I.

THIS is the only Book of the Iliad which is a continued Deſcription of a Battel, without any Digreſſion or Epiſode, that ſerves for an Inter⯑val to refreſh the Reader. The heav'nly Ma⯑chines too are fewer than in any other. Homer ſeems to have truſted wholly to the Force of his own Genius, as ſuffici⯑ent to ſupport him, whatſoever lengths he was carried by it. But that Spirit which animates the Original, is what I am ſenſible evaporates ſo much in my Hands; that, tho' I can't think my Author tedious, I ſhould have made him ſeem ſo, if I had not tranſlated this Book with all poſſible Conciſeneſs. I hope there is nothing material omitted, tho' the Verſion conſiſts but of ſixty five Lines more than the Original.

However, one may obſerve there are more Turns of Fortune, more Defeats, more Rallyings, more Accidents, in this Battel, than in any other; becauſe it was to be the laſt wherein the Greeks and Trojans were upon equal Terms, before the Return of Achilles: And beſides, all this ſerves to introduce the chief Hero with the greater Pomp and Dignity.

II.

‘VERSE 3. Great Menelaus—]’ The Poet here takes occaſi⯑on to clear Menelaus from the Imputations of Idle and Effe⯑minate, caſt on him in ſome Parts of the Poem; he ſets him in the Front of the Army, expoſing himſelf to Dan⯑gers in defending the Body of Patroclus, and gives him the Conqueſt of Euphorbus who had the firſt Hand in his Death. He is repreſented as the foremoſt who appears in his Defence, not only as one of a like Diſpoſition of Mind with Patroclus, a kind and generous Friend; but as being more immediately concern'd in Honour to protect from Injuries the Body of a Hero that fell in his Cauſe. Euſtathius. See the 29^th Note on the 3^d Book.

III.

‘VERSE 5. Thus round her new fal'n Young, &c.]’ In this Compariſon, as Euſtathius has very well obſerved, the Poet ac⯑comodating himſelf to the Occaſion, means only to deſcribe the Affection Menelaus had for Patroclus, and the Manner in which he preſented himſelf to defend his Body: And this Compariſon is ſo much the more juſt and agreeable, as Menelaus was a Prince full of Goodneſs and Mildneſs. He muſt have little Senſe or Knowledge in Poetry, who thinks that it ought to be ſuppreſs'd. It is true, we ſhou'd not ueſ it now-a-days, by reaſon of the low Ideas we have of the Animals from which it is derived; but thoſe not being the Ideas of Homer's Time, they could not hinder him from making a proper Uſe of ſuch a Compariſon. Dacier.

IV.

‘VERSE id. Thus round her new fal'n Young, &c.]’ It ſeems to me remarkable, that the ſeveral Compariſons to illuſtrate the Concern for Patroclus, are taken from the moſt tender [47] Sentiments of Nature. Achilles in the Beginning of the 16^th Book, conſiders him as a Child, and himſelf as his Mother. The Sorrow of Menelaus is here deſcribed as that of a Heifer for her young one. Perhaps theſe are deſign'd to intimate the excellent Temper and Goodneſs of Patro⯑clus, which is expreſs'd in that fine Elogy of him in this Book, ℣. 671. [...]. He knew how to be good-natur'd to all Men. This gave all Mankind theſe Sentiments for him, and no doubt the ſame is ſtrongly point⯑ed at by the uncommon Concern of the whole Army to reſcue his Body.

The Diſſimilitude of Manners between theſe two Friends, Achilles and Patroclus, is very obſervable: Such Friendſhips are not uncommon, and I have often aſſign'd this Reaſon for them, that it is natural for Men to ſeek the Aſſiſtance of thoſe Qualities in others, which they want themſelves. That is ſtill better if apply'd to Providence, that aſſociates Men of different and contrary Qualities, in order to make a more perfect Syſtem. But, whatever is cuſtomary in Na⯑ture, Homer had a good poetical Reaſon for it; for it af⯑fords many Incidents to illuſtrate the Manners of them both more ſtrongly; and is what they call a Contraſt in Painting.

V.

‘VERSE 11. The Son of Panthus.]’ The Conduct of Homer is admirable in bringing Euphorbus and Menelaus together upon this Occaſion; for hardly any thing but ſuch a ſignal Revenge for the Death of his Brother, could have made Euphorbus ſtand the Encounter. Menelaus putting him in mind of the Death of his Brother, gives occaſion (I think) to one of the fineſt Anſwers in all Homer; in which the Inſolence of Menelaus is retorted in a way to draw Pity from every Reader; and I believe there is hardly one, after ſuch a Speech, that would not wiſh Euphorbus had the bet⯑ter of Menelaus: A Writer of Romances would not have fail'd to have giv'n Euphorbus the Victory. But however it was fitter to make Menelaus, who had receiv'd the great⯑eſt Injury, do the moſt revengeful Actions.

VI.

‘VERSE 55. Inſtarr'd with Gems and Gold.]’ We have here a Trojan who uſes Gold and Silver to adorn his Hair; which made Pliny ſay, that he doubted whether the Women were the firſt that us'd thoſe Ornaments. Eſt quidem apud eun⯑dem [Homerum] virorum crinibus aurum implexum, ideo neſcio an prior uſus à foeminis coeperit. Lib. 33. Chap. 1. He might likewiſe have ſtrengthen'd his Doubt by the Cuſtom of the Athenians, who put into their Hair little Graſhoppers of Gold. Dacier.

VII.

‘VERSE 57. As the young Olive, &c.]’ This exquiſite Si⯑mile finely illuſtrates the Beauty and ſudden Fall of Euphor⯑bus, in which the Alluſion to that Circumſtance of his come⯑ly Hair is peculiarly happy. Porphyry and Jamblicus ac⯑quaints us of the particular Affection Pythagoras had for theſe Verſes, which he ſet to the Harp, and us'd to repeat at his own Epicedion. Perhaps it was his Fondneſs of them, which put it into his Head to ſay, that his Soul tranſmi⯑grated to him from this Hero. However it was, this Con⯑ceit of Pythagoras is famous in Antiquity, and has given occaſion to a Dialogue in Lucian entitled The Cock, which is, I think, the fineſt Piece of that Author.

VIII.

‘VERSE 65. Thus young, thus beautiful Euphorbus lay.]’ This is the only Trojan whoſe Death the Poet laments, that he might do the more Honour to Patroclus, his Hero's Friend. The Compariſon here us'd is very proper, for the Olive al⯑ways preſerves its Beauty. But where the Poet ſpeaks of the Lapithae, a hardy and warlike People, he compares them to Oaks, that ſtand unmov'd in Storms and Tempeſts; and where Hector falls by Ajax, he likens him to an Oak ſtruck [49] down by Jove's Thunder. Juſt after this ſoft Compariſon upon the Beauty of Euphorbus, he paſſes to another full of Strength and Terror, that of the Lion. Euſtathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 110. Did but the Voice of Ajax reach my Ear.]’ How obſervable is Homer's Art of illuſtrating the Valour and Glory of his Heroes? Menelaus, who ſees Hector and all the Trojans ruſhing upon him, wou'd not retire if Apollo did not ſupport them; and though Apollo does ſupport them, he wou'd oppoſe even Apollo, were Ajax but near him. This is glorious for Menelaus, and yet more glorious for Ajax, and very ſuitable to his Character; for Ajax was the braveſt of the Greeks, next to Achilles. Dacier. Euſtathius.

X.

‘VERSE 117. So from the Fold th'unwilling Lion.]’ The Beauty of the Retreat of Menelaus is worthy Notice. Ho⯑mer is a great Obſerver of natural Imagery, that brings the Thing repreſented before our View. It is indeed true, that Lions, Tygers, and Beaſts of Prey are the only Objects that can properly repreſent Warriors; and therefore 'tis no won⯑der they are ſo often introduc'd: The inanimate Things, as Floods, Fires, and Storms, are the beſt, and only Images of Battels.

XI.

‘VERSE 137. Already had ſtern Hector, &c.]’ Homer takes care, ſo long before-hand, to leſſen in his Reader's Mind the Horror he may conceive from the Cruelty that Achilles will exerciſe upon the Body of Hector. That Cruelty will be only the Puniſhment of this which Hector here exerci⯑ſes upon the Body of Patroclus; he drags him, he deſigns to cut off his Head, and to leave his Body upon the Ram⯑parts, expos'd to Dogs and Birds of Prey. Euſtathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 169. You left him there a Prey to Dogs.]’ It was highly diſhonourable in Hector to forſake the Body of a Friend and Gueſt, and againſt the Laws of Jupiter Xenius, or hoſpitalis. For Glaucus knew nothing of Sarpedon's be⯑ing honour'd with Burial by the Gods, and ſent embalm'd into Lycia. Euſtathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 193. I ſhun great Ajax?]’ Hector takes no no⯑tice of the Affronts that Glaucus had thrown upon him, as knowing he had in ſome Reſpects a juſt Cauſe to be angry, but he cannot put up what he had ſaid of his fear⯑ing Ajax, to which Part he only replies: This is very a⯑greeable to his heroic Character. Euſtathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 209. Hector in proud Achilles Arms ſhall ſhine.]’ The Ancients have obſerved that Homer cauſes the Arms of Achilles to fall into Hector's Power, to equal in ſome ſort thoſe two Heroes, in the Battel wherein he is going to engage them. Otherwiſe it might be urg'd, that Achilles cou'd not have kill'd Hector without the Advantage of having his Armous made by the Hand of a God, whereas Hector's was only of the Hand of a Mortal; but ſince both were clad in Armour made by Vulcan, Achilles's Victory will be compleat, and in its full Luſtre. Beſides this Reaſon (which is for Neceſſity and Probability) there is alſo another, for Ornament; for Homer here prepares to introduce that beau⯑tiful Epiſode of the divine Armour, which Vulcan makes for Achilles. Euſtathius.

XV.

‘VERSE 216. The radiant Arms to ſacred Ilion bore.]’ A Dif⯑ficulty may ariſe here, and the Queſtion may be asked why [51] Hector ſent theſe Arms to Troy? Why did not he take them at firſt? There are three Anſwers, which I think are all plauſible. The firſt, that Hector having kill'd Patroclus, and ſeeing the Day very far advanced, had no mind to take thoſe Arms for a Fight almoſt at an end. The ſecond, that he was impatient to ſhew to Priam and Andromache thoſe glorious Spoils. Thirdly, he perhaps at firſt intended to hang them up in ſome Temple: Glaucus's Speech makes him change his Reſolution, he runs after thoſe Arms to fight againſt Ajax, and to win Patroclus's Body from him. Dacier.

Homer (ſays Euſtathius) does not ſuffer the Arms to be carry'd into Troy for theſe Reaſons. That Hector by wear⯑ing them might the more encourage the Trojans, and be the more formidable to the Greeks: That Achilles may re⯑cover them again when he kills Hector: And that he may conquer him, even when he is ſtrengthened with that di⯑vine Armour.

XVI.

‘VERSE 231. Jupiter's Speech to Hector.]’ The Poet pre⯑pares us for the Death of Hector, perhaps to pleaſe the Greek Readers, who might be troubled to ſee him ſhining in their He⯑roes Arms. Therefore Jupiter expreſſes his Sorrow at the ap⯑proaching Fate of this unfortunate Prince, promiſes to repay his Loſs of Life with Glory, and nods to give a certain Con⯑firmation to his Words. He ſays, Achilles is the braveſt Greek, as Glaucus had ſaid juſt before; the Poet thus giving him the greateſt Commendations, by putting his Praiſe in the Mouth of a God, and of an Enemy, who were neither of them like to be prejudiced in his Favour. Euſtathius.

How beautiful is that Sentiment upon the miſerable State of Mankind, introduc'd here ſo artfully, and ſo ſtrongly enforc'd, by being put into the Mouth of the ſupreme Being! And how pathetic the Denunciation of Hector's Death, by that Circumſtance of Andromache's Diſappointment, when ſhe ſhall no more receive her Hero glorious from the Bat⯑tel, in the Armour of his conquer'd Enemy!

XVII.

‘VERSE 247. The ſtubborn Arms &c.]’ The Words are,

If we give [...] a paſſive Signification, it will be, the Arms fitted Hector; but if an active (as thoſe take it who would put a greater Difference between Hector and Achilles) then it belongs to Jupiter; and the Senſe will be, Jupiter made the Arms fit for him, which were too large before: I have choſen the laſt as the more poetical Senſe.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 260. Unnumber'd Bands of neighb'ring Nations.]’ Euſtathius has very well explain'd the Artifice of this Speech of Hector, who indirectly anſwers all Glaucus's Invectives, and humbles his Vanity. Glaucus had juſt ſpoken as if the Lycians were the only Allies of Troy; and Hector here ſpeaks of the numerous Troops of different Nations, which he expreſly deſigns by calling them Borderers upon his King⯑dom, thereby in ſome manner to exclude the Lycians, who were of a Country more remote; as if he did not vouch⯑ſafe to reckon them. He afterwards confutes what Glau⯑cus ſaid, ‘"that if the Lycians wou'd take his Advice they wou'd return home";’ for he gives them to underſtand, that being hired Troops, they are obliged to perform their Bargain, and to fight till the War is at an end. Dacier.

XIX.

‘VERSE 290. Call on our Greeks.]’ Euſtathius gives three Reaſons why Ajax bids Menelaus call the Greeks to their Aſſiſtance; inſtead of calling them himſelf. He might be ſham'd to do it, leſt it ſhould look like Fear and turn to [53] his Diſhonour: Or the Chiefs were more likely to obey Menelaus: Or he had too much Buſineſs of the War upon his Hands, and wanted Leiſure more than the other.

XX.

‘VERSE 302. Oilean Ajax firſt.]’ Ajax Oileus (ſays Euſta⯑thius) is the firſt that comes, being brought by his Love to the other Ajax, as it is natural for one Friend to fly to the Aſſiſtance of another: To which we may add, he might very probably come firſt, becauſe he was the ſwifteſt of all the Heroes.

XXI.

‘VERSE 318. Jove pouring Darkneſs]’ Homer, who in all his former Deſcriptions of Battels is ſo fond of mentioning the Luſtre of the Arms, here ſhades them in Darkneſs, perhaps alluding to the Clouds of Duſt that were rais'd; or to the Throng of Combatants; or elſe to denote the Loſs of Greece in Patroclus; or laſtly, that as the Heav'ns had mourn'd Sarpedon in Showers of Blood, ſo they might Patroclus in Clouds of Darkneſs. Euſtathius.

XXII.

‘VERSE 356. Panope renown'd.]’ Panope was a ſmall Town twenty Stadia from Chaeronea on the ſide of Mount Parnaſſus, and it is hard to know why Homer gives it the Epithet of re⯑nown'd, and makes it the Reſidence of Schedius, King of the Phocians; when it was but nine hundred Paces in Cir⯑cuit, and had no Palace, nor Gymnaſium, nor Theatre, nor Market, nor Fountain,; nothing in ſhort that ought to have been in a Town which is the Reſidence of a King. Pauſanias (in Phocic.) gives the Reaſon of it; he ſays, that as Phocis was expoſed on that ſide to the Inroads of the Boeotians, Schedius made uſe of Panope as a ſort of Citadel, or Place of Arms. Dacier.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 375. He ſeem'd like aged Periphas.]’ The Speech, of Periphas to Aeneas hints at the double Fate, and the Ne⯑ceſſity of Means. It is much like that of St. Paul after he was promiſed that no body ſhould periſh; he ſays, except theſe abide, ye cannot be ſaved.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 422. In one thick Darkneſs, &c.]’ The Darkneſs ſpread over the Body of Patroclus is artful upon ſeveral Ac⯑counts. Firſt, a fine Image of Poetry. Next, a Token of Jupiter's Love to a righteous Man; but the chief Deſign is to portract the Action; which, if the Trojans had ſeen the Spot, muſt have been decided one way or other, in a very ſhort time. Beſides, the Trojans having the better in the Action, muſt have ſeiz'd the Body contrary to the Intention of the Author: There are innumerable Inſtances of theſe little Niceties and Particularities of Conduct in Homer.

XXV.

‘VERSE 436. Meanwhile the Sons of Neſtor, in the Rear, &c.]’ It is not without Reaſon Homer in this Place makes parti⯑cular mention of the Sons of Neſtor. It is to prepare us againſt he ſends one of them to Achilles, to tell him the Death of his Friend.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 450. . As when a ſlaughter'd Bull's yet reeking Hide.]’ Homer gives us a moſt lively Deſcription of their drawing the Body on all ſides, and inſtructs us in the ancient man⯑ner of ſtretching Hides, being firſt made ſoft and ſupple with Oyl. And tho' this Compariſon be one of thoſe mean [55] and humble ones which ſome have objected to, yet it has alſo its Admirers for being ſo expreſſive, and for repreſent⯑ing to the Imagination the moſt ſtrong and exact Idea of the Subject in hand. Euſtathius.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 458. Not Pallas ſelf, &c.]’ Homer ſays in the Original, ‘"Minerva could not have found fault, tho' ſhe were angry."’ Upon which Euſtathius ingeniouſly obſerves, how common and natural it is for Perſons in Anger to turn Cri⯑ticks, and find Faults where there are none.

XXVIII.

In theſe Words the Poet artfully hints at Achilles's Death; he makes him not abſolutely to flatter himſelf with the Hopes of ever taking Troy, in his own Perſon, however he does not ſay this expreſly, but paſſes it over as an ungrateful Subject. Euſtathius.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 471. The reſt, in pity to her Son conceal'd.]’ Here, (ſays the ſame Author) we have two Rules laid down for common uſe. One, not to tell our Friends all their Miſ⯑chances at once, it being often neceſſary to hide part of them, as Thetis does from Achilles: The other, not to puſh Men of Courage upon all that is poſſible for them to do. Thus Achilles, tho' he thought Patroclus able to drive the Trojans back to their Gates, yet he does not order him to do ſo much, but only to ſave the Ships, and beat them back into the Field.

[56] Homer's admoniſhing the Reader that Achilles's Mother had conceal'd the Circumſtance of the Death of his Friend when ſhe inſtructed him in his Fate; and that all he knew, was only that Troy could not be taken at that time; this is a great Inſtance of his Care of the Probability, and of his having the whole Plan of the Poem at once in his Head. For upon the Suppoſition that Achilles was inſtructed in his Fate, it was a natural Objection, how came he to hazard his Friend? If he was ignorant on the other hand of the Im⯑poſſibility of Troy's being taken at that time, he might for all he knew, be robb'd by his Friend (of whoſe Valour he had ſo good an Opinion) of that Glory, which he was unwilling to part with.

XXX.

‘VERSE 485. The penſive Steeds of great Achilles, &c.]’ It adds a great Beauty to a Poem when inanimate Things act like animate. Thus the Heavens tremble at Jupiter's Nod, the Sea parts it ſelf to receive Neptune, the Groves of Ida ſhake beneath Juno's Feet, &c. As alſo to find ani⯑mate or brute Creatures addreſt to, as if rational: So Hector encourages his Horſes; and one of Achilles's is endued not only with Speech, but with Fore-knowledge of future Events. Here they weep for Patroclus, and ſtand fix'd and unmove⯑able with Grief: Thus is this Hero univerſally mourn'd, and every thing concurs to lament his Loſs. Euſtathius.

As to the particular Fiction of the Horſes weeping, it is countenanc'd both by Naturaliſts and Hiſtorians. Ari⯑ſtotle and Pliny write, that theſe Animals often deplore their Maſters loſt in Battel, and even ſhed Tears for them. So Solinus c. 47. Aelian relates the like of Elephants, when they are carry'd from their native Countrey, De Animal. lib. 10. c. 17. Suetonius in the Life of Caeſar, tells us, that ſeveral Horſes which at the Paſſage of the Rubicon had been conſecrated to Mars, and turn'd looſe on the Banks, were obſerved for ſome Days after, to abſtain from feeding, and to weep abundantly. Proximis diebus, equorum greges quos in trajiciendo Rubicone flumine Marti conſecrârat, ac [57] ſine cuſtode vagos dimiſerat, comperit pabulo pertinaciſſimè abſtinere, ubertim (que) flere. Cap. 81.

Virgil could not forbear copying this beautiful Circum⯑ſtance, in thoſe fine Lines on the Horſe of Pallas.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 484. At diſtance from the Scene of Blood.]’ If the Horſes had not gone aſide out of the War, Homer could not have introduc'd ſo well what he deſign'd to their Ho⯑nour. So he makes them weeping in ſecret (as their Maſter Achilles us'd to do) and afterwards coming into the Battel, where they are taken notice of and purſued by Hector. Euſtathius.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 495. Or fix'd, as ſtands a marble Courſer, &c.]’ Homer alludes to the Cuſtom in thoſe Days of placing Co⯑lumns upon Tombs, on which Columns there were frequently Chariots with two or four Horſes. This furniſh'd Homer with this beautiful Image, as if theſe Horſes meant to re⯑main there, to ſerve for an immortal Monument to Patro⯑clus. Dacier.

I believe M. Dacier refines too much in this Note. Homer ſays,— [...], and ſeems to turn the Thought only on the Firmneſs of the Column, and not on the Imag'ry of it: Which would give it an Air a little too modern, like that of Shakeſpear, She ſate like Patience on a Monument Smiling at Grief.—Be it as it will, this Conjecture is in⯑genious; and the whole Compariſon is as beautiful as juſt. The Horſes ſtanding ſtill to mourn for their Maſter, could not be more finely repreſented than by the dumb Sorrow of Images ſtanding over a Tomb. Perhaps the very Po⯑ſture in which theſe Horſes are deſcribed, their Heads bowed [58] down, and their Manes falling in the Duſt, has an Allu⯑ſion to the Attitude in which thoſe Statues on Monuments were uſually repreſented: There are Bas-Reliefs that favour this Conjecture.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 522. The Sun ſhall ſee Troy conquer.]’ It is worth obſerving with what Art and Oeconomy Homer conducts his Fable, to bring on the Cataſtrophe. Achilles muſt hear Patroclus's Death; Hector muſt fall by his Hand: This can not happen if the Armies continue fighting about the Body of Patroclus under the Walls of Troy. Therefore, to change the Face of Affairs, Jupiter is going to raiſe the Courage of the Trojans, and make them repulſe and chaſe the Greeks again as far as their Fleet; this obliges Achilles to go forth tho' without Arms, and thereby every thing comes to an Iſſue. Dacier.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 555. Scarce their weak Drivers.]’ There was but one Driver, ſince Alcimedon was alone upon the Chariot; and Automedon was got down to fight. But in Poetry, as well as in Painting, there is often but one Moment to be taken hold on. Hector ſees Alcimedon mount the Chariot, before Automedon was deſcended from it; and thereupon judging of their Intention, and ſeeing them both as yet up⯑on the Chariot, he calls to Aeneas. He terms them both Drivers in Mockery, becauſe he ſaw them take the Reins one after the other; as if he ſaid, that Chariot had two Drivers, but never a Fighter. 'Tis one ſingle Moment that makes this Image. In reading the Poets one often falls in⯑to great Perplexities, for want of rightly diſtinguiſhing the Point of Time in which they ſpeak. Dacier.

The Art of Homer in this whole Paſſage concerning Au⯑tomedon, is very remarkable; in finding out the only pro⯑per Occaſion, for ſo renowned a Perſon as the Charioteer of Achilles to ſignalize his Valour.

XXXV.

Theſe beautiful Anticipations are frequent in the Poets, who affect to ſpeak in the Character of Prophets, and Men in⯑ſpired with the Knowledge of Futurity. Thus Virgil to Turnus,

So Taſſo, Cant. 12. when Argante had vow'd the De⯑ſtruction of Tancred.

And Milton makes the like Apoſtrophe to Eve at her leaving Adam before ſhe met the Serpent.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 642. So burns the vengeſul Hornet, &c.]’ It is lite⯑rally in the Greek, ſhe inſpir'd the Hero with the Boldneſs of a Fly. There is no Impropriety in the Compariſon, this Animal being of all others the moſt perſevering in its At⯑tacks, and the moſt difficult to be beaten off: The Occa⯑ſion alſo of the Compariſon being the reſolute Perſiſtance [60] of Menelaus about the dead Body, renders it ſtill the more juſt. But our preſent Idea of the Fly is indeed very low, as taken from the Littleneſs and Inſignificancy of this Creature. However, ſince there is really no Meanneſs in it, there ought to be none in expreſſing it; and I have done my beſt in the Tranſlation to keep up the Dignity of my Author.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 651. By Hector lov'd, his Comrade and his Gueſt.]’ Podes the Favourite and Companion of Hector, being kill'd on this Occaſion, ſeems a parallel Circumſtance to the Death of Achilles's Favourite and Companion; and was probably put in here on purpoſe to engage Hector on a like Occaſion with Achilles.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 721. Some Hero too muſt be diſpatch'd, &c.]’ It ſeems odd that they did not ſooner ſend this Meſſage to Achilles; but there is ſome Apology for it from the Darkneſs and Dif⯑ficulty of finding a proper Perſon. It was not every body that was proper to ſend but one who was a particuar Friend to Achilles, who might condole with him. Such was Antilochus who is ſent afterwards, and who, beſides, had that neceſſary Qualification of being [...]. Euſtathius.

XXXIX.

This Thought has been look'd upon as one of the ſublimeſt in Homer: Longinus repreſents it in this manner. ‘"The thickeſt Darkneſs had on a ſudden cover'd the Grecian Army, and hinder'd them from fighting: When Ajax, not knowing what Courſe to take, cries out, Oh Jove! diſ⯑perſe this Darkneſs which covers the Greeks, and if we [61] muſt periſh, let us periſh in the Light! This is a Senti⯑ment truly worthy of Ajax, he does not pray for Life; that had been unworthy a Hero: But becauſe in that Dark⯑neſs he could not employ his Valour to any glorious Pur⯑poſe, and vex'd to ſtand idle in the Field of Battel, he only prays that the Day may appear, as being aſſured of putting an end to it worthy his great Heart, tho' Ju⯑piter himſelf ſhould happen to oppoſe his Efforts."’

M. l' Abbè Teraſſon (in his Diſſertation on the Iliad) en⯑deavours to prove that Longinus has miſrepreſented the whole Context and Senſe of this Paſſage of Homer. The Fact (ſays he) is, that Ajax is in a very different Situation in Homer from that wherein Longinus deſcribes him. He has not the leaſt Intention of fighting, he thinks only of finding out ſome fit Perſon to ſend to Achilles; and this Darkneſs hindering him from ſeeing ſuch an one, is the occaſion of his Prayer. Accordingly it appears by what follows, that as ſoon as Ju⯑piter has diſpers'd the Cloud, Ajax never falls upon the Ene⯑my, but in conſequence of his former Thought orders Me⯑nelaus to look for Antilochus, to diſpatch him to Achilles with the News of the Death of his Friend. Longinus (continues this Author) had certainly forgot the Place from whence he took this Thought; and it is not the firſt Citation from Homer which the Ancients have quoted wrong. Thus Ari⯑ſtotle attributes to Calypſo, the Words of Ulyſſes in the twelfth Book of the Odyſſeis; and confounds together two Paſſages, one of the ſecond, the other of the fifteenth Book of the Iliad. [Ethic. ad Nicom. l. 2. c. 9. and l. 3. c. 11.] And thus Cicero aſcribed to Agamemnon a long Diſcourſe of Ulyſſes in the ſecond Iliad; [De divinatione l. 2.] and cited as Ajax's, the Speech of Hector in the ſeventh. [See Aul. Gellius l. 15. c. 6.] One has no cauſe to wonder at this, ſince the Ancients having Homer almoſt by heart, were for that very Reaſon the more ſubject to miſtake in citing him by Memory.

To this I think one may anſwer, that granting it was partly the Occaſion of Ajax's Prayer to obtain Light, in order to ſend to Achilles (which he afterwards does) yet the Thought which Longinus attributes to him, is very conſiſtent with it; and the laſt Line expreſſes nothing elſe but an [62] heroic Deſire rather to die in the Light, than eſcape with Safety in the Darkneſs.

But indeed the whole Speech is only meant to paint the Con⯑cern and Diſtreſs of a brave General: The Thought of ſend⯑ing a Meſſenger is only a Reſult from that Concern and Diſtreſs, and ſo but a ſmall Circumſtance; which cannot be ſaid to occaſion the Pray'r.

Monſ. Boileau has tranſlated this Paſſage in two Lines.

And Mr. la Motte yet better in one.

But both theſe (as Dacier very juſtly obſerves) are contrary to Homer's Senſe. He is far from repreſenting Ajax of ſuch a daring Impiety, as to bid Jupiter combate againſt him; but only makes him ask for Light, that if it be his Will the Greeks ſhall periſh, they may periſh in open Day. [...]—(ſays he) that is, abandon us, withdraw from us your Aſſi⯑ſtance; for thoſe who are deſerted by Jove muſt periſh infalli⯑bly: This Decorum of Homer ought to have been preſerv'd.

XL.

‘VERSE 756. The mildeſt Manners, and the gentleſt Heart.]’ This is a fine Elogium of Patroclus: Homer dwells upon it on purpoſe, leſt Achilles's Character ſhould be miſtaken; and ſhews by the Praiſes he beſtows here upon Goodneſs, that Achilles's Character is not commendable for Morality. Achil⯑les's Manners, entirely oppoſite to thoſe of Patroclus, are not morally good; they are only poetically ſo, that is to ſay, they are well mark'd; and diſcover before-hand what Reſolutions [63] that Hero will take: As hath been at large explain'd upon Ariſtotle's Poeticks. Dacier.

XLI.

‘VERSE 781. The youthful Warrior heard with ſilent Woe.]’ Homer ever repreſents an Exceſs of Grief by a deep Horrour, Silence, Weeping, and not enquiring into the manner of the Friend's Death: Nor could Antilochus have expreſs'd his Sor⯑row in any manner ſo moving as Silence. Euſtathius.

XLII.

‘VERSE 785. To brave Laodocus his Arms he flung.]’ An⯑tilochus leaves his Armour, not only that he might make the more haſte, but (as the Ancients conjecture) that he might not be thought to be abſent by the Enemies; and that ſee⯑ing his Armour on ſome other Perſon, they might think him ſtill in the Fight. Euſtathius.

XLIII.

This is an ingenious way of making the Valour of Achilles appear the greater; who, tho' without Arms, goes forth, in the next Book, contrary to the Expe⯑ctation of Ajax and Menelaus. Dacier.

XLIV.

VERSE 825, &c. This Heap of Images which Homer throws together at the End of this Book, makes the ſame Action appear with a very beautiful Variety. The Deſcription of the burning of a City is ſhort but very lively. That of Ajax alone bringing up the Rear Guard, and ſhielding thoſe [64] that bore the Body of Patroclus from the whole Trojan Hoſt, gives a prodigious Idea of Ajax; and as Homer has often hint⯑ed, makes him juſt ſecond to Achilles. The Image of the Beam paints the great Stature of Patroclus: That of the Hill dividing the Stream is noble and natural.

He compares the Ajaxes to a Boar, for their Fierceneſs and Boldneſs; to a long Bank that keeps off the Courſe of the Waters, for their ſtanding firm and immoveable in the Bat⯑tel: Thoſe that carry the dead Body, to Mules dragging a vaſt Beam thro' rugged Paths, for their Laboriouſneſs: The Body carried, to a Beam, for being heavy and inani⯑mate: The Trojans to Dogs, for their Boldneſs; and to Wa⯑ter for their Agility and moving backwards and forwards: The Greeks to a Flight of Starlings and Jays, for their Ti⯑morouſneſs, and Swiftneſs. Euſtathius.

I.

‘VERSE 1. Thus like the Rage of Fire, &c.]’ This Phraſe is uſual in our Author, to ſignify a ſharp Battel fought with Heat and Fury on both parts; ſuch an Engagement like a Flame, preying upon all ſides, and dying the ſooner, the fiercer it burns. Eu⯑ſtathius.

II.

‘VERSE 6. On hoiſted Yards.]’ The Epithet [...] in this Place has a more than ordinary Sgnification. It implies that the Sail-yards were hoiſted up, and Achilles's Ships on the point to ſet ſail. This ſhews that it was purely in Compliance to his Friend that he permitted him to ſuccour the Greeks; he meant to leave 'em as ſoon as Patroclus return'd; he ſtill remember'd what he told the Embaſſadors in the ninth Book; ℣. 360. To morrow you ſhall ſee my Fleet ſet ſail. Accordingly this is the Day appointed, and he is fix'd to his Reſolution: This Circumſtance wonder⯑fully ſtrengthens his implacable Character.

III.

‘VERSE 7. Penſive he ſate.]’ Homer in this artful man⯑ner prepares Achilles for the fatal Meſſage, and gives him theſe Forebodings of his Misfortunes, that they might be no leſs than he expected.

His Expreſſions are ſuitable to his Concern, and deliver'd confuſedly. ‘"I bad him (ſays he) after he had ſav'd the Ships, and repuls'd the Trojans, to return back, and not en⯑gage himſelf too far."’ Here he breaks off, when he ſhould have added; ‘"But he was ſo unfortunate as to forget my Advice."’ As he is reaſoning with himſelf, Antilochus comes in, which makes him leave the Senſe imperfect. Euſtathius.

IV.

It may be objected, that Achilles ſeems to contradict what had been ſaid in the foregoing Book, that Thetis conceal'd from her Son the Death of Patroclus in her Prediction. Whereas here he ſays, that ſhe had foretold he ſhould loſe the braveſt of the Theſſalians. There is nothing in this but what is natural and common among Mankind: And it is ſtill more agreeable to the haſty and inconſiderate Temper of Achilles, not to have made that Reflection till it was too late. Prophecies are only Marks of divine Pre⯑ſcience, not Warnings to prevent human Misfortunes; for if they were, they muſt hinder their own Accompliſhment.

V.

‘VERSE 21. Sad Tydings, Son of Peleus!]’ This Speech of Antilochus ought to ſerve as a Model for the Brevity with which ſo dreadful a piece of News ought to be deliver'd; for in two Verſes it comprehends [105] the whole Affair, the Death of Patroclus, the Perſon that kill'd him, the Conteſt for his Body, and his Arms in the Poſſeſſion of the Enemy. Beſides, it ſhou'd be obſerv'd that Grief has ſo crowded his Words, that in theſe two Verſes he leaves the Verb [...], they fight, without its No⯑minative, the Greeks or Trojans. Homer obſerves this Bre⯑vity upon all the like Occaſions. The Greek Tragic Poets have not always imitated this Diſcretion. In great Diſtreſſes there is nothing more ridiculous than a Meſſenger who be⯑gins a long Story with pathetic Deſcriptions; he ſpeaks with⯑out being heard; for the Perſon to whom he addreſſes him⯑ſelf has no time to attend him: The firſt Word, which diſ⯑covers to him his Misfortune, has made him deaf to all the reſt. Euſtathius.

VI.

‘VERSE 25. A ſudden Horrour, &c.]’ A modern French Writer has drawn a Parallel of the Conduct of Homer and Virgil, in relation to the Deaths of Patroclus and of Pallas. The latter is kill'd by Turnus, as the former by Hector; Turnus triumphs in the Spoils of the one, as Hector is clad in the Arms of the other; Aeneas revenges the Death of Pallas by that of Turnus, as Achilles the Death of Patro⯑clus by that of Hector. The Grief of Achilles in Homer on the ſcore of Patroclus, is much greater than that of Aeneas in Virgil, for the ſake of Pallas. Achilles gives himſelf up to Deſpair with a Weakneſs which Plato could not pardon in him, and which can only be excus'd on ac⯑count of the long and cloſe Friendſhip between 'em: That of Aeneas is more diſcreet, and ſeems more worthy of a Hero. It was not poſſible that Aeneas could be ſo deeply intereſted for any Man, as Achilles was intereſted for Pa⯑troclus: For Virgil had no Colour to kill Aſcanius, who was little more than a Child; beſides, that his Hero's In⯑tereſt in the War of Italy was great enough of itſelf, not to need to be animated by ſo touching a Concern as the fear of loſing his Son. On the other hand, Achil⯑les having but very little perſonal Concern in the War of [106] Troy (as he had told Agamemnon in the beginning of the Poem) and knowing, beſides, that he was to periſh there, required ſome very preſſing Motive to engage him to per⯑ſiſt in it, after ſuch Diſguſts and Inſults as he had received. It was this which made it neceſſary for theſe two great Poets to treat a Subject ſo much in their own Nature alike, in a manner ſo different. But as Virgil found it admirable in Homer, he was willing to approach it, as near as the Oeco⯑nomy of his Work would permit.

VII.

‘VERSE 27. Caſt on the Ground, &c.]’ This is a fine Pi⯑cture of the Grief of Achilles: We ſee on the one hand, the Poſture in which the Hero receives the News of his Friend's Death; he falls upon the Ground, he rends his Hair, he ſnatches the Aſhes and caſts them on his Head, according to the manner of thoſe Times; (but what much enlivens it in this place, is his ſprinkling Embers inſtead of Aſhes in the Violence of his Paſſion.) On the other ſide, the Cap⯑tives are running from their Tents, ranging themſelves about him, and anſwering to his Groans: Beſide him ſtands An⯑tilochus, fetching deep Sighs, and hanging on the Arms of the Hero, for fear his Deſpair and Rage ſhould cauſe ſome deſperate Attempt upon his own Life: There is no Paint⯑er but will be touch'd with this Image.

VIII.

‘VERSE 33. The Virgin Captives.]’ The captive Maids la⯑mented either in Pity for their Lord, or in Gratitude to the Memory of Patroclus, who was remarkable for his Good⯑neſs and Affability; or under theſe Pretences mourn'd for their own Misfortunes and Slavery. Euſtathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 75. Like ſome fair Plant, beneath my careful Hand.]’ This Paſſage, where the Mother compares her Son to a ten⯑der Plant, rais'd and preſerv'd with Care; has a moſt remar⯑kable Reſemblance to that in the Pſalms, Thy Children like Branches of Olive Trees round thy Table. Pſal. 127.

X.

‘VERSE 100, 125. The two Speeches of Achilles to Thetis.]’ It is not poſſible to imagine more lively and beautiful Strokes of Nature and Paſſion, than thoſe which our Author aſcribes to Achilles throughout theſe admirable Speeches. They contain all, that the trueſt Friend, the moſt tender Son, and the moſt generous Hero, could think or expreſs in this delicate and affecting Circumſtance. He ſhews his Ex⯑ceſs of Love to his Mother, by wiſhing he had never been born or known to the World, rather than ſhe ſhould have endur'd ſo many Sufferings on his account: He ſhews no leſs Love for his Friend, in reſolving to revenge his Death upon Hector, tho' his own would immediately follow. We ſee him here ready to meet his Fate for the ſake of his Friend, and in the Odyſſeis we find him wiſhing to live again only to maintain his Father's Honour againſt his Enemies: Thus he values neither Life nor Death, but as they conduce to the Good of his Friend and Parents, or the Encreaſe of his Glory.

After having calmly conſider'd the preſent State of his Life, he deliberately embraces his approaching Fate; and comforts himſelf under it, by a Reflection on thoſe great Men, whom neither their illuſtrious Actions, nor their Af⯑finity to Heaven, could ſave from the general Doom. A Thought very natural to him, whoſe Buſineſs it was in Peace to ſing their Praiſes, and in War to imitate their Acti⯑ons. Achilles, like a Man paſſionate of Glory, takes none but the fineſt Models; he thinks of Hercules, who was the [108] Son of Jupiter, and who had fill'd the Univerſe with the Noiſe of his immortal Actions: Theſe are the Sentiments of a real Hero. Euſtathius.

XI.

‘VERSE 137. Let me—But oh ye gracious Powers &c.]’ Achilles's Words are theſe; ‘"Now ſince I am never to re⯑turn home, and ſince I lie here an uſeleſs Perſon, loſing my beſt Friend, and expoſing the Greeks to ſo many Dan⯑gers by my own Folly; I who am ſuperior to them all in Battel’—Here he breaks off, and ſays—May Contention pe⯑riſh everlaſtingly, &c. Achilles leaves the Sentence thus ſuſ⯑pended, either becauſe in his Heat he had forgot what he was ſpeaking of, or becauſe he did not know how to end it; for he ſhould have ſaid,—‘"Since I have done all this, I'll periſh to revenge him:"’ Nothing can be finer than this ſud⯑den Execration againſt Diſcord and Revenge, which breaks from the Hero in the deep Senſe of the Miſeries thoſe Paſſi⯑ons had occaſion'd him.

Achilles could not be ignorant that he was ſuperior to others in Battel; and it was therefore no Fault in him to ſay ſo. But he is ſo ingenuous as to give himſelf no far⯑ther Commendation than what he undoubtedly merited; con⯑feſſing at the ſame time, that many exceeded him in Speak⯑ing: Unleſs one may take this as ſaid in contempt of Ora⯑tory, not unlike that of Virgil,

XII.

‘VERSE 153. Let me this inſtant.]’ I ſhall have time enough for inglorious Reſt when I am in the Grave, but now I muſt act like a living Hero: I ſhall indeed lie down in Death, but at the ſame time riſe higher in Glory. Euſtathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 162. That all ſhall know, Achilles.]’ There is a great Streſs on [...] and [...]. They ſhall ſoon find that their Victories have been owing to the long Abſence of a Hero, and that Hero Achilles. Upon which the Ancients have obſerv'd, that ſince Achilles's Anger there paſt in reality but a few Days: To which it may be reply'd, that ſo ſhort a Time as this might well ſeem long to Achilles, who thought all unactive Hours tedious and inſupportable; and if the Poet himſelf had ſaid that Achilles was long abſent, he had not ſaid it becauſe a great many Days had paſt, but becauſe ſo great a Variety of Incidents had happen'd in that Time. Euſtathius.

XIV.

VERSE 217.—This Promiſe of Thetis to preſent her Son with a new Suit of Armour, was the moſt artful Method of hindering him from putting immediately in practice his Re⯑ſolutions of fighting, which according to his violent Man⯑ners, he muſt have done: Therefore the Interpoſition of Thetis here was abſolutely neceſſary; it was Dignus vindice nodus.

XV.

‘VERSE 219. Who ſends thee Goddeſs, &c.]’ Achilles is ama⯑zed, that a Moment after the Goddeſs his Mother had for⯑bid him fighting, he ſhou'd receive a contrary Order from the Gods: Therefore he asks what God ſent her? Dacier.

XVI.

‘VERSE 226. Arms I have none.]’ It is here objected againſt Homer, that ſince Patroclus took Achilles' Armour, Achilles could not want Arms while he had thoſe of Patroclus; but [110] (beſides that Patroclus might have given his Armour to his Squire Automedon, the better to deceive the Trojans by making them take Automedon for Patroclus, as they took Patroclus for A⯑chilles) this Objection may be very ſolidly anſwer'd by ſay⯑ing that Homer has prevented it, ſince he made Achilles's Armour fit Patroclus's Body not without a Miracle, which the Gods wrought in his Favour. Furthermore, it does not follow that becauſe the Armour of a large Man fits one that is ſmaller, the Armour of a little Man ſhou'd fit one that is larger. Euſtathius.

XVII.

‘VERSE 230. Except the mighty Telamonian Shield.]’ A⯑chilles ſeems not to have been of ſo large a Stature as Ajax: Yet his Shield 'tis likely might be fit enough for him, becauſe his great Strength was ſufficient to wield it. This Paſſage, I think, might have been made uſe of by the Defenders of the Shield of Achilles againſt the Criticks, to ſhew that Homer intended the Buckler of his Hero for a very large one: And one would think he put it into this place, juſt a little before the Deſcription of that Shield, on purpoſe to obviate that Objection.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 236. But as thou art, unarm'd]’ A Hero ſo violent and ſo outragious as Achilles, and who had juſt loſt the Man he lov'd beſt in the World, is not likely to refuſe ſhewing himſelf to the Enemy, for the ſingle Rea⯑ſon of having no Armour. Grief and Deſpair in a great Soul are not ſo prudent and reſerv'd; but then on the other ſide, he is not to throw himſelf in the midſt of ſo many Enemies arm'd and fluſh'd with Victory. Homer gets out of this nice Circumſtance with great Dexterity, and gives to Achilles's Character every thing he ought to give it, with⯑out offending either againſt Reaſon or Probability. He judici⯑ouſly feigns, that Juno ſent this Order to Achilles, for Juno is [111] the Goddeſs of Royalty, who has the Care of Princes and Kings; and who inſpires them with the Senſe of what they owe to their Dignity and Character. Dacier.

XIX.

‘VERSE 237. Let but Achilles o'er yon' Trench appear.]’ There cannot be a greater Inſtance, how conſtantly Homer carry'd his whole Deſign in his Head, as well as with what admirable Art he raiſes one great Idea upon another, to the higheſt Sublime, than this Paſſage of Achilles's Appearance to the Army, and the Preparations by which we are led to it. In the thirteenth Book, when the Trojans have the Vi⯑ctory, they check their Purſuit of it, in the mere Thought that Achilles ſees them: In the ſixteenth, they are put into the utmoſt Conſternation at the ſight of his Armour and Chariot: In the ſeventeenth, Menelaus and Ajax are in De⯑ſpair, on the Conſideration that Achilles cannot ſuccour them for want of Armour: In the preſent Book, beyond all Ex⯑pectation he does but ſhew him unarm'd, and the very Sight of him gives the Victory to Greece: How extremely noble is this Gradation!

XX.

‘VERSE 245. The Smokes high-curling.]’ For Fires in the Day appear nothing but Smoak, and in the Night Flames are viſible becauſe of the Darkneſs. And thus it is ſaid in Exodus, That God led his People in the Day with a Pil⯑lar of Smoak, and in the Night with a Pillar of Fire. Per Diem in Columna nubis, & per Noctem in Columna ignis. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 247. Seen from ſome Iſland.]’ Homer makes choice of a Town placed in an Iſland, becauſe ſuch a Place being beſieg'd has no other Means of making its Diſtreſs [112] known than by Signals of Fire; whereas a Town upon the Continent has other Means to make known to its Neigh⯑bours the Neceſſity it is in. Dacier.

XXII.

‘VERSE 259. As the loud Trumpets, &c.]’ I have already obſerv'd, that when the Poet ſpeaks as from himſelf, he may be allow'd to take his Compariſons from things which were not known before his Time. Here he borrows a Com⯑pariſon from the Trumpet, as he has elſewhere done from Saddle-Horſes, tho' neither one nor the other were us'd in Greece at the time of the Trojan War. Virgil was leſs exact in this reſpect, for he deſcribes the Trumpet as uſed in the ſacking of Troy,

And celebrates Miſenus as the Trumpeter of Aeneas. But as Virgil wrote at a time more remote from thoſe heroic Ages, perhaps this Liberty may be excuſed. But a Poet had better confine himſelf to Cuſtoms and Manners, like a Painter; and it is equally a Fault in either of them to aſcribe to Times and Nations any thing with which they were unacquainted.

One may add an Oſervation to this Note of M. Dacier, that the Trumpet's not being in uſe at that time, makes very much for Homer's Purpoſe in this Place. The Terror rais'd by the Voice of his Hero, is much the more ſtrong⯑ly imag'd by a Sound that was unuſual, and capable of ſtriking more from its very Novelty.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 315. If but the Morrow's Sun, &c.]’ Polydamas ſays in the Original, ‘"If Achilles comes to morrow in his Armour.’ There ſeems to lye an Objection againſt this Paſ⯑ſage, [113] for Polydamas knew that Achilles's Armour was won by Hector, he muſt alſo know that no other Man's Armour would fit him; how then could he know that new Arms were made for him that very Night? Thoſe who are re⯑ſolv'd to defend Homer, may anſwer, it was by his Skill in Prophecy; but to me, this ſeems to be a Slip of our Au⯑thor's Memory, and one of thoſe little Nods which Horace ſpeaks of.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 333. The Speech of Hector.]’ Hector in this ſevere Anſwer to Polydamas, takes up ſeveral of his Words and turns them another way.

Polydamas had ſaid [...], ‘"To Morrow by break of Day let us put on our Arms, and defend the Caſtles and City-Walls,"’ to which Hector replies, [...], ‘"To Morrow by break of Day let us put on our Arms, not to defend our ſelves at home, but to fight the Greeks before their own Ships.’

Polydamas, ſpeaking of Achilles, had ſaid [...], &c. ‘"if he comes after we are within the Walls of our City, 'twill be the worſe for him, for he may drive round the City long enough before he can hurt us."’ To which, Hector anſwers; ‘"If Achilles ſhould come [...], &c. 'Twill be "the worſe for him, as you ſay, becauſe I'll fight him: [...], ſays Hector, in reply to Polydamas's Saying, [...].’ But Hector is not ſo far gone in Paſſion or Pride, as to forget himſelf; and accordingly in the next Lines he modeſtly puts it in doubt, which of them ſhall conquer. Euſtathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 340. Sunk were her Treaſures, and her Stores decay'd.]’ As well by reaſon of the Convoys, which were neceſſarily to be ſent for with ready Money; as by reaſon of the great [114] Allowances which were to be given to the auxiliary Troops, who came from Phrygia and Maeonia. Hector's Meaning is, that ſince all the Riches of Troy are exhauſted, it is no longer neceſſary to ſpare themſelves, or ſhut themſelves up within their Walls. Dacier.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 349. If there be one, &c,]’ This noble and ge⯑nerous Propoſal is worthy of Hector, and at the ſame time very artful to ingratiate himſelf with the Soldiers. Euſtathius farther obſerves that it is ſaid with an Eye to Polydamas, as accuſing him of being rich, and of not opening the Ad⯑vice he had given, for any other End than to preſerve his great Wealth; for Riches commonly make Men Cowards, and the Deſire of ſaving them has often occaſion'd Men to give Advice very contrary to the publick Welfare.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 379. In what vain Promiſe.]’ The Lamentation of Achilles over the Body of Patroclus is exquiſitely touch'd: It is Sorrow in the extreme, but the Sorrow of Achilles. It is nobly uſher'd in by that Simile of the Grief of the Lion: An Idea which is fully anſwer'd in the ſavage and bloody Concluſion of this Speech. One would think by the Beginning of it, that Achilles did not know his Fate, till after his Departure from Opuntium; and yet how does that agree with what is ſaid of his Choice of the ſhort and active Life, rather than the long and inglorious one? Or did not he flatter himſelf ſometimes, that his Fate might be changed? This may be conjectur'd from ſeveral other Paſ⯑ſages, and is indeed the moſt natural Solution.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 404. Cleanſe the pale Corſe, &c.]’ This Cuſtom of waſhing the Dead, is continu'd amongſt the Greeks to this Day; and 'tis a pious Duty perform'd by the deareſt Friend [115] or Relation, to ſee it waſh'd and anointed with a Perfume, af⯑ter which they cover it with Linen exactly in the manner here related.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 417. Jupiter and Juno.]’ Virgil has coppy'd the Speech of Juno to Jupiter. Aſt ego quae divûm incedo Regina, &c. But it is exceeding remarkable, that Homer ſhould upon eve⯑ry Occaſion make Marriage and Diſcord inſeperable: 'Tis an unalterable Rule with him, to introduce the Husband and Wife in a Quarrel.

XXX.

‘VERSE 440. Full twenty Tripods.]’ Tripods were Veſſels ſupported on three Feet, with Handles on the Sides; they were of ſeveral Kinds, and for ſeveral Uſes; ſome were conſecrated to Sacrifices, ſome uſed as Tables, ſome as Seats, others hung up as Ornaments on Walls of Houſes or Tem⯑ples; theſe of Vulcan have an Addition of Wheels, which was not uſual, which intimates them to be made with Clock⯑work. Monſ. Dacier has commented very well on this Paſ⯑ſage. If Vulcan (ſays he) had made ordinary Tripods, they had not anſwer'd the Greatneſs, Power, and Skill of a God. It was therefore neceſſary that his Work ſhould be above that of Men: To effect this, the Tripods were animated, and in this Homer doth not deviate from the Probability; for every one is fully perſuaded, that a God can do things more difficult than theſe, and that all Matter will obey him. What has not been ſaid of the Statues of Daedalus? Plato writes, that they walked alone, and if they had not taken care to tie them, they would have got looſe, and run from their Maſter. If a Writer in Proſe can ſpeak hyperbollically of a Man, may not Homer do it much more of a God? Nay, this Circumſtance with which Homer has embelliſh'd his Poem, would have had nothing too ſurprizing tho' theſe Tripods had been made by a Man; for what may not be done in Clock-work by an exact Management of Springs? [116] This Criticiſm is then ill grounded, and Homer does not deſerve the Ridicule they would caſt on him.

The ſame Author applies to this Paſſage of Homer that Rule of Ariſtotle, Poetic. Chap. 26. which deſerves to be al⯑ledged at large on this Occaſion.

‘"When a Poet is accus'd of ſaying any thing that is im⯑poſſible; we muſt examine that Impoſſibility, either with reſpect to Poetry, with reſpect to that which is beſt, or with reſpect to common Fame. Firſt, with regard to Poe⯑try, The Probable Impoſſible ought to be preferr'd to the Poſſible, which bath no Veriſimilitude, and which would not be believ'd; and 'tis thus that Zeuxis painted his Pieces. Secondly, with reſpect to that which is beſt, We ſee that a thing is moſt excellent and more wonderful this way, and that the Originals ought always to ſurpaſs. Laſtly, in reſpect to Fame, It is prov'd that the Poet need on⯑ly follow common Opinion. All that appears abſurd may be alſo juſtify'd by one of theſe three ways; or elſe by the Maxim we have already laid down, that it is probable, that a great many things may happen againſt Proba⯑bility."’

A late Critick has taken notice of the Conformity of this Paſſage of Homer with that in the firſt Chapter of Ezekiel, The Spirit of the living Creatures was in the Wheels; when thoſe went, theſe went, and when thoſe ſtood, theſe ſtood; and when thoſe were liſted up, the Wheels were lifted up over againſt them; for the Spirit of the living Creature was in the Wheels.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 450. A Footſtool at her Feet.]’ It is at this Day the uſual Honour paid amongſt the Greeks, to a Viſiter of ſupe⯑perior Quality, to ſet them higher than the reſt of the Com⯑pany, and put a Footſtool under their Feet. See Note 25. on Book 14. This, with innumerable other Cuſtoms, are ſtill preſerv'd in the Eaſtern Nations.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 460. Vulcan draw near, 'tis Thetis asks your Aid.]’ The Story the Ancients tell, of Plato's Application of this Verſe is worth obſerving. That great Philoſopher had in his Youth a ſtrong Inclination to Poetry, and not being ſatisfy'd to compoſe little Pieces of Gallantry and Amour, he tried his Forces in Tragedy and Epic Poetry; but the Suc⯑ceſs was not anſwerable to his Hopes: He compared his Per⯑formance with that of Homer, and was very ſenſible of the Difference. He therefore abandon'd a ſort of Writing where⯑in at beſt he could only be the ſecond, and turn'd his Views to an other, wherein he deſpaired not to become the firſt. His Anger tranſported him ſo far, as to caſt all his Verſes into the Fire. But while he was burning them, he could not help citing a Verſe of the very Poet who had caus'd his Chagrin. It was the preſent Line, which Homer has put into the Mouth of Charis, when Thetis demands Arms for Achilles.

Plato only inſerted his own Name inſtead of that of Thetis.

If we credit the Ancients, it was the Diſcontentment his own Poetry gave him, that rais'd in him all the Indignation he afterwards expreſs'd againſt the Art itſelf. In which (ſay they) he behaved like thoſe Lovers, who ſpeak ill of the Beauties whom they cannot prevail upon. Fraguier, Parall. de Hom. & de Platon.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 461. Thetis (reply'd the God) our Pow'rs may claim, &c.’ Vulcan throws by his Work to perform Thetis's Requeſt, who had laid former Obligations upon him; the Poet in this [118] Example giving us an excellent Precept, that Gratitude ſhould take place of all other Concerns.

The Motives which ſhould engage a God in a new Tra⯑vel in the Night-time upon a Suit of Armour for a Mor⯑tal, ought to be ſtrong; and therefore artfully enough put upon the foot of Gratitude: Beſides, they afford at the ſame time a noble Occaſion for Homer to retail his Theology, which he is always very fond of.

The Allegory of Vulcan, or Fire (according to Heraclides) is this. His Father is Jupiter, or the Aether, his Mother Juno, or the Air, from whence he fell to us, whether by Lightning, or otherwiſe. He is ſaid to be lame, that is, to want Support, becauſe he cannot ſubſiſt without the continual Subſiſtance of Fuel. The Aetherial Fire, Homer calls Sol or Jupiter, the inferior Vulcan; the one wants nothing of Perfection, the other is ſubject to Decay, and is reſtor'd by Acceſſion of Materials. Vulcan is ſaid to fall from Heaven, becauſe at firſt, when the Opportunity of obtaining Fire was not ſo frequent, Men prepared Inſtruments of Braſs, by which they collected the Beams of the Sun; or elſe they gain'd it from accidental Lightning, that ſet fire to ſome combuſtible Matter. Vulcan had periſh'd when he fell from Heaven unleſs Thetis and Eurynome had received him; that is, unleſs he had been preſerv'd by falling into ſome convenient Re⯑ceptacle, or ſubterranean Place; and ſo was afterwards diſtri⯑buted for the common Neceſſities of Mankind. To under⯑ſtand theſe ſtrange Explications, it muſt be known, that Thetis is deriv'd from [...] to lay up, and Eurynome from [...] and [...], a wide Diſtribution. They are call'd Daughters of the Ocean, becauſe the Vapours and Exhalations of the Sea forming themſelves into Clouds, find Nouriſhment for Light⯑nings.

XXXIV.

It is very probable, that Homer took the Idea of theſe from the Statues of Daedalus, which might be extant in his Time. [119] The Ancients tell us, they were made to imitate Life, in rolling their Eyes, and in all other Motions. From whence indeed it ſhould ſeem, that the Excellency of Daedalus con⯑ſiſted in what we call Clock-work, or the Management of moving Figures by Springs, rather than in Sculpture or Image⯑ry: And accordingly, the Fable of his fitting Wings to himſelf and his Son, is form'd entirely upon the Founda⯑tion of the former.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 518. Robb'd of the Prize, &c.]’ Thetis to compaſs her Deſign, recounts every thing to the Advantage of her Son; ſhe therefore ſuppreſſes the Epiſode of the Embaſſy, the Prayers that had been made uſe of to move him, and all that the Greeks had ſuffer'd after the Return of the Am⯑baſſadors; and artfully puts together two very diſtant things, as if they had follow'd each other in the ſame Moment. He declin'd, ſays ſhe, to ſuccour the Greeks, but he ſent Patroclus. Now between his refuſing to help the Greeks, and his ſending Patroclus, terrible things had fallen out; but ſhe ſuppreſſes them, for fear of offending Vulcan with the recital of Achilles's inflexible Obduracy, and thereby create in that God an Averſion to her Son. Euſtathius.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 526. Then ſlain by Phoebus (Hector had the Name)’ It is a Paſſage worth taking notice of, that Brutus is ſaid to have conſulted the Sortes Homericae, and to have drawn one of theſe Lines, wherein the Death of Patroclus is aſcribed to Apollo: After which, unthinkingly, he gave the Name of that God for the Word of Battel. This is remarked as an unfortunate Omen by ſome of the Ancients, tho' I forget where I met with it.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 537. The Father of the Fires, &c.]’ The Ancients (ſays Euſtathius) have largely celebrated the philoſophical My⯑ſteries [120] which they imagined to be ſhadowed under theſe Deſcri⯑ptions, eſpecially Damo (ſuppos'd the Daughter of Pythagoras) whoſe Explication is as follows. Thetis, who receives the Arms, means the apt Order and Diſpoſition of all things in the Crea⯑tion. By the Fire and the Wind rais'd by the Bellows, are meant Air and Fire the moſt active of all the Elements. The Emanations of the Fire are thoſe golden Maids, that wait⯑ed on Vulcan. The circular Shield is the World, being of a ſphaerical Figure. The Gold, the Braſs, the Silver, and the Tin are the Elements: Gold is Fire, the firm Braſs is Earth, the Silver is Air, and the ſoft Tin, Water. And thus far (ſay they) Homer ſpeaks a little obſcurely, but afterwards he names 'em expreſſly, [...], to which, for the fourth Element, you muſt add Vulcan, who makes the Shield. The extreme Circle that run round the Shield which he calls ſplendid and threefold, is the Zodiack; three⯑fold for its Breadth, within which all the Planets move; ſplendid, becauſe the Sun paſſes always thro' the midſt of it. The ſilver Handle by which the Shield is faſtened at both Extremities, is the Axis of the World, imagin'd to paſs thro it, and upon which it turns. The five folds are thoſe pa⯑rallel Circles that divide the World, the Polar, the Tro⯑picks, and the Aequator.

Heraclides Ponticus thus purſues the Allegory. Homer (ſays he) makes the working of his Shield, that is the World, to be begun by Night, as indeed all Matter lay undiſtinguiſh'd in an original and univerſal Night; which is called Chaos by the Poets.

To bring the matter of the Shield to Separation and Form, Vulcan preſides over the Work, or as we may ſay, an eſſential Warmth: All things, ſays Heraclitus, being made by the Operation of Fire.

And becauſe the Architect is at this time to give a Form and Ornament to the World he is making, it is not raſhly that he is ſaid to be married to one of the Graces.

[121] Thus in the Beginning of the World, he firſt lays the Earth as the Foundation of a Building, whoſe Vacancies are fill'd up with the Flowings of the Sea. Then he ſpreads out the Sky for a kind of divine Roof over it, and lights the Elements, now ſeparated from their former Confuſion, with the Sun, the Moon,

Where, by the Word crown, which gives the Idea of Round⯑neſs, he again hints at the Figure of the World; and tho' he cou'd not particularly name the Stars like Aratus (who pro⯑feſs'd to write upon them) yet he has not omitted to men⯑tion the principal. From hence he paſſes to repreſent two Allegorical Cities, one of Peace, the other of War; Empe⯑docles ſeems to have taken from Homer his Aſſertion, that all Things had their Original from Strife and Friendſhip.

All theſe Refinements (not to call 'em abſolute Whimſies) I leave juſt as I found 'em, to the Reader's Judgment or Mercy.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 566. Nor bends his blazing Forehead to the Main.]’ The Criticks have made uſe of this Paſſage, to prove that Homer was ignorant of Aſtronomy; ſince he believ'd, that the Bear was the only Conſtellation which never bathed itſelf in the Ocean, that is to ſay that did not ſet, and was al⯑ways viſible; for ſay they, this is common to other Con⯑ſtellations of the Artick Circle, as the leſſer Bear, the Dra⯑gon, the greateſt part of Cepheus, &c. To ſalve Homer, Ari⯑ſtotle anſwers, That he calls it the only one, to ſhew that 'tis the only one of thoſe Conſtellations he had ſpoken of, or that he has put the only, for the principal or the moſt known. Strabo juſtifies this after another manner, in the Beginning of his firſt Book, ‘"Under the Name of the Bear and the Chariot, Homer comprehends all the Artick Circle; for there being ſeveral other Stars in that Circle which never ſet, he could not ſay, that the Bear was the only [122] one which did not bath itſelf in the Ocean; wherefore thoſe are deceived, who accuſe the Poet of Ignorance, as if he knew one Bear only when there are two; for the leſſer was not found out in his Time. The Phoeni⯑cians were the firſt who obſerv'd it and made uſe of it in their Navigation; and the Figure of that Sign paſſed from them to the Greeks: The ſame thing happen'd in regard to the Conſtellation of Berenice's Hair, and that of Ca⯑nopus, which receiv'd thoſe Names very lately; and as Aratus ſays well, there are ſeveral other Stars which have no Names. Crates was then in the wrong to endeavour to correct this Paſſage, in putting [...] for [...], for he tries to avoid that which there is no occaſion to avoid. He⯑raclitus did better, who put the Bear for the Artick Circle as Homer has done. The Bear (ſays he) is the Limit of the riſing and ſetting of the Stars."’ Now it is the Artic Circle, and not the Bear which is that Limit. ‘"'Tis therefore evident, that by the Word Bear, which he calls the Wag⯑gon, and which he ſays obſerves Orion, he underſtands the Artick Circle; that by the Ocean he means the Horizon where the Stars riſe and ſet; and by thoſe Words, which turns in the ſame place, and doth not bath itſelf in the Ocean, he ſhews that the Artick Circle is the moſt Northern Part of the Horizon, &c.’ Dacier on Ariſt.

Monſ. Teraſſon combates this Paſſage with great Warmth. But it will be a ſufficient Vindication of our Author to ſay, that ſome other Conſtellations, which are likewiſe perpetually above the Horizon in the Latitude where Homer writ, were not at that time diſcovered; and that whether Homer knew that the Bear's not ſetting was occaſion'd by the Latitude, and that in a ſmaller Latitude it would ſet, is of no con⯑ſequence; for if he had known it, it was ſtill more poeti⯑cal not to take notice of it.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 467. Two Cities, &c.]’ In one of theſe Cities are repreſented all the Advantages of Peace: And it was im⯑poſſible [123] to have choſen two better Emblems of Peace, than Marriages and Juſtice. 'Tis ſaid this City was Athens, for Marriages were firſt inſtituted there by Cecrops; and Judgment upon Murder was firſt founded there. The ancient State of Attica ſeems repreſented in the neighbouring Fields, where the Ploughers and Reapers are at work, and a King is overlooking them; for Triptolemus who reigned there, was the firſt who ſowed Corn: This was the Imagination of Agallias Cercyreus, as we find him cited by Euſtathius.

XL.

‘VERSE 579. The Fine diſcharg'd.]’ Murder was not al⯑ways puniſh'd with Death, or ſo much as Baniſhment; but when ſome Fine was paid, the Criminal was ſuffer'd to remain in the City. So Iliad 9.

XLI.

‘VERSE 590. The Prize of him who beſt adjudg'd the Right.]’ Euſtathius informs us, that it was anciently the Cuſtom to have a Reward given to that Judge who pronounced the beſt Sentence. M. Dacier oppoſes this Authority, and will have it, that this Reward was given to the Perſon who upon the Deciſion of the Suit appear'd to have the juſteſt Cauſe. The Difference between theſe two Cuſtoms, in the Reaſon of the thing, is very great: For the one muſt have been an En⯑couragement to Juſtice, the other a Provocation to Diſſen⯑ſion. [124] It were to be wanting in a due Reverence to the Wiſ⯑dom of the Ancients, and of Homer in particular, not to chuſe the former Senſe: And I have the Honour to be con⯑firmed in this Opinion, by the ableſt Judge, as well as the beſt Practiſer, of Equity, my Lord Harcourt, at whoſe Seat I tranſlated this Book.

XLII.

‘VERSE 591. Another Part (a Proſpect diff'rent far, &c.]’ The ſame Agallias, cited above, would have this City in War to be meant of Eleuſina, but upon very ſlight Reaſons. What is wonderful is, that all the Accidents and Events of War are ſet before our Eyes in this ſhort Compaſs. The ſeveral Scenes are excellently diſpos'd to repreſent the whole Affair. Here is in the ſpace of thirty Lines a Siege, a Sally, an Am⯑buſh, the Surprize of a Convoy, and a Battel; with ſcarce a ſingle Circumſtance proper to any of theſe, omitted.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 627. A Field deep-furrow'd, &c.]’ Here begin the Deſcriptions of rural Life, in which Homer appears as great a Maſter as in the great and terrible Parts of Poetry. One wou'd think, he did this on purpoſe to rival his Con⯑temporary Heſiod, on thoſe very Subjects to which his Ge⯑nius was particularly bent. Upon this Occaſion, I muſt take notice of that Greek Poem, which is commonly aſcri⯑bed to Heſiod under the Title of [...]. Some of the Ancients mention ſuch a Work as Heſiod's, but that amounts to no Proof that this is the ſame: Which indeed is not an expreſs Poem upon the Shield of Hercules, but Fragment of the Story of that Hero. What regards the Shield is a manifeſt Copy from this of Achilles; and con⯑ſequently it is not of Heſiod. For if he was not more Ancient, he was at leaſt Contemporary with Homer: And neither of them could be ſuppoſed to borrow ſo ſhameleſly from the other, not only the Plan of entire Deſcriptions, (as [125] thoſe of the Marriage, the Harveſt, the Vineyard, the Ocean round the Margin, &c.) but alſo whole Verſes together: Thoſe of the Parca in the Battel, are repeated Word for Word,

And indeed half the Poem is but a ſort of Cento compos'd out of Homer's Verſes. The Reader needs only caſt an Eye on theſe two Deſcriptions, to ſee the vaſt Difference of the Original and the Copy; and I dare ſay he will rea⯑dily agree with the Sentiment of Monſieur Dacier, in ap⯑plying to them that famous Verſe of Sannazarius,

XLIV.

VERSE id.] I ought not to forget the many apparent Alluſions to the Deſcriptions on this Shield, which are to be found in thoſe Pictures of Peace and War, the City and Countrey, in the eleventh Book of Milton: Who was doubt⯑leſs fond of any Occaſion to ſhew, how much he was charm'd with the Beauty of all theſe lively Images. He makes his Angel paint thoſe Objects which he ſhews to Adam, in the Colours, and almoſt the very Strokes of Homer. Such is that Paſſage of the Harveſt-field,

That of the Marriages,

[126] But more particularly, the following Lines are in a manner a Tranſlation of our Author.

XLV.

‘VERSE 645. The ruſtic Monarch of the Field.]’ Dacier takes this to be a piece of Ground given to a Hero in reward of his Services. It was in no reſpect unworthy ſuch a Perſon, in thoſe Days, to ſee his Harveſt got in, and to overlook his Reapers: It is very conformable to the Manners of the ancient Patriarchs, ſuch as they are de⯑ſcrib'd to us in the Holy Scriptures.

XLVI.

‘VERLE 662. The Fate of Linus.]’ There are two Interpre⯑tations of this Verſe in the Original: That which I have choſen is confirm'd by the Teſtimony of Herodotus lib. 2. and [127] Pauſanias, Boeoticis. Linus was the moſt ancient Name in Poetry, the firſt upon Record who invented Verſe and Mea⯑ſure among the Grecians: He paſt for the Son of Apollo or Mercury, and was Praeceptor to Hercules, Thamyris, and Or⯑pheus. There was a ſolemn Cuſtom among the Greeks of bewailing annually the Death of their firſt Poet: Pau⯑ſanias informs us, that before the yearly Sacrifice to the Muſes on Mount Helicon, the Obſequies of Linus were per⯑form'd, who had a Statue and Altar erected to him, in that Place. Homer alludes to that Cuſtom in this Paſſage, and was doubtleſs fond of paying this Reſpect to the old Father of Poetry. Virgil has done the ſame in that Fine Celebra⯑tion of him, Eclog. 6.

And again in the fourth Eclog.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 681. A figur'd Dance.]’ There were two ſorts of Dances, the Pyrrhick, and the common Dance: Homer has joyn'd both in this Deſcription. We ſee the Pyrrhick, or Military, is perform'd by the Youths who have Swords on, the other by the Virgins crown'd with Garlands.

Here the ancient Scholiaſts ſay, that whereas before it was the Cuſtom for Men and Women to dance ſeparately, the contrary Practice was afterwards brought in, by ſeven Youths, and as many Virgins, who were ſav'd by Theſeus from the Labyrinth; and that this Dance was taught them by Daedalus: [128] To which Homer here alludes. See Dion. Halic. Hiſt. l. 7. c. 68.

It is worth obſerving that the Grecian Dance is ſtill perform'd in this manner in the Oriental Nations: The Youths and Maids dance in a Ring, beginning ſlowly; by Degrees the Mu⯑ſick plays a quicker time, till at laſt they dance with the ut⯑moſt Swiftneſs: And towards the Concluſion, they ſing (as it is ſaid here) in a general Chorus.

I.

‘VERSE 13. BEhold what Arms, &c.]’ 'Tis not Poetry only which has had this Idea, of giving divine Ams to a Hero; we have a very remarkable Example of it in our holy Books. In the ſecond of Maccabees, chap. 16. Judas ſees in a Dream the Prophet Jeremiah bringing to him a Sword as from God: Tho' this was only a Dream, or a Viſion, yet ſtill it is the ſame Idea. This Example is like⯑wiſe ſo much the more worthy of Obſervation, as it is much later than the Age of Homer; and as thereby it is ſeen, that the ſame way of Thinking continued a long time amongſt the Oriental Nations. Dacier.

II.

‘VERSE 30. Shall Flies and Worms obſcene pollute the Dead?]’ The Care which Achilles takes in this place to drive away the Flies from the dead Body of Patroclus, ſeems to us a mean Employment, and a Care unworthy of a Hero. But that Office was regarded by Homer, and by all the Greeks of his time, as a pious Duty conſecrated by Cuſtom and Religion; which obliged the Kindred and Friends of the [180] Deceas'd to watch his Corps, and prevent any Corruption before the ſolemn Day of his Funerals. It is plain this De⯑voir was thought an indiſpenſable one, ſince Achilles could not diſcharge himſelf of it but by impoſing it upon his Mo⯑ther. It is alſo clear, that in thoſe times the Preſervation of a dead Body was accounted a very important Matter, ſince the Goddeſſes themſelves, nay the moſt delicate of the God⯑deſſes, made it the Subject of their utmoſt Attention. As Thetis preſerves the Body of Patroclus, and chaſes from it thoſe In⯑ſects that breed in the Wounds and cauſe Putrefaction, ſo Venus is employ'd Day and Night about that of Hector, in driving away the Dogs to which Achilles had expos'd it. Apollo, on his part, covers it with a thick Cloud, and pre⯑ſerves its Freſhneſs amidſt the greateſt Heats of the Sun: And this Care of the Deities over the Dead was look'd upon by Men as a Fruit of their Piety.

There is an excellent Remark upon this Paſſage in Boſſu's admirable Treatiſe of the Epic Poem, lib. 3. c. 10. ‘"To ſpeak (ſays this Author) of the Arts and Sciences as a Poet ought, we ſhould veil them under Names and Actions of Perſons fictitious and allegorical. Homer will not plainly ſay that Salt has the Virtue to preſerve dead Bodies, and prevent the Flies from engendering Worms in them; he will not ſay, that the Sea preſented Achilles a Remedy to pre⯑ſerve Patroclus from Putrefaction; but he will make the Sea a Goddeſs, and tell us, that Thetis to comfort Achil⯑les, engaged to perfume the Body with an Ambroſia which ſhou'd keep it a whole Year from Corruption: It is thus Homer teaches the Poets to ſpeak of Arts and Scien⯑ces. This Example ſhews the Nature of the things, that Flies cauſe Putrefaction, that Salt preſerves Bodies from it; but all this is told us poetically, the whole is reduced into Action, the Sea is made a Perſon who ſpeaks and acts, and this Proſopopoeia is accompanied with Paſſion, Tenderneſs and Affection; in a word, there is nothing which is not (according to Ariſtotle's Precept) endued with Manners.’

III.

Achilles wiſhes Briſeis had died before ſhe had occaſion'd ſo great Calamities to his Countreymen: I will not ſay, to ex⯑cuſe him, that his Virtue here overpowers his Love, but that the Wiſh is not ſo very barbarous as it may ſeem by the Phraſe to a modern Reader. It is not, that Diana had actually kill'd her, as by a particular Stroke or Judgment from Heaven; it means no more than a natural Death, as appears from this Paſſage in Odyſſ. 15.

And he does not wiſh her Death now, after ſhe had been his Mi⯑ſtreſs, but only that ſhe had died, before he knew, or lov'd her.

IV.

‘VERSE 93. She, Jove's dread daughter.]’ This Speech of Agamemnon, conſiſting of little elſe than the long Story of Jupiter's caſting Diſcord out of Heaven, ſeems odd enough at firſt ſight; and does not indeed anſwer what I believe eve⯑ry Reader expects, at the Conference of theſe two Princes. Without excuſing it from the Juſtneſs, and proper Application of the Allegory in the preſent Caſe, I think it a piece of Ar⯑tifice, very agreeable to the Character of Agamemnon, which is a Mixture of Haughtineſs and Cunning! He cannot prevail with himſelf any way to leſſen the Dignity of the royal Cha⯑racter, of which he every where appears jealous: Something he is oblig'd to ſay in publick, and not brooking directly to own himſelf in the wrong, he ſlurs it over with this Tale. With what Statelineſs is it that he yields? ‘"I was miſled [182] (ſays he) but I was miſled like Jupiter. We inveſt you with our Powers, take our Troops and our Treaſures: Our royal Promiſe ſhall be fulfill'd, but be you pacified."’

V.

It appears from hence, that the Ancients own'd a Daemon, created by God himſelf, and totally taken up in doing Miſchief.

This Fiction is very remarkable, in as much as it proves that the Pagans knew that a Daemon of Diſcord and Male⯑diction was in Heaven, and afterwards precipitated to Earth, which perfectly agrees with holy Hiſtory. St. Juſtin will have it, that Homer attain'd to the Knowledge thereof in Egypt, and that he had ev'n read what Iſaiah writes, chap. 14. How art thou fal'n from Heaven, O Lucifer, Son of the Morning, how art thou cut down to the Ground which didſt weaken the Nations? But our Poet could not have ſeen the Prophecy of Iſaiah, becauſe he liv'd 100, or 150 Years before that Pro⯑phet; and this Anteriority of Time makes this Paſſage the more obſervable. Homer therein bears authentick Witneſs to the Truth of the Story, of an Angel thrown from Hea⯑ven, and gives this Teſtimony above an 100 Years before one of the greateſt Prophets ſpoke of it Dacier.

VI.

‘VERSE 145. To keep or ſend the Preſents, be thy Care.]’ Achilles neither refuſes nor demands Agamemnon's Preſents: The firſt would be too contemptuous, and the other would look too ſelfiſh. It wou'd ſeem as if Achilles fought only for Pay like a Mercenary, which wou'd be utterly unbecoming a Hero, and diſhonourable to that Character: Homer is won⯑derful as to the Manners. Spond. Dac.

VII.

‘VERSE 197. The ſtern Aeacides replies.]’ The Greek Verſe is

Which is repeated very frequently throughout the Iliad. It is a very juſt Remark of a French Critick, that what makes it ſo much taken notice of, is the rumbling Sound and Length of the Word [...]: This is ſo true, that if in a Poem or Romance of the ſame Length as the Iliad, we ſhould re⯑peat The Hero anſwer'd, full as often, we ſhould never be ſen⯑ſible of that Repetition. And if we are not ſhock'd at the like Frequency of thoſe Expreſſions in the Aeneid, ſic ore re⯑fert, talia voce reſert, talia dicta dabat, vix ea fatus erat, &c. it is only becauſe the Sound of the Latin Words does not fill the Ear like that of the Greek [...].

The Diſcourſe of the ſame Critick upon theſe ſort of Re⯑petitions in general, deſerves to be tranſcribed. That uſeleſs Nicety (ſays he) of avoiding every Repetition which the Delicacy of later Times has introduced, was not known to the firſt Ages of Antiquity: The Books of Moſes abound with them. Far from condemning their frequent Uſe in the moſt ancient of all the Poets, we ſhould look upon them as the certain Character of the Age in which he liv'd: They ſpoke ſo in his Time, and to have ſpoken otherwiſe had been a Fault. And indeed nothing is in itſelf ſo contrary to the true Sublime, as that painful and frivolous Exactneſs, with which we avoid to make uſe of a proper Word becauſe it was us'd before. It is certain that the Romans were leſs ſcrupulous as to this point: You have often in a ſingle Page of Tully, the ſame Word five or ſix times over. If it were really a Fault, it is not to be conceiv'd how an Author who ſo little wanted Variety of Expreſſions as Homer, could be ſo very negligent herein? On the contrary, he ſeems to have affected to repeat the ſame Things in the ſame Words, on many Occaſions.

[184] It was from two Principles equally true, that among ſeve⯑ral People, and in ſeveral Ages, two Practices entirely diffe⯑rent took their Riſe. Moſes, Homer, and the Writers of the firſt Times, had found that Repetitions of the ſame Words recall'd the Ideas of Things, imprinted them much more ſtrongly, and render'd the Diſcourſe more intelligible. Upon this Principle, the Cuſtom of repeating Words, Phraſes, and even entire Speeches, inſenſibly eſtabliſh'd itſelf both in Proſe and in Poetry, eſpecially in Narrations.

The Writers who ſucceeded them obſerv'd, even from Ho⯑mer himſelf, that the greateſt Beauty of Style conſiſted in Variety. This they made their Principle: They therefore avoided Repetitions of Words, and ſtill more of whole Sen⯑tences; they endeavour'd to vary their Tranſitions; and found out new Turns and Manners of expreſſing the ſame Things.

Either of theſe Practices is good, but the Exceſs of either vicious: We ſhould neither on the one hand, thro' a Love of Simplicity and Clearneſs, continually repeat the ſame Words, Phraſes, or Diſcourſes; nor on the other, for the Pleaſure of Variety, fall into a childiſh Affectation of expreſſing every thing twenty different Ways, tho' it be never ſo natu⯑ral and common.

Nothing ſo much cools the Warmth of a Piece or puts out the Fire of Poetry, as that perpetual Care to vary in⯑ceſſantly even in the ſmalleſt Circumſtances. In this, as in many other Points, Homer has deſpis'd the ungrateful Labour of too ſcrupulous a Nicety. He has done like a great Painter, who does not think himſelf oblig'd to vary all his Pieces to that degree, as not one of 'em ſhall have the leaſt Reſemblance to another: If the principal Figures are entirely different, we eaſily excuſe a Reſemblance in the Landſcapes, the Skies, or the Draperies. Suppoſe a Gallery full of Pictures, each of which repreſents a particular Subject: In one I ſee Achilles in Fury, menacing Agamemnon; in another the ſame Hero with regret delivers up Briſeis to the Heralds; in a third 'tis ſtill Achilles, but Achilles overcome with Grief, and lament⯑ing to his Mother. If the Air, the Geſture, the Counte⯑nance, the Character of Achilles, are the ſame in each of [185] theſe three Pieces; if the Ground of one of theſe be the ſame with that of the others in the Compoſition and general De⯑ſign, whether it be Landſcape, or Architecture; then indeed one ſhould have reaſon to blame the Painter for the Uni⯑formity of his Figures and Grounds. But if there be no Same⯑neſs but in the Folds of a few Draperies, in the Structure of ſome part of a Building, or in the Figure of ſome Tree, Mountain, or Cloud, it is what no one would regard as a Fault. The Application is obvious: Homer repeats, but they are not the great Strokes which he repeats, not thoſe which ſtrike and fix our Attention: They are only the little Parts, the Tranſitions, the general Circumſtances, or familiar Images, which recur naturally, and upon which the Reader but caſts his Eye careleſly: Such as the Deſcriptions of Sacrifices, Re⯑paſts, or Embarquements; ſuch in ſhort, as are in their own Nature much the ſame, which it is ſufficient juſt to ſhew, and which are in a manner incapable of different Orna⯑ments.

VIII.

‘VERSE 159. Strength is deriv'd from Spirits, &c.]’ This Advice of Ulyſſes that the Troops ſhou'd refreſh themſelves with Eating and Drinking, was extremely neceſſary, after a Battel of ſo long Continuance as that of the Day before: And Achilles's Deſire that they ſhou'd charge the Enemy im⯑mediately, without any Reflection on the Neceſſity of that Re⯑freſhment, was alſo highly natural to his violent Character. This forces Ulyſſes to repeat that Advice, and inſiſt upon it ſo much: Which theſe Criticks did not ſee into, who thro' a falſe De⯑licacy are ſhock'd at his inſiſting ſo warmly on Eating and Drinking. Indeed to a common Reader who is more fond of heroick and romantick, than of juſt and natural Images, this at firſt ſight may have an Air of Ridicule; but I'll venture to ſay there is nothing ridiculous in the Thing itſelf, nor mean and low in Homer's manner of expreſſing it: And I believe the ſame of this Tranſlation, tho' I have not ſoften'd or abated of the Idea they are ſo offended with.

IX.

‘VERSE 209. Pale lies my Friend, &c.]’ It is in the Greek, lies extended in my Tent with his Face turned towards the Door, [...], that is to ſay, as the Scholiaſt has explain'd it, having his Feet turned towards the Door. For it was thus the Greeks placed their Dead in the Porches of their Houſes, as likewiſe in Italy,

Thus we are told by Suetonius, of the Body of Auguſtus—Equeſter ordo ſuſcepit, urbique intulit, atque in Veſtibulo do⯑mus collocavit.

X.

‘VERSE 221. Tho' vaſt the Heaps, &c.]’ Ulyſſes's Expreſſion in the Original is very remarkable; he calls [...], Straw or Chaff, ſuch as are kill'd in the Battel; and he calls [...], the Crop, ſuch as make their Eſcape. This is very con⯑formable to the Language of Holy Scripture, wherein thoſe who periſh are called Chaff, and thoſe who are ſaved are call'd Corn. Dacier.

XI.

This is very artful; Ulyſſes, to prevail upon Achilles to let the Troops take Repaſt, and yet in ſome ſort to ſecond his impatience, gives with the ſame Breath Orders for Battel, by commanding the Troops to march, and expect no farther Orders. Thus tho' the Troops go to take Repaſt, it looks as if they do not loſe a moment's time, but are going to put themſelves in Array of Battel. Dacier.

XII.

‘VERSE 280. Rolls the Victim into the Main.]’ For it was not lawful to eat the Fleſh of the Victims, that were ſacri⯑ficed in Confirmation of Oaths; ſuch were Victims of Ma⯑lediction. Euſtathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 281. Hear ye Greeks, &c.]’ Achilles, to let them ſee that he is entirely appeas'd, juſtifies Agamemnon himſelf, and enters into the Reaſons with which that Prince had co⯑lour'd his Fault. But in that Juſtification he perfectly well preſerves his Character, and illuſtrates the Advantage he has over that King who offended him. Dacier.

XIV.

‘VERSE 303, &c. The Lamentation of Briſeis over Patroclus.]’ This Speech (ſays Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus) is not without its Artifice: While Briſeis ſeems only to be deploring Pa⯑troclus, ſhe repreſents to Achilles who ſtands by, the Breach of the Promiſes he had made her, and upbraids him with the Neglect he had been guilty of in reſigning her up to Agamemnon. He adds, that Achilles hereupon acknowledges the Juſtice of her Complaint, and makes anſwer that his Promiſes ſhould be performed: It was a ſlip in that great Critick's Memory, for the Verſe he cites is not in this Part of the Author, [ [...], Part 2.]

XV.

‘VERSE 315. Achilles Care you promis'd, &c.]’ In theſe Days when our Manners are ſo different from thoſe of the Ancients, and we ſee none of thoſe diſmal Cataſtrophes which laid whole Kingdoms waſte and ſubjected Princeſſes [188] and Queens to the Power of the Conqueror; it will perhaps ſeem aſtoniſhing, that a Princeſs of Briſeis's Birth, the very Day that her Father, Brothers, and Husband were kill'd by Achilles, ſhould ſuffer her ſelf to be comforted and even flatter'd with the Hopes of becoming the Spouſe of their Mur⯑derer. But ſuch were the Manners of thoſe Times, as an⯑cient Hiſtory teſtifies: And a Poet repreſents them as they were; But if there was a Neceſſary for juſtifying them, it might be ſaid that Slavery was at that time ſo terrible, that in truth a Princeſs like Briſeis was pardonable, to chuſe rather to be⯑come Achilles's Wife than his Slave. Dacier.

XVI.

‘VERSE 322. Nor mourn'd Patroclus Fortunes but their own.]’ Homer adds this Touch, to heighten the Character of Briſeis, and to ſhew the Difference there was between her and the other Captives. Briſeis, as a well-born Princeſs, really be⯑wail'd Patroclus out of Gratitude; but the others, by pretend⯑ing to bewail him, wept only out of Intereſt. Dacier.

XVII.

‘VERSE 335. Thou too Patroclus, &c.]’ This Lamentation is finely introduced: While the Generals are perſuading him to take ſome Refreſhment, it naturally awakens in his Mind the Remembrance of Patroclus, who had ſo often brought him Food every Morning before they went to Battel: This is very natural, and admirably well conceals the Art of draw⯑ing the Subject of his Diſcourſe from the things that pre⯑ſent themſelves. Spondanus.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 351. I hop'd, Patroclus might ſurvive, &c.]’ Patroclu was young, and Achilles who had but a ſhort time to lives [189] hoped that after his Death his dear Friend wou'd be as a Fa⯑ther to his Son, and put him into the Poſſeſſion of his King⯑dom: Neoptolemus wou'd in Patroclus find Peleus and Achil⯑les; whereas when Patroclus was dead, he muſt be an Orphan indeed. Homer is particularly admirable for the Sentiments, and always follows Nature. Dacier.

XIX.

It is probable the Reader may think the Words, ſhining, ſplendid, and others deriv'd from the Luſtre of Arms, too frequent in theſe Books. My Author is to anſwer for it, but it may be alledg'd in his Excuſe, that when it was the Cuſtom for every Soldier to ſerve in Armour, and when thoſe Arms were of Braſs before the Uſe of Iron became common, theſe Image of Luſtre were leſs avoidable, and more neceſſarily fre⯑quent in Deſcriptions of this nature.

XX.

‘VERSE 398. Achilles arming himſelf, &c.]’ There is a won⯑derful Pomp in this Deſcription of Achilles's arming himſelf; every Reader without being pointed to it, will ſee the extreme Grandeur of all theſe Images; But what is particular, is, in what a noble Scale they riſe one above another, and how the Hero is ſet ſtill in a ſtronger Point of Light than before; till he is at laſt in a manner cover'd over with Glories: He is at firſt likened to the Moonlight, then to the Flames of a Beacon, then to a Comet, and laſtly to the Sun it ſelf.

XXI.

It is remark'd, in excuſe of this extravagant Fiction of a Horſe [190] ſpeaking, that Homer was authorized herein by Fable, Tra⯑dition, and Hiſtory. Livy makes mention of two Oxen that ſpoke on different occaſions, and recites the Speech of one, which was, Roma cave tibi. Pliny tells us, theſe Animals were particularly gifted this way, l. 8. c. 45. Eſt frequens in prodigiis priſcorum, bovem locutum. Beſides Homer had pre⯑par'd us for expecting ſomething miraculous from theſe Horſes of Achilles, by repreſenting them to be immortal. We have ſeen 'em already ſenſible, and weeping at the Death of Pa⯑troclus: And we muſt add to all this, that a Goddeſs is con⯑cern'd in working this Wonder: It is Juno that does it. Op⯑pian alludes to this in a beautiful Paſſage of his firſt Book: Not having the Original by me, I ſhall quote (what I be⯑lieve is no leſs beautiful) Mr. Fenton's Tranſlation of it.

Spondanus and Dacier fail not to bring up Balaam's Aſs on this Occaſion. But methinks the Commentators are at too much pains to diſcharge the Poet from the Imputa⯑tion of extravagant Fiction, by accounting for Wonders of this kind: I am afraid, that next to the Extravagance of in⯑venting them, is that of endeavouring to reconcile ſuch Ficti⯑ons to Probability. Would not one general Anſwer do bet⯑ter, to ſay once for all, that the abovecited Authors liv'd in the Age of Wonders: The Taſte of the World has been ge⯑nerally turn'd to the Miraculous; Wonders were what the People would have, and what not only the Poets, but the Prieſts, gave 'em.

XXII.

The Poet had offended againſt Probability if he had made Juno take away the Voice, for Juno (which ſignifies the Air) is the cauſe of the Voice. Beſides, the Poet was wil⯑ling to intimate that the Privation of the Voice is a thing ſo diſmal and melancholy, that none but the Furies can take upon them ſo cruel an Employment. Euſtathius.

I.

‘VERSE 5. Then Jove to Themis gives Command, &c.]’ The Poet is now to bring his Hero again into Action, and he introduces him with the utmoſt Pomp and Grandeur: The Gods are aſſembled only upon this account, and Jupiter permits ſeveral Deities to join with the Trojans, and hinder Achilles from over-ruling Deſtiny itſelf.

The Circumſtance of ſending Themis to aſſemble the Gods is very beautiful; ſhe is the Goddeſs of Juſtice; the Trojans by the Rape of Helen, and by repeated Perjuries having bro⯑ken her Laws, ſhe is the propereſt Meſſenger to ſummon a Synod to bring them to puniſhment. Euſtathius.

Proclus has given a farther Explanation of this. Themis or Juſtice (ſays he) is made to aſſemble the Gods round Ju⯑piter, becauſe it is from him that all the Powers of Nature take their Virtue, and receive their Orders; and Jupiter ſends them to the Relief of both Parties, to ſhew that no⯑thing [226] falls out but by his Permiſſion, and that neither An⯑gels, nor Men, nor the Elements, act but according to the Pow⯑er which is given them.

II.

‘VERSE 15. All but old Ocean.]’ Euſtathius gives two Reaſons why Oceanus was abſent from this Aſſembly: The one is be⯑cauſe he is fabled to be the Original of all the Gods, and it would have been a peice of Indecency for him to ſee the Deities, who were all his Deſcendents, war upon one another by join⯑ing adverſe Parties: The other Reaſon he draws from the Allegory of Oceanus, which ſignifies the Element of Water, and conſequently the whole Element could not aſcend into the Aether; But whereas Neptune, the Rivers, and the Fountains are ſaid to have been preſent, this is no way im⯑poſſible, if we conſider it in an allegorical Senſe, which im⯑plies, that the Rivers, Seas, and Fountains ſupply the Air with Vapours, and by that means aſcend into the Aether.

III.

Euſtathius informs us, that the Ancients were very much divided upon this Paſſage of Homer. Some have criticiſed it, and others have anſwer'd their Criticiſm; but he reports nothing more than the Objection, without tranſmitting the Anſwer to us. Thoſe who condemned Homer, ſaid Jupiter was for the Trojans; he ſaw the Greeks were the ſtrongeſt, ſo permitted the Gods to declare themſelves and go to the Battel. But therein that God is deceived, and does not gain his Point; for the Gods who favour the Greeks being ſtronger than thoſe who favour the Trojans, the Greeks will ſtill have the ſame Advantage. I do not know what Anſwer the Par⯑tiſans of Homer made, but for my part, I think this Obje⯑ction is more ingenious than ſolid. Jupiter does not pre⯑tend [227] that the Trojans ſhou'd be ſtronger than the Greeks, he has only a mind that the Decree of Deſtiny ſhould be exe⯑cuted. Deſtiny had refuſed to Achilles the Glory of taking Troy, but if Achilles fights ſingly againſt the Trojans, he is capable of forcing Deſtiny; as Homer has already elſewhere ſaid, that there had been brave Men who had done ſo. Whereas if the Gods took part, tho thoſe who followed the Grecians were ſtronger than thoſe who were for the Trojans, the latter wou'd however be ſtrong enough to ſup⯑port Deſtiny, and to hinder Achilles from making himſelf Maſter of Troy: This was Jupiter's ſole View. Thus is this Paſſage far from being blameable, it is on the contrary very beautiful, and infinitely glorious for Achilles. Dacier.

IV.

Monſ. de la Motte criticizes on this Paſſage, as thinking it abſurd and contradictory to Homer's own Syſtem, to imagine, that what Fate had ordained ſhould not come to paſs. Ju⯑piter here ſeems to fear that Troy will be taken this very Day in ſpite of Deſtiny, [...]. M. Boivin anſwers, that the Explication hereof depends wholly upon the Principles of the ancient Pagan Theology and their Doctrine concern⯑ing Fate. It is certain, according to Homer and Virgil, that which Deſtiny had decreed did not conſtantly happen in the preciſe Time mark'd by Deſtiny, the fatal Moment was not to be retarded, but might be haſtened: For example, that of the Death of Dido was advanced by the Blow ſhe gave herſelf; her Hour was not then come.

Every violent Death was accounted [...], that is, before the fated Time, or (which is the ſame thing) againſt the natural Order, turbato mortalitatis ordine, as the Romans ex⯑preſs'd [228] it. And the ſame might be ſaid of any Misfortunes which Men drew upon themſelves by their own ill Conduct. (See the 37^th Note on lib. 16.) In a word, it muſt be al⯑lowed that it was not eaſy, in the Pagan Religion, to form the juſeſ Ideas upon a Doctrine ſo difficult to be clear'd; and upon which it is no great wonder if a Poet ſhould not always be perfectly conſiſtent with himſelf, when it has puzzel'd ſuch a Number of Divines and Philoſophers.

V.

Euſahius has a very curious Remark upon this Diviſion of the Gods in Homer, which M. Dacier has entirely bor⯑rowed (as indeed no Commentator ever borrowed more, or acknowledg'd leſs, than ſhe has every where done from Eu⯑ſtathius.) This Diviſion, ſays he, is not made at random, but founded upon very ſolid Reaſons, drawn from the Nature of thoſe two Nations. He places on the Side of the Greeks all the Gods who preſide over Arts and Sciences, to ſignify how much in that Reſpect the Greeks excell'd all other Nations. Juno, Pallas, Neptune, Mercury and Vulcan are for the Greeks; Juno, not only as the Goddeſs who preſides over Marriage, and who is concern'd to revenge an Injury done to the nuptial Bed, but likewiſe as the Goddeſs who repreſents Monarchical Government, which was better eſta⯑bliſh'd in Greece than any where elſe; Pallas, becauſe being the Goddeſs of War and Wiſdom, ſhe ought to aſſiſt thoſe who are wrong'd; beſides the Greeks underſtood the Art of War better than the Barbarians; Neptune, becauſe he was an Enemy to the Trojans upon account of Laomedon's Perſi⯑diouſneſs, and becauſe moſt of the Greeks being come from the Iſlands or Peninſula's they were in ſome ſort his Subjects; Mercury, becauſe he is a God who preſides over Stratagems of War, and becauſe Troy was taken by that of the wooden Horſe; and laſtly Vulcan, as the declared Enemy of Mars and of all Adulterers, and as the Father of Arts.

VI.

‘VERSE 52. Mars, fiery-helm'd, the Laughter loving Dame.]’ The Reaſons why Mars and Venus engage for the Trojans are very obvious; the Point in hand was to favour Raviſh⯑ers and Debauchees. But the ſame Reaſon, you will ſay, does not ſerve for Apollo, Diana and Latona. It is urg'd that Apollo is for the Trojans, becauſe of the Darts and Ar⯑rows which were the principal Strength of the Barbarians; and Diana, becauſe ſhe preſided over Dancing, and thoſe Barbarians were great Dancers; and Latona, as influenc'd by her Children. Xanthus being a Trojan River is intereſt⯑ed for his Countrey. Euſtathius.

VII.

‘VERSE 75. Above the Sire of Gods, &c.]’ ‘"The Images (ſays Longinus) which Homer gives of the Combate of the Gods, have in 'em ſomething prodigiouſly great and magnificent. We ſee in theſe Verſes, the Earth open'd to its very Center, Hell ready to diſcloſe itſelf, the whole Machine of the World upon the Point to be deſtroyed and overturn'd: To ſhew that in ſuch a Conflict, Hea⯑ven and Hell, all Things mortal and immortal, the whole Creation in ſhort was engag'd in this Battel, and all the Extent of Nature in Danger."’

Madam Dacier rightly obſerves that this Copy is inferior to the Original on this account, that Virgil has made a Com⯑pariſon of that which Homer made an Action. This occa⯑ſions an infinite Difference, which is eaſy to be perceiv'd.

[230] One may compare with this noble Paſſage of Homer, the Battel of the Gods and Giants in Heſiod's Theogony, which is one of the ſublimeſt Parts of that Author; and Milton's Battel of the Angels in the ſixth Book: The Elevation, and Enthuſiaſm of our great Countryman ſeems owing to this Original.

VIII.

‘VERSE 91. Firſt ſilver ſhafted Phoebus took the Plain, &c.]’ With what Art does the Poet engage the Gods in this Con⯑flict! Neptune oppoſes Apollo, which implies that Things moiſt and dry are in continual Diſcord: Pallas fights with Mars, which ſignifies that Raſhneſs and Wiſdom always diſ⯑agree: Juno is againſt Diana, that is, nothing more differs from a Marriage State, than Celibacy: Vulcan engages Xan⯑thus, that is, Fire and Water are in perpetual Variance. Thus we have a fine Allegory conceal'd under the Veil of excellent Poetry, and the Reader receives a double Satiſ⯑faction at the ſame time from beautiful Verſes, and an in⯑ſtructive Moral. Euſtathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 119. Already have I met, &c.]’ Euſtathius remarks that the Poet lets no Opportunity paſs of inſerting into his Poem the Actions that preceded the tenth Year of the War, eſpecially the Actions of Achilles the Hero of it. In this place he brings in Aeneas extolling the Bravery of his Ene⯑my and confeſſing himſelf to have formerly been vanquiſh'd by him: At the ſame time he preſerves a piece of ancient Hiſtory by inſerting into the Poem the Hero's Conqueſt of Pedaſus and Lyrneſſus.

X.

It is remarkable that Aeneas owed his Safety to his Flight from Achilles, but it may ſeem ſtrange that Achilles who was [231] ſo fam'd for his Swiftneſs, ſhould not be able to overtake him, even with Minerva for his Guide. Euſtathius anſwers, that this might proceed from the better Knowledge Aeneas might have of the Ways and Defiles: Achilles being a Stranger, and Aeneas having long kept his Father's Flocks in thoſe Parts.

He farther obſerves, that the Word [...] diſcovers that it was in the Night that Achilles purſu'd Aeneas.

XI.

‘VERSE 174. Advanc'd upon the Field there ſtood a Mound, &c.]’ It may not be unneceſſary to explain this Paſſage to make it un⯑derſtood by the Reader: The Poet is very ſhort in the De⯑ſcription, as ſuppoſing the Fact already known, and haſtens to the Combat between Achilles and Aeneas. This is very judicious in Homer not to dwell on a piece of Hiſtory that had no relation to his Action, when he has rais'd the Rea⯑der's Expectation by ſo pompous an Introduction, and made the Gods themſelves his Spectators.

The Story is as follows. Laomedon having defrauded Neptune of the Reward he promis'd him for the building the Walls of Troy, Neptune ſent a monſtrous Whale, to which Laomedon expoſed his Daughter Heſione: But Hercules having undertaken to deſtroy the Monſter, the Trojans rais'd an Intrenchment to defend Hercules from his Purſuit: This being a remarkable piece of Conduct in the Trojans, it gave occaſion to the Poet to adorn a plain Narration with Ficti⯑on by aſcribing the Work to Pallas the Goddeſs of Wiſdom. Euſtathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 180. Here Neptune, and the Gods, &c.]’ I wonder why Euſtathius and all other Commentators ſhould be ſilent upon this Receſs of the Gods: It ſeems ſtrange at the firſt view, that ſo many Deities, after having enter'd the Scene of Action, ſhou'd perform ſo ſhort a Part, and immediately be⯑come [232] themſelves Spectators? I conceive the reaſon of this Conduct in the Poet to be, that Achilles has been inactive during the greateſt part of the Poem; and as he is the Hero of it, ought to be the chief Character in it: The Poet there⯑fore withdraws the Gods from the Field that Achilles may have the whole Honour of the Day, and not act in ſubor⯑dination to the Deities: Beſides, the Poem now draws to a Concluſion, and it is neceſſary for Homer to enlarge upon the Exploits of Achilles, that he may leave a noble Idea of his Valour upon the Mind of the Reader.

XIII.

‘VERSE 214, &c. The Converſation of Achilles and Aeneas.]’ I ſhall lay before the Reader the Words of Euſtathius in de⯑fence of this Paſſage, which I confeſs ſeems to me to be faulty in the Poet. The Reader (ſays he) would naturally expect ſome great and terrible Atchievements ſhould enſue from Achilles upon his firſt entrance upon Action. The Poet ſeems to prepare us for it, by his magnificent Introduction of him into the Field: But inſtead of a Storm, we have a Calm; he follows the ſame Method in this Book as he did in the third, where when both Armies were ready to en⯑gage in a general Conflict, he ends the Day in a ſingle Com⯑bate between two Heroes: Thus he always agreeably ſur⯑prizes his Readers. Beſides the Admirers of Homer reap a farther Advantage from this Converſation of the Heroes: There is a Chain of ancient Hiſtory as well as a Series of poetical Beauties.

Madam Dacier's Excuſe is very little better: And to ſhew that this is really a Fault in the Poet, I believe I may appeal to the Taſte of every Reader who certainly finds himſelf diſ⯑appointed: Our Expectation is rais'd to ſee Gods and Heroes engage, when ſuddenly it all ſinks into ſuch a Combat in which neither Party receive a Wound; and (what is more ex⯑traordinary) the Gods are made the Spectators of ſo ſmall an Action! What occaſion was there for Thunder, Earthquakes, and deſcending Deities, to introduce a Matter of ſo little Im⯑portance? [233] Neither is it any Excuſe to ſay he has given us a peice of ancient Hiſtory; We expected to read a Poet, not an Hiſtorian. In ſhort, after the greateſt Preparation for Action imaginable, he ſuſpends the whole Narration, and from the Heat of a Poet, cools at once into the Simplicity of an Hiſtorian.

XIV.

Plato and Strabo underſtand this Paſſage as favouring the Opi⯑nion that the Mountainous Parts of the World were firſt in⯑habited, after the univerſal Deluge; and that Mankind by de⯑grees deſcended to dwell in the lower parts of the Hills (which they would have the Word [...] ſignify) and only in greater proceſs of Time ventur'd into the Valleys: Virgil however ſeems to have taken this Word in a Senſe ſomething different where he alludes to this Paſſage. Aen. 3. 109.

XV.

‘VERSE 262. Three thouſand Mares, &c.]’ The Number of the Horſes and Mares of Ericthonius may ſeem incredible, were we not aſſured by Herodotus that there were in the Stud of Cyrus at one time (beſides thoſe for the Service of War) eight hundred Horſes and ſix thouſand ſix hundred Mares. Euſtathius.

XVI.

‘VERSE 264. Boreas, enamour'd, &c.]’ Homer has the Hap⯑pineſs of making the leaſt Circumſtance conſiderable; the Subject grows under his Hands, and the plaineſt Matter ſhines in his Dreſs of Poetry: Another Poet would have ſaid theſe Horſes were as ſwift as the Wind, but Homer tells you that they ſprung from Boreas the God of Wind; and thence drew their Swiftneſs.

XVII.

‘VERSE 270. Theſe lightly ſkimming, as they ſwept the Plain.]’ The Poet illuſtrates the Swiftneſs of theſe Horſes by deſcri⯑bing them as running over the ſtanding Corn, and Surface of Waters, without making any Impreſſion. Virgil has imi⯑tated theſe Lines, and adapts what Homer ſays of theſe Hor⯑ſes to the Swiftneſs of Camilla. Aen. 7. 809

The Reader will eaſily perceive that Virgil's is almoſt a li⯑teral Tranſlation: He has imitated the very run of the Verſes, which flow nimbly away in Dactyls, and as ſwift as the Wind they deſcribe.

I cannot but obſerve one thing in favour of Homer, that there can no greater Commendation be given to him, than by conſidering the Conduct of Virgil: who, tho' undoubt⯑edly the greateſt Poet after him, ſeldom ventures to vary much from his Original in the Paſſages he takes from him, as in a Deſpair of improving, and contented if he can but equal them.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 280. To bear the Cup of Jove.]’ To be a Cup-bearer has in all Ages and Nations been reckon'd an honourable Employment: Sappho mentions it in honour of her Brother Larichus, that he was Cup-bearer to the Nobles of Mitylene: The Son of Menelaus executed the ſame Office, Hebe and Mercury ſerv'd the Gods in the ſame Station.

It was the Cuſtom in the Pagan Worſhip to employ noble Youths to pour the Wine upon the Sacrifice: In this Office Ganymede might probably attend upon the Altar of Jupiter, and from thence was fabled to be his Cup-bearer. Euſtath.

XIX.

‘VERSE 339. But Ocean's God, &c.]’ The Conduct of the Poet in making Aeneas owe his Safety to Neptune in this place is remarkable: Neptune is an Enemy to the Trojans, yet he dares not ſuffer ſo pious a Man to fall, leſt Jupiter ſhould be offended: This ſhews, ſays Euſtathius, that Piety is always under the Protection of God; and that Favours are ſometimes conferred not out of Kindneſs, but to prevent a greater Detriment; thus Neptune preſerves Aeneas, leſt Ju⯑piter ſhould revenge his Death upon the Grecians.

XX.

‘VERSE 345. And can ye ſee this righteous Chief, &c.]’ Tho' Aeneas is repreſented a Man of great Courage, yet his Piety is his moſt ſhining Character: This is the reaſon why he is always the Care of the Gods, and they favour him conſtant⯑ly thro' the whole Poem with their immediate Protection.

'Tis in this Light that Virgil has preſented him to the View of the Reader: His Valour bears but the ſecond Place in the Aeneis. In the Ilias indeed he is drawn in Miniature, and in the Aeneis in full Length; but there are the ſame Features in the Copy, which are in the Original, and he is the ſame Aeneas in Rome as he was in Troy.

XXI.

The Story of Aeneas his founding the Roman Empire gave Virgil the fineſt Occaſion of paying a Complement to Au⯑guſtus, and his Countrymen, who were fond of being thought the Deſcendants of Troy. He has tranſlated theſe two Lines literally, and put them in the nature of a Prophecy; as the Favourers of the Opinion of Aeneas's ſailing into Italy, ima⯑gine Homer's to be.

There has been a very ancient Alteration made (as Strabo obſerves) in theſe two Lines by ſubſtituting [...] in the room of [...]. It is not improbable but Virgil might give occaſion for it, by his cunctis dominabitur oris.

Euſtathius does not entirely diſcountenance this Story: If it be underſtood, ſays he, as a Prophecy, the Poet might take it from the Sibylline Oracles. He farther remarks that the Poet artfully interweaves into his Poem not only the things which happen'd before the Commencement, and in the Pro⯑ſecution of the Trojan War; but other Matters of Importance which happen'd even after that War was brought to a Con⯑cluſion. Thus for inſtance, we have here a peice of Hiſto⯑ry not extant in any other Author, by which we are in⯑form'd that the Houſe of Aeneas ſucceeded to the Crown of Troas, and to the Kingdom of Priam. Euſtathius.

This Paſſage is very conſiderable, for it ruins the famous Chimaera of the Roman Empire, and of the Family of the Caeſars, who both pretended to deduce their Original from Venus by Aeneas, alledging that after the taking of Troy, Aeneas came into Italy, and this Pretenſion is hereby actu⯑ally [237] deſtroy'd. This Teſtimony of Homer ought to be look'd upon as an authentick Act, the Fidelity and Verity whereof cannot be queſtioned. Neptune, as much an Enemy as he is to the Trojans, declares that Aeneas, and after him his Poſterity, ſhall reign over the Trojans. Wou'd Homer have put this Prophecy in Neptune's Mouth, if he had not known that Aeneas did not leave Troy, that he reigned therein, and if he had not ſeen in his Time the Deſcendants of that Prince reign there likewiſe? That Poet wrote 260 Years, or there⯑abouts, after the taking of Troy, and what is very remar⯑kable he wrote in ſome of the Towns of Ionia, that is to ſay, in the Neighbourhood of Phrygia, ſo that the Time and Place give ſuch a Weight to his Depoſition that nothing can invalidate it. All that the Hiſtorians have written concern⯑ing Aeneas's Voyage into Italy, ought to be conſider'd as a Romance, made on purpoſe to deſtroy all hiſtorical Truth, for the moſt ancient is poſterior to Homer by many Ages. Before Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus, ſome Writers being ſen⯑ſible of the Strength of this Paſſage of Homer, undertook to explain it ſo as to reconcile it with this Fable, and they ſaid that Aeneas, after having been in Italy, return'd to Troy, and left his Son Aſcanius there. Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus, little ſatisfy'd with this Solution, which did not ſeem to him to be probable, has taken another Method: He would have it that by theſe Words, ‘"He ſhall reign over the Trojans,’ Homer meant, he ſhall reign over the Trojans whom he ſhall carry with him into Italy. ‘"Is it not poſſible, ſays he, that Aeneas ſhould reign over the Trojans, whom he had taken with him, though ſettled elſewhere?’

That Hiſtorian, who wrote in Rome itſelf, and in the very Reign of Auguſtus, was willing to make his Court to that Prince, by explaining this Paſſage of Homer ſo as to favour the Chimaera he was poſſeſs'd with. And this is a Reproach that may with ſome Juſtice be caſt on him; for Poets may by their Fictions flatter Princes and welcome: Tis their Trade. But for Hiſtorians to corrupt the Gravity and Se⯑verity of Hiſtory, to ſubſtitute Fable in the place of Truth, is what ought not to be pardon'd. Strabo was much more religious, for though he wrote his Books of Geography to⯑wards [238] the Beginning of Tiberius's Reign, yet he had the Cou⯑rage to give a right Explication to this Paſſage of Homer, and to aver, that this Poet ſaid, and meant, that Aeneas re⯑main'd at Troy, that he reign'd therein, Priam's whole Race being extinguiſh'd, and that he left the Kingdom to his Chil⯑dren after him. lib. 13. You may ſee this whole Matter diſcuſs'd in a Letter from the famous M. Bochart to M. de Se⯑grais, who has prefix'd it to his Remarks upon the Tranſla⯑tion of Virgil.

XXII.

‘VERSE 378. Where the ſlow Caucons cloſe the Rear.]’ The Caucones (ſays Euſtathius) were of Paphlagonian Extract: And this Perhaps was the Reaſon why they are not diſtinctly men⯑tion'd in the Catalogue, they being included under the ge⯑neral Name of Paphlagonians: Tho' two Lines are quoted which are ſaid to have been left out by ſome Tranſcriber, and immediately followed this,

Which Verſes are theſe,

Or as others read it, [...].

Or according to others,

But I believe theſe are not Homer's Lines, but the Addition of ſome Tranſcriber, and tis evident by conſulting the Paſ⯑ſage from which they are ſaid to have been curtail'd, that they would be abſurd in that place; for the ſecond Line is actually there already, and as theſe Caucons are ſaid to live upon the Banks of the Parthenius, ſo are the Paphlagoni⯑ans in the above-mention'd Paſſage. It is therefore more probable that the Caucons are included in the Paphlagonians.

XXIII.

In Helice, a Town of Achaia, three quarters of a League from the Gulph of Corinth, Neptune had a magnificent Tem⯑ple where the Ionians offer'd every Year to him a Sacrifice of a Bull; and it was with theſe People an auſpicious Sign, and a certain Mark, that the Sacrifice would be accepted, if the Bull bellow'd as it was led to the Altar. After the Ionic Migration, which happen'd about 140 Years after the taking of Troy, the Ionians of Aſia aſſembled in the Fields of Priene to celebrate the ſame Feſtival in honour of Heli⯑conian Neptune; and as thoſe of Priene valued themſelves upon being originally of Helice, they choſe for the King of the Sacrifice a young Prienian. It is needleſs to diſpute from whence the Poet has taken his Compariſon; for as he liv'd a 100, or 120 Years after the Ionic Migration, it cannot be doubted but he took it in the Aſian Ionia, and at Priene itſelf; where he had doubtleſs often aſſiſted at that Sacrifice, and been Witneſs of the Ceremonies therein obſerved. This Poet always appears ſtrongly addicted to the Cuſtoms of the Ionians, which makes ſome conjecture that he was an Ionian himſelf. Euſtathius. Dacier.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 471. Then fell on Polydore his vengeful Rage.]’ Euripides in his Hecuba has follow'd another Tradition when he makes Polydorus the Son of Priam, and of Hecuba, and makes him ſlain by Polymneſtor King of Thrace, after the ta⯑king of Troy; for according to Homer, he is not the Son of Hecuba, but of Laothoe, as he ſays in the following Book, and is ſlain by Achilles: Virgil too has rather choſen to fol⯑low Euripides than Homer.

XXV.

‘VERSE 489. Full in Achilles dreadful Front he came.]’ The great Judgment of the Poet in keeping the Character of his Hero is in this place very evident: When Achilles was to en⯑gage Aeneas he holds a long Conference with him, and with Patience bears the Reply of Aeneas: Had he purſu'd the ſame Method with Hector, he had departed from his Character. Anger is the prevailing Paſſion in Achilles: He left the Field in a Rage againſt Agamemnon, and enter'd it again to be re⯑veng'd of Hector: The Poet therefore judiciouſly makes him take Fire at the ſight of his Enemy: He deſcribes him as impatient to kill him, he gives him a haughty Challenge, and that Challenge is comprehended in a ſingle Line: His Impatience to be reveng'd, would not ſuffer him to delay it by a Length of Words.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 513. But preſent to his Aid Apollo.]’ It is a com⯑mon Obſervation that a God ſhould never be introduced in⯑to a Poem but where his Preſence is neceſſary. And it may be ask'd why the Life of Hector is of ſuch Importance that Apollo ſhould reſcue him from the Hand of Achilles here, and yet ſuffer him to fall ſo ſoon after? Euſtathius anſwers, that the Poet had not yet ſufficiently exalted the Valour of Achil⯑les, he takes time to enlarge upon his Atchievements, and riſes by degrees in his Character, till he completes both his Courage and Reſentment at one Blow in the Death of Hector. And the Poet, adds he, pays a great Complement to his favourite Countryman, by ſhewing that nothing but the In⯑tervention of a God could have ſav'd Aeneas and Hector from the Hand of Achilles.

XXVII.

I confeſs it is a Satisfaction to me, to obſerve with what Art the Poet pur⯑ſues [241] his Subject: The opening of the Poem profeſſes to treat of the Anger of Achilles; that Anger draws on all the great Events of the Story: And Homer at every Opportunity awa⯑kens the Reader to an Attention to it, by mentioning the Effects of it: So that when we ſee in this place the Hero deaf to Youth, and Compaſſion, it is what we expect: Mercy in him would offend, becauſe it is contrary to his Character. Homer propoſes him not as a Pattern for Imitation; but the Moral of the Poem which he deſign'd the Reader ſhould draw from it, is, that we ſhould avoid Anger, ſince it is ever pernicious in the Event.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 580. The trampling Steers beat out the unnumber'd Grain.]’ In Greece, inſtead of threſhing the Corn as we do, they caus'd it to be trod out by Oxen; this was likewiſe practis'd in Judaea, as is ſeen by the Law of God, who for⯑bad the Jews to muzzle the Ox who trod out the Corn, Non ligabis os bovis terentis in areâ fruges tuas. Deuteron. 25. Dacier.

The ſelf ſame Practice is ſtill preſerved among the Turks and modern Greeks.

XXX.

‘The Similes at the End.]’ It is uſual with our Author to heap his Similes very thick together at the Concluſion of a Book. He has done the ſame in the ſeventeenth: 'Tis the na⯑tural Diſcharge of a vaſt Imagination, heated in its Progreſs, and giving itſelf vent in this Crowd of Images.

I cannot cloſe the Notes upon this Book, without obſer⯑ving the dreadful Idea of Archilles, which the Poet leaves up⯑on the Mind of the Reader. He drives his Chariot over Shields and mangled Heaps of Slain: The Wheels, the Axle-tree, and the Horſes are ſtain'd with Blood, the Hero's Eyes burn with Fury, and his Hands are red with Slaughter. A Painter might form from this Paſſage the Picture of Mars in the Fulneſs of his Terrors, as well as Phidias is ſaid to have drawn from another, that of Jupiter in all his Majeſty.