as ſhe would float; and at low Water ſhe was left dry, and the Sand dry without us near half a mile; for the Sea riſeth and falleth here about 5 fathom. The Flood runs North by Eaſt, and the Ebb South by Weſt. All the Neep-tides we lay wholly a-ground, for the Sea did not come near us by about a hundred yards. We had therefore time enough to clean our Ships bottom, which we did very well. Moſt of our Men lay aſhore in a Tent, where our ſails were mending; and our Strikers brought home Turtle and Manatee every day, which was our conſtant Food.

While we lay here, I did endeavour to perſuade our Men to go to ſome Engliſh Factory; but was threatned to be turned aſhore, and left here for [470] it. This made me deſiſt, and patiently wait for ſome more convenient place and opportunity to leave them than here: Which I did hope I ſhould accompliſh in a ſhort time; becauſe they did intend, when they went from hence, to bear down towards Cape Comorin. In their way thither they deſign'd alſo to viſit the Iſland Cocos, which lieth in Lat. 12 d. 12 m. North, by our Drafts; hoping there to find of that Fruit; the Iſland having its Name from thence.

CHAP. XVII.

[471]

Leaving New-Holland they paſs by the Iſland Cocos, and touch at another woody Iſland near it. A Land Animal like large Crawfiſh. Coco-Nuts, floating in the Sea. The Iſland Triſte, bearing Coco's, yet over-flown every Spring-tide. They Anchor at a ſmall Iſland near that of Naſſaw. Hog Iſland, and others. A Proe taken, belonging to Achin. Nicobar Iſland, and the reſt called by that Name. Ambergreaſe, good and bad. The Manners of the Inhabitants of theſe Iſlands. They Anchor at Nicobar Iſle. Its Situation, Soil, and pleaſant mixture of its Bays, Trees, &c. The Melory Tree and Fruit, uſed for Bread. The Natives of Nicobar Iſland, their Form, Habit, Language, Habitations; no form of Religion or Government: Their Food and Canoas. They clean the Ship. The Author projects and gets leave to ſtay aſhore here, and with him two Engliſh-men more, the Portugueſe, and 4 Malayans of Achin. Their firſt Rencounters with the Natives. Of the common Traditions concerning Cannibals, or Man-Eaters. Their Entertainment aſhore. They buy a Canoa to tranſport them over to Achin; but overſet her at firſt going out. Having recruited and improved her, they ſet out again for the Eaſt ſide of the Iſland. They [472] have a War with the Iſlanders; but Peace being re-eſtabliſhed, they lay in Stores, and make Preparations for their Voyage.

MArch the 12th, 1688, we ſailed from New-Holland, with the Wind at N. N. W. and fair weather. We directed our Courſe to the Northward, intending, as I ſaid, to touch at the Iſland Cocos: But we met with the Winds at N. W. W. N. W. and N. N. W. for ſeveral days; which obliged us to keep a more eaſterly courſe than was convenient to find that Iſland. We had ſoon after our ſetting out very bad weather, with much Thunder and Lightning, Rain and high bluſtring Winds.

It was the 26th day of March before we were in the Lat. of the Iſland Cocos, which is in 12 d. 12 m. and then, by Judgment, we were 40 or 50 Leagues to the Eaſt of it; and the Wind was now at S. W. Therefore we did rather chuſe to bear away towards ſome Iſlands on the Weſt ſide of Sumatra, than to beat againſt the Wind for the Iſland Cocos. I was very glad of this, being in hopes to make my eſcape from them to Sumatra, or ſome other Place.

We met nothing of remark in this Voyage, beſide the catching 2 great Sharks, till the 28th day. Then we fell in with a ſmall woody Iſland, in Lat. 10 d. 30 m. Its Longitude from New-Holland, from whence we came, was, by my account, 12 d. 6 m. Weſt. It was deep Water about the Iſland, and therefore no Anchoring; but we ſent two Canoas aſhore; one of them with the Carpenters, to cut a Tree to make another Pump; the other Canoa went to ſearch for freſh Water, and found a fine ſmall Brook near the S. W. point of the Iſland; but there the Sea fell in on the Shore ſo high, that [473] they could not get it off. At noon both our Canoas returned aboard; and the Carpenters brought aboard a good Tree, which they afterwards made a Pump with, ſuch a one as they made at Mindanao. The other Canoa brought aboard as many Boobies and Men of War Birds, as ſufficed all the Ships Company, when they were boiled. They got alſo a ſort of Land-Animal, ſomewhat reſembling a large Craw-fiſh, without its great Claws. Theſe Creatures lived in holes in the dry ſandy Ground, like Rabbits. Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage round the World makes mention of ſuch that he found at Ternate, or ſome other of the Spice Iſlands, or near them. They were very good ſweet Meat, and ſo large that two of them were more than a Man could eat; being almoſt as thick as ones Leg. Their Shells were of a dark brown, but red when boiled.

This Iſland is of a good heighth, with ſteep Cliffs againſt the S. and S. W. and a ſandy Bay on the North-ſide; but very deep water ſteep to the ſhore. The Mold is blackiſh, the Soil fat, producing large Trees of divers ſorts.

About one a clock in the Afternoon we made ſail from this Iſland, with the Wind at S. W. and we ſteered N. W. Afterwards the Winds came about at N. W. and continued between the W. N. W. and the N. N. W. ſeveral days. I obſerved, that the Winds blew for the moſt part out of the Weſt, or N. W. and then we had always rainy Weather, with Tornadoes, and much Thunder and Lightning; but when the Wind came any way to the Southward it blew but faint, and brought fair weather.

We met nothing of remark till the 7th day of April, and then, being in Lat. 7 d. S. we ſaw the Land of Sumatra at a great diſtance, bearing North. The 8th day we ſaw the Eaſt-end of the Iſland Sumatra [474] very plain; we being then in Lat. 6 d. 8. The 10th day, being in Lat. 5 d. 11 m. and about 7 or 8 Leagues from the Iſland Sumatra, on the Weſt ſide of it, we ſaw abundance of Coco-nuts ſwimming in the Sea; and we hoyſed out our Boat, and took up ſome of them; as alſo a ſmall Hatch, or Scuttle rather, belonging to ſome Bark. The Nuts were very ſound, and the Kernel ſweet, and in ſome the Milk or Water in them, was yet ſweet and good.

The 12th day we came to a ſmall Iſland called Triſte, in Lat. (by Obſervation) 4 d. South; it is about 14 or 15 Leagues to the Weſt of the Iſland Sumatra. From hence to the Northward there are a great many ſmall uninhabited Iſlands, lying much at the ſame diſtance from Sumatra. This Iſland Triſte is not a mile round, and ſo low, that the Tide flows clear over it. It is of a ſandy Soil, and full of Coco-nut Trees. The Nuts are but ſmall; yet ſweet enough, full, and more ponderous than I ever felt any of that bigneſs; notwithſtanding that every Spring-tide the Salt-water goes clear over the Iſland.

We ſent aſhore our Canoas for Coco-nuts, and they returned aboard laden with them three times. Our Strikers alſo went out and ſtruck ſome Fiſh, which was boiled for Supper. They alſo kill'd 2 young Aligators, which was ſalted for the next day.

I had no Opportunity at this place to make my Eſcape as I would have done, and gone over hence to Sumatra, could I have kept a Boat to me. But there was no compaſſing this; and ſo the 15th day we went from hence, ſteering to the Northward on the Weſt ſide of Sumatra. Our Food now was Rice, and the Meat of the Coco-nuts raſped, and ſteep'd in Water; which made a ſort of Milk, into which we did put our Rice, making a pleaſant [475] Meſs enough. After we parted from Triſte we ſaw other ſmall Iſlands, that were alſo full of Coco-nut Trees.

The 19th day, being in Lat. 3 d. 25 m. S. the S. W. point of the Iſland Naſſaw bore N. about 5 mile diſt. This is a pretty large uninhabited Iſland; in Lat. 3 d. 20 m. S. and is full of high Trees. About a mile from the Iſland Naſſaw there is a ſmall Iſland full of Coco-nut Trees. There we anchored the 29th day to repleniſh our ſtock of Coco-Nuts. A Riff of Rocks lies almoſt round this Iſland, ſo that our Boats could not go aſhore, nor come aboard at low Water; yet we got aboard four Boat-load of Nuts. This Iſland is low like Triſte, and the anchoring is on the North-ſide; where you have fourteen Fathom, a Mile from Shore, clean Sand.

The 21ſt day we went from hence, and kept to the Northward, coaſting ſtill on the Weſt-ſide of the Iſland Sumatra; and having the Winds between the W. and S. S. W. with unſetled Weather; ſometimes Rains and Tornadoes, and ſometimes fair Weather.

The 25th day we croſt the Equator, ſtill coaſting to the Northward, between the Iſland Sumatra, and a Range of ſmall Iſlands, lying 14 or 15 Leagues off it. Amongſt all theſe Iſlands, Hog-Iſland is the moſt conſiderable. It lies in Lat. 3 d. 40 m. North. It is pretty high even Land, cloathed with tall flouriſhing Trees; we paſt it by the 28th day.

The 29th we ſaw a Sail to the North of us, which we chaſed: but it being little Wind, we did not come up with her till the 30th day. Then, being within a League of her, Captain Read went into a Canoa and took her, and brought her aboard. She was a Proe with four Men in her, belonging to Achin, whether ſhe was bound. She [476] came from one of theſe Coco-nut Iſlands that we paſt by, and was laden with Coco-nuts, and Coco-nut Oil. Captain Read ordered his Men to take aboard all the Nuts, and as much of the Oil as he thought convenient, and then cut a hole in the bottom of the Proe, and turned her looſe, keeping the Men Priſoners.

It was not for the lucre of the Cargo, that Captain Read took this Boat, but to hinder me and ſome others from going aſhore; for he knew that we were ready to make our eſcapes, if an opportunity preſented it ſelf; and he thought, that by his abuſing and robbing the Natives, we ſhould be afraid to truſt our ſelves among them. But yet this proceeding of his turned to our great advantage, as ſhall be declared hereafter.

May the 1ſt, we ran down by the North Weſt end of the Iſland Sumatra, within 7 or 8 Leagues of the Shore. All this Weſt-ſide of Sumatra which we thus coaſted along, our Engliſhmen at Fort St. George, call the Weſt-Coaſt ſimply; without adding the name of Sumatra. The Priſoners who were taken the day before, ſhewed us the Iſlands that lie off Achin Harbour, and the Channels through which Ships go in; and told us alſo that there was an Engliſh Factory at Achin. I wiſh'd my ſelf there, but was forced to wait with patience till my time was come.

We were now directing our Courſe towards the Nicobar Iſlands, intending there to clean the Ship's bottom, in order to make her ſail well.

The 4th day in the evening we had ſight of one of the Nicobar Iſlands. The Southermoſt of them lies about 40 Leagues N. N. W. from the N. W. end of the Iſland Sumatra. This moſt Southerly of them is Nicobar it ſelf, but all the cluſter of Iſlands lying South of the Audeman Iſlands are called by our Seamen the Nicobar Iſlands.

[477] The Inhabitants of theſe Iſlands have no certain Converſe with any Nation; but as Ships paſs by them, they will come aboard in their Proes, and offer their Commodities to ſail, never enquiring of what Nation they are; for all white People are alike to them. Their chiefeſt Commodities are Ambergreaſe and Fruits.

Ambergreaſe is often found by the Native Indians of theſe Iſlands, who know it very well; as alſo know how to cheat ignorant Strangers with a certain mixture like it. Several of our Men bought ſuch of them for a ſmall Purchaſe. Capt. Weldon alſo about this time touched at ſome of theſe Iſlands, to the North of the Iſland where we lay; and I ſaw a great deal of ſuch Ambergreaſe, that one of his Men bought there; but it was not good, having no ſmell at all. Yet I ſaw ſome there very good and fragrant.

At that Iſland where Captain Weldon was, there were two Fryers ſent thither to convert the Indians. One of them came away with Captain Weldon; the other remained there ſtill. He that came away with Captain Weldon, gave a very good Character of the Inhabitants of that Iſland, viz. that they were very honeſt, civil, harmleſs People; That they were not addicted to Quarrelling, Theft, or Murder; That they did marry, or at leaſt live as Man and Wife, one Man with one Woman, never changing till Death made the Separation; That they were punctual and honeſt in performing their Bargains; And that they were inclined to receive the Chriſtian Religion. This Relation I had afterwards from the Mouth of a Prieſt at Tonqueen, who told me that he received this Information by a Letter from the Fryer that Captain Weldon brought away from thence. But to proceed.

The 5th day of May we ran down on the Weſtſide of the Iſland Nicobar, properly ſo called, and [478] anchored at the N. W. end of it, in a ſmall Bay in 8 Fathom Water, not half a Mile from the Shore The body of this Iſland is in 7 d. 30 m. North Lat. it is about 12 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The South-end of it is pretty high, with ſteep Cliffs againſt the Sea; the reſt of the Iſland is low, flat, and even. The Mold of it is black, and deep; and it is very well watered with ſmall running Streams. It produceth abundance of tall Trees, fit for any uſes; for the whole Bulk of it ſeems to be but one entire Grove. But that which adds moſt to its Beauty off at Sea, are the many ſpots of Coco-nut Trees which grow round it in every ſmall Bay. The Bays are half a Mile, or a Mile long, more or leſs; and theſe Bays are intercepted, or divided from each other, with as many little rocky Points [...] Woodland.

As the Coco-nut Trees do thus grow in Groves, fronting to the Sea, in the Bays, ſo there is another ſort of Fruit-Tree in the Bays, bordering on the back-ſide of the Coco-Trees, farther from the Sea. It is called by the Natives, a Melory-Tree. This Tree is as big as our large Apple-Trees, and as high. It hath a blackiſh Rind, and a pretty broad Leaf. The Fruit is as big as the Bread-fruit at Guam, deſcribed in Chapter X. or a large Penny Loaf. It is ſhaped like a Pear, and hath a pretty tough ſmooth Rind, of a light green Colour. The inſide of the Fruit is in ſubſtance much like an Apple; but full of ſmall Strings, as big as a brown Thread. I did never ſee of theſe Trees any where but here.

The Natives of this Iſland are tall well-limb'd Men, pretty long-viſag'd, with black Eyes; their Noſes middle proportioned, and the whole Symmetry of their Faces agreeing very well. Their Hair is black and lank, and their Skins of a dark Copper-colour. The Women have no Hair on [479] their Eye-brows. I do believe it is pluckt up by the Roots; for the Men had Hair growing on their Eye-brows, as other People.

The Men go all naked, ſave only a long narrow piece of Cloth, or Saſh; which going round their Waſtes, and thence down between their Thighs, is brought up behind, and tuckt in at that part which goes about the Waſte. The Women have a kind of a ſhort Petticoat reaching from their Waſte to their Knees.

Their Language was different from any that I had ever heard before; yet they had ſome few Malayan Words, and ſome of them had a Word or two of Portugueze; which probably they might learn aboard of their Ships, paſſing by this place: for when theſe Men ſee a Sail, they do preſently go aboard of them in their Canoas. I did not perceive any Form of Religion that they had; they had neither Temple nor Idol, nor any manner of outward Veneration to any Deity, that I did ſee.

They inhabit all round the Iſland by the Seaſide, in the Bays; there being 4 or 5 Houſes, more or leſs, in each Bay. Their Houſes are built on Poſts, as the Mindanayans are. They are ſmall, low, and of a ſquare form. There is but one Room in each Houſe, and this Room is about 8 foot from the Ground; and from thence the Roof is raiſed about 8 Foot higher. But inſtead of a ſharp Ridge, the top is exceeding neatly arched with ſmall Rafters about the bigneſs of a Man's Arm, bent round like a Half-Moon, and very curiouſly thatcht with Palmeto-leaves.

They live under no Government that I could perceive; for they ſeem to be equal, without any diſtinction, every Man ruling in his own Houſe. Their Plantations are only thoſe Coco-nut Trees which grow by the Seaſide; their being no cleared Land farther in on the Iſland: for I obſerved that [480] when paſt the Fruit-Trees, there were no Paths to be ſeen going into the Woods. The greateſt uſe which they make of their Coco-Trees is to draw Toddy from them, of which they are very fond.

The Melory Trees ſeem to grow wild; they have great Earthen Pots to boil the Melory Fruit in, which will hold 12 or 14 Gallons. Theſe Pots they fill with the Fruit; and putting in a little Water, they cover the Mouth of the Pot with Leaves, to keep the Steam while it boils. When the Fruit is ſoft they peel off the Rind, and ſcrape the Pulp from the Strings with a flat Stick made like a Knife; and then make it up in great Lumps as big as a Holland Cheeſe; and then it will keep 6 or 7 days. It looks yellow, and taſtes well, and is their chiefeſt Food: For they have no Yams, Potatoes, Rice, nor Plantains (except a very few;) yet they have a few ſmall Hogs, and a very few Cocks and Hens, like ours. The Men employ themſelves in Fiſhing; but I did not ſee much Fiſh that they got: Every Houſe hath at leaſt 2 or 3 Canoas belonging to it, which they draw up aſhore.

The Canoas that they go a fiſhing in are ſharp at both ends; and both the ſides and the bottom are very thin and ſmooth. They are ſhaped ſomewhat like the Proes at Guam, with one ſide flattiſh, and the other with a pretty big Belly; and they have ſmall ſlight Outlagers on one ſide. Being thus thin and light they are better managed with Oars than with Sails: Yet they ſail well enough, and are ſteer'd with a Paddle. There commonly go 20 or 30 Men in one of theſe Canoas; and ſeldom fewer than 9 or 10. Their Oars are ſhort, and they do not paddle, but row with them, as we do. The Benches they ſit on when they row are made of ſplit Bamboes, laid acroſs, and ſo near together, that they look like a Deck. The Bamboes lie moveable; ſo that when any go in to row [481] they take up a Bambo in the place where they would ſit, and lay it by to make room for their Legs. The Canoas of thoſe of the reſt of theſe Iſlands were like thoſe of Nicobar: and probably they were alike in other things; for we ſaw no difference at all in the Natives of them, who came hither while we were here.

But to proceed with our Affairs: It was, as I ſaid before, the 5th day of May, about 10 in the Morning, when we anchored at this Iſland: Captain Read immediately ordered his Men to heel the Ship in order to clean her; which was done this Day and the next. All the Water-Veſſels were fill'd, they intended to go to Sea at Night: For the Winds being yet at N. N. E. the Captain was in hopes to get over to Cape Comorin before the Wind ſhifted; otherwiſe it would have been ſomewhat difficult for him to get thither, becauſe the Weſterly Monſoon was not at hand.

I thought now was my time to make my Eſcape; by getting leave, if poſſible, to ſtay here; for it ſeemed not very feaſible to do it by ſtealth; and I had no reaſon to deſpair of getting leave; this being a place where my ſtay could, probably, do our Crew no harm, ſhould I deſign it. Indeed one reaſon that put me on the thoughts of ſtaying at this particular place, beſides the preſent opportunity of leaving Captain Read, which I did always intend to do, as ſoon I could, was, that I had here alſo a proſpect of advancing a profitable Trade for Ambergreaſe with theſe People, and of gaining a conſiderable Fortune to my ſelf: For in a ſhort time I might have learned their Language, and by accuſtoming my ſelf to row with them in the Proes or Canoas, eſpecially by conforming my ſelf to their Cuſtoms and Manners of Living, I ſhould have ſeen how they got their Ambergreaſe, and have known what Quantities they get, and [482] the time of the Year when moſt is found. And then afterwards I thought it would be eaſie for me to have tranſported my ſelf from thence, either in ſome Ship that paſt this way, whether Engliſh, Dutch, or Portugueze; or elſe to have gotten one of the young Men of the Iſland to have gone with me in one of their Canoas to Achin; and there to have furniſhed my ſelf with ſuch Commodities as I found moſt coveted by them; and therewith, at my return, to have bought their Ambergreaſe.

I had, till this time, made no open ſhow of going aſhore here: But now, the Water being fill'd, and the Ship in a readineſs to ſail, I deſired Captain Read to ſet me aſhore on this Iſland. He, ſuppoſing that I could not go aſhore in a place leſs frequented by Ships than this, gave me leave; which probably he would have refuſed to have done, if he thought I ſhould have gotten from hence in any ſhort time; for fear of my giving an account of him to the Engliſh or Dutch. I ſoon got up my Cheſt and Bedding, and immediately got ſome to row me aſhore, for fear le [...]t his Mind ſhould change again.

The Canoa that brought me aſhore, landed me on a ſmall ſandy Bay, where there were two Houſes, but no Perſon in them: For the Inhabitants were removed to ſome other Houſe, probably for fear of us; becauſe the Ship was cloſe by: And yet both Men and Women came aboard the Ship without any ſign of fear. When our Ship's Canoa was going aboard again, they met the Owner of the Houſes coming aſhore in his Boat. He made a great many Signs to them to fetch me off again; but they would not underſtand him. Then he came to me, and offered his Boat to carry me off; but I refuſed it. Then he made Signs for me to go up into the Houſe; and, according as I did underſtand him by his Signs, and a few Malayan Words [483] that he uſed, he intimated that ſomewhat would come out of the Woods in the night, when I was aſleep, and kill me, meaning probably ſome wild Beaſt. Then I carried my Cheſt and Cloaths up into the Houſe.

I had not been aſhore an hour before Captain Teat and one John Damarel, with 3 or 4 armed Men more, came to fetch me aboard again. They need not have ſent an armed Poſſe for me; for had they but ſent the Cabbin-boy aſhore for me, I would not have denied going aboard. For though I could have hid my ſelf in the Woods, yet then they would have abuſed, or have kill'd ſome of the Natives, purpoſely to incenſe them againſt me. I told them therefore, that I was ready to go with them, and went aboard with all my Things.

When I came aboard I found the Ship in an uproar; for there were 3 Men more, who taking Courage by my Example, deſired leave alſo to accompany me. One of them was the Surgeon Mr. Coppinger, the other was Mr. Robert Hall, and one named Ambroſe; I have forgot his Sir-name. Theſe Men had always harboured the ſame Deſigns as I had. The two laſt were not much oppoſed; but Captain Read and his Crew would not part with the Surgeon. At laſt the Surgeon leapt into the Canoa, and taking up my Gun, ſwore he would go aſhore, and that if any Man did oppoſe it, he would ſhoot him: But John Oliver, who was then Quarter-maſter, leapt into the Canoa, taking hold of him, took away the Gun, and with the help of two or three more, they dragged him again into the Ship.

Then Mr. Hall and Ambroſe and I were again ſent aſhore; and one of the Men that rowed us aſhore ſtole an Ax, and gave it to us, knowing it was a good Commodity with the Indians. It was now dark, therefore we lighted a Candle, and I [484] being the oldeſt ſtander in our new Country, conducted them into one of the Houſes, where we did preſently hang up our Hammocks. We had ſcarce done this before the Canoa came aſhore again, and brought the 4 Malayan Men belonging to Achin, (which we took in the Proe we took off of Sumatra) and the Portugueſe that came to our Ship out of the Siam Jonk at Pulo Condore: the Crew having no occaſion for theſe, being leaving the Malayan Parts, where the Portugueſe Spark ſerved as an Interpreter; and not fearing now that the Achineſe could be ſerviceable to us in bringing us over to their Country, 40 Leagues off; nor imagining that we durſt make ſuch an attempt; as indeed it was a bold one. Now we were Men enough to defend our ſelves againſt the Natives of this Iſland, if they ſhould prove our Enemies: though if none of theſe Men had come aſhore to me, I ſhould not have feared any danger. Nay, perhaps leſs, becauſe I ſhould have been cautious of giving any offence to the Natives: and I am of the Opinion, that there are no People in the World ſo barbarous as to kill a ſingle Perſon that falls accidently into their Hands, or comes to live among them; except they have before been injured, by ſome outrage, or violence committed againſt them. Yet even then, or afterwards, if a Man could but preſerve his Life from their firſt rage, and come to treat with them (which is the hardeſt thing becauſe their way is uſually to abſcond, and ruſhing ſuddenly upon their Enemy to kill him at unawares) one might, by ſome ſlight, inſinuate ones ſelf into their Favours again. Eſpecially by ſhewing ſome Toy, or Knack that they didnever ſee before: which any European, that has ſeen the World, might ſoon contrive to amuſe them withal: as might be done, generally even with a little Fire ſtruck with a Flint and Steel.

[485] As for the common Opinion of Authropophagi, or Man-eaters, I did never meet with any ſuch People: All Nations or Families in the World, that I have ſeen or heard of, having ſome ſort of Food to live on, either Fruit, Grain, Pulſe, or Roots, which grow naturally, or elſe planted by them; if not Fiſh and Land-Animals beſides; (yea, even the People of New-Holland, had Fiſh amidſt all their Penury) and would ſcarce kill a Man purpoſely to eat him. I know not what barbarous Cuſtoms may formerly have been in the World; and to Sacrifice their Enemies to their Gods, is a thing hath been much talked of, with relation to the Savages of America. I am a Stranger to that alſo, if it be, or have been cuſtomary in any Nation there; and yet, if they Sacrifice their Enemies it is not neceſſary they ſhould Eat them too. After all, I will not be peremptory in the Negative, but I ſpeak as to the compaſs of my own Knowledge, and know ſome of theſe Cannibal Stories to be falſe, and many of them have been diſproved ſince I firſt went to the Weſt-Indies. At that time how Barbarous were the poor Florida Indians accounted, whieh now we find to be Civil enough? what ſtrange Stories have we heard of the Indians, whoſe Iſlands were called the Iſles of Cannibals? Yet we find that they do Trade very civilly with the French and Spaniards; and have done ſo with us. I do own that they have formerly endeavoured to deſtroy our Plantations at Barbadoes, and have ſince hindred us from ſettling the Iſland Santa Loca, by deſtroying two or three Colonies ſucceſſively of thoſe that were ſettled there; and even the Iſland Tabago has been often annoyed and ravaged by them, when ſettled by the Dutch, and ſtill lies waſt (though a delicate Fruitful Iſland) as being too near the Caribbees on the Continent, who viſit it every Year. But this was to preſerve their own right, by [486] endeavouring to keep out any that would ſettle themſelves on thoſe Iſlands, where they had planted themſelves; yet even theſe People would not hurt a ſingle Perſon, as I have been told by ſome that have been Priſoners among them. I could inſtance alſo in the Indians of Bocca Toro, and Bocca Drago, and many other Places where they do live, as the Spaniards call it, Wild and Salvage; yet there they have been familiar with Privateers, but by Abuſes have withdrawn their Friendſhip again. As for theſe Nicobar People, I found them Affable enough, and therefore I did not fear them; but I did not much care whether I had gotten any more Company or no.

But however I was very well ſatisfied, and the rather becauſe we were now Men enough to row our ſelves over to the Iſland Sumatra; and accordingly we preſently conſulted how to purchaſe a Canoa of the Natives.

It was a fine clear Moon-light Night, in which we were left aſhore. Therefore we walked on the ſandy Bay to watch when the Ship would weigh and be gone, not thinking our ſelves ſecure in our new-gotten Liberty till then. About 11 or 12 a Clock we ſaw her under Sail, and then we returned to our Chamber, and ſo to ſleep. This was the 6th of May.

The next Morning betimes, our Landlord, with 4 or 5 of his Friends, came to ſee his new Gueſts, and was ſomewhat ſurprized to ſee ſo many of us, for he knew of no more but my ſelf. Yet he ſeemed to be very well pleaſed, and entertain'd us with a large Calabaſh of Toddy, which he brought with him. Before he went away again, (for whereſoever we came they left their Houſes to us, but whether out of Fear or Superſtition I know not) we bought a Canoa of him for an Ax, and we did preſently put our Cheſts and Cloaths [487] in it, deſigning to go to the South-end of the Iſland, and lye there till the Monſoon ſhifted, which we expected every day.

When our things were ſtowed away, we with the Achineſe entered with joy into our new Frigot, and launched off from the Shore. We were no ſooner off, but our Canoa overſet, bottom upwards. We preſerved our Lives well enough by Swimming, and dragg'd alſo our Cheſts and Cloaths aſhore; but all our things were wet. I had nothing of value but my Journal and ſome Drafts of Land, of my own taking, which I much prized, and which I had hitherto carefully preſerved. Mr. Hall had alſo ſuch another Cargo of Books and Drafts, which were now like to periſh. But we preſently opened our Cheſts and took out our Books, which, with much ado, we did afterwards dry; but ſome of our Drafts that lay looſe in our Cheſts were ſpoiled.

We lay here afterwards 3 days, making great Fires to dry our Books. The Achineſe in the mean time fixt our Canoa, with Outlagers on each ſide; and they alſo cut a good Maſt for her, and made a ſubſtantial Sail with Mats.

The Canoa being now very well ſixt, and our Books and Cloaths dry, we launched out the ſecond time, and rowed towards the Eaſt-ſide of the Iſland, leaving many Iſlands to the North of us. The Indians of the Iſland accompanied us with 8 or 10 Canoas againſt our deſire; for we thought that theſe Men would make Proviſion dearer at that ſide of the Iſland we were going to, by giving an account what rates we gave for it at the place from whence we came, which was owing to the Ships being there; for the Ships crew were not ſo thrifty in bargaining (as they ſeldom are) as ſingle Perſons, or a few Men might be apt to be, who would keep to one bargain. Therefore to [488] hinder them from going with us, Mr. Hall ſcared one Canoas Crew, by firing a ſhot over them. They all leapt over-board, and cried out, but ſeeing us row away, they got into their Canoa again, and came after us.

The firing of that Gun made all the Inhabitants of the Iſland to be our Enemies. For preſently after this we put aſhore at a Bay where were four Houſes, and a great many Canoas: but they all went away, and came near us no more for ſeveral Days. We had then a great Loaf of Melory which was our conſtant Food; and if we had a mind to Coco-nuts, or Toddy, our Malayans of Achin would climb the Trees, and fetch as many Nuts as we would have, and a good Pot of Toddy every Morning. Thus we lived till our Melory was almoſt ſpent; being ſtill in hopes that the Natives would come to us, and ſell it as they had formerly done. But they came not to us; nay, they oppoſed us where-ever we came, and often ſhaking their Lances at us, made all the ſhew of hatred that they could invent.

At laſt, when we ſaw that they ſtood in oppoſition to us, we reſolved to uſe force to get ſome of their Food, if we could not get it other ways. With this Reſolution, we went in our Canoa to a ſmall Bay, on the North part of the Iſland; becauſe it was ſmooth water there and good landing; but on the other ſide, the Wind being yet on that Quarter, we could not land without jeopardy of overſetting our Canoa, and wetting our Arms, and then we muſt have lain at the mercy of our Enemies, who ſtood 2 or 300 Men in every Bay, where they ſaw us coming, to keep us off.

When we ſet out, we rowed directly to the North end, and preſently were followed by 7 or 8 of their Canoas. They keeping at a diſtance, rowed away faſter than we did, and got to the [489] Bay before us; and there, with about 20 more Canoas, full of Men, they all landed, and ſtood to hinder us from landing. But we rowed in, within a hundred yards of them. Then we lay ſtill, and I took my Gun, and preſented at them; at which they all fell down flat on the Ground. But I turn'd my ſelf about, and to ſhew that we did not intend to harm them, I fired my Gun off to Sea; ſo that they might ſee the Shot graze on the Water. Aſſoon as my Gun was loaden again, we rowed gently in; at which ſome of them withdrew. The reſt ſtanding up, did ſtill cut and hew the Air, making ſigns of their hatred: till I once more frighted them with my Gun, and diſcharg'd it as before. Then more of them ſneak'd away, leaving only 5 or 6 Men on the Bay. Then we rowed in again, and Mr. Hall taking his Sword in his Hand, leapt aſhore; and I ſtood ready with my Gun to fire at the Indians, if they had injured him: But they did not ſtir, till he came to them and ſaluted them.

He ſhook them by the Hand, and by ſuch ſigns of Friendſhip as he made, the Peace was concluded, ratified and confirmed by all that were preſent: And others that were gone, were again call'd back, and they all very joyfully accepted of a Peace. This became univerſal over all the Iſland, to the great joy of the Inhabitants. There was no ringing of Bells nor Bonfires made, for that is not the Cuſtom here; but Gladneſs appeared in their Countenances, for now they could go out and fiſh again, without fear of being taken. This Peace was not more welcome to them than to us; for now the Inhabitants brought their Melory again to us; which we bought for old Rags, and ſmall ſtripes of Cloth, about as broad as the Palm of ones Hand. I did not ſee abve 5 or 6 Hens, for they have but few on the Iſland. At ſome places we ſaw ſome ſmall Hogs, which we could have [490] bought of them reaſonably; but we would not offend our Achineſe Friends, who were Mahometans.

We ſtayed here two or three days, and then rowed toward the South-end of the Iſland, keeping on the Eaſt-ſide, and we were kindly received by the Natives where-ever we came. When we arrived at the South-end of the Iſland, we fitted our ſelves with Melory, and Water. We bought 3 or 4 Loaves of Melory, and about 12 large Coco-nut ſhells, that had all the Kernel taken out, yet were preſerved whole, except only a ſmall hole at one end; and all theſe held for us about 3 gallons and a half of Water. We bought alſo 2 or 3 Bamboes, that held about 4 or 5 Gallons more: This was our Sea-ſtore.

We now deſign [...]d to go to Achin, a Town on the N. W. end of the Iſland Sumatra, diſtant from hence about 40 leagues, bearing South South Eaſt. We only waited for the Weſtern Monſoon, which we had expected a great while, and now it ſeemed to be at hand; for the Clouds began to hang their Heads to the Faſtward, and at laſt moved gently that way; and though the Wind was ſtill at Eaſt, yet this was an infalliable Sign that the Weſtern Monſoon was nigh.

CHAP. XVIII.

[491]

The Author, with ſome others put to Sea in an open Boat, deſigning for Achin. Their Accommodations for their Voyage. Change of Weather; a Halo about the Sun, and a violent Storm. Their great Danger and Diſtreſs. Cudda, a Town and Harbour on the Coaſt of Malacca. Pulo Way. Golden Mountain on the Iſle of Sumatra: River and Town of Paſſenge-Jonca, on Sumatra, near Diamondpoint; where they go aſhore very ſick, and are kindly entertained by the Oromkay, and Inhabitants. They go thence to Achin. The Author is examined before the Shabander; and takes Phyſick of a Malayan Doctor. His long Illneſs. He ſets out towards Nicobar again, but returns ſuddenly to Achin Road. He makes ſeveral Voyages thence, to Tonqueen, to Malacca, to Fort St. George, and to Bencouli, an Engliſh Factory on Sumatra. An Account of the Ship's Crew who ſet the Author aſhore at Nicobar. Some go to Trangambar, a Daniſh Fort on Coromandel; others to Fort St. George; many to the Mogul's Camp. Of the Peuns; and how John Oliver made himſelf a Captain. Capt. Read, with the reſt, having plundered a rich Portugueſe Ship near Ceylon, goes to Madagaſcar, and ſhips himſelf off thence in a New-York Ship. The Traverſes of the reſt to Johanna, [492] &c. Their Ship, the Cygnet of London, now lies ſunk in Auguſtin Bay at Madagaſcar. Of Prince Jeoly, the Painted Man, whom the Author brought with him to England, and who died at Oxford. Of his Country the Iſle of Meangis; the Cloves there, &c. The Author is made Gunner of Bencouli, but is forced to ſlip away from thence to come for England.

IT was the 15th day of May 1688. about 4 a Clock in the Afternoon, when we left Nicobar Iſland, directing our Courſe towards Achin, being 8 Men of us in Company, viz. 3 Engliſh, 4 Malayans, who were born at Achin, and the mungrel Portugueſe.

Our Veſſel, the Nicobar Canoa, was not one of the biggeſt, nor of the leaſt ſize: She was much about the Burthen of one of our London Wherries below Bridge, and built ſharp at both ends, like the fore part of a Wherry. She was deeper than a Wherry, but not ſo broad, and was ſo thin and light, that when empty, 4 Men could launch he [...], or hale her aſhore on a ſandy Bay. We had a good ſubſtantial Maſt, and a Mat Sail, and good Outlagers laſht very faſt and firm on each ſide the Veſſel, being made of ſtrong Poles. So that while theſe continued firm the Veſſel could not overſet, which ſhe would eaſily have done without them, and with them too, had they not been made very ſtrong; and we were therefore much beholding to our Achineſe Companions for this Contrivance.

Theſe Men were none of them ſo ſenſible of the Danger as Mr. Hall and my ſelf, for they all confided ſo much in us, that they did not ſo much as ſcruple any thing that we did approve of. Neither [493] was Mr. Hall ſo well provided as I was, for before we left the Ship, I had purpoſely conſulted our Draft of the Eaſt-Indies, (for we had but one in the Ship) and out of that I had written in my Pocketbook an account of the bearing and diſtance of all the Malacca Coaſt, and that of Sumatra, Pegu, and Siam, and alſo brought away with me a Pocket-Compaſs for my Direction in any Enterprize that I ſhould undertake.

The Weather at our ſetting out was very fair, clear and hot. The Wind was ſtill at S. F. a very ſmall Breeze, juſt fanning the Air, and the Clouds were moving gently from Weſt to Eaſt, which gave us hopes that the Winds were either at Weſt already abroad at Sea, or would be ſo in a very ſhort time. We took this opportunity of fair Weather, being in hopes to accompliſh our Voyage to Achin, before the Weſtern Monſoon was ſet in ſtrong, knowing that we ſhould have very bluſtering Weather after this fair Weather, eſpecially at the firſt coming of the Weſtern Monſoon.

We rowed therefore away to the Southward, ſuppoſing that when we were clear from the Iſland we ſhould have a true Wind, as we call it; for the Land hales the Wind; and we often find the Wind at Sea different from what it is near the Shore. We rowed with 4 Oars, taking our turns: Mr. Hall and I ſteered alſo by turns, for none of the reſt were capable of it. We rowed the firſt Afternoon, and the Night enſuing, about twelve Leagues by my Judgment. Our Courſe was South South Eaſt; but the 16th Day in the Morning, when the Sun was an Hour high, we ſaw the Iſland from whence we came, bearing N. W. by N. Therefore I found we had gone a point more to the Eaſt than I intended, for which reaſon we ſteered S. by F.

[494] In the Afternoon at 4 a Clock, we had a gentle Breeze at W. S. W. which continued ſo till 9, all which time we laid down our Oars, and ſteered away S. S. E. I was then at the Helm, and I found by the ripling of the Sea, that there was a ſtrong Current againſt us. It made a great noiſe that might be heard near half a Mile. At 9 a Clock it fell calm, and ſo continued till 10. Then the Wind ſprung up again, and blew a freſh Breeze all Night.

The 17th Day in the Morning we lookt out for the Iſland Sumatra, ſuppoſing that we were now within 20 Leagues of it; for we had rowed and ſailed, by our reckoning, 24 Leagues from Nicobar Iſland; and the diſtance from Nicobar to Achin is about 40 Leagues. But we lookt in vain for the Iſland Sumatra; for turning our ſelves about, we ſaw, to our grief, Nicobar Iſland, lying W. N. W. and not above 8 Leagues diſtant. By this it was viſible, that we had met a very ſtrong Current againſt us in the Night. But the Wind freſhned on us, and we made the beſt uſe of it while the Weather continued fair. At Noon we had an Obſervation of the Sun, my lat. was 6 d. 55 m. and Mr. Hall's was 7 d. N.

The 18th Day the Wind freſhned on us again, and the Sky began to be clouded. It was indifferent clear till Noon, and we thought to have had an Obſervation; but we were hindred by the Clouds that covered the Face of the Sun, when it came on the Meridian. This often happens that we are diſappointed of making Obſervations, by the Sun's being clouded at Noon, though it ſhines clear both before and after, eſpecially in places near the Sun; and this obſcuring of the Sun at Noon, is commonly ſudden and unexpected, and for about half an hour or more.

[495] We had then alſo a very ill Paſſage, by a great Circle about the Sun (5 or 6 times the Diameter of it) which ſeldom appears, but ſtorms of Wind, or much Rain enſue. Such Circles about the Moon are more frequent, but of leſs import. We do commonly take great notice of theſe that are about the Sun, obſerving if there be any Breach in the Circle, and in what Quarter the Breach is; for from thence we commoly find the greateſt ſtreſs of the Wind will come. I muſt confeſs that I was a little anxious at the ſight of this Circle, and wiſh'd heartily that we were near ſome Land. Yet I ſhewed no ſign of it to diſcourage my Conſorts, but made a Vertue of Neceſſity, and put a good Countenance on the Matter.

I told Mr. Hall, that if the Wind became too ſtrong and violent, as I feared it would, it being even then very ſtrong, we muſt of neceſſity ſteer away before the Wind and Sea, till better Weather preſented; and that as the Winds were now, we ſhould, inſtead of about 20 Leagues to Achin, be driven 60 and 70 Leagues to the Coaſt of Cudda or Queda, a Kingdom, and Town, and Harbour of Trade on the Coaſt of Malacca.

The Winds therefore bearing very hard, we rolled up the Foot of our Sail on a Pole faſtned to it, and ſettled our Yard within three Foot of the Canoa ſides, ſo that we had now but a ſmall Sail; yet it was ſtill too big, conſidering the Wind; for the Wind being on our broad ſide, preſt her down very much, tho' ſupported by her Outlagers; inſomuch that the Poles of the Outlagers going from the ſides of their Veſſel, bent as if they would break; and ſhould they have broken, our overturning and periſhing had been inevitable. Beſides, the Sea encreaſing, would ſoon have ſilled the Veſſel this way. Yet thus we made a ſhift to bear up with the ſide of the Veſſel againſt the Wind for a [496] while; But the Wind ſtill increaſing, about one a Clock in the Afternoon we put away right before Wind and Sea, continuing to run thus all the Afternoon, and part of the Night enſuing. The Wind continued, increaſing all the Afternoon, and the Sea ſtill ſwell'd higher, and often broke, but did us no damage; for the ends of the Veſſel being very narrow, he that ſteered received and broke the Sea on his back, and ſo kept it from coming in ſo much as to endanger the Veſſel: Though much Water would come in, which we were forced to keep heaving out continually. And by this time we ſaw it was well that we had altered our Courſe, every Wave would elſe have fill'd and ſunk us, taking the ſide of the Veſſel: And though our Outlagers were well laſh'd down to the Canoas bottom with Rattans, yet they muſt probably have yielded to ſuch a Sea as this; when even before they were plunged under Water, and bent like Twigs.

The Evening of this 18th day was very diſmal. The Sky looked very black, being covered with dark Clouds, the Wind blew hard, and the Seas ran high. The Sea was already roaring in a white Foam about us; a dark Night coming on, and no Land in ſight to ſhelter us, and our little Ark in danger to be ſwallowed by every Wave; and, what was worſt of all, none of us thought our ſelves prepared for another World. The Reader may better gueſs, than I can expreſs, the Confuſion that we were all in. I had been in many eminent Dangers before now, ſome of which I have already related, but the worſt of them all was but a Play-game in compariſon with this. I muſt confeſs that I was in great Conflicts of Mind at this time. Other Dangers came not upon me with ſuch a leiſurely and dreadful Solemnity. A ſudden Skirmiſh or Engagement, or ſo, [497] was nothing when ones Blood was up, and puſh'd forwards with eager Expectations. But here I had a lingring view of approaching Death, and little or no hopes of eſcaping it; and I muſt confeſs that my Courage, which I had hitherto kept up, failed me here; and I made very ſad Reflections on my former Life, and look'd back with Horrour and Deteſtation, on Actions which before I diſliked, but now I trembled at the remembrance of. I had long before this repented me of that roving courſe of life, but never with ſuch concern as now. I did alſo call to mind the many miraculous Acts of God's Providence towards me in the whole courſe of my Life, of which kind I believe few Men have met with the like. For all theſe I returned Thanks in a peculiar manner, and this once more deſired God's aſſiſtance, and compoſed my Mind, as well as I could, in the hopes of it, and, as the Event ſhew'd, I was not diſappointed of my Hopes.

Submitting our ſelves therefore to God's good Providence, and taking all the care we could to preſerve our Lives, Mr. Hall and I took turns to ſteer, and the reſt took turns to heave out the Water; and thus we provided to ſpend the moſt doleful Night I ever was in. About 10 a clock it began to Thunder, Lighten, and Rain; but the Rain was very welcome to us, having drank up all the Water we brought from the Iſland.

The Wind at firſt blew harder than before, but within half an hour it abated, and became more moderate; and the Sea alſo aſſwaged of its Fury; and then by a lighted Match, of which we kept a piece burning on purpoſe, we looked on our Compaſs, to ſee how we ſteered, and found our Courſe to be ſtill Eaſt. We had no occaſion to look on the Compaſs before, for we ſteered right before the Wind, which if it ſhifted we [498] had been obliged to have altered our Courſe accordingly. But now it being abated, we found our Veſſel lively enough with that ſmall Sail which was then aboard, to hale to our former Courſe, S. S. E. which accordingly we did, being now in hopes again to get to the Iſland Sumatra.

But about 2 a clock in the Morning of the 19th day, we had another Guſt of Wind, with much Thunder, Lightning and Rain, which laſted till Day, and obliged us to put before the Wind again, ſteering thus for ſeveral Hours. It was very dark, and the hard Rain ſoaked us ſo throughly, that we had not one dry Thread about us. The Rain chill'd us extreamly; for any freſh Water is much colder than that of the Sea. For even in the coldeſt Climates the Sea is warm, and in the hotteſt Climates the Rain is cold and unwholſeſome for Man's Body. In this wet ſtarveling plight we ſpent the tedious Night. Never did poor Mariners on a Lee-ſhore more earneſtly long for the dawning Light than we did now. At length the Day appeared; but with ſuch dark black Clouds near the Horizon, that the ſirſt glimpſe of the Dawn appeared 30 or 40 degrees high; which was dreadful enough; for it is a common Saying among Seamen, and true, as I have experienced, that a high Dawn will have high Winds, and a low Dawn ſmall Winds.

We continued our Courſe ſtill Eaſt, before Wind and Sea, till about 8 a Clock in the morning of this 19th day; and then one of our Malayan Friends cried out, Pulo Way. Mr. Hall, and Ambroſe and I, thought the Fellow had ſaid Pull away, an Expreſſion uſual among Engliſh Seamen, when they are Rowing. And we wondered what he meant by it, till we ſaw him point to his Conſorts; and then we looking that way, ſaw Land appearing, like an Iſland, and all our Malayans ſaid it was an [499] Iſland at the N. W. end of Sumatra, called Way for Pulo Way, is the Iſland Way. We, who were; dropping with Wet, Cold and Hungry, were all over joyed at the ſight of the Land, and preſently marked its bearing. It bore South, and the Wind was ſtill at Weſt, a ſtrong gale; but the Sea did not run ſo high as in the Night. Therefore we trimmed our ſmall Sail no bigger than a Apron, and ſteered with it. Now our Outlagers did us a great kindneſs again, for although we had but a ſmall Sail, yet the Wind was ſtrong, and preſt down our Veſſel's ſide very much: But being ſupported by the Outlagers, we could brook it well enough, which otherwiſe we could not have done.

About Noon we ſaw more Land beneath the ſuppoſed Pulo Way; and ſteering towards it, before Night we ſaw all the Coaſt of Sumatra, and found the Errors of our Achineſc; for the high Land that we firſt ſaw, which then appear'd like an Iſland, was not Pulo Way, but a great high Mountain on the Iſland Sumatra, called by the Engliſh, the Golden Mountain. Our Wind continued till about 7 a Clock at night; then it abated, and at 10 a Clock it died away: And then we ſtuck to our Oars again, tho all of us quite tired with our former Fatigues and Hardſhips.

The next Morning, being the 20th day, we ſaw all the low Land plain, and judged our ſelves not above 8 Leagues off. About 8 Clock in the Morning we had the Wind again at Weſt, a freſh gale, and ſteering in ſtill for the Shore, a 5 a Clock in the Afternoon we run to the Mouth of a River on the Iſland Sumatra, called Paſſange Jonca. It is 34 Leagues to the Eaſtward of Achin, and 6 Leagues to the Weſt of Diamond Point, which makes with three Angles of a Rhombus, and is low Land.

Our Malayans were very well acquainted here, and carried us to a ſmall Fiſhing Village, within a [500] Mile of the River's Mouth, called alſo by the name of the River, Paſſange Jonca. The Hardſhips of this Voyage, with the ſcorching heat of the Sun, at our firſt ſetting out, and the cold Rain, and our continuing Wet for the laſt two days, caſt us all into Fevers, ſo that now we are not able to help each other, nor ſo much as to get our Canoa up to the Village; but our Malayans got ſome of the Townſmen to bring her up.

The News of our Arrival being noiſed abroad, one of the Oramkai's, or Noblemen of the Iſland, came in the Night to ſee us. We were then lying in a ſmall Hut, at the end of the Town, and it being late, this Lord only viewed us, and having ſpoken with our Malayans, went away again; but he returned to us again the next day, and provided a large Houſe for us to live in, till we ſhould be recovered of our Sickneſs; ordering the Towns-People to let us want for nothing. The Achineſe Malayans that came with us, told them all the Circumſtances of our Voyage; how they were taken by our Ship, and where, and how we that came with them were Priſoners aboard the Ship, and had been ſet aſhore together at Nccobar, as they were. It was for this Reaſon probably, that the Gentlemen of Sumatra were thus extraordinary kind to us, to provide every thing that we had need of; nay, they would force us to accept of Preſents from them, that we knew not what to do with; as young Buffaloes, Goats, &c. for theſe we would turn looſe at Night, after the Gentlemen that gave them to us were gone, for we were prompted by our Achineſe Conſorts to accept of them, for fear of diſobliging by our Refuſal. But the Coco-Nuts, Plaintains, Fowls, Eggs, Fiſh, and Rice, we kept for our uſe. The Malayans that accompanied us from Nicobar, ſeparated themſelves from us now, living at one end of the Houſe [501] by themſelves, for they were Mahometans, as all thoſe of the Kingdom of Achin are; and though during our Paſſage by Sea together, we made them be contented to drink their Water out of the ſame Cocoſhell with us; yet being now no longer under that Neceſſity, they again took up their accuſtomed Nicety and Reſervedneſs. They all lay ſick, and as their ſickneſs increaſed, one of them threatened us, that if any of them died, the reſt would kill us, for having brought them this Voyage; yet I queſtion whether they would have attempted, or the Country People have ſuffered it. We made a ſhift to dreſs our own Food, for none of theſe People, though they were very kind in giving us any thing that we wanted, would yet come near us, to aſſiſt us in dreſſing our Victuals: Nay, they would not touch any thing that we uſed. We had all Fevers, and therefore took turns to dreſs Victuals, according as we had ſtrength to do it, or Stomachs to eat it. I found my Fever to increaſe, and my Head ſo diſtempered, that I could ſcarce ſtand, therefore I whetted and ſharpened my Penkife, in order to let my ſelf Blood; but I could not, for my Knife was too blunt.

We ſtayed here ten or twelve days, in hopes to recover our Health, but finding no amendment, we deſired to go to Achin. But we were delayed by the Natives, who had a deſire to have kept Mr Hall and my ſelf, to Sail in their Veſſels to Malacca, Cudda; or to other places whither they Trade. But finding us more deſirous to to be with our Country-men, in our Factory at Achin, they provided a large Proe to carry us thither, we not being able to manage our own Canoa. Beſides, before this, three of our Malayan Comrades were gone very ſick into the Country, and only one of them and the Portugueſe remained with us, accompanying us to Achin, and they both as ſick as we.

[502] It was the beginning of June, 1688. when we left Paſſange Jonca. We had 4 men to row, one to ſteer, and a Gentleman of the Country, that went puproſely to give an Information to the Government of our Arrival. We were but three days and nights in our Paſſage, having Sea-breezes by day, and Land-winds by night, and very fair Weather.

When we arrived at Achin, I was carried before the Shabander, the chief Magiſtrate in the City. One Mr Dennis Driſcall, and Iriſh-man, and a Reſident there, in the Factory which our Eaſt India Company had there then, was Interpreter. I being weak, was ſuffered to ſtand in the Shabander's Preſence: For it is their cuſtom to make men ſit on the Floor, as they do, croſs legg'd like Taylors: But I had not ſtrength then to pluck up my Heels in that manner. The Shabander asked of me ſeveral Queſtions, eſpecially how we durſt adventure to come in a Canoa from the Nicobar Iſlands to Sumatra. I told him, that I had been accuſtomed to hardſhips and hazards, therefore I did with much freedom undertake it. He enquired alſo concerning our Ship, whence ſhe came, &c. I told him, from the South Seas; that ſhe had ranged about the Philippine Iſlands, &c. and was now gone towards Arabia, and the Red Sea. The Malayans alſo and Portugueſe were afterward examined, and confimed what I declared, and in leſs than half an Hour, I was diſmiſt with Mr Priſcal, who then lived in the Engliſh Eaſt India Company's Factory. He provided a Room for us to lie in, and ſome Victuals.

Three Days after our arrival here, our Portugueſe died of a Fever. What became of our Malayans I know not. Ambroſe lived not long after. Mr Hall alſo was ſo weak, that I did not think he would [503] recover. I was the beſt; yet ſtill very ſick of a Fever, and little likely to live. Therefore Mr Driſcal, and ſome other Engliſhmen, perſwaded me to take ſome Purging Phyſick of a Malayan Doctor. I took their advice, being willing to get Eaſe: But after three Doſes each a large Calabaſh of naſty ſtuff, finding no amendment, I thought to deſiſt from more Phyſick: but was perſwaded to take one Doſe more; which I did, and it wrought ſo violently, that I thought it would have ended my days. I ſtruggled till I had been about 20 or 30 times at Stool: But it working ſo quick with me, with little Intermiſſion, and my Strength being almoſt ſpent, I even threw my ſelf down once for all, and had above 60 Stools in all before it left off working. I thought my Malayan Doctor, whom they ſo much commended, would have killed me out-right. I continued extraordinary Weak for ſome days after his Drenching me thus: But my Fever left me for above a week: After which, it returned upon me again for a Twelve Month, and a Flux with it.

However, when I was a little recovered from the Effects of my Drench, I made a ſhift to go abroad: And having been kindly invited to Capt. Bowrey's Houſe there, my firſt viſit was to him; who had a Ship in the Road, but lived aſhore. This Gentleman was extraordinary kind to us all, particularly to me, and importuned me to go his Boatſawain to Perſia; whither he was bound, with a deſign to ſell his Ship there; as I was told, though not by himſelf. From thence he intended to paſs with the Caravan to Aleppo, and ſo home for England. His Buſineſs required him to ſtay ſome time longer at Achin; I judge, to ſell ſome Commodities, that he had not yet diſpoſed of. Yet he choſe rather to leave the diſpoſal of them to ſome Merchant there, and make a ſhort trip to the Nicobar Iſlands in the mean time, and on his return to take [504] in his Effects, and ſo proceed towards Perſia. This was a ſudden Reſolution of Captain Bowry's, preſently after the arrival of a ſmall Frigot from Siam, with an Ambaſſador from the King of Siam, to the Queen of Achin. The Ambaſſador was a French-man by Nation. The Veſſel that he came in was but ſmall, yet very well mann'd, and fitted for a Fight. Therefore it was generally ſuppoſed here, that Captain Bowry was afraid to lie in Achin Road, becauſe the Siamers were now at Wars with the Engliſh, and he was not able to defend his Ship, if ſhould be attack'd by them.

But whatever made him think of going to the Nicobar Iſlands, he provided to Sail; and took me, Mr Hall, and Ambroſe with him; though all of us ſo ſick and weak, that we could do him no ſervice. It was ſome time about the beginning of June when we ſailed out of Achin Road: But we met with the Winds at N. W. with turbulent Weather, which forced us back again in two days time. Yet he gave us each 12 Meſs apiece, a Gold Coin, each of which is about the Value of 15 d. Engliſh. So he gave over that Deſign: And ſome Engliſh Ships coming into Achin Road, he was not afraid of the Siamers who lay there.

After this, he again invited me to his Houſe at Achin, and treated me always with Wine and good Cheer, and ſtill importuned me to go with him to Perſia: But I being very weak, and fearing the Weſterly Winds would create a great deal of trouble, did not give him a poſitive Anſwer; eſpecially becauſe I thought I might get a better Voyage in the Engliſh Ships newly arrived, or ſome others now expected here. It was this Captain Bowry who ſent the Letter from Borneo, directed to the Chief of the Engliſh Factory at Mindanto, of which mention is made in Chapter XIII.

[505] A ſhort time after this, Captain Welden arrived here from Fort St George, in a Ship called the Curtana, bound to Tonqueen. This being a more agreeable Voyage than to Perſia, at this time of the year, beſides, that the Ship was better accommodated, eſpecially with a Surgeon, and I being ſtill ſick; I therefore choſe rather to ſerve Captain Welden than Captain Bowry. But to go on with a particular account of that Expedition, were to carry my Reader back again: Whom having brought thus far towards England in my Circum-Navigation of the Globe, I ſhall not weary him with new Rambles, nor ſo much ſwell this Volume, as I muſt to deſcribe the Tour I made in thoſe remote Parts of the Eaſt Indies, from and to Sumatra. So that my Voyage to Tonqueen at this time, as alſo another to Malacca afterwards, with my obſervations in them, and the deſcriptions of thoſe and the Neighbouring Countries; as well as the deſcription of the Iſland Sumatra it ſelf, and therein the Kingdom and City of Achin, Bencouli, &c. I ſhall refer to another place, where I may give a particular Relation of them In ſhort, it may ſuffice, that I ſet out to Tonqueen with Captain Welden about July 1688. and returned to Achin in the April following. I ſtaid here till the latter end of Septemb. 1689. and making a ſhort Voyage to Malacca, came thither again about Chriſtmas. Soon after that, I went to Fort St George, and ſtaying thereabout five months, I returned once more to Sumatra; not to Achin, but Bencouli, an Engliſh Factory on the Weſt Coaſt; of which I was Gunner about five months more.

year 1689 So that having broght my Reader to Sumatra, without carrying him back, I ſhall bring him on next way from thence to England: And of all that occurr'd between my firſt ſetting out from this Iſland in 1688, and my final depature from it at the beginning of the Year 1691. I ſhall only take [506] notice at preſent of two Paſſages; which I think I ought not to omit.

The firſt is, that at my return from Malacca, a little before Chriſtmas, 1689. I found at Achin one Mr Morgan, who was one of our Ships Crew that left me aſhoar at Nicobar, now Mate of a Daniſh Ship of Trangambar; which is a Town on the Coaſt of Coromandel, near Cape Comorin, belonging to the Danes: And receiving an account of our Crew from him and others, I thought it might not be amiſs to gratifie the Readers Curioſity therewith; who would probably be deſirous to know the ſucceſs of thoſe Ramblers, in their new intended Expedition towards the Red Sea: And withal I thought it might not be unlikely that theſe Papers might fall into hands of ſome of our London Merchants, who were concerned in fitting out that Ship; which I ſaid formerly, was called the Cygnet of London, ſent on a Trading Voyage into the South Seas, under the Command of Captain Swan: And that they might be willing to have a particular Information of the fate of their Ship. And by the way, even before this meeting with Mr Morgan, while I was at Tenqueen, Jan. 1689. I met with an Engliſh Ship in the River of Tenqueen, called the Rainbow of London. Captain Poole Commander; by whoſe Mate, Mr Barlow, who was returning in that Ship to England, I ſent a Pacquet, which he undertook to deliver to the Merchants, Owners of the Cygnet, ſome of which he ſaid he knew: Wherein I gave a particular account of all the Courſe and Tranſactions of their Ship, from the time of my firſt meeting it in the South Seas, and going aboard it there, to its leaving me aſhoar at Nicobar. But I never could hear that either that, or other Letters which I ſent at the ſame time, were received.

To proceed therefore with Morgan's Relation: He told me, That when they in the Cygnet went [507] away from Nicobar, in purſuit of their intended-Voyage to Perſia, they directed their Courſe to wards Ceylon. But not being able to Weather it, the Weſterly Monſoon being hard againſt them, they were oblidged to ſeek Refreſhment on the Coaſt of Coromandel. Here this mad fickle Crew were upon new projects again. Their Deſigns meeting with ſuch delays and obſtructions, that many of them grew weary of it, and about half of them went aſhoar. Of this number, Mr Morgan, who told me this, and Mr Herman Copinger the Surgeon, went to the Danes at Trangambar, who kindly received them. There they lived very well; and Mr Morgan was employed as a Mate in a Ship of theirs at this time to Achin: and Captain Knox tells me, that he ſince Commanded the Curtana, the Ship that I went in to Tonqueen, which Captain Welden having ſold to the Mogul's Subjects, they employed Mr Morgan as Captain to Trade in her for them; and it is an uſual thing for the Trading Indians to hire Europeans to go Officers on board their Ships; eſpecially Captains and Gunners.

About two or three more of theſe that were ſet aſhore, went to Fort St George; but the main body of them were for going into the Mogul's Service. Our Seamen are apt to have great notions of I know not what Profit and Advantages to be had in ſerving the Mogul; nor do they want for fine ſtories to encourage one another to it. It was what theſe men had long been thinking and talking of as a fine thing; but now they went upon it in good earneſt. The Place where they went aſhore was at a Town of the Moors: Which name our Seamen give to all the Subjects of the great Mogul, but eſpecially his Mahometan Subjects; calling the Idolaters, Gentous or Raſhbouts. At this Moors Town they got a Peun to be their Guide to [508] the Mogul's neareſt Camp; For he hath always ſeveral Armies in his vaſt Empire.

Theſe Peuns are ſome of the Gentous or Raſhbouts, who in all places along the Coaſt, eſpecially in Seaport Towns, make it their buſineſs to hire themſelves to wait upon Strangers, be they Merchants, Seamen, or what they will. To qualifie them for ſuch attendance; they learn the European languages, Engliſh, Dutch, French, Portugueſe, &c. according as they have any of the Factories of theſe Nations in their Neighbourhood, or are viſited by their Ships. No ſooner doth any ſuch Ship come to an Anchor, and the Men come aſhore, but a great many of theſe Peuns are ready to proffer their ſervice. 'Tis uſual for the Strangers to hire their Attendance during their ſtay there, giving them about a Crown a Month of our Money, more or leſs. The richeſt ſort of men will ordinarily hire 2 or 3 Peuns to wait upon them; and even the common Seamen, if able, will hire one a piece to attend them, either for Convenience or Oſtentation; or ſometimes one Peun between two of them. Theſe Peuns ſerve them in many Capacities, as Interpreters, Brokers, Servants to attend at Meals, and go to Market, and on Errands, &c. Nor do they give any trouble, eating at their own Homes, and Lodging there; when they have done their Maſters buſineſs for them, expecting nothing but their Wages, except that they have a certain allowance of about a Fanam, or 3 d. in a Dollar, which is an 18th part profit, by way of Brokerage for every Bargain they drive; they being generally employed in Buying and Selling. When the Strangers go away, their Peuns deſire them to give them their Names in Writing, with a Certificate of their honeſt and diligent ſerving 'em: And theſe they ſhew to the next Comers, to get into Buſineſs; ſome being able to produce a large Scrowl of ſuch Certificates.

[509] But to proceed the Moors Town, where the [...] men landed, was not far from Cunnimere, a ſmall Engliſh Factory on the Coromondel Coaſt. The Governour whereof having intelligence by the Moors of the landing of theſe men, and their intended March to the Mogul's Camp, ſent out a Captain with his Company to oppoſe it. He came up with them, and gave them hard Words: But they being 30 or 40 reſolute Fellows, not eaſily daunted, he durſt not attack them, but returned to the Governour, and the News of it was ſoon carried to Fort St George. During their March, John Oliver, who was one of them, privately told the Peun who guided them, that himſelf was their Captain. So when they came to the Camp, the Peun told this to the General: And when their Stations and Pay were aſſigned them, John Oliver had a greater reſpect paid him than the reſt; and whereas their Pay was ten Pagodas a Month each Man, (a Pagoda is two Dollar, or 9 s. Engliſh) his Pay was twenty Pagodas: Which Stratagem and Uſurpation of his, occaſioned him no ſmall Envy and Indignation from his Comrades.

Soon after this, 2 or 3 of them went to Agra, to be of the Mogul's Guard. A while after the Governour of Fort St George ſent a meſſage to the main Body of them, and a Pardon, to withdraw them from thence; which moſt of them accepted, and came away. John Oliver, and the ſmall remainder, continued in the Country; but leaving the Camp, went up and down plundering the Villages, and fleeing when they were purſued; and this was the laſt News I heard of them. This Account I had partly by Mr Morgan, from ſome of thoſe Deſerters he met with at Trangambar; partly from others of them, whom I met with my ſelf afterwards at Fort St George. And theſe were the Adventures of thoſe who went up into the Country.

[510] Captain Read having thus loſt the beſt half of his Men, ſailed away with the reſt of them, after having filled his Water, and got Rice, ſtill intending for the Red Sea. When they were near Ceylon, they met with a Portugueſe Ship richly laden, out of which they took what they pleas'd, and then turn'd her away again. From thence they purſued their Voyage: but the weſterly Winds bearing hard againſt them, and making it hardly feizable for them to reach the Red Sea, they ſtood away for Madagaſcar. There they entred into the Service of one of the petty Princes of that Iſland, to aſſiſt him againſt his Neighbours, with whom he was at Wars. During this Interval, a ſmall Veſſel from New-York came hither to purchaſe Slaves: Which Trade is driven here, as it is upon the Coaſt of Guinea; one Nation or Clan ſelling others that are their Enemies. Captain Read, with about 5 or 6 more, ſtole away from their Crew, and went aboard this New-York Ship; and Captain Teat was made Commander of the Reſidue. Soon after which, a Brigantine from the Weſt Indies, Captain Knight Commander, coming thither with deſign to go to the Red Sea alſo, theſe of the Cygnet conſorted with them, and they went together to the Iſland Johanna. Thence going together towards the Red Sea, the Cygnet proving leaky, and Sailing heavily, as being much out of repair, Captain Knight grew weary of her Company, and giving her the ſlip in the Night, went away for Achin; for having heard that there was plenty of Glod there, he went thither with a deſign to cruize: And 'twas from one Mr. Humes, belonging to the Ann of London, Capt. Freke Commander, who had gone aboard Captain Knight, and whom I ſaw afterwards at Achin, that I had this Relation. Some of Captain Freke's men, their own Ship being loſt, and gone aboard the Cygnet at Johanna: And after Capt. Knight had left [511] year 1690 her, ſhe ſtill purſued her Voyage towards the Red Sea: But the Winds being againſt them, and the Ship in ſo ill a condition, they were forced to bear away for Coromandel, where Capt Teat and his own men went aſhore to ſerve the Mogul. But the Strangers of Capt Freke's Ship, who kept ſtill aboard the Cygnet, undertook to carry her for England: and the laſt News I heard of the Cygnet was from Captain Knox, who tells me, that ſhe now lies ſunk in St. Auguſtin's Bay in Madagaſcar This Digreſſion I have made, to give an account of our Ship.

The other Paſſage I ſhall ſpeak of, that occurred during this interval of the Tour l made from Achin, is with relation to the Painted Prince, whom I brought with me into England, and who died at Oxford. For while I was at Fort St George, about April, 1690, there arrived a Ship called the Mindanao Merchant, laden with Clove-bark from Mindanao. Three of Capt. Swan's men, that remain'd there when we went from thence, came in her: From whom I had the account of Captain Swan's death, as is before related. There was alſo one Mr. Moody, who was Supercargo of the Ship. This Gentleman bought at Mindanao the Painted Prince Jeoly (mentioned in Chapter XIII.) and his Mother; and brought them to Fort St George, where they were much admired by all that ſaw them. Some time after this, Mr Moody, who ſpoke the Malayan Language very well, and was a perſon very capable to manage the Company's Affairs, was ordered by the Governour of Fort St George to prepare to go to Indrapore, an Engliſh Factory on the Weſt Coaſt of Sumatra, in order to ſucceed Mr Gibbons, who was chief of that Place.

By this time I was very intimately acquainted with Mr Moody, and was importun'd by him to go with him, and to be Gunner of the Fort there. I [512] always told him I had a great deſire to go to the Bay of Bengal, and that I had now an offer to go thither with Capt. Metcalf, who wanted a Mate and had already ſpoke to me. Mr Moody, to encourage me to go with him, told me, that if I would go with him to Indrapore, he would buy a ſmall Veſſel there, and ſend me to the Iſland Meangis, Commander of her; and that I ſhould carry Prince Jeoly and his Mother with me (that being their Country) by which means I might gain a Commerce with his People for Cloves.

This was a deſign that I liked very well, and therefore I conſented to go thither. It was ſome time in July 1690. when we went from Fort St George in a ſmall Ship, called the Diamond, Capt. Howel Commander. We were about 50 or 60 Paſſengers, in all; ſome ordered to be left at Indrapore, and ſome at Bencouli: Five or ſix of us were Officers, the reſt Soldiers to the Company. We met nothing in our Voyage that deſerves notice, till we came abreſt of Indrapore. And then the wind came at N. W. and blew ſo hard that we could not get in, but were forced to bear away to Bencouli, another Engliſh Factory on the ſame Coaſt, lying 50 or 60 Leagues to the Southward of Indrapore.

Upon our arrival at Bencouli we ſaluted the Fort, and were welcomed by them. The ſame day we came to an Anchor, and Captain Howel, and Mr Moody with the other Merchants went aſhoar, and were all kindly received by the Covernour of the Fort. It was two days before I went aſhoar and then I was importuned by the Governour to ſtay there, to be Gunner of this Fort; becauſe the Gunner was lately dead: And this being a place of greater import than Indrapore, I ſhould do the Company more Service here than there. I told the Governour, if he would augment my Sallary, which by Agreement with the Governour of [513] Fort St George I was to have had at Indrapore, I was willing to ſerve him, provided Mr Moody would conſent to it. As to my Sallary, he told me, I ſhould have 24 Dollars per month, which was as much as he gave to the old Gunner.

Mr Moody gave no Anſwer till a Week after, and then, being ready to be gone to Indrapore, he told me I might uſe my own Liberty, either to ſtay here, or go with him to Indrapore. He added, that if I went with him, he was not certain, as yet, to perform his promiſe, in getting a Veſſel for me to go to Meangas, with Jeoly and his Mother: But he would be ſo fair to me, that becauſe I left Maderas on his account, he would give me the half ſhare of the two Painted People, and leave them in my Poſſeſſion, and at my Diſpoſal. I accepted of the Offer, and Writings were immediatly drawn between us.

Thus it was that I came to have this Painted Prince, whoſe Name was Jeoly, and his Mother. They were born on a ſmall Iſland called Meangis, which is once or twice mentioned in Chap. XIII. I ſaw the Iſland twice, and two more cloſe by it: Each of the three ſeemed to be about four or five Leagues round, and of a good heighth. Jeoly himſelf told me, that they all three abounded with Gold, Cloves, and Nutmegs: For I ſhewed him ſome of each ſort ſeveral times, and he told me in the Malayan Language, which he ſpake indifferent well, Meangis Hadda Madochala ſe Bullawan: That is, there is abundance of Gold at Meangis. Bullawan, I have obſerved to be the common word for Gold at Mindanao; but whether the proper Malayan word I know not, for I found much difference between the Malayan Language as it was ſpoken at Mindanao, and the Language on the Coaſt of Malacca and Achin. When I ſhewed him Spice, he would not only tell me, that there was [514] Madochala, that is, abundance; but to make it appear more plain, he would alſo ſhew me the Hair of his Head, a thing frequent among all the Indians that I have met with, to ſhew their Hair, when they would expreſs more than they can number. He told me alſo, that his Father was Raja of the Iſland where they lived: That there were not above Thirty Men on the Iſland, and about one Hundred Women: That he himſelf had 5 Wives and eight Children, and that one of his Wives painted him.

He was painted all down the Brreaſt, between his Shoulders behind; on his Thighs (moſtly) before; and in the form of ſeveral broad Rings, or Bracelets, round his Arms and Legs. I cannot liken the Drawings to any Figure of Animals, or the like; but they were very curious, full of great variety of Lines, Flouriſhes, Chequered Work, &c. keeping a very graceful Proportion, and appearing very Artificial, even to wonder, eſpecially that upon and between his Shoulder-blades. By the Account he gave me of the manner of doing it, I underſtood that the Painting was done in the ſame manner, as the Jeruſalem-croſs is made in Mens Arms, by pricking the Skin, and rubbing in a Pigment. But whereas Powder is uſed in making the Jeruſalem-croſs, they at Meangis uſe the Gum of a Tree beaten to Powder, called by Engliſh Dammer, which is uſed inſtead of Pitch in many Parts of India. He told me, that moſt of the Men and Women on the Iſland were thus painted: And alſo that they had all Ear Rings made of Gold, and Gold Shaekles about their Legs and Arms: That their common Food, of the Produce of the Land, was Potatoes and Yames: That they had plenty of Cocks and Hens; but no other tame Fowl. He ſaid, that Fiſh (of which he was a great Lover, as wild Indians generally are) was very plentiful [515] about the Iſland: and that they had Canoas, and went a fiſhing frequently in them; and that they often viſited the other two ſmall Iſlands, whoſe inhabitants ſpeak the ſame Language as they did; which was ſo unlike the Malayan, which he had learnt while he was a Slave at Mindanao, that when his Mother and he were talking together in their Meangian Tongue, I could not underſtand one Word they ſaid. And indeed all the Indians who ſpeak Malayan, who are the Trading and politer ſort, lookt on theſe Meangians as a kind of Barbarians; and upon any occaſion of diſlike, would call them Bobby, that is Hoggs; the greateſt expreſſion of Contempt that can be; eſpecially from the mouth of Malayans, who are generally Mahometans: and yet the Malayans every where call a Woman Babby, by a name not much different: and Mamma ſignifies a Man. Tho' theſe two laſt words properly denote Male and Female: And as Ejam ſignifies a Fowl, ſo Ejam Mamma is a Cock, and Ejam Babbi is a Hen. But this by the way.

He ſaid alſo that the Cuſtoms of thoſe other Iſles, and their manner of living, was like theirs, and that they were the only People with whom they had any Converſe: And that one time, as he, with his Father, Mother and Brother, with two or three Men more, were going to one of theſe other Iſlands, they were driven by a ſtrong Wind on the Coaſt of Mindanao, where they were taken by the Fiſhermen of that Iſland, and carried aſhoar, and ſold as Slaves; they being firſt ſtript of their Gold Ornaments. I did not ſee any of the Gold that they wore, but there were great holes in their Ears, by which it was manifeſt that they had worn ſome Ornaments in them. Jeoly was ſold to one Michael a Mindanayan, that ſpoke good Spaniſh, and commonly waited on Raja Laut, ſerving him as our Interpreter, where the Raja was at a loſs in any [516] word, for Michael underſtood it better. He did often beat and abuſe his painted Servant, to make him work, but all in vain; for neither fair means, threats nor blows, would make him work, as he would have him. Yet he was very timerous, and could not endure to ſee any ſort of Weapons; and he often told me that they had no Arms at Meangis, they having no Enemies to fight with.

I knew this Michael very well, while we were at Mindanao: I ſuppoſe that Name was given him by the Spaniards, who baptized many of them at the time when they had footing at that Iſland: But at the deparrure of the Spaniards, they were Mahometans again as before. Some of our People lay at this Michael's houſe, whoſe Wife and Daughter were Pagallies to ſome of them. I often ſaw Jeoly at his Maſter Michael's Houſe, and when I came to have him ſo long after, he remembred me again. I did never ſee his Father nor Brother, n [...] any of the others that were taken with them; [...] Jeoly came ſeveral times aboard our Ship when we lay at Mindanao, and gladly accepted of ſuch Victuals as we gave him; for his Maſter kept him at very ſhort Commons.

Prince Jeoly lived thus a Slave at Mindanao 4 or 5 Years, till at laſt Mr Moody bought him and his Mother for 60 Dollars, and, as is before related, carried him to Fort St George, and from thence along with me to Bencouli. Mr Moody ſtayed at Bencouli about three weeks, and then went back with Captain Howel, to Indrapore, leaving Jeoly and his Mother with me. They lived in a Houſe by themſelves without the Fort. I had no employment for them; but they both employed themſelves. She uſed to make and mend their own Cloaths, at which ſhe was not very expert, for they wear no Cloaths at Meangis, but only a Claoth about their Waſtes: And he buſied himſelf in [517] making a Cheſt with 4 Boards, and a few Nails that he begged of me. It was but an ill ſhaped odd thing, yet he was as proud of it as if it had been the rareſt piece in the World. After ſome time they were both taken ſick, and though I took as much care of them as if they had been my Brother and Siſter, yet ſhe died. I did what I could to comfort Jeoly; but he took on extreamly, inſomuch that I feared him alſo. Therefore I cauſed a Grave to be made preſently, to hide her out of his ſight. I had her ſhrowded decently in a piece of new Callico; but Jeoly was not ſo ſatisfied, for he wrapped all her Cloaths about her, and two new pieces of Chints that Mr Moody gave her, ſaying that they were his Mothers, and ſhe muſt have 'em. I would not diſoblige him for fear of endangering his Life; and I uſed all poſſible means to recover his health: but I found little amendment while we ſtay'd here.

In the little Printed Relation that was made of him when he was ſhewn for a Sight in England, there was a Romantick Story of a Beautiful Siſter of his a Slave with them at Mindanao; and of the Sultans falling in Love with her; but theſe were Stories indeed. They reported alſo that his Paint was of ſuch Vertue, that Serpents and Venemous Creatures would flee from him, for which reaſon, I ſuppoſe, they repreſented ſo many Serpents ſcampering about in the Printed Picture that was made of him. But I never knew any Paint of ſuch Vertue: and as for Jeoly, I have ſeen him as much afraid of Snakes, Scorpions, or Centapees, as my ſelf.

Having given this account of the Ship that left me at Nicobar, and of my Painted Prince whom I brought with me to Bencouli, I ſhall now proceed on with the Relation of my Voyage thence to England, after I have given this ſhort Account [518] of the occaſion of it, and the manner of my getting away.

To ſay nothing therefore now of that place, and my Employment there as Gunner of the Fort, the Year 1690. drew towards an end, and not finding the Governour keep to his agreement with me, nor ſeeing by his carriage towards others any great reaſon I had to expect he would, I began to wiſh my ſelf away again. I ſaw ſo much Ignorance in him, with reſpect to his charge, being much fitter to be a Book-keeper than Governour of a Fort; and yet ſo much inſolence and cruelty with reſpect to thoſe under him, and raſhneſs in his management of the Malayan Neighbourhood, that I ſoon grew weary of him, not thinking my ſelf very ſafe, indeed, under a Man whoſe humours were ſo brutiſh and barbarous. I forbear to mention his name after ſuch a Character; nor do I care to fill theſe Papers with particular ſtories of him: But therefore give this intimation, becauſe as it is the intereſt of the Nation in general, ſo is it eſpecially of the Honourable Eaſt India Company, to be informed of abuſes in their Factories. And I think the Company might receive great advantage by ſtrictly enquiring into the behaviour of thoſe wh [...] they entruſt with any Command. For [...], which reflects back upon the Superiours from the miſdoings of their Servants, how undeſervedly ſoever, the [...]e are great and laſti [...]g miſchiefs proceed from the Tyranny or Ignorant raſhneſs of ſome petty Governours. Thoſe under them are diſcouraged from their Service by it [...] and often go away to the Dutch, the Mogul, or Malayan Princes, to the great detriment of our Trade, and even the Trade and the Ports themſelves are many times in danger by indiſcreet provocations given to the Neighbouring Nations, who are beſt managed, as all Mankind are, by Juſtice, [519] year 1691 and fair dealings; nor any more implacably revengeful than thoſe Malayans, who live in the Neighbourhood of Benc [...]li, which Fort ha [...]h been more than once in danger of being ſurpriz'd by them. I ſpeak not this out of diſguſt to this particular Governour; much leſs would I ſeem to reflect on any others, of whom I know nothing amiſs: But as it is not to be wondered at, [...] ſhould not know how to demean themſelves in places of Power, for which neither their Education nor their buſineſs poſſibly have ſufficiently qualified them, ſo it will be the more neceſſary for the Honourable Company to have the cloſer eye over them, and as much as may be, to prevent or reform any abuſes they may be guilty of; and 'tis purely out of my Zeal for theirs and the Nation's intereſt, that I have given this caution, having ſeen too much occaſion for it.

I had other Motives alſo for my going away. I began to long after my Native Country, after ſo tedious a ramble from it: and I propoſed no ſmall advantage to my ſelf from my Painted Prince whom Mr Moody had left entirely to my diſpoſal, only reſerving to himſelf his right to one half ſhare in him. For beſide what might be gained by ſhewing him in England, I was in hopes that when I had got ſome Money, I might there obtain what I had in vain ſought for in the Indies, viz. A Ship from the Merchants, wherewith to carry him back to Meangis, and re-inſtate him there in his own Country, and by his Favour and Negotiation to eſtabliſh a traffick for the Spices and other products of thoſe Iſlands.

Upon theſe Projects, I went to the Governour and Council, and deſired that I might have my diſcharge to go for England with the next Ship that came. The Council [...]hought it reſonable, and they conſented to it; he alſo give me his word [520] that I ſhould go. Upon the 2d of January, 1691. there came to Anchor in Bencouli Road, the Defence, Captain Heath Commander, bound for England, in te ſervice of the Company. They had been at Indrapore, where Mr Moody then was, and he had made over his ſhare in Prince Jeoly to Mr Goddard chief Mate of the Ship Upon his coming on ſhoar, he ſhewed me Mr Moody's writings, and lookt upon Jeoly, who had been ſick for 3 Months: in all which time I tended him as carefully as if he had been my Brother. I agreed matters with Mr Goddard, and ſent Jeoly on board, intending to follow him as I could, and deſiring Mr Goddard's aſſiſtance to fetch me off, and conceal me aboard the Ship, if there ſhould be occaſion; which he promiſed to do, and the Captain promiſed to entertain me. For it proved, as I had foreſeen, that upon Captain Heath's arrival, the Governor repented him of of his Promiſe, and would not ſuffer me to depart. I importun'd him all I could; but in vain: ſo did Captain Heath alſo, but to no purpoſe. In ſhort, after ſeveral eſſays, I ſlipt away, at midnight (underſtanding the Ship was to ſail away the next morning, and that they had taken leave of the Fort) and creeping through one of the Port-holes of the Fort, I got to the ſhoar, where the Ships Boat waited for me, and carried me on board. I brought with me my Journal, and moſt of my written Papers: but ſome Papers and Books of value I left in haſte, and all my Furniture; being glad I was my ſelf at liberty, and had hopes of ſeeing England again.

CHAP. XX.

[521]

The Author's departure from Bencouli, on board the Defence, under Captain Heath. Of a Fight between ſome French Men of War from Ponticheri, and ſome Dutch Ships from Pallacat, joined with ſome Engliſh, in ſight of Fort St George. Of the bad Water taken in at Bencouli; and the ſtrange ſickneſs and death of the Seamen, ſuppoſed to be occaſioned thereby. A Spring at Bencouli recommended. The great Exigences on board: A Conſult held, and a Propoſal made to go to Johanna. A Reſolution taken to proſecute their Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. The Wind favours them. The Captains Couduct. They arrive at the Cape, and are helped into Harbour by the Dutch. A Deſcription of the Cape, its Proſpect, Soundings, Table Mount, Harbour, Soil, &c. large Pomgranates and good Wines. The Land Animals. A very beautiful kind of Onager, or wild Aſs ſtriped regularly bla [...]k and white. Oſtrages. Fiſh. Seales. The Dutch Fort and Factory. Their fine Garden. Tbe Traffick here.

BEing thus got on board the Defence, I was concealed there, till a Boat which came from the Fort, laden with Pepper, was gone off again. And then we ſet ſail for the Cape of Good Hope, Jan. 25, 1691. and made the beſt of our way, as Wind and Weather would permit; expecting there to [522] meet 3 Engliſh Ships more, bound home from the Indies: for the War with the French having been proclaimed at Fort St George, a little before Captain Heath came from thence, he was willing to have company home, if he could.

A little before this War was proclaimed, there was an Engagement in the Road of Fort St George between ſome French Men of War and ſome Dutch and Engliſh Ships at anchor in the Road: which, becauſe there is ſuch a plauſible Story made of it in Monſieur Duqueſne's late Voyage to the Eaſt Indies, I ſhall give a ſhort account of, as I had it particularly related to me by the Gunners Mate of Capt. Heath's Ship, a very ſenſible Man, and ſeveral others of his Men, who were in the Action. The Dutch have a Fort on the Coaſt of Coromandel, called Pallacat, about 20 Leagues to the Northward of Fort St George. Upon ſome occaſion or other the Dutch ſent ſome Ships thither to fetch away their effects, and tranſport them to Batavia Acts of Hoſtility were already begun between the French and Dutch; and the French had at this time a Squadron newly arrived in India, and lying at Ponticheri, a French Fort on the ſame Coaſt, Southward of Fort St George. The Dutch in returning to Batavia, were obliged to coaſt it along by Fort St George and Ponticheri, for the ſake of the Wind: but when they came near this laſt, they ſaw the French Men of War lying at Anchor there; and ſhould they have proceeded along the Shore, or ſtood out to Sea, expected to be purſued by them. They therefore turned back again; for though their Ships were of a pretty good force, yet were they unſit for Fight, as having great Loads of Goods, and many Paſſengers, Women and Children, on board; ſo they put in at Fort St George, and deſiring the Governours Protection, had leave to anchor in the Road, and to ſend their Goods and uſeleſs People [523] aſhore. There were then in the Road a few ſmall Engliſh Ships: and Capt. Heath, whoſe Ship was a very ſtout Merchant man, and which the French Relater calls the Engliſh Admiral, was juſt come from China; but very deep laden with Goods, and the Deck full of Caniſters of Sugar, which he was preparing to ſend aſhore. But before he could do it, the French appeared; coming into the Road with their lower Sails and top Sails, and had with them a Fireſhip. With this they thought to have burnt the Dutch-Commodore, and might probably enough have done it as ſhe lay at Anchor, if they had had the courage to have come boldly on; but they fired their Ship at a diſtance, and the Dutch ſent and towed her away, where ſhe ſpent her ſelf without any execution. Had the French Men of War alſo come boldly up, and grappled with their Enemies, they might have done ſomething conſiderable, for the Fort could not have played on them, without damaging our Ships as well as theirs. But inſtead of this, the French dropt Anchor out of reach of the ſhot of the Fort, and there lay exchanging ſhot with their Enemies Ships, with ſo little advantage to themſelves, that after about four hours fighting, they cut their Cables, and went away in haſte and diſorder, with all their Sails looſe, even their Top gallant Sails, which is not uſual, but when Ships are juſt next to running away.

Captain Heath, notwithſtanding his Ship was ſo heavy and incumbred, behaved himſelf very bravely in the ſight; and upon the going off of the French went aboard the Dutch Commodore and told him, that if he would purſue them, he wou'd ſtand out with them to Sea, though he had very little Water aboard; but the Dutch Commander excuſed himſelf, ſaying he had orders to defend himſelf from the French, but none to chaſe them, [524] or go out of his way to ſeek them. And this was the Exploit which the French have thought fit to brag of. I hear that the Dutch have taken from them ſince their Fort of Ponticheri.

But to proceed with our Voyage: We had not been at Sea long before our men began to droop, in a ſort of a Diſtemper that ſtole inſenſibly on them, and proved fatal to above thirty who died before we arrived at the Cape. We had ſometimes two, and once three men thrown over board in a morning. This Diſtemper might probably ariſe from the badneſs of the Water, which we took in at Bencouli: For I did obſerve while I was there, that the River water, wherewith our Ships were watered, was very unwholeſome, it being mixt with the Water of many ſmall Creeks, that proceeded from low Land, and whoſe Streams were always very black, they being nouriſhed by the Water that drained out of the low ſwampy unwholeſome Ground.

I have obſerved not only there, but in other hot Countries alſo both in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies, that the Land-floods which pour into the Channels of the Rivers, about the ſeaſon of the Rains, are very unwholſome. For when I lived in the Bay of Campeachy, the Fiſh were found dead in heaps on the ſhores of the Rivers and Creeks, at ſuch a ſeaſon; and many we took up half dead; of which ſudden mortality there appeared no cauſe, but only the malignity of the Waters draining off the Land. This happens chiefly, as I take it, where the Water drains through thick Woods, and Savannahs of long Graſs, and ſwampy Grounds, with which ſome hot Countries abound: And I believe it receives a ſtrong Tincture from the Roots of ſeveral kind of Trees, Herbs, &c. and eſpecially where there is any ſtagnancy of the Water, it ſoon corrupts; and poſſibly the Serpents and other poiſonous [525] Vermin and Inſects may not a little contribute to its bad Qualities: at ſuch times it will look very deep coloured, yellow, red, or black, &c. The ſeaſon of the Rains was over, and the Land-floods were abating upon the taking up this Water in the River of Bencouli: but would the Seamen have given themſelves the trouble they might have fill'd their Veſſels with excellent good Water at a Spring on the backſide of the Fort, not above 2 or 300 paces from the Landing place; and with which the Fort is ſerved. And I mention this as a caution to any Ships that ſhall go to Bencouli for the future; and withal I think it worth the care of the Owners or Governours of the Factory, and that it would tend much to the preſervation of their Seamen's lives, to lay Pipes to convey the Fountain Water to the Shore, which might eaſily be done with a ſmall charge: and had I ſtaid longer there I would have undertaken it. I had a deſign alſo of bringing it into the Fort, tho much higher: for it would be a great convenience and ſecurity to it, in caſe of a Siege.

Beſides the badneſs of our Water, it was ſtowed among the Pepper in the Hold, which made it very hot. Every Morning when we came to take our Allowance, it was ſo hot that a man could hardly ſuffer his hands in it, or hold a Bottle full of it in his hand. I never any where felt the like, nor could have thought it poſſible that Water ſhould heat to that degree in a Ships Hold. It was exceeding black too, and looked more like Ink than Water. Whether it grew ſo black with ſtanding, or was tinged with the Pepper, I know not, for this Water was not ſo black when it was firſt taken up. Our Food alſo was very bad; for the Ship had been out of England upon this Voyage above three Years; and the ſalt Proviſion brought from thence, and which we fed on, having been ſo long [526] in Salt, was but ordinary Food for ſickly Men to Feed on.

Captain Heath, when he ſaw the miſery of his Company, ordered his own Tamarinds, of which he had ſome Jars aboard, to be given ſome to each Meſs, to eat with their Rice. This was a great refreſhment to the men, and I do believe it contributed much to keep us on our Legs.

This Diſtemper was ſo univerſal, that I do believe there was ſcarce a man in the Ship but languiſhed under it; yet it ſtole ſo inſenſibly on us, that we could not ſay we were ſick, feeling little or no pain, only a Weakneſs, and but little Stomach. Nay, moſt of thoſe that died in this Voyage, would hardly be perſwaded to keep their Cabbins, or Hammocks, till they could not ſtir about; and when they were forced to lye down, they made their Wills and piked off in two or three days.

The loſs of theſe men, and the weak languiſhing condition that the reſt of us were in, rendered us uncapable to govern our Ship, when the Wind blew more than ordinary. This often happened when we drew near the Cape, and as oft put us to our trumps to manage the Ship. Captain Health, to encourage his men to their labour, kept his Watch as conſtantly as any man, tho' ſickly himſelf, and lent an helping hand on all occaſions. But at laſt, almoſt deſpairing of gaining his Paſſage to the Cape, by reaſon of the Winds coming Southerly, and we having now been ſailing 8 or 9 weeks, he called all our men to conſult about our ſafety, and deſired every man, from the higheſt to the loweſt, freely to give his real Opinion and Advice, what to do in this dangerous juncture; for we were not in a condition to keep out long; and could we not get to Land quickly, muſt have periſhed at Sea. He conſulted therefore whether it were beſt to beat for the Cape, or bear away [527] for Johanna, where we might expect relief, that being a place where our outward bound Eaſt India Ships uſually touch, and whoſe Natives are very familiar; but other places, eſpecially St Laarence, or Madagaſcar, which was nearer, was unknown to us. We were now ſo nigh the Cape that with a fair Wind we might expect to be there in 4 or 5 days; but as the Wind was now, we could not hope to get thither. On the other ſide this Wind was fair to carry us to Johanna: but then Johanna was a great way off, and if the Wind ſhould continue as it was, to bring us into a true Trade Wind, yet we could not get thither under a fortnight; and if we ſhould meet calms, as we might probably expect, it might be much longer. Beſides, we ſhould loſe our paſſage about the Cape till October or November, this being about the latter end of March, for after the 10th of May 'tis not uſual to beat about the Cape to come home. All circumſtances therefore being weighed and conſidered, we at laſt unanimouſly agreed to proſecute our Voyage towards the Cape, and with patience wait for a ſhift of Wind.

But Captain Heath, having thus far ſounded the inclination of his weak men, told them, that it was not enough that they all conſented to beat for the Cape, for our deſires were not ſufficient to bring us thither; but that there would need a more than ordinary labour and management from thoſe that were able. And withal, for their encouragement he promiſed a months pay Gratis, to every man that would engage to aſſiſt on all occaſions, and be ready upon call, whether it were his turn to watch or not; and this Money he promiſed to pay at the Cape. This offer was firſt embraced by ſome of the Officers, and then as many of the Men as found themſelves in a capacity, liſted themſelves in a Roll to ſerve their Commander.

[528] This was wiſely contrived of the Captain, for he could not have compell'd them in their weak condition, neither would fair Words alone, without ſome hopes of a reward, have engaged them to ſo much extraordinary Work; for the Ship, Sail and Rigging were much out of repair. For my part, I was too weak to enter my ſelf into that Liſt, for elſe our common ſafety, which I plainly ſaw lay at ſtake, would have prompted me to do more than any ſuch reward would do. In a ſhort time after this it pleaſed God to favour us with a fine Wind, which being improved to the beſt advantage by the inceſſant labour of theſe new liſted men, brought us in a ſhort time to the Cape.

The night before we entred the Harbour, which was about the beginning of April, being near the Land, we fired a Gun every hour, to give notice that we were in diſtreſs. The next day, a Dutch Captain came aboard in his Boat, who ſeeing us ſo weak as not to be able to trim our Sails to turn into the Harbour; tho we did tolerably well at Sea, before the Wind, and being requeſted by our Captain to aſſiſt him, ſent aſhore for a hundred luſty men, who immediately came aboard, and brought our Ship in to an Anchor. They alſo unbent our Sails, and did every thing for us that they were required to do, for which Capt. Heath gratified them to the full.

Theſe men had better ſtomachs than we, and eat freely of ſuch Food as the Ship afforded: and they having the freedom of our Ship, to go to and fro between Decks, made prize of what they could lay their hands on, eſpecially Salt Beef, which our men, for want of ſtomachs in the Voyage, had hung up 6, 8, or 10 pieces in a place. This was conveyed away before we knew it, or thought of it: beſides, in the night, there was a Bale of Muzlins broke open, and a great deal conveyed away: [529] but whether the Muzlins were ſtolen by our own men, or the Dutch, I cannot ſay; for we had ſome very dexterous Thieves in our Ship.

Being thus got ſafe to an Anchor, the Sick were preſently ſent aſhore to Quarters provided for them, and thoſe that were able remained aboard, and had good fat Mutton, or freſh Beef, ſent aboard every day. I went aſhore alſo with my Painted Prince, where I remained with him till the time of ſailing again, which was about ſix Weeks. In which time I took the opportunity to inform my ſelf what I could concerning this Country, which I ſhall in the next place give you a brief account of, and ſo make what haſte I can home.

The Cape of Good Hope is the utmoſt Bounds of the Continent of Africa towards the South, lying in 34 d. 30 m. S. lat. in a very temperate Climate. I look upon this Latitude to be one of the mildeſt and ſweeteſt for its temperature of any whatſoever; and I cannot here but take notice of a common prejudice our European Seamen have as to this Country, that they look upon it as much colder, than Places in the ſame Latitude to the North of the Line. I am not of their opinion as to that: and their thinking ſo, I believe, may eaſily be accounted for from hence, that whatever way they come to the Cape, whether going to the Eaſt Indies or returning back, they paſs thro a hot Climate; and coming to it thus out of an extremity of heat, 'tis no wonder if it appear the colder to them. Some impute the coldneſs of the South Wind here to its blowing off from Sea. On the contrary, I have always obſerved the Sea Winds to be warmer than Land Winds, unleſs it be when a bloom, as we call it, or hot blaſt blow from thence. Such an one we felt in this very Voyage, as we went from Cape Verd Iſlands, towards the South Seas; which I forgot to mention in its proper place, Chap. 4th. [530] For one afternoon about the 19th of Jan. 1683. in the lat. of 37 South we felt a brisk Gale coming from off the Coaſt of America, but ſo violent hot, that we thought it came from ſome burning Mountain on the Shore, and was like the heat from the mouth of an Oven. Juſt ſuch another Gleam I felt one afternoon alſo, as I lay at Anchor at the Groin in July. 1694. it came with a Southerly Wind: both theſe were followed by a Thunder ſhower. Theſe were the only great Blooms I ever met with in my Travels. But ſetting theſe aſide, which are exceptions, I have made it my general obſervation, that the Sea-Winds are a great deal warmer than thoſe which blow from Land: unleſs where the Wind blows from the Poles, which I take to be the true cauſe of the coldneſs of the South Wind at the Cape, for it is cold at Sea alſo. And as for the coldneſs of Land-Winds, as the South Weſt parts of Europe are very ſenſible of it from the Northern and Eaſtern Winds; ſo on the oppoſite Coaſt of Virginia, they are as much pinched with the North Weſt Winds, blowing exceſſively cold from over the Continent; tho its Lat. be not much greater than this of the Cape.

But to proceed: This large Promontory conſiſts of high and very remarkable Land; and off at Sea it affords a very pleaſant and agreeable Proſpect. And without doubt the Proſpect of it was very agreeable to thoſe Portugueſe, who firſt ſound out this way by Sea to the Eaſt Indies; when after coaſting along the vaſt Continent of Africk, towards the South Pole, they had the comfort of ſeeing the Land and their Courſe end in this Promontory: Which therefore they called the Cape de Bon Eſperance, or of Good Hope, finding that they might now proceed Faſtwardly.

There is good ſounding off this Cape 50 or 60 Leagues at Sea to the Southward, and therefore [531] our Engliſh Seamen ſtanding over as they uſually do, from the Coaſt of Brazil, content themſelves with their Soundings, concluding thereby that they are abreſt of the Cape, they often paſs by without ſeeing it, and begin to ſhape their courſe Northward. They have ſeveral other Signs whereby to know when they are near it, as by the Sea-Fowl they meet at Sea, eſpecially the Algatroſſes, a very large long winged Bird, and the Mango-volucres, a ſmaller Fowl. But the greateſt dependance of our Engliſh Seamen now is upon their obſerving the variation of the Compaſs, which is very carefully minded when they come near the Cape, by taking the Suns Amplitude mornings and evenings. This they are ſo exact in, that by the help of the Azimuth Compaſs, an Inſtrument more peculiar to the Seamen of our Nation, they know when they are abreſt of the Cape, or are either to the Eaſt or Weſt of it: And for that reaſon, though they ſhould be to Southward of all the Soundings or fathomable Ground, they can ſhape their courſe right, without being obliged to make the Land. But the Dutch, on the contrary, having ſettled themſelves on this Promontory, do always touch here in their Eaſt-India Voyages, both going and coming.

The moſt remarkable Land at Sea is a high Mountain, ſteep to the Sea, with a flat even top, which is called the Table Land. On the Weſt ſide of the Cape, a little to the Northward of it, there is a ſpacious Harbour, with a low flat Iſland lying off it, which you may leave on either hand, and paſs in or out ſecurely at either end. Ships that anchor here, ride near the main Land, leaving the Iſland at a farther diſtance without them. The Land by the Sea againſt the Harbour is low; but backt with high Mountains a little way in, to the Southward of it.

[532] The Soil of this Country is of a brown colour; not deep, yet indifferently productive of Graſs, Herbs and Trees. The Graſs is ſhort, like that which grows on our Wiltſhire or Dorſetſhire Downs. The Trees hereabouts are but ſmall and few; the Country alſo farther from the Sea does not much abound in Trees, as I have been informed. The Mould or Soil alſo is much like this near the Harbour, which though it cannot be ſaid to be very fat, or rich Land, yet it is very fit for cultivation, and yields good Croops to the induſtrious Husband-man, and the Country is pretty well ſettled with Farms, Dutch Families, and French Refugees, for 20 or 30 leagues up the Country; but there are but few Farms near the Harbour.

Here grows plenty of Wheat, Barley, Peaſe, &c. Here are alſo Fruits of many kinds, as Apples, Pears, Quinces, and the largeſt Pomgranates that I did ever ſee.

The chief Fruits are Grapes. Theſe thrive very well, and the Country is of later Years ſo well ſtockt with Vineyards, that they make abundance of Wine, of which they have enough and to ſpare; and do ſell great quantities to Ships that rouch here. This Wine is like a French High Country White-wine, but of a pale yellowiſh colour; it is ſweet, very pleaſant and ſtrong.

The tame Animals of this Country are Sheep, Goats, Hogs, Cows, Horſes, &c. The Sheep are very large and fat, for they thrive very well here: This being a dry Country, and the ſhort Paſturage very agreeable to theſe Creatures, but it is not ſo proper for great Cattel; neither is the Beef in its kind ſo ſweet as the Mutton. Of wild Beaſts, 'tis ſaid, here are ſeveral ſorts, but I ſaw none. However, it is very likely there are ſome wild Beaſts, that prey on the Sheep, becauſe they are commonly brought into the Houſes in the night, and penn'd up.

[533] There is a very beautiful ſort of wild Aſs in this Country, whoſe body is curiouſly ſtriped with equal Liſts of white and black; the Stripes coming from the Ridge of his Back, and ending under the Belly, which is white. Theſe Stripes are two or three Fingers broad, running parallel with each other, and curiouſly intermixt, one white and one black, over from the Shoulder to the Rump. I ſaw two of the Skins of theſe Beaſts, dried and preſerved to be ſent to Holland, as a Rarity. They ſeemed big enough to incloſe the Body of a Beaſt, as big as a large Colt of a Twelvemonth old.

Here are a great many Ducks, Dunghil Fowls, &c. and Oſtriges are plentifully found in the dry Mountains and Plains. I eat of their Eggs here, and thoſe of whom I bought them told me that theſe Creatures lay their Eggs in the Sand, or at leaſt on dry Ground, and ſo leave them to be hatch'd by the Sun. The Meat of one of their Eggs will ſuffice two Men very well. The Inhabitants do preſerve the Eggs that they find to ſell to Strangers. They were pretty ſcarce when I was here, it being the beginning of their Winter; whereas I was told they lay their Eggs about Chriſtmas, which is their Summer.

The Sea hereabouts affords plenty of Fiſh of divers ſorts; eſpecially a ſmall ſort of Fiſh, not ſo big as a Herring; whereof they have ſuch great plenty, that they Pickle great Quantities yearly, and ſend them to Europe. Seals are alſo in great numbers about the Cape; which, as I have ſtill obſerved, is a good ſign of the plentifulneſs of Fiſh, which is their Food.

The Dutch have a ſtrong Fort by the Sea ſide, againſt the Harbour, where the Governour lives. At about 2 or 300 Paces diſtance from thence, on the Weſt ſide of the Fort, there is a ſmall Dutch Town, in which I told about 50 or 60 Houſes; [534] low, but well built, with Stone-walls; there being plenty of Stone, drawn out of a Quarry cloſe by.

On the backſide of the Town, as you go towards the Mountains, the Dutch Eaſt India Company have a large Houſe, and a ſtately Garden walled in with a high Stone-wall.

This Garden is full of divers ſorts of Herbs, Flowers, Roots, and Fruits, with curious ſpacious Gravel-walks and Arbors; and is watered with a Brook that deſcends out of the Mountains: which being cut into many Channels, is conveyed into all parts of the Garden. The Hedges which make the Walks are very thick, and 9 or 10 foot high: They are kept exceeding neat and even by continual pruning. There are lower Hedges within theſe again, which ſerve to ſeparate the Fruit-trees from each other, but without ſhading them: and they keep each ſort of Fruit by themſelves, as Apples, Pears, abundance of Quinces, Pomgranats, &c. Theſe all proſper very well, and bear good Fruit, eſpecially the Pomgranat. The Roots and Garden-Herbs have alſo their diſtinct places, hedged in apart by themſelves; and all in ſuch order, that it is exceeding pleaſant and beautiful. There are a great number of Negro Slaves brought from other parts of the World; ſome of which are continually weeding, pruning, trimming and looking after it. All Strangers are allowed the liberty to walk there; and by the Servants leave, you may be admitted to taſte of the Fruit: but if you think to do it clandeſtinly, you may be miſtaken, as I knew one was when I was in the Garden, who took 5 or 6 Pomgranats, and was eſpy'd by one of the Slaves, and threatned to be carry'd before the Governour: I believe it coſt him ſome Money to make his peace, for I heard no more of it. Further up from the Sea, [535] beyond the Garden, towards the Mountains, there are ſeveral other ſmall Gardens and Vineyards, belonging to private Men: but the Mountains are ſo nigh, that the number of them are but ſmall.

The Dutch that live in the Town get conſiderably by the Ships that frequently touch here, chiefly by entertaining Strangers that come aſhoar to refreſh themſelves; for you muſt give 3 s. or a Dollar a day for your Entertainment; the Bread and Fleſh is as cheap here as in England; beſides they buy good pennyworths of the Seamen, both outward and homeward bound, which the Farmers up the Country buy of them again at a dear rate; for they have not an opportunity of buying things at the beſt hand, but muſt buy of thoſe that live at the Harbour: the neareſt Settlements, as I was informed, being 20 miles off.

Notwithſtanding the great plenty of Corn and Wine, yet the extraordinary high Taxes which the Company lays on Liquor, makes it very dear; and you can buy none but at the Tavern, except it be by ſtealth. There are but 3 Houſes in the Town that ſell ſtrong Liquor, one of which is this Wine-Houſe or Tavern; there they ſell only Wine; another ſells Beer and Mum; and the third ſells Brandy and Tobacco, all extraordinary dear. A Flask of Wine which holds 3 quarts will coſt 18 Stivers, for ſo much I paid for it; yet I bought as much for 8 Stivers in another place, but it was privately, at an unlicenced Houſe, and the perſon that ſold it, would have been ruined had it been known; and thus much for the Country, and the European Inhabitants.

CHAP. XX.

[536]

Of the natural Inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope, the Hodmodods or Hottantots. Their Perſonage, Garb, beſmearing themſelves; their Cloathing, Houſes, Food, way of Living, and Dancing at the Full of the Moon: Compared in thoſe reſpects with other Negroes and Wild Indians. Captain Heath refreſhes his Men at the Cape, and getting ſome more Hands, departs in company with the James and Mary, and the Joſiah. A great ſwelling Sea from S. W. They arrive at Santa Hellena, and there meet with the Princeſs Ann, homeward bound. The Air, Situation, and Soil of that Iſland. Its firſt diſcovery and change of Maſters ſince. How the Engliſh got it. Its Strength, Town, Inhabitants, and the product of their Plantations. The Santa Hellena Manatee no other than the Sea Lion. Of the Engliſh Women at this Iſle. The Engliſh Ships refreſh their Men here; and depart all together. Of the different Courſes from hence to England. Their Courſe and arrival in the Engliſh Channel and the Downs.

THe Natural Inhabitants of the Cape are the Hodmodods, as they are commonly called, which is a corruption of the Word Hottantot; for this is the Name by which they call to one another either in their Dances, or on any occaſion; [537] as if every one of them had this for his Name. The Word probably hath ſome ſignification or other in their Language, whatever it is.

Theſe Hottantots are People of a middle Stature, with ſmall Limbs and thin Bodies, full of activity. Their Faces are of a flat oval Figure, of the Negro make, with great Eye-brows, black Eyes, but neither are their Noſes ſo flat, nor their Lips ſo thick, as the Negroes of Guinea. Their Complexion is darker than the common Indians; tho' not ſo black as the Negroes or New Hollanders; neither is their Hair ſo much frizled.

They beſmear themſelves all over with Greaſe, as well to keep their Joints ſupple, as to fence their half naked Bodies from the Air, by ſtopping up their Pores. To do this the more effectually they rub Soot over the greaſed parts, eſpecially their Faces, which adds to their natural Beauty, as Painting does in Europe; but withal ſends from them a ſtrong Smell, which though ſufficiently pleaſing to themſelves, is very unpleaſant to others. They are glad of the worſt of Kitchin-ſtuff for this purpoſe, and uſe it as often as they can get it.

This Cuſtom of anointing the Body is very common in other parts of Africa, eſpecially on the Coaſt of Guinea, where they generally uſe Palm-Oil, anointing themſelves from Head to Foot; but when they want Oil, they make uſe of Kitchin-ſtuff, which they buy of the Europeans, that Trade with them. In the Eaſt Indies alſo, eſpecially on the Coaſt of Cudda and Malacca, and in general, on almoſt all the Eaſterly Iſlands, as well on Sumatra, Java, &c. as on the Philippine and Spice Iſlands, the Indian Inhabitants anoint themſelves with Coco-nut Oil, two or three times a day, eſpecially Mornings and Evenings. They ſpend ſometimes half an hour in chaſing [538] the Oil, and rubbing it into their Hair and Skin, leaving no place unſmear'd with Oil, but their Face, which they daub not like theſe Hottantots. The Americans alſo in ſome places do uſe this Cuſtom, but not ſo frequently perhaps for want of Oil and Greaſe to do it. Yet ſome AmericanIndians in the North Seas frequently daub themſelves with a Pigment made with Leaves, Roots, or Herbs, or with a ſort of red Earth, giving their skins a yellow, red, or green colour, according as the Pigment is. And theſe ſmell unſavourly enough to People not accuſtomed to them; tho not ſo rank as thoſe who uſe Oil or Greaſe.

The Hottantots do wear no covering on their Heads, but deck their Hair with ſmall ſhells. Their Garments are Sheep-skins wrapt about their Shoulders like a Mantle, with the Woolly ſides next their Bodies. The Men have beſides this Mantle, a piece of Skin like a ſmall Apron, hanging before them. The Women have another Skin tucked about their Waſtes, which comes down to their Knees like a Petticoat; and their Legs are wrapt round with Sheeps-guts two or three Inches thick, ſome up as high as to their Calves, others even from their Feet to their Knees, which at a ſmall diſtance ſeems to be a ſort of Boots. Theſe are put on when they are green; and ſo they grow hard and ſtiff on their Legs for they never pull them off again, till they have occaſion to eat them; which is when they journey from home, and have no other Food, then theſe Guts which have been worn, it may be, ſix, eight, ten or twelve months, make them a good Banquet: This I was informed of by the Dutch. They never pull off their Sheep skin Garment, but to louſe themſelves, for by continual wearing them they are ſull of Vermin, which obliges them often to ſtrip and ſit in [539] the Sun two or three hours together in the heat of the day, to deſtroy them. Indeed moſt Indians that live remote from the Equator, are moleſted with Lice, though their Garments afford leſs ſhelter for Lice than theſe Hottatots Sheep-skins do. For all thoſe Indians who live in cold Countries, as in the North and South parts of America, have ſome ſort of Skin or other to cover their Bodies, as Deer, Otter, Beaver or Seals Skins, all which they as conſtantly wear, without ſhifting themſelves, as theſe Hottantots do their Sheep skins. And hence they are louſy too, and ſtrong ſcented, though they do not daub themſelves at all, or but very little; for even by reaſon of their Skins they ſmell ſtrong.

The Hottantots Houſes are the meaneſt that I did ever ſee. They are about 9 or 10 foot high, and 10 or 12 from ſide to ſide. They are in a manner round made with ſmall Poles ſtuck into the ground, and brought together at the top, where they are faſtened. The ſides and top of the Houſe are filled up with Boughs courſely wattled between the Poles, and all is covered over with long Graſs, Ruſhes, and pieces of Hides; and the Houſe at a diſtance appears juſt like a Hay-cock. They leave only a ſmall hole on one ſide, about 3 or 4 foot high, for a door to creep in and out at; but when the Wind comes in at this door, they ſtop it up, and make another hole in the oppoſite ſide. They make the Fire in the middle of the Houſe, and the Smoak aſcends out of the Crannies from all parts of the Houſe. They have no Beds to lye on, but tumble down at night round the ſire.

Their Houſhold Furniture is commonly an earthen Pot or two to boil Victuals, and they live very miſerably and hard; 'tis reported that they will laſt two or three days together, when they travel about the Country.

[540] Their common Food is either Herbs, Fleſh, or Shell-fiſh; which they get among the Rocks, or other places at low Water: for they have no Boats, Barklogs, nor Canoas to go a Fiſhing in; ſo that their chiefeſt ſubſiſtence is on Land Animals, or on ſuch Herbs as the Land naturally produceth. I was told by my Dutch Landlord, that they kept Sheep and Bullocks here before the Dutch ſettled among them: and that the Inland Hottantots have ſtill great ſtocks of Cattle, and ſell them to the Dutch for Rolls of Tobacco: and that the price for which they ſell a Cow or Sheep, was as much twiſted Tobacco, as will reach from the Horns or Head to the Tayl; for they are great lovers of Tobacco, and will do any thing for it. This their way of trucking was confirmed to me by many others, who yet ſaid that they could not buy their Beef this cheap way, for they had not the liberty to deal with the Hottantots, that being a priviledge which the Dutch Eaſt India Company reſerve to themſelves. My Landlord having a great many Lodgers, fed us moſt with Mutton, ſome of which he bought of the Butcher, and there is but one in the Town; but moſt of it he killed in the Night. the Sheep being brought privately by the Hottantots, who aſſiſted in the Skinning and Dreſſing, and had the Skin and Guts for their pains: I judged theſe Sheep were fetched out of the country, a good way off, for he himſelf would be abſent a day or two to procure them, and two or three Hottantots with him. Theſe of the Hottantots that live by the Dutch Town, have their greateſt ſubſiſtance from the Dutch, for there is one or more of them belonging to every Houſe. Theſe do all ſorts of ſervile work, and there take their Food and Greaſe. Three or four more of their neareſt Relations ſit at the Doors or near the Dutch Houſe, waiting [541] for the ſcraps and fragments that come from the Table; and if between meals the Dutch people have any occaſion for them, to go on Errands, or the like, they are ready at command; expecting little for their pains; but for a Stranger they will not budge under a Stiver.

Their Religion, if they have any, is wholly unknown to me; for they have no Temple nor Idol, nor any place of Worſhip that I did ſee or hear of. yet their mirth and nocturnal paſtimes at the New and Full of the Moon, lookt as if they had ſome Superſtition about it. For at the Full eſpecially they ſing and dance all Night, making a great noiſe: I walked out to their Huts twice at theſe times, in the Evening, when the Moon aroſe above the Horizon, and viewed them for an hour or more. They ſeem all very buſie, both Men, Women and Children, dancing very oddly on the green Graſs by their Houſes. They traced two and fro promiſcuouſly, often clapping their hands and ſinging aloud. Their Faces were ſometimes to the Eaſt, ſometimes to the Weſt: neither did I ſee any motion or geſture that they uſed when their Faces were toward the Moon, more than when their backs were toward it. After I had thus obſerved them for a while, I returned to my Lodging, which was not above 2 or 300 paces from their Huts; and I heard them ſinging in the ſame manner all Night. In the grey of the Morning I walk'd out again, and found many of the Men and Women ſtill Singing and Dancing; who continued their Mirth till the Moon went down, and then they left off: Some of them going into their Huts to ſleep, and others to their attendance in their Dutch Houſes. Other Negroes are leſs circumſpect in their Night-Dances, as to the preciſe time of the Full Moon, they being more general in theſe Nocturnal Paſtimes, [542] and uſe them oftner; as do many people alſo in the Eaſt and Weſt Indies: yet there is a difference between colder and warmer Countries as to their Devertiſements. The warmer Climates being generally very productive of delicate Fruits, &c. and theſe unciviliz'd people caring for little elſe than what is barely neceſſary, they ſpend the greateſt part of their time in diverting themſelves, after their ſeveral faſhions; but the Indians of colder Climates are not ſo much at leiſure, the Fruits of the Earth being ſcarce with them, and they neceſſiated to be continually Fiſhing, Hunting, or Fowling for their ſubſiſtance; not as with us for Recreation.

As for theſe Hottantots, they are a very lazy ſort of People, and tho they live in a delicate Country, very fit to be manured, and where there is Land enough for them, yet they chooſe rather to live as their Fore-fathers, poor and miſerable, than be at pains for plenty. And ſo much for the Hottantots: I ſhall now return to our own affairs.

Upon our arrival at the Cape, Captain Heath took an Houſe to live in, in order to recover his Health. Such of his men as were able did ſo too, for the reſt he provided Lodgings and paid their Expences. Three or four of our men, who came aſhore very ſick, died, but the reſt, by the aſſiſtance of the Doctors of the Fort, a fine Air, and good Kitchin and Cellar Phyſick, ſoon recovered their Healths. Thoſe that ſubſcribed to be at all calls, and aſſiſted to bring in the Ship, received Captain Heath's Bounty, by which they furniſhed themſelves, with Liquor for their homeward Voyage. But we were now ſo few, that we could not ſail the Ship; therefore Captain Heath deſired the Governour to ſpare him ſome Men; and as I was informed, had a promiſe to be [543] ſupplied out of the homeward bound Dutch Eaſt India Ships, that were now expected every day, and we waiied for them. In the mean time in came the James and Mary, and the Joſiah of London, bound home. Out of thoſe we thought to have been furniſhed with men; but they had only enough for themſelves; therefore we waited yet longer for the Dutch Fleet, which at laſt arrived but we could get no men from them.

Captain Heath was therefore forced to get Men by ſtealth, ſuch as he could pick up, whether Soldiers or Seamen. The Dutch knew our want of Men, therefore near 40 of them, thoſe that had a deſign to return to Europe, came privately and offered themſelves, and waited in the night at places appointed, where our Boats went and fetched 3 or 4 aboard at a time, and hid them, eſpecially when any Dutch Boat came aboard our Ship. Here at the Cape I met my Friend Daniel Wallis, the ſame who leapt into the Sea and ſwam at Pulo Condore. After ſeveral Traverſes to Madagaſcar, Don Maſcarin, Ponticherri, Pegu, Cunnimere, Maderas, and the River of Hugli, he was now got hither in a homeward bound Dutch Ship. I ſoon perſuaded him to come over to us, and found means to get him aboard our Ship.

About the 23d of May we ſailed from the Cape, in the Company of the James and Mary, and the Jaſiah, directing our courſe towards the Iſland Santa Hellena. We met nothing of remark in this Voyage, except a great ſwelling Sea, out of the S. W. which taking us on the broad ſide, made us roll ſufficiently. Such of our Water-casks as were between Decks, running from ſide to ſide, were in a ſhort time all ſtaved, and the Deck well waſhed with the freſh Water. The Shot tumbled out the Lockers and Garlands; and rung a loud Peal, rumbling from ſide to ſide, every [...]wl that [544] the Ship made; neither was it an eaſie matter to reduce them again within bounds. The Guns being carefully look'd after and laſh'd faſt, never budg'd, but the Tackles or Pulleys, and Laſhings, made great Muſick too. The ſudden and violent motion of the Ship, made us fearful laſt ſome of the Guns ſhould have broken looſe, which muſt have been very detrimental to the Ship's ſides. The Maſts were alſo in great danger to be rowl'd by the board; but no harm happen'd to any of us, beſides the loſs of 3 or 4 Butts of Water, and a Barrel or two of good Cape Wine, which was ſtav'd in the great Cabbin.

This great tumbling Sea took us ſhortly after we came from the Cape. The violence of it laſted but one night; yet we had a continual ſwelling came out of the S. W. almoſt during all the paſſage to Santa Hellena; which was an eminent token that the S. W. Winds were now violent in the higher Latitudes towards the South Pole; for this was the time of the Year for thoſe Winds. Notwithſtanding this boiſterous Sea coming thus obliquely upon us, we had fine clear Weather, and a moderate Gale at S. E. or between that and the Eaſt, till we came to the Iſland Santa Hellena, where we arrived the 20th day of June. There we found the Princeſs Ann at an Anchor, waiting for us.

The Iſland Santa Hellena lies in about 16 Degrees South Lat. The Air is commonly ſerene and clear, except in the Months that yield Rain; yet we had one or two very rainy days, even while we were here. Here are moiſt Seaſons to Plant and Sow, and the Weather is temperate enough as to Heat, tho ſo near the Equator, and very healthy.

The Iſland is but ſmall, not above nine or ten Leagues in length, and ſtands 3 or 400 Leagues [545] from the main Land. It is bounded againſt the Sea with ſteep Rocks, ſo that there is no landing but at two or three places. The Land is high and Mountainous, and ſeems to be very dry and poor; yet they are fine Valleys, proper for cultivation. The Mountains appear bare, only in ſome places you may ſee a few low Shrubs, but the Valleys afford ſome Trees fit for building, as I was informed.

This Iſland is ſaid to have been firſt diſcovered and ſettled by the Portugueſe, who ſtockt it with Goats and Hogs. But it being afterwards deſerted by them, it lay waſte, till the Dutch, finding it convenient to relieve their Eaſt India Ships, ſettled it again; but they afterwards relinquiſhed it for a more convenient place; I mean the Cape of Good Hope. Then the Engliſh Eaſt India Company ſettled their Servants there, and began to fortify it, but they being yet weak, the Dutch about the year 1672, came thither, and re-took it, and keep it in their poſſeſſion. This News being reported in England, Captain Monday was ſent to re-take it, who by the advice and conduct of one that had formerly lived there, landed a party of Armed Men in the night in a ſmall Cove, unknown to the Dutch then in Garriſon, and climbing the Rocks, got up into the Iſland, and ſo came in the morning to the Hills hanging over the Fort, which ſtands by the Sea in a ſmall Valley. From thence firing into the Fort, they ſoon made them ſurrender. There were at this time two or three Dutch Eaſt India Ships, either at Anchor or coming thither, when our Ships were there. Theſe, when they ſaw that the Engliſh were Maſters of the Iſland again, made ſail to be gone; but being chaced by the Engliſh Frigots, 2 of them became rich Prizes to Capt. Monday and his men.

[546] The Iſland hath continued ever ſince in the hands of the Engliſh Eaſt India Company, and hath been greatly ſtrengthned both with Men and Guns; ſo that at this day it is ſecure enough from the Invaſion of an Enemy. For the common Landing place is a ſmall Bay, like a Half Moon, ſcarce 500 paces wide, between the two Points. Cloſe by the Sea-ſide are good Guns planted at equal diſtances, lying along from one end of the Bay to the other; beſides a ſmall Fort, a little further in from the Sea, near the midſt of the Bay. All which makes the Bay ſo ſtrong, that it is impoſſible to force it. The ſmall Cove where Capt. Monday landed his Men when he took the Iſland from the Dutch, is ſcarce fit for a Boat to land at; and yet that is now alſo fortified.

There is a ſmall Engliſh Town within the great Bay, ſtanding in a little Valley, between two high ſteep Mountains. There may be about 20 or 30 ſmall Houſes, whoſe Walls are built with rough Stones: The inſide Furniture is very mean. The Governour has a pretty tolerable handſome low Houſe, by the Fort; where he commonly lives, having a few Soldiers to attend him, and to guard the Fort. But the Houſes in the Town before, mentioned ſtand empty, ſave only when Ships arrive here here; for their Owners have all Plantations farther in the Iſland, where they conſtantly employ themſelves. But when Ships arrive, they all flock to the Town, where they live all the time that the Ships lie here; for then is their Fair or Market, to buy ſuch Neceſſaries as they want, and to ſell off the Produce of their Plantations.

Their Plantations afford Potatoes, Yams and ſome Plantains and Bonanoes. Their Stock conſiſts chiefly of Hogs, Bullocks, Cocks and Hens, Ducks, Geeſe and Turkeys, of which they have [547] great plenty, and fell them at a low rate to the Sailers, taking in exchange, Shirts, Drawers, or any light Cloaths; pieces of Callico, Silks, or Muzlins: Arack, Sugar and Lime juice, is alſo much eſteemed and coveted by them. But now they are in hopes to produce Wine and Brandy in a ſhort time; for they do already begin to plant Vines for that end, there being a few French men that are to manage that affair. This I was told but I ſaw nothing of it, for it rained ſo hard when I was aſhoar, that I had not the opportunity of ſeeing their Plantations. I was alſo informed, that they get Manatee or Sea-Cows here, which ſeemed very ſtrange to me. Therefore enquiring more ſtrictly into the matter, I found the Santa Hellena Manatee to be, by their ſhapes, and manner of lying aſhoar on the Rocks, thoſe Creatures called Sea-Lyons; for the Manatee never come aſhoar, neither are they feund near any rocky ſhores, as this Iſland is, there being no feeding for them in ſuch places. Beſides, in this Iſland there is no River for them to drink at, tho there is a ſmall Brook runs into the Sea, out of the Valley by the Fort.

We ſtayed here 5 or 6 days; all which time the Iſlanders lived at the Town, to entertain the Seamen; who conſtantly flock aſhore, to enjoy themſelves among their Country people. Our touching at the Cape had greatly drained the Seamen of their looſe Corns, at which theſe Iſlanders as greatly repined; and ſome of the poorer ſort openly complained againſt ſuch doings, ſaying, it was fit that the Eaſt India Company ſhould be acquainted with it, that they might hinder their Ships from touching at the Cape. Yet they were extreamly kind, in hopes to get what was remaining. They are moſt of them very poor: but ſuch as could get a little Liquor to ſell [548] to the Seamen at this time got what the Seamen could ſpare, for the Punch-houſes were never empty. But had we all come directly hither, and not touched at the Cape, even the pooreſt people among them would have gotten ſomething by entertaining ſick men. For commonly the Seamen coming home, are troubled, more or leſs with Scorbutick Diſtempers; and their only hopes are to get refreſhment and health at this Iſland, and th [...]ſe hopes ſeldom or never fail them, if once they get footing here. For the Iſlands afford [...]bundance of delicate Herbs, wherewith the ſick [...]re firſt bathed to ſupple their Joints, and then the [...]ruits and Herbs, and freſh food ſoon after cure them of their Scorbutick Humour. So that in a weeks time men that have been carried aſhore in Hammocks, and they who were wholly unable to go, have ſoon been able to leap and dance. Doubtleſs the ſerenity and wholeſomneſs of the Air contributes much to the carrying off of theſe Diſtempers; for here is conſtantly a freſh breze. While we ſtayed here, many of the Seamen got Sweet-hearts. One young man belonging to the James and Mary, was married, and brought his Wife to England with him. Another brought his Sweet-heart to England, they being each engaged by Bonds to marry at their arrival in England; and ſeveral other of our men were over Head and Ears in love with the Santa Hellena Maids, who tho they were born there, yet very earneſtly deſired to be releaſed from that Priſon, which they have no other way to compaſs, but by marrying Seamen or Paſſengers that touch here. The young Women born here, are but one remove from Engliſh, being the Daughters of ſuch. They are well ſhaped, proper and comely, were they in a dreſs to ſet them off.

[549] My ſtay aſhore here was but two days, to get refreſhments for my ſelf and Jcoly, whom I carryed aſhore with me: and he was very diligent to pick up ſuch things as the Iſlands afforded, carrying aſhore with him a Bag, which the People of the Iſle filled with Roots for him. They flockt about him, and ſeemed to admire him much. This was the laſt place where I had him at my own diſpoſal, for the Mate of the Ship, who had Mr. Moodie's ſhare in him, left him entirely to my management, I being to bring him to England. But I was no ſooner arrived in the Thames, but he was ſent aſhore to be ſeen by ſome eminent perſons; and I being in want of Money, was prevailed upon to ſell firſt part of my ſhare in him, and by degrees all of it. After this I heard he was carryed about to be ſhown as a Sight, and that he died of the ſmall Pox at Oxſord.

But to proceed, our Water being filled, and the Ship all ſtockt with freſh Proviſion, we ſailed from hence in Company of the Princeſs Ann, the James and Mary, and the Joſiah, July the 2d, 1691. directing our courſe towards England, and deſigning to touch no where by the way. We were now in the way of the Trade Winds, which we commonly find at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. or S. E. till we draw near the Line, and ſometimes till we are 8 or 10 degrees to the North of the Line. For which reaſon Ships might ſhape their courſe ſo as to keep on the Aſrican ſhore, and paſs between Cape Verd and Cape Verd Iſlands; for that ſeems to be the dircteſt courſe to England. But experience often ſhews us, that the ſartheſt way about is the neareſt way home, and ſo it is here. For by ſtriving to keep near the Aſrican ſhore, you meet with the Winds more uncertain, and ſubject to calms; whereas in keeping the mid way between Aſrica and America, or rather nearer the [550] American Continent, till you are North of the Line, you have a brisk conſtant gale.

This was the way that we took, and in our paſſage before we got to the Line, we ſaw three Ships, and making towards them, we found two of them to be Portugueze, bound to Brazil. The third kept on a Wind, ſo that we could not ſpeak with her; but we found by the Portugueze it was an Engliſh Ship called the Dorothy, Capt. Thwart Commander, bound to the Eaſt Indies. After this, we kept Company ſtill with our 3 Conſorts till we came near England, and then were ſeparated by bad weather; but before we came within ſight of Land we got together again, all but the James and Mary. She got into the Channel before us, and went to Plymouth, and there gave an account of the reſt of us; whereupon our Men of War who l [...]y there, came out to joyn us, and meeting us, brought us off of Plymouth. There our Conſort the James and Mary came to us again, and from thence we all ſailed in company of ſeveral Men of War towards Portſmouth. There our firſt Convoy left us, and went in thither. But we did not want Convoys, for our Fleets were then repairing to their Winter Harbours, to be laid up; ſo that we had the company of ſeveral Engliſh Ships to the Downs, and a Squadron alſo of Dutch ſailed up the Channel, but kept off farther from our Engliſh Coaſt, they being bound home to Holland. When we came as high as the South Foreland, we left them ſtanding on their courſe, keeping on the back of the Goodwin Sands; and we lufft in for the Downs, where we anchored September the 16th, 1691.

Appendix A BOOKS Printed for J. Knapton, at the Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard.

[]
  • VOyages and Deſcriptions. Vol. II. In three parts, viz. 1. A Supplement of the Voyage round the World, deſcribing the Countries of Tonquin, Achin, Malacca, &c. their Product, Inhabitants, Manners, Trade, Policy, &c. 2. Two Voyages to Campeachy; with a deſcription of the Coaſts, Product, Inhabitants, Logwood-Cutting, Trade, &c. of Jucatan, Campeachy, New-Spain, &c. 3. A Diſcourſe of Trade-Winds, Breezes, Storms, Seaſons of the Year, Tides and Currents of the Torrid Zone throughout the World, with an account of Natal in Africk, its Product, Negroes, &c. By Captain Wm Dampier. Illuſtrated with particular Maps and Draughts. To which is added, a General INDEX to both Volumes The Second Edition. Price 6 s.
  • A New Voyage round the World. Deſcribing particularly, the Iſthmus of America, ſeveral Coaſts and Iſlands in the Weſt Indies, the Iſles of Cape Verd, the Paſſage by Terra del Fuego, the South Sea Coaſts of Chili, Peru and Mexico; the Iſle of Guan one of the Ladrones, Mindanao and other Philippine and Eaſt India Iſlands near Cambodia, China, Formoſa, Luconia, Celebes, &c. New-Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar Iſles: the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Helena. Their Soil, Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals and Inhabitants. Cuſtoms, Religion, Government, Trade, &c. By Capt. Wm Dampier, Vol. the Firſt. Illuſtrated with particular Maps and Draughts. The Fifth Edition, Corrected. Price 6 s.
  • A New Voyage and Deſcription of the Iſthmus of America, giving an Account of the Authors abode there; the Form and Make of the Country, Coaſts, Hills, Rivers, &c. Wood, Soil, Weather, &c. Trees, Fruit, Beaſts, Birds, Fiſh, &c. The Indian Inhabitants, their Features, Complexion, &c. Their Manners, Cuſtoms, Employments, Marriages, Feaſts, Hunting-Computation, Language, &c. With Remarkable Occurrences in the South Sea, and elſewhere. By Lionel Wafer. Illuſtrated with ſeveral Copper Plates. Price 3 s. 6 d.
  • A Collection of Original Voyages: Containing, 1. Capt. Cowley's Voyages round the Globe. 2. Capt. Sharp's Journal over the Iſthmus of Darien, and Expedition into the South Seas. Written by himſelf. 3. Capt. W [...]'s Voyages through the Streights of Magellan. 4. Mr Robert's Adventures among the Corſairs of the Levant, his Account of their way of Living, Deſcription of the Archipelago Iſlands, taking of Scio, &c. Illuſtrated with ſeveral Maps and Draughts. Publiſhed by Captain William Hack, Price 3 s. 6 d.
  • Diſco [...]uſes on the Publick Revenues and on the Trade of England. In two Parts, viz. 1. Of the Uſe of Political Arithmetick, in all Conſiderations about the Revenues and Trade. 2. On Credit, and the Means and Methods by which it may be reſtord. 3 On the Management of the Kings Revenues. 4. Whether to Farm the Revenues, may not, in this juncture, be moſt for the Publick Service? 5. On the Publick Debts [...]. Part 1. To which is added, a Diſcourſe upon improving the Revenue of the State of Athens. Written Originally in Greek; and now made Engliſh from the Original, with ſome Hiſtorical Notes.
  • Diſcourſes on the Publick Revenues, and on the Trade of England; which more immediately Treat of the Foreign Traffick of this Kingd [...]m. viz. 1. That Foreign Trade is beneficial to England. 2. On the Protection and Care of Trade. 3. On the Plantation Trade. 4. On the Eaſt India Trade. Part 2. To which is added the [...] on the Eaſt India Trade.
  • An Eſſay upon the Probable Methods of making a People [...], in the Balance of Trade. Treating of theſe Heads; viz., Of the People of England. Of the Land of England, and its Product. Of our Payments to the Publick, [...]nd in what manner the Balance of Trade may be thereby effe [...]ted. That [...] Country cannot increaſe in Wealth and Power, but by private Men doing their Duty to the Publick, and but by a ſteady Courſe of Honeſty and Wiſdom, in ſuch as are truſted with the Adminiſtration of aff [...]irs.
  • A Diſcourſe upon Grants and Reſumptions. Shewing how our Anceſtors have proceeded with ſuch Miniſters as have procured to themſelves Grants of the Crown-Revenue; and that the forfeited Eſtates in Ireland ought to be applied towards the Payment of the Publick Debts.
  • [] Eſſays upon 1. The Balance of Power. 2. The Right of making War, Peace and Alliances. 3. Univerſal Monarchy. To which is added, an APPENDIX containing the Records referr'd to in the Second Eſſay. Theſe five by the Author of, The Eſſays on Ways and Means.
  • Several Diſcourſes, Concerning the Shortneſs of Humane Charity. The Perfection of the Mercy of God. The Difference of Times with reſpect to Religion. The joy which the Righteous have in God. The ſecret Blaſting of Men. The Inſtructive Diſcipline of God. The Danger of Unfaithfulneſs to God. The Malignity of Popery. The Deceitfulneſs of Sin. The Converſion of a Sinner. Alſo the Prayer uſed before Sermon. Vol. 1. The 2d Edition. Price 5 s.
  • —Several Diſcourſes, concerning the true Valuation of Man. The neceſſary Repentance of a Sinner. The Exerciſe and Progreſs of a Chriſtian. The Frailty of Humane Nature. The Juſtice of one towards another. The Nature of Salvation by Chriſt, &c. Being 20 Sermons. Vol. 2. Bonth by the Reverend and Learned B [...]. W [...]te ſometime Miniſter of St Lawrence Jury, London. Examined and Corrected by his own Notes; and publiſhed by John Jeffery, D. D. Archdeacon of Norwich, Price 5 s.
  • Three Practical Eſſays, viz. On Baptiſm, Confirmation and Repentance. Containing Inſtructions for a Holy Life: With earneſt Exhortations, eſpecially to young Perſons, drawn from the Conſiderations of the Severity of the Diſcipline of the Primitive Church. By Samuel Clark, M. A. Chaplain to the Right Reverend Father in God John Lord Biſhop of Norwich. Price 3 s.
  • A Paraphraſe on the Goſpels of St Matthew, St Mark, St Luke and St John. In 2 Vol. Written by Samuel Clarke, A M. Chaplain to the Right Reverend Father in God John Lord Biſhop of Norwich. 8vo.
  • Jacobi Rohaulti Phyſica. Latine verti [...]. recenſuit, & uberioribus jam Annotationibus, ex illuſtriſſimi Iſſaaici Newtoni Philoſophia maxim [...]m partem hauſtis, amplificavit & ornavit Samuel Clarke, A. M. Admodum Reverendo in Chriſto patri, Joanni Epiſcopo Norvicenſi, a Sacris Domeſticis. Accedunt etiam in hae Secunda Editionae, novae aliquot Tabulae aeri inciſae. 8vo.
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  • Idem in Octavo.
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  • Bennet of Schiſm. Price 2 s. 6 d.
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    • 1 Sullen Lovers
    • 2 Humoriſt
    • 3 Royal Shepherdeſs
    • 4 Vertuoſo
    • 5 Pſyche
    • 6 L [...]bertine
    • 7 Epſom Wells
    • 8 Timon of Athens
    • 9 Miſer
    • 10 True Widow
    • 11 Lancaſhire Witches
    • 12 Woman Captain
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    • 14 Bury Fair
    • 15 Amorous Biggot
    • 16 Scowrers
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  • And moſt other Modern PLAYS.
FINIS.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 5293 A new voyage round the world Describing particularly the isthmus of America several coasts and islands in the West Indies their soil rivers harbours plants Vol I By Captain William Da. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5D69-7