A CONTINƲATION OF LETTERS Written by a Turkiſh Spy AT PARIS. Giving an impartial Account to the Divan at Conſtantinople of the moſt Remarkable Tranſactions of Europe, and diſcovering ſeveral In⯑trigues and Secrets of the Chriſti⯑an Courts, eſpecially of that of France; continued from the Year 1687, to the Year 1693.
Written originally in Arabick, Tranſlated into Italian, and from thence into Engliſh.
LONDON, Printed for W. Taylor, at the Sign of the Ship in Pater-Noſter-Row, 1718.
THE PREFACE.
[]IT was not ſo much the Succeſs of the former Volumes of theſe Let⯑ters, that has promoted their Con⯑tinuance; but the Excellence of the Subject, the Beauty of the Manner, and the delightful Variety they pre⯑ſent us with, convinc'd me that it was impoſſi⯑ble but they ſhould pleaſe.
If it were poſſible to give the Reader (in the Tranſlation) the ſame Ideas he would conceive, were he to read the Original; could I tranſlate, or indeed could our Language expreſs the Story with the ſame Vivacity, the fame Spirit, and the ſame Energy of Words as the old exquiſitely qualified Arabian delivered it, how much ſupe⯑rior would it be to what it now appears; with what Pleaſure, with what Raptures and Exta⯑fies muſt it be received?
But 'tis not to be done: I may tranſlate the Words, and I have ſome Hopes the Reader will ſuggeſt that I have done my Duty; but to ren⯑der the ſublime Flights of the incomparable [iv] Mohmut, his bright Ideas, his ſurprizing Turns of Wit, and Flights of Fancy; I ſay, to render theſe exactly in our Language, is as difficult as 'tis for a Painter to repreſent the Paſſions, or a Carver to make his Figures ſpeak.
It is obſerv'd by the Curious, that the moſt difficult thing in the Limners Art is, to repre⯑ſent a Perſon ſinging; ſuppoſe it be the Pi⯑cture of a young Lady, the utmoſt he can do is, to ſhew her Countenance bright, the Company liſtening, and appearing pleaſed; but alas to⯑wards the Sound, towards the Charm of her Voice, and the Beauty of her Judgment, he can do no more than paint her with her Mouth open, which is the meaneſt Poſture ſhe can, with Decency, be ſhewn in; and unleſs the other Paſſions diſcover it, ſhe may as well be ſuppoſed to be ſwearing, ſcolding, ſick, or any thing elſe, as well at ſinging.
We can no more repreſent the Eloquence, the Spirit, the ſprightly Turns, and the happy Genius of our accompliſh'd, inimitable Arabi⯑an, by the moſt laboured and ſtudied Tranſla⯑tion into Engliſh, than a Limner can paint the Voice, and give the Muſick of the Song in the Geſtures of the Lady.
But when I have acknowledg'd this, the Reader, I hope, will not find that all the Care has been taken to make old Mahmut ſpeak En⯑gliſh, I ſay, all the Care that conſiſts with one very ſollicitous to pleaſe and oblige, as well as to divert and inſtruct.
Above all, I have followed that ſure Rule in our Tongue, and which, were it obſerved, [v] would, I believe, be acknowledged to be the beſt Rule in all Tongues, (viz) to make the Language plain, artleſs, and honeſt, ſuit⯑able to the Story, and in a Stile eaſie and free, with as few exotick Phraſes and obſolete Words as poſſible, that the meaneſt Reader may meet with no Difficulty in the Reading, and may have no Obſtruction to his ſearching the Hiſtory of things by their being obſcure⯑ly repreſented.
It was objected, I know, to the former Vo⯑lumes of this Work, that the Turk was brought in too much debaſing the Chriſtian Religion, extolling Mahomet, and ſpeaking diſ⯑reſpectfully of Jeſus Chriſt, calling him the Nazaren, and the Son of Mary, and it is certain the Continuation muſt fall into the ſame Method; but either Mahmut muſt be a Turk or no Turk, either he muſt ſpeak his own Language or o⯑ther Peoples Language, and how muſt we repre⯑ſent Words ſpoken by him in the firſt Perſon of invincible Mahmut the Arabian, if we muſt not give his own Language; and how can this Work be a Tranſlation, if we muſt not tranſlate the very Stile of the Original?
Let thoſe who think they have Cauſe for any Obſervations of this Nature obſerve, that all Care poſſible is taken to repreſent ſuch Paſſages in Terms that may give no Offence, and with this Caution to the Reader, that when he reads thoſe Parts, he is deſired to take them as the Words of the Arabian, not the Words of the Tranſlator; and if any thing may be ſaid to be left out of the Original, it can only be ſuch Places where Mahmut may [vi] have taken more Liberties than might be pro⯑per for the Repetition of Chriſtian Readers.
On the other Hand, it will be obſerved, in Defence of the Tranſlation, and of the good Intention of the Tranſlator, that as honeſt Mah⯑mut, upon many Occaſions, ſpeaks very ho⯑nourably, and even reverently of our Saviour, and particularly of the perfect Laws and Rules of Faith and Doctrine, and ſpeaks with Dete⯑ſtation of the Apoſtacy of his Followers, and of the unworthy Behaviour of thoſe who pro⯑feſs to be his Diſciples and Worſhippers; ſo the Tranſlator has not fail'd to take all Occa⯑ſions to do Juſtice to the Original in all thoſe Caſes in particular.
It is true, the Tranſlator has ſome Letters on theſe Subjects which he has not thought fit to make publick, becauſe of the nice Pa⯑lates of a cenſorious Age, who will take all Advantages to inſult the Publication of ſuch a Stile, while yet they concern not themſelves to hear the Deity of our bleſſed Lord inſulted every Day in publick, by thoſe who call them⯑ſelves Believers, and even the Being of a God denied by a much worſe Infidelity than that of a Mahometan.
It is an Obſervation not unworthy the Re⯑mark of our Arabian, and may be very uſeful to thoſe that read him, (viz.) that the practi⯑cal Atheiſm, ſo rife in the World in this Age, is a Sin engroſſed among Chriſtians; that the Mahometans know nothing of it; and that it is not heard of among the Muſſulmans, that any Man ſhould arrive to that Degree of Hardneſs [vii] in Crime, as to deny the Being of a God, whoſe Glory the Light of Nature ſo evidently reveals.
Theſe Letters are not only a Record of Hi⯑ſtory through the Years they refer to, and that not only reſpecting France, but all the Parts of the Chriſtian World; but they are fruitful of improving Obſervations on many Subjects, as well Religious as Moral.
It is true, our Arabian grows ancient, and we find him caſting his Thoughts upon the Pleaſures of their Mahometan Futurity; but as Chriſtians ſhould, when they grow nearer a future State, have their Minds ting'd with the Glories they expect; ſo we find his Underſtand⯑ing ſo far from a Decay by his Years, that he ſpeaks of religious things with ſo much the more Reliſh and Taſte, as if he realliz'd on Earth the Heaven he expected.
He muſt have very few Thoughts about him who cannot ſee that the older our Author grows, the more profitable and inſtructing his Writings will be, and yet we do not find his Fancy ſo confin'd, but that he ranges through all the Regions of Science, ſpeaks of the Po⯑liticks of State, and Progreſs of Armies, with as true Deductions and as clear a Judgment as ever.
If our Correſpondent at Vienna, to whom Mahmut committed his Papers, and to whom they were faithfully delivered by his Succeſ⯑ſor, does not deceive us, we may expect a yet greater Variety, towards the Concluſion of his Reſidence, than has yet ſeen the Light, and [viii] perhaps ſome Remains of things omitted in the Time of former Publication, which, as they come to Hand, ſhall be communicated with the greateſt Exactneſs, whether they may ex⯑actly correſpond with the Chronology of for⯑mer Publications or no; and tho' there may ſeem a little Confuſion in ſuch a Retroſpect, yet I doubt not the Beauty of the Subject ſhall make full Amends for any Diſorder in the Dates.
This has been the Reaſon why, even in this Volume, ſome Letters, eſpecially of ſpecula⯑tive Subjects, may come a little out of the Order of Time, which, I think, is a thing of ſo trifling a Nature, compar'd to the Advan⯑tage of their Publication, that it needs not the leaſt Apology for it.
A TABLE OF THE LETTERS and Matters contain'd in this Volume.
VOL. I.
[]BOOK I.
- LETTER I. MAHMUT, an Arabian at Paris, to Muſa Emo Saban Reis Effendi, or Se⯑cretary of State to the Grand Seignior. page 1
He complains of his having been ſo long exiled from his native Country, and conjures him to procure his Return, and invites him to a Meeting in Paradiſe.
- [] II. To Haſſan Ebio Mirza Zebir, great Mufti, or High-Prieſt of Mahomet. 5
He writes a ſharp Satyr upon the Practice of the Nazarens, in joining Mirth and warlike Mu⯑ſick to their Worſhip, and tells a Story how the French manag'd their Te Deum, joining the Noiſe of Cannon, Drums, and Trumpets, with their Praiſes.
- III. To Cicala Baſſa Beglerbeg of Romania. 12
He gives him an Account of the Revolution in England, and particularly how the Over⯑ſight of the French King was the only Occaſion of the Enterprize of the Prince of Orange ta⯑king Effect.
- IV. To the moſt heavenly Pattern of Wiſdom and Purity Haſſan Mirza Zebir, Prince of the Mufties. 17
He gives him an Account of the ſcandalous Conduct of ſome Popes, and tells him the Story of the Pope who declar'd the Story of Chriſt to be a Fa⯑ble and a Cheat.
- V. To Haſſan Amiel Zucharava, Aga of the Jani⯑zaries. 22
He gives him a State of the approaching Confedera⯑cy, and a Character of the King of France, of his formidable Power, and of his Generals and Officers.
- VI. To Morat Abdimelcher, Kadeleskar of Nato⯑lia. 27
He relates the Cruelty of the French in the Deſola⯑tions of the Palatinate, and the Abſurdity of deſtroying Mankind, and then giving God Thanks for it.
- VII. To the Kaimacham. 31
He relates the Beginning of the War between the King of France and the Confederates, and gives a farther Account of the Ravages of the French in the Palatinate.
- [] VIII. To Morat Abdiel Elzagrad, Keeper of the Tomb of Mahomet. 33
He gives an Account of the Impoſture or Abſurdity of the Papiſts in preſerving Reliques; how they are impoſed upon by it; and tells a Story of the Merchant of Rochel, who ſold a Piece of an old Skull, taken up in a Church-Yard, as a Relick of St. Thomas, for 20000 Crowns, to the Biſhop of Marſeilles.
- IX. To Imanzani Mehemet, Kadilesker of Rome⯑lia. 37
He treats of the Abuſes of the Papal Chair; of the Oppoſition made to Popery by the Hugonots; of the Pope being Antichriſt, and tells him the Story of the Impoſtor Pope Joan.
- X. To the venerable, ſage Guide of Wiſdom, Prince of the Law of Mahomet, and High-Prieſt of the Muſſulmans. 42
He ſends him an Account of the Death of Pope Inno⯑cent XI. who the Hugonots call the Proteſtant Pope.
- XI. To the illuſtrious Leader of the Armies of the invincible Emperor of the Faithful, Mehemet Orchanes Ogli, Vizier Azem. 45
He congratulates the Muſſulmans Empire, upon the exalting a Man of ſuch Merit and Experience to the high Office of Grand Vizier. He gives him alſo an Account of the mighty Preparations for War in France, both by Sea and Land.
- XII. To the Aga of the Janizaries. 48
He compliments him upon the Victory obtained by him over the Chriſtians at the Battle of Niſſa, and ſends him one of the Accounts of that Action, as it was publiſhed in France.
- XIII. To the moſt perfect in Wiſdom and Virtue, the upright Inſtructor among the Faithful, Vahimi Effendi, Publiſher of Truth, and Teacher of wiſe Sayings in the Pre⯑ſence of the Grand Seignier. 52
[] He jeſts with the popiſh Celebration of Days, particu⯑larly that of the Nativity of Chriſt, while they cannot agree upon the Time; and that of Good Friday, while they know not whether it be a Feaſt or a Faſt.
- XIV. To Simeon Ben. Habbakkuk, a Jew at Salo⯑nicka. 57
He tells him a Story of an Abbot in France, who wrote 17 Volumes in Folio, being a Collection of ſacred Relicks, and how Cardinal Mazarine, knowing the Cheat of thoſe things, ſuppreſs'd the Books: He makes a Parable from the ridiculous Labours of the ſaid Abbot to the thirty Years fruitleſs Labour Simeon had ſpent to reſtore the Authority of the Oral Law, and of the Jewiſh Miſna, Talmud, &c. and exhorts him to give it over.
- XV. To the Kaimacham. 63
He gives him an Account of the abdicated King of England taking Sanctuary in France, and how the King of France eſpouſes his Quarrel a⯑gainſt all Europe.
- XVI. To Mahumed Naſſuff, formerly Baſſa of Caramania, Reis Effendi, or chief Secretary of State. 67
He gives him an Account of the mighty Efforts of the King of France, both by Sea and Land; how he bears up againſt the whole Nazaren World; of the Defeat of the Confederate Fleet, in the Sea-Fight at Beachy-Head; alſo an Account of the Battle of the Boyn in Ireland.
- XVII. To Amurath Puelogli, Chaious Baſſa his Bro⯑thers Son, newly advanced to that Office. 71
He blames him for forſaking his Studies for a Ser⯑vile-Place at Court.
- XVIII. To the perfect Judge, Mirror of Up⯑rightneſs, and Diſtributer of Juſtice to the [] Faithful, Morat Ebbuchebb, Kadelesker of Sa⯑lonicha and the Iſles. 74
He complains of the Muſſulmans being ſecretly ad⯑dicted to Wine, and adjures him to put the Laws in Execution ſtrictly againſt it.
- XIX. To the Kaimacham. 77
He gives him an Account how eaſily the French Gens d'Arms defeat the German Horſe, and wonders they ſhould be ſo terrible to the Spahis; he tells them the Advantage which the French found in mounting their Troops with large heavy Horſes, and moves them to have the Ottoman Cavalry ſo mounted.
- XX. To Kara Hamaizath. Ungwair, a Searcher of ancient Knowledge, a learned aged Emir at Tacſebbaſſara in Arabia. 81
He diſcourſes of the Learning of the ancient Arabi⯑ans, the Teſtimony of the Jews and of other Nations to it, and proves that Job and his three Friends were of Arabia.
- XXI. To Draout Zemaoglan, his near Kinſman, under Clerk, or Deputy to the Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State. 86
He complains, that tho' he is in the very Secreta⯑ry's Office, he ſends him no News; but he is faign to learn the Affairs of the Grand Seignior, and the great Actions in the War, from the French and Dutch Gazettes; he upbraids him with unnatural forgetting him, who is his neareſt Parent, being his Father's Brother, and expatiates on the Principle of Sympathy, and a Converſe of Souls.
- XXII. To the Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State. 90
He rejoices to hear of the Victories which the Muſſul⯑mans Army obtains over the Chriſtians, particularly he mentions the taking of Niſſa, the Reduction [] of Servia, and the Defeatof General Heuſter in Tranſylvania, where he was taken Priſoner, &c.
- XXIII. To Solyman Hagzani Oglou, Aga of the Janizaries. 93
He expreſſes his Joy and Acknowledgment for ha⯑ving received Orders and a Sum of Money from him by the Grand Seignior's Command.
- XXIV. To Morat Abdomazar Ephieſmar Oglou, a Student in the Law of Mahomet. 97
He exclaims againſt the Chriſtians for being pro⯑feſs'd Atheiſts, and denying openly the very Be⯑ing of a God, and triumphs that this is a Sin unknown among the Followers of Mahomet.
- XXV. To the Prince of the Servants of God, Guide of the Faithful, Mirror of Wiſdom and Council, the venerable Eſad, high in the Favour of the Grand Seignior, and of our great Prophet Mahomet. 101
He gives him an Account of the Baniſhment of the Vaudois, Subjects of the Duke of Savoy. Of their gallant Attempt to return by Force into their own Country, and the Succeſs of it.
BOOK II.
- LETTER I. TO Muſtapha Oſman, a Dervice of A⯑drianople, his Friend. 107
He acknowledges to have received the joyful Tidings that the Grand Seigni⯑or has granted him leave to return home; he diſcourſes to him of the Extreams of Joy on ſuch Occaſions, which he compares to the [] ſubterraneous impriſoned Winds in the Earth, which occaſion Earthquakes, &c.
- II. To Mahomet Terſhekkah, Vizier Azem. 114
He gives him an Account of the Death of the Duke of Lorrain.
- III. To Amurath Zahabbezin, a proſelyted Jew reconciled to the Doctrine of Mahomet. 121
He treats of the Degeneracy of the Jews from their ancient Law, and proves that Degeneracy gave Riſe to the Chriſtian Religion, and alſo to that of Mahomet.
- IV. To Mahomed Elmakem, Student in Hiſtory at Trapezond. 126
He gives him an Account of the Antiquity of the Arabians, their Knowledge in Science, their Fame in the Wars, and their exquiſite Learning.
- V. To the Kadilesker of Natolia. 132
A ſtrange Relation of a Fit of Devotion in the King and whole Court at Verſailles, and of the true Deſign of it.
- VI. To Morat Huſain Abdeilomar, Kaimacham of Conſtantinople 139
Of the Victories of France over the Confederates, particularly at the Battle of Flerus, a Fight at Sea with the Confederate Fleet, and the Battle at Sallufſes in Piemont; in all which the French are victorious.
- VII. To the Kutziler Aga, chief Eunuch, or chief of the Seraglio. 143
How the Victories of the Grand Vizier in Hunga⯑ry ſaved the King of France from utter Ruine; he exhorts the Port to take the Advantage and make Peace with the Emperor, ſeeing they may now make their own Terms.
- VIII. To the Kaimacham. 146
His Opinion of the Prince of Orange, as he calls him, meaning King William III. and an Ac⯑count [] of the great Congreſs at the Hague in Compliment to the Prince, and of the forming the grand Alliance there againſt France.
- IX. To Hoganquin Zemel Atran, a Student of An⯑tiquity at Zaabbachz in Arabia. 152
A Search into Antiquity for the Original of the Heathen Gods.
- X. To the Captain Baſſa. 157
Of the great Victory of the Engliſh and Dutch over the French Fleet, and the Burning their Ships at La Hogue.
- XI. To Amurath Zahabbezim, a proſelyted Jew at Trapezond. 161
He confutes the Doctrines of the Talmudiſts, and other Jews, concerning the Interpretations of the Jewiſh Laws by the Rabbins, and ſhews him, that to introduce a traditional Explanation of Mahomet's Law would be equally ridiculous.
- XII. To the Reis Effendi. 167
Of the Eruption into the Kingdom of France by the Duke of Savoy, and the Diſtractions it put the whole Kingdom into.
- XIII. To M. Ebn Allwazhhair, a learned Man ſtudy⯑ing Aſtronomy at Hadramurt in Arabia. 171
He treats of the Improvements made in Science by the Studies of this Age; of the Difference between the ancient and the modern Philoſophy.
BOOK III.
- LETTER I. TO Iſſuff Oglan, Baſſa, Teacher of the Exerciſes of Arms to the young Janizaries at Conſtantinople. 179
He ſhews him the Neceſſity of exerciſing the Janizaries into the Uſe of the ſame Diſcipline, the ſame way of fighting, and the Uſe of the ſame Arms with the German Soldiers.
- [] II. To Mehemet Aſdan Cupriogli, victorious Con⯑queror of the Nazarens, Reſtorer of Glory to the Faithful, the right Hand of Honour, the Star of Praiſe, mighty Supporter of the tremendous Throne of the invincible Sul⯑tan Achmet, on whoſe Head be eternal Be⯑nediction. 184
Of the French K. inveſting Namure, when he was ſurrounded with Enemies; the Conſternation it put his Enemies into, and an Account of the Siege.
- III. To the Aga of the Janizaries. 189
He treats of the exquiſite Management of the King of France, in ſupporting his Power under the Weight of ſuch powerful Enemies, and exhorts him to exerciſe the common Soldiers of the Muſſulmans Empire to Arms, as the Janizaries are.
- IV. To the Aga of the Janizaries. 193
Of the King of France proclaiming a publick Biram or Faſt, and of the prodigious Succeſs of his Arms which followed it.
- V. To the venerable Mufti, ſage Mirror of ce⯑leſtial Wiſdom, the inlightned Prince of the Oracles of Vertue, Guide of the true Belie⯑vers to the Glories of Paradiſe, and Keeper of the Garden of Pleaſure. 199
He gives him an Account of the miſerable Degene⯑racy of the Chriſtians into Atheiſm and Deiſm, and obſerves that the Muſſulmans are not taint⯑ed with that Crime.
- VI. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Seraskier of the Morea. 204
He gives him an Account of the French taking the Caſtle of Montmelian.
- VII. To Ibrahim Ebn Allhazar Reis Effendi, or Se⯑cretary of State. 209
Of the Perſon appointed to ſucceed him.
- VIII. To the Aga of the Janizaries. 212
Of the Defcat of the Germans on the Rhine by the [] Duke de Lorge, and the taking the Duke of Wirtemberg Priſoner.
- IX. To Zema Ellmahannon, an old Dervice of Damaſcus. 218
He expoſes the Epicurean Philoſophy, and argues ſtrongly the Neceſſity of a firſt Cauſe.
- X. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Se⯑raskier of the Morea. 222
He gives him an Account of the Fortifications of Dunkirk.
- XI. To the Kadileſcher of Romelia. 226
He relates to him the Conſpiracy of Captain Gran⯑val, to aſſaſſinate the King of England; and re⯑proaches the Miniſtry of the King of France, for being concern'd in ſo villainous an Action, which is juſtly abhorr'd by the Muſſulmans, tho' againſt their worſe Enemies.
- XII. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Seraskier of the Morea. 232
He ſends him Plans of the Fortifications of ſeveral of the King of France his Towns.
- XII. To the Kaimacham. 239
An Account of the Siege of Mons in Flanders.
- XIII. To Mahomed Elmaken, Student in Hiſtory at Trapezond. 245
He gives him an Account of the Earthquake at Ja⯑maica, and therewith a Summary of the Hiſtory of Earthquakes in theſe Parts of the World, and the Fable of the Iſland Atlantis, which, he ſays, was ſwallowed up, with 500 Millions of People.
- XIV. To Simeon Ben. Habbakkuk, a Jew at Salonicha. 252
He tells him a Story which happened in the Earth⯑quake at Jamaica, (viz.) how the Jews call'd upon Jeſus to ſave them; he thence takes Occaſion to ſpeak of the Belief or Opinion which the Ma⯑hometans have of Jeſus Chriſt.
BOOK IV.
[]- LETTER I. TO the Selictar-Aga, or chief Sword-Bearer. 257
He tells him a Story of the great Lake at Thoulouſe, into which the Goths threw an immenſe Sum of Money, and wonders the King of France does not order it to be emptied.
- II. To the grand Mufti. 262
He gives a full, but dreadful Account of an Earth⯑quake in Sicily, in which above an Hundred Thouſand People periſhed; and takes Occaſion to mention with Deteſtation the Ingratitude, the Su⯑perſtition of the Roman Clergy at Meſſina, in aſcribing their Deliverance not to God, but to an old Woman, meaning the Virgin Mary, who calls the Woman Mary the Mother of Jeſus.
- III. To Haſſan El Abmenzai, Steward to the Sul⯑tanneſs of Alfaraiza. 266
He gives a philoſophical Account of the Neceſſity there is of having ſome Body to communicate our Joys and Griefs to; he relates his own Exceſs of Joy when he had received the News of his being recalled, and of his Succeſſor being named; from which Joy he fell into the contrary Extreme of Grief and Deſpair, his Succeſſor having died up⯑on the Road at Chaalons.
- IV. To the Mufti. 270
He writes him a Story of Michael de Molinos, the famous Quietiſt, and how he was betray'd to the [] Inquiſition at Rome by his Friend the Cardinal de Eſtrees, at the Inſtigation of the Jeſuits.
- V. To the Grand Vizier. 275
He tells the Story of the Duke of Luxemberg being accuſed of Sorcery and Witchcraft, and afterwards gives a large Account of the great Battle of Lan⯑den, and his Victory over the Confederate Army there, led by the King of England.
- VI. To the Selictar Aga, or chief Sword-Bearer to Sultan Achmet, Lord of the illuſtrious a⯑mong Men, Prince of the Kings of the three Corners of the Earth. 281
He ridicules the Chriſtians Orders of Knighthood, and particularly that of the golden Fleece, which he calls the Order of a dead Sheep.
- VII. To Muſtapha Oſman, a Dervice of Adriano⯑ple, his Friend. 286
He tells him a merry Story of the popiſh Superſtition at Bruſſels, building a Chapple in a Houſe of Office.
- VIII. To Muley Hamet Mahomozzi, an Egyptian at Medina, a Maſter in the Study of Magic, 288
He gives an Account of the famous Clergy-man with the ſhaking Wand, who diſcovered Murthers, Thefts, Adulteries, &c.
- IX. To the Kaimacham. 293
An Account of the Burning the fine Palace of the Elector Palatine at Heidelburgh, and the Diſ⯑grace of the Baron Hiedeſdorf, and Governour of that Caſtle.
- X. To the Captain Baſſa. 297
He gives him an Account of the French falling upon the Engliſh and Dutch Turkey Fleets.
- XI. To the Grand Vizier. 301
A particular Account of the great Victory of the Frenchover the Duke of Savoy at the great Battle of Marſiglia.
A Continuation of LETTERS written by a Spye at Paris.
VOLUME I.
BOOK I.
[1]LETTER I. To Muſa Emo Saban Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State to the Grand Seignior.
THou haſt formerly ſeen and approv'd my Letters to Cicala Baſſa, Beglerbeg of Romania, and commandeſt me to write alſo to thy ſelf; approving, as thou ſayeſt, my way of Inform⯑ing my Friends of the State of Things in this Country. It ſolaces my Soul, in the midſt of my languiſhing Diſtemper, of which I inform'd the Chaimacam, my late Friend, and in which I had felt ſo much pain; I ſay, it ſolaces my Soul to find my performances approved by him, to whom I owe my Commiſſion, and the being remembred, after having been forty and eight Years, as one buried alive, among Infi⯑dels, and Strangers.
[2] But in particular it gives Youth to my Spi⯑rits, and fires my Soul with an inconceivable Joy, that thou giveſt me the promiſe of ſend⯑ing me a Succeſſor in this nice Employment, thereby giving me hopes of being recalled, that I may once more ſee my native Country, in which lie the Bones of my Father and Bre⯑thren, and where I ſhall be able to die, as my Soul deſires, even at the Gates of the thrice happy and bleſſed Mecca; where lie the Re⯑mains of our moſt holy Prophet, ever miracu⯑lous, and performing deeds of aſtoniſhment to the Eyes of all thoſe who are allow'd to look three foot above the Ground on which they ſtand.
I conjure thee, happy Saban, now thou art Exalted to the High Poſt of a publick Mini⯑ſter: I ſay, I conjure thee by the hoary Beard of thy Father and Grandfather; by the Faith of a Muſſulman, and true Believer; by the Fire that deſcended and drank up the River Arath, that our Prophet might go over; by the Moon and thirteen Stars, which gave him light thro' the Deſart of Lybia; by the Blood of ten thouſand Jews and Infidel Chriſtians, Sa⯑crificed at his Interment, and by the Tomb of Mahomet, and all the Emirs and Pilgrims there attending with inceſſant Devotion, that thou forget not thy baniſhed Mahmut, grown old in the Service of the Illuſtrious King of Emperors, and Lord of Nations, and wearing paſt the capacity of performing the Offices requir'd of me; forget me not, I ſay, righteous Muſa, but procure my Releaſe, that [3] I may not die among Dogs, and be blended in Earth with Infidels, and Enemies of Mahomet.
It is time, ſage Counſellor of the Wiſe, it is time, and juſtice requires that a faithful Ser⯑vant, continued 48 Years in the Exile of a Se⯑cret Employ, and having with the utmoſt fi⯑delity diſcharg'd my ſelf, even to the ſatisfa⯑ction or confuſion of thoſe who envied me this Truſt, ſhould at laſt have liberty to come home and die in the Arms of my Friends, and be depoſited in the Duſt with the Faithful.
The Troubles of Life can have no greate Reward, than to end in peace; it is the great Victory over the viciſſitudes of this World, the great Triumph that Wiſe and Good Men hope for, to lie down in the Grave, and be gather'd to the invi ſible Manſions, in a State of Tran⯑quillity, and at the Door of the bleſſed. Where⯑fore do millions travel in Pilgrimage to Mecca, and deſire to have the Felicity to die there, but becauſe they believe they ſhall from thence be immediately tranſported into Paradiſe, in the view of our great and ſublime Mahomet? And what need have I of that difficulty, who am a Native of Arabia, juſtly ſtyl'd the happy; doubly ſo, (viz.) by the Clime, and by the ſacred Treaſure repoſed there: I ſay, who am a Na⯑tive of Arabia, and who, in returning to my own Country, ſhall be happily ſcituated even in ſight of the miraculous Monument of our Prophet, where I deſire to end my Days in a manner ſuitable to one, whoſe Life has been devoted to the Intereſt and Honour of my Country.
[4] Take it then into thy Power, exalted Muſa, and think thy ſelf fortunate, that thou art able to make one Happy Man, and to have one ancient Friend always bleſſing thy Cha⯑rity, and ſending up inceſſant Prayers for thy Health, and be not doubtful of finding a Suc⯑ceſſor equally quallified for this Employment, however nice; and if thou wilt have the Goodneſs to ſend the Perſon hither to me, I will continue with him till I have ſhewn him the way of Converſing with Mankind in this Place; ſo as to make this Jealous Na⯑tion eaſie in his Society, open to his Enqui⯑ries, and not ſuſpicious of his Employment.
Do this, Generous Saban, with a Friendſhip ſuitable to that thou beareſt for me in former Years, when thou and I were Equals and Cam⯑rades in the Oda's of the Tekeh at Trapezond; and let not Fate, which has exalted thee above thy Friend, cauſe thee to forget, that as thou art already full of Years, as I alſo am; ſo it is not many Days but we ſhall be levell'd in the Duſt, and be equal again, till we meet in the Garden, and rejoyce in the Royal Palace of Eden; where not the higheſt in Human Glory, but the moſt perfect in Vertue, ſhall be receiv'd with the greateſt Splendor into the Regions of Eternal Delight.
Paris, 4th of the 1ſt Moon, in the Year 1687.
LETTER II. To Haſſan Ebio Mirza Zebir, Great Muffty, or High-Prieſt of Maho⯑met.
[5]ILLUSTRIOUS, Reverend, Reſplen⯑dent Image of the bleſſed Lawgiver; I kiſs the duſt of thy ſacred Feet, in reverence of that pure and unſpotted Holineſs that ſhines in thy Perſon, and which is truly Hereditary to the Chair of thy Office. I cannot ſit here ſurrounded with the Pageantry of Devotion, and ſee the ridiculous mimicking of theſe Infi⯑dels, in what they call Religion, without ſome Heavenly Meditations, which I offer at thy Feet, in Honour of the more pure Inſtitutions of our Great Prophet.
Theſe Chriſtians here, finding the harſh and uncouth Model of their Religion, conſiſt⯑ing much in Celibacies, reſtraint of Liberty, Monaſtick Severities, &c. which they had drawn their People into the practice of, inſtead of Religion, would not go down with the People, or reliſh well with thoſe who they knew, even from the barrenneſs of the Prin⯑ciple they went upon, could have no true taſt of it as Religious; I ſay, theſe Chriſtians, in order to make amends for their other Foppe⯑ries, are fain to bring as much Mirth as they can into their Worſhip, that the common People may have ſomething in Religion to tickle and pleaſe [6] them; that ſo if they cannot hold them by the ſublime, they may by the ſenſitive part of their Worſhip, as the Enthuſiaſms of certain Hereticks which I remember in Arabia, which were animated by Fumes, and ſmoak of Herbs of an intoxicating quality, uſed on purpoſe by their Dervices, to keep up the deluſions of their Principles.
There is no talking with theſe Men upon theſe Points; for ſhould I but ask one of them to be ingenuous, and confeſs on what occaſion they introduced ſo many antick Ge⯑ſtures, ſuch variety of Pictures, ſuch Adora⯑tions, and above all, ſuch variety of Muſical Inſtruments into their Moſques or Churches; and ask, whether it was not by the mechaniſm of thoſe addenda, to poſſeſs the Minds, and move the Paſſions and Affections of their Pro⯑ſelytes; they would preſently ſtart at me, and cry our, I was a Heretick, and if I liv'd in ſome other parts of the Country, I ſhould be certain⯑ly ſent to the Inquiſition: This is a Deviliſh Ec⯑cleſiaſtick Judicature, where they paſs Sen⯑tence upon thoſe who they think are in the leaſt apt to prye too much into the ſacred Im⯑poſtures of their Religion.
Certainly, venerable Patriarch of the pure and faithful Muſſelmans, theſe Nazareens are the moſt deteſtable of all pretenders to Religion in the World; for at the ſame time that they call themſelves the Diſciples of their Prophet Jeſus, they have brought into their forms of Worſhip, ſo many Innovations, and Traditional Corrup⯑tions, which himſelf never directed, that their Religion has now very little of the firſt Inſti⯑tution in it.
[7] It is without queſtion true, that this Jeſus, who they are denominated from, was a very Holy Perſon, indued with Heavenly Wiſdom; that he wrought innumerable Miracles, and left them pure Doctrines in Writings taken from his Mouth, and dictated to his Fol⯑lowers; and tho' we do not allow him to be any ways like to our moſt divine Mahomet; yet the Alchoran of this their Prophet Jeſus, con⯑tains innumerable and excellent Precepts, which his Diſciples for ſome Ages follow'd with great exactneſs, and ſuffer'd inexpreſſible Torments from the Roman Emperors and Government, in the defence of. But their Succeſſors degenera⯑ting from the purity and the rectitude of Prin⯑ciple, which their ſaid Anceſtors retain'd, have corrupted their Religion to that degree, that it is now one of the greateſt pieces of confuſion and Buffoonry on Earth.
It would have fill'd thee with Indignation, Venerable and Holy Mirza, hadſt thou been here the other day, when theſe Nazareens were paying their publick Thanks to their Prophet Jeſus, who thou knoweſt they pretend to ſay is even equal with God. I went once into one of their Idolatrous Temples, or Moſques, to ſee the Pageantry of their Worſhip; which Curioſity led me to obſerve very particularly, becauſe it was upon an occaſion of Rejoycing, or Thankſgiving, as they call it, for taking of Philipsburg, a City of the Emperor on the Rhine; when I was not only aſtoniſhed at the ridiculous folly of ſuch a polite Nation as this is; but even provok'd with a holy rage, and I curs'd them by Mahomet three times, re⯑ſerving [8] ſerving it farther to thee to confirm the Anathe⯑ma's which they have reaſon to expect and fall under.
Verily it is ſcarce to be imagin'd how they can pretend, if they did believe the ineffable Glory of the Creator of Heaven and Earth, and that their Sacrifices were offered to him, that he would be Captivated by the noiſe of Fiddles and Bag-pipes, the ſhooting of Great Ordnance, the beating of Kettle-Drums, and the Clamour of Trumpets. But thus it was, for their great Rhapſody of Praiſe, which they call Te Deum, is thus managed. Behold juſt before they began their Song in the Moſque, 50 pieces of Canon were fir'd without, as if they intend⯑ed to awaken their Prophet with the noiſe. Im⯑mediately after this, and juſt before the Door of the great Moſque, I was ſurpriz'd with the confuſion of 12 Kettle-Drums, five ſets of Trumpets plac'd at proper Diſtances, and 30 Drummers of the King's Guards of Foot, which for a quarter of an hour complimented their God with Tabor and Pipe.
As ſoon as this was over, an Anthem, ſo they call their Idolatrous Song which they Sing on theſe Occaſions, began within the Moſque, ſung by the Voices of Eunuchs, Boys, and Wo⯑men, taught for thoſe wicked Purpoſes. Their Voices were indeed excellent, and had they been employ'd on Occaſions of Mirth and Delight, not for the debauching the Mind with corrupt Ideas in Religion, the Harmony of them was admirably fine▪ Theſe Singers are placed in Stalls for that purpoſe, in ſeveral gra⯑dations, as their Voices riſe; then followed [9] the Te Deum, which was ſung with the like Voices, but mixt with innumerable ſorts of Inſtruments of Muſick, ſuch as Fiddles, Baſe-Viols, Hautboys, Fifes, Cymballs, Timbrels, Harps, Organs, &c. and continu'd about half an hour, and then went off (as it all begun) with Drums, Trumpets, Kettle-Drums, and 50 pieces of Canon from without.
Tell me, ſage Prophet, who guides the Con⯑ſciences of the faithful in paying their pure and unmix'd Devotions to one undivided Eter⯑nal Being, the Great ALLA, and directs them with ſimple and humble Devotion, to ſend up Prayers five times a Day to his ineffable Throne. Tell me what coherence can this have with the ſacred thing called Religion, or with the nature of Adoration, and giving praiſe? which ought to be perform'd by humble Crea⯑tures, to the Creator of Heaven and Earth, to whom they ſhould rather appear as Penitent Offenders, with Mortifications and Sacrifices of ſorrowful Hearts, trembling even in their Thankſgiving, than with a noiſe of Muſick, and Voices of Triumph, as if they were In⯑viting their great Prophet to a Feſtival, or Maſquerade.
I think often, when I reflect on theſe Infi⯑dels, that they muſt certainly have very groſs Conceptions of God, and may well be ſaid to think of him after the manner of Men; that is, that he acts after the manner of Men; it is not poſſible that they can reverence his Di⯑vine Being in that awful and humble manner as the true Believers, who waſhing their Bo⯑dies from outward defilement, conceive of God [10] with perfect Ideas, covering their Eyes, and retreating with Heavenly Solitude into the inmoſt Soul, to contemplate the Being, who is the Sum and Subſtance of inconceivable Glory.
The moſt which I meet with of Defence for the Barbariſm of this Cuſtom, is drawn by their cunning Dervices from the practice of the Jews, which they ſay was given them by their ancient Law-giver Moſes. But this, were it juſt in it ſelf, is moſt abſurd in theſe Naza⯑reens; becauſe, as they themſelves pretend to be Followers of their Prophet Jeſus, who they ſay is the Meſſiah which Moſes himſelf foretold them was to come, and to put an end to all his Inſtitutions: alſo they do declare that this Jeſus has fulfilled all Moſes's Law, and aboliſh'd all thoſe things which belong'd to that Ceremonious Worſhip, ſetting up a more ſure word of Pro⯑pheſie, or Directions for Worſhip; and alſo that in all this their ſaid Prophet's Directions, which he left behind him, there is not the leaſt Precept, Example or Direction for ſuch monſtrous things as Drums, Trumpets, &c. in Religious Worſhip. But that, on the contrary, he ſcourged all Pageantry which they had ſet up, out of their Great Moſque, or Temple, which was at Jeruſalem, declaring that from that time, the Moſques where God would be Wor⯑ſhipped, ſhould be Houſes of Prayer only.
I ſay, notwithſtanding all this, theſe deſign⯑ing Dervices, and their Pontifical Muffti at Rome, have introduc'd theſe incoherent Inno⯑vations, and ſet their People on work to mock the Immoral God of Nature in ſuch a manner as I have given thee an account of.
[11] With how much purer Devotion do the faith⯑ful Muſſulmen proſtrate their Souls in the humbleſt manner, ſaying Prayers of a ſublime nature to that one great ALLA, the God of the Gods of all Nations; where the religious Ser⯑vants of our Holy Prophers perform the My⯑ſteries of Religion, by thy ſublime Directions; Inſpir'd with theſe, I am preſent by the power of Imagination every day, and pleaſe my Soul in this my ſtate of abſence, with fancying that I ſee thy venerable Perſon performing Divine Offices among the Faithful, who, proſtrate at thy Feet, reverence with thee God, and his great Prophet Mahomet.
Wonder not, Heavenly Saint, if I am ſome⯑times tranſported with theſe Ideas, to a degree that may ſeem Enthuſiaſtick: Be aſſur'd my Dejections bear a proportion, after the fire of my Imagination is abated, and eſpecially when I find my ſelf embarras'd with Infidels, and doom'd here to Buſineſs, and Repentance.
I kiſs thy Feet with the moſt profound Vene⯑ration of an Humble Slave.
Paris, the 8th of the 10th Moon, in the Year of the Nazareens, 1688.
LETTER III. To Cicala Baſſa Beglerbeg of Ro⯑mania.
[12]I Direct theſe Letters to thee, by the Com⯑mand of the late Hali Baſſa Chaimacam, now in Paradiſe, whoſe Bleſſing be upon us:
As thou art by thy Title, Lord of Lords; and by thy Office, the firſt and greateſt Beg⯑lerbeg of the whole Muſſulman Empire, the Right Hand of the Invincible Achmet, our mighty Emperor, and art entruſted by his Command, with the moſt eminent Affairs of his Government, during the abſence of the Vizier Azem, now on his proſperous Expedition to the Eaſt.
I know that thy Martial Genius, as well as thy great Office, preſiding over all the Ottoman Dominions in Europe, enclines thee to receive willingly an Account of the great Tranſacti⯑ons in the Nazareen World; ſo I may call this Part wherein I Sojourn, for the good of thy great Maſter, and the Service of the whole Ottoman Power.
Thou art not ignorant, Wiſe and Valiant Cicala, of the great Overthrow of the mighty Emperor of the Iſlands, call'd here ſlightly the King of England; for know, this haughty Court gives ſlight and mean Titles to all their Neigh⯑bouring Princes; for this King of England is indeed a moſt powerful Prince, and his Empire, tho' not large in extent, yet in Power and Strength is exceeding great; principally found⯑ed [13] in the prodigious Wealth, and the immenſe Riches of his Country, and People. He alſo poſſeſſes beſides the great Iſlands of Britain and Ireland, I ſay he poſſeſſes infinite Tracts of Land, Iſlands and Colonies, in the remoteſt parts of the World.
Hali Baſſa, the late happy Chaimacam of Conſtantinople, thy Friend and mine, Com⯑manded me to write to him the Hiſtory of the Fall of the King of that Country, call'd Eng⯑land; which I did at large, with the Cha⯑racter of his Perſon; for we now ſee him here taking Sanctuary in the Court of the King of France, who is his great Friend and Pro⯑tector. But in Anſwer to this, our Friend Haly ſent me his Commands to inform him how it came to paſs that the King of France, or of the Franks, in whoſe Country I reſide, who thou knoweſt is taken with us for the greateſt King among the Nations of the Meſ⯑ſiah; ſhould at the ſame time that he profeſs'd ſo ſincere Friendſhip for the Engliſh King, ſuf⯑fer that ſo mean and ſo weak a Perſon as the Prince of Orange, and who had no aſſiſtance but that of the Elutch to Support him, ſhould Invade and attack his Friend and Allie the King of England, when he knew at the ſame time that the Subjects of the ſaid Engliſh King were Malecontents, and enclin'd to Revolt; and my Anſwer to theſe things, he has wiſely commanded me to ſend to thee; knowing, it ſeems, or believing by Inſpiration, that the predeſtinated time of his Tranſlation unto Bliſs was approaching.
[14] Know then, Illuſtrious and Valiant Leader of the faithful Hoſt, that true it is that the pre⯑ſent King of France, is the greateſt of all the Kings of the Chriſtian Nations, abounding in Wealth, and immenſe Treaſures, ſurrounded with Numerous and Victorious Armies; and it is no more to be queſtioned but that he is, and alſo then was, a ſincere Friend to the En⯑gliſh King, and would very willingly have prevented the Miſchief which has ſince befallen him; nay, had he not been his Friend, yet Prudence, and Policy of State required that he would by no means have ſuffer'd the ſaid Engliſh King to have been ſo Invaded; ſeeing he knew perfectly well that the Prince of Orange was not only a Warlike Prince in him⯑ſelf, but was alſo a profeſs'd Enemy to the Greatneſs and Ambition of France.
It is alſo true, that this King of France is now, and was at that time, in the very Me⯑ridian of his Glory, cloath'd with innumerable Triumphs and Trophies of Victory, which are the Envy and Grief of all the Nations about him; and that all thoſe Nations would rejoyce to ſee the ſaid Prince of Orange ſtrengthned by the addition of the Engliſh Power, that they might joyn in Confederacy with him, to Bri⯑dle the the Exorbitance of the French Great⯑neſs, which begins to be terrible to Europe.
Yet moſt true it is, that nothing but the in⯑fatuation and unaccountable indolence of this great Monarch has, next to the irreſiſtable De⯑crees of Heaven, brought this great Affair to paſs; and this doubtleſs was the Reaſon why the illuſtrious Chaimacam enjoyn'd me with [15] ſuch earneſtneſs to acquaint him with theſe things; ſince to him, as I doubt not it will to thee, who art as he was, well acquainted with the ſtate of things in theſe parts of the World: It ſeem'd very ſtrange, that the King of France ſhould ſtand ſtill and look on, in a matter which ſo nearly concern'd his Friend and Allie, and in ef⯑fect himſelf, and not prevent a miſchief big with ſuch dangerous Events.
I muſt then acquaint thee, that one falſe ſtep in the King of France, has been the Oc⯑caſion of all this Diſaſter to his Friend the King of England, and without which it had been impoſſible for the Prince of Orange to have brought any of his Deſigns to paſs, (viz.)
At the very juncture of the Preparations of the Dutch, the French King, as if he was Con⯑federate with them, reſolving to puſh at the Emperor of Germany, ſends the Dauphine with a French Army of 60000 Men, quite out of the way to the upper Rhine, and cauſes him to ſit down before Phillipsburg; whereas had he cauſed 50000 Men to have advanc'd to the Maes, and but hover'd over the Dutch Fron⯑tiers, tho' without any attempt, the Dutch could never have parted with their Troops to make the attempt in England.
Theſe Meaſures they are now ſatisfied here were wrong, and the moſt formidable Enemy they have, is by this very ſtep ſtrengthned with the addition of thoſe Kingdoms, which alone are a⯑ble to look the French Armies in the Face. But the Opinion thoſe People have of the invincible Power of their King is ſuch, that they value not the whole World; which Confidence may [16] however be Fatal to them in the End. Indeed his Armies are compos'd of excellent Troops, but then it is to be conſider'd, that they are not all compoſed of his own Subjects; nay, thoſe which are of his own Subjects are not eſteem'd his beſt Troops; but his Armies are compoſed of Germans, Swiſs, Iriſh, Scots, and ſome Engliſh; and whenever a ſtrong Confede⯑racy ſhall ſo attack him, as that he ſhall not be able to make up the Loſs of theſe, with Men of the ſame Nations, they will find the French In⯑fantry inferior to any of the Neighbouring Na⯑tions.
But this muſt be granted, that the Officers of the French Troops are good; and it is to their Conduct, that the Glory of their Mo⯑narch is owing. There is a Saying which is made uſe of, when they talk of the French and Engliſh Nations by way of compariſon, (viz.) that of the French; If the Soldiers will but follow, the Officers will always lead; andthat of the Engliſh, If the Officers will but lead, the Soldiers will always follow; ſo that by the way, an Army of Engliſh Soldiers, led by French Officers, would be invin⯑cible.
How glorious are the Troops of thy Illuſtri⯑ous Emperor, in whoſe Cauſe both Soldiers and Officers, equally emulous of Glory, and of ſerving well the moſt invincible Monarch of the Univerſe, are equally ready both to lead, and to follow, and to fix the glorious Creſcent, the Enſigns of our Great Mahomet, upon the vanquiſh'd Frontiers of the Sultan's Enemies; may thy ways be proſperous, and thy Arms [17] Victorious in the Work of our mighty Maſter, till the Creſcent triumph over the Croſs, and the whole World becomes Tributary to thy Lord and Emperor.
Paris 7th of the 1ſt Moon, 1689.
LETTER IV. To the moſt Heavenly Pattern of Wiſdom and Purity, Haſſan Mirza Zebir, Prince of the Muftys.
IF I were to ſalute thee, Venerable Majeſtick Guide of Truth, and Lover of the Faithful, in the Language of theſe Nazareens, when they addreſs themſelves to the great Mufti of their Religion; I ſhould give thee, and more juſtly by far, the Title of Soveraign Pontiff, with the Addition of your Holineſs; and acknowledge an infallibillty in judging and determining all religious Controverſies, to be inherent to thy Office.
How effectually do all theſe Particulars ſhine in thy Perſon and Character, who art really holy, and ſublimely wiſe, Titles which they preſum⯑ptuouſly aſcribe oftentimes to the Wickedeſt of Men; for thou mayſt know, immortal Zebir, that theſe Soveraign Pontiff's or Mufty's here, who they addreſs by the Stile of his Holineſs, as above, are ſometimes the vileſt Creatures in the Univerſe; nay, they often are moſt wretch⯑edly ſcandalous, drunken, perjur'd, lewd, and; [18] in a Word, turbulent, bloody, and ſuperlative⯑ly wicked: till the People themſelves are a⯑ſhamed of them, and have been oblig'd to de⯑poſe them, either by the Help of the German Emperor, or the French; it would be too long to enter into the Hiſtory of them.
This ſhall be the Glory of our holy Prophet, and ſhall eternize his Name, (viz.) that the great Prince of the Prieſts of Mahomet is a Pattern of juſt Men; inimitable for all the Endowments of the Mind; has a Soul equal to the higheſt Function upon Earth, I mean, the Heavenly Office of expounding infallibly the ſublime Truths of our holy Alcoran; and interpreting, without Appeal, all the Doctrines of Mahomet.
But to give thee a true Idea of the pretended infallible Guide of theſe deluded Nazareens, the Story I am going to tell thee is recorded here even by themſelves, of one of their Popes; being the ſame whoſe ſcandalous Conduct, in the Sale of his imaginary forg'd Pardons and Benedicti⯑ons to the People, was the firſt Occaſion of the Defection which Luther made among them; that famous Dervice, who, as I formerly wrote thee, was the Father of the Separation or Facti⯑on among the Nazareens: This Pope, or great Mufty, gave a living Teſtimony to what we, the true Believers, hold concerning the whole Syſtem of their Religion, (viz.) that it is a Fiction of the Dervices, contriv'd to delude the People; and this horrid Creature was, it ſeems, not able to contain the Truth, tho' it was ſo needful on his Side to be concealed; the Occaſion, it ſeems, was, that ſeeing an immenſe and unexpected Sum of Money returned into his Treaſury at [19] Rome, from his Miſſionary Dervices, who he had ſent Abroad to make Sale of Indulgences, Relicks, and other Frippery of the Vatican; He was ſo ſurprized with the unlook'd for Heap of Gold, that he cries out as in a Rapture,
Heu! quantum profuit hac fabula Chriſti. What prodigious Gain, ſays he, do we make of this Fable of Chriſt.
Immortal Mirza, if the Soveraign Pontiff, the ſupreme Mufty of the Nazareens, has declar'd the whole Syſtem of the Religion of their great Prophet, to be but a religious Cheat, a holy Fable; what need we any further Teſtimony? What greater Witneſs can the true Believers deſire, to confirm them in the Heavenly Way, than the open Confeſſion of the great Papa, or Father of the Chriſtians, who has acknow⯑ledg'd that they are all Deceivers, and that the Story of their great Prophet Jeſus is but a Fable?
Beſides, do they not own that this their great High Prieſt is infallible in all he ſays or does? It is not many Moons ago, ſince at their Annual Tribunal of the holy Inquiſition, ſo they call the moſt Helliſh Conſtitution on Earth, where they held what they call an auto de fe, that is to ſay, a general Audit of the Faith, to give Judgment on thoſe they call Hereticks; they burnt alive without Mercy, two Men, for ſaying their great Mufty was not infallible.
This we juſtly take hold of againſt them, and prove then, from the Mouth of their infallible Oracle, that all the Scheme of their Religion is but a Fable, a Cheat, a Piece of Dervice Craft to get Money; and, in a Word, illuſtrious Mirza, that their ſupreme Mufty or high Prieſt, is but a religious Zavin, or Pick-Pocket.
[20] Heaven doubtleſs has infatuated theſe Infi⯑dels, and given them up to dote on the groſſeſt Abſurdities; other wiſe they could never ſwal⯑low ſuch open and notorious Impoſitions: Con⯑verſing once with a Sect of the Nazarenes here, whom they call Hugonots, one of them 'told me, their great Prophet Jeſus did foretel, that in the laſt Days of the World his Diſciples ſhould do thus, (viz.) That they ſhould be given up to ſtrong Deluſions, and to believe Lies: That he was a Pro⯑phet of God, that thou knoweſt we do believe, though we believe him to be inferior to our moſt holy Prophet Mahomet; But aſſuredly, if he propheſied that his Followers ſhould in the latter Days believe Lies, and be given up to ſtrong Deluſions, there is no Queſtion, but in that he has been a true Prophet.
Theſe Hugonots are by far an honeſter and wiſer Sect of the Nazareens, than thoſe who are called Catholicks, and therefore have been perſecuted, and even extirpated out of the King⯑dom of France; and they do not fail to expoſe daily, when they are in Companies and Soci⯑eties where they can do it freely, the Cheats the Impoſitions, and the Abſurdities of the Ca⯑tholicks: There are divers Sects of theſe Peo⯑ple, who have broken off from the great Mufty, and they are denominated either from the Countries where they live, or the Patrons from whom they derive their Opinions; as Lutherans from Luther, Calviniſts from Calvin, and the like; and though I look upon theſe to be, as above, the better Sort by far, as to their Mora⯑lity, and as to their Principles; yet they differ again one from another, and ſeparate even in [21] Charity and Affection, as much as the Ottomans and Perſians do, about the Succeſſors to our Great Prophet Mahomet; Nay, they have like⯑wiſe proceeded to Perſecution, and even to Blood.
If Love and Unity be the Band of Religion, and the Pledge of a Title to Paradiſe; queſtion⯑leſs the Muſſulmen enjoy the beſt Tokens of the Felicity which we look for in the Garden of God; for no ſuch Diviſions are ſeen among them as reign in theſe Parts of the World, where every Man ſets up a Religion of his own, and walks in the light of his own Viſion; thinking it his Duty to damn all the reſt of Mankind to the Infernal Pit, who are not of his Opinion; and, if I am not wrong, there is a Man among theſe Chriſtians, who has given a Scheme or Plan, which he calls Hereſyography, in which he gives an Account of the Diſſentions of the ſeve⯑ral Sorts of Chriſtians; and, I think, he reck⯑ons up about threeſcore and fourteen Sects, who all call themſelves the Followers of their great Prophet. So uncertain is the Light by which theſe Men are directed, ſo imperfect the Rules and Doctrines which their great Prophet left them, as the fundamental Law of their Obedience; or rather, ſo ill do they obſerve his Rules, and obey his Dictates; for we know that their Meſſiah left them excellent Rules, as the Principles of Life to guide to the Celeſtial Paradiſe; but ſo degenerated are theſe his Followers, that albeit they are called by his Name, yet very little of his firſt Inſtitutes are found in the model of their Religion. Nay, they are daily fighting and ſhedding Blood [22] about the ſingle Queſtion, of what it was their Prophet did command, and what he did not; and who ſhall or ſhall not interpret the Mind and Will of their Prophet.
Bleſſed be the Duſt of thy ſacred Feet, thou Lamp of Truth, and Light of Believers, whoſe Oracle the Faithful believe with Fear. In thy moſt pure Explanations of our holy Law, are no doubtful Reſerves, among thy obedient Hearers, no Schiſms or Separations, but all liſten with Attention to the Law of thy Lips, ſpeaking Words of Heavenly Solace, and guiding to the Myſtical Fields, which ſurround the Gates of Paradiſe: Sublime Mirza! bleſs thy obedient faithful, devout Mahmut, and let Deceivers periſh.
Paris, 5th of the 7th Month, in the year, 1689.
LETTER V. To Haſſan Amiel Zucharava, the Agae of the Janiſaries.
THOU wouldeſt be in thy Element, Great Captain of the innumerable Seminary of the Valiant Soldiers of the Eaſt; thou wouldeſt, I ſay, be in thy Element, if thou wert here juſt now, where nothing is to be heard but the Noiſe of War, and the daily Return of Couriers from the Armies in the Field, bringing Accounts of Victories, taking ſtrong Cities, and poſſeſſing new Conqueſts one in the Neck of another, in ſuch a Manner, that the King of [23] France, who ſeems to be wondrous devout, and is conſtant in cauſing Thanks to be given in the Moſques and Temples of their Prophet Jeſus, for every Advantage he gains, is obliged now to put three or four Conqueſts into one Thankſgiving, and diſcharge his Acknowledg⯑ments by wholeſale; which makes ſome People jeſt with the King, and tell him, that he does by his God as he does by the Peo⯑ple, make them take his Coin at what Price he pleaſes to put upon it.
The Truth is, theſe Nazareens make no Scruple to jeſt with the moſt ſacred Things in their pretended Worſhip, and banter one another about it; which is to me a certain Sign, that whatever ſeeming Formalities they may have in their Religion, they believe little of the Thing themſelves; but rather, have the ſame Opinion of it that we have, (viz) that it is all a holy Cheat, contrived to ſupport the Prieſts who at firſt invented it, and made Uſe of only to get Money.
But to return to the Things which, I ſay, are in thy Element; here thou mighteſt ſee one King preparing, as I may very well ſay, to go to War with all the Kings of the Earth; in a Word, the King of France is already engaged in a War with the ancient Enemy of the Muſſul⯑men, the Emperor of Germany; and has made divers conſiderable Conqueſts on the Frontiers of his Dominions, as I ſhall tell thee preſently; he has, beſides this, attacked the Dominions of the King of Spain, which lie on this Side, and are called the Low Countries. This will unavoid⯑ably end in a War with that King, who is Lord indeed of great Dominions, but has but a weak, proud, and puſillanimous People.
[24] Beſides all this, it is evident that he will bring a War upon himſelf from England and Holland in Conjunction, as he eſpouſes the Intereſt of the King of England, who is fled to him for Aſſiſt⯑ance againſt the Invaſion of the Prince of Orange, of which thou haſt heard ſome Time ago.
This Prince of Orange is a Perſon of ſuch In⯑tereſt and Alliances among the Northern Princes of Germany, that, it is very probable, when France breaks, and declares War on that Side, there will be engaged againſt him, and in behalf of the Prince of Orange, all the Princes of the Houſe of Lunenburgh, of Saxony, and of Branden⯑burgh; and perhaps alſo, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden.
Thou wilt be earneſt after this to enquire what this King of France is, as well in Perſon as in Power; know then, that except the all-pow⯑erful Port, the Center of Glory, ſurrounded with innumerable Millions of Valiant Soldiers, Lord of the inexhauſtible Nurſeries of the Spahis, Janizaries, and Timariots, throughout Aſia, Egypt, and Aethiopia; I ſay, except, or next to this, the King of France is the moſt powerful of all Prin⯑ces. He is in Perſon a moſt glorious Prince, wiſe, politick, enterpriſing, boundleſs in Ambi⯑tion of Glory and Empire, undaunted in his Attempts of the greateſt Kind, and never diſ⯑appointed, or to ſeek in his Meaſures.
He is ſurrounded with three hundred thouſand Veteran Soldiers, led by the moſt experienced Officers in theſe Parts of the World; he is ab⯑ſolute Maſter of his Councils, and perfectly well ſerv'd in all his Commands; to make the leaſt Slip or Miſtake in his Service, is to loſe the Honour of Serving; I'll tell thee a brief Story to confirm this.
[25] An Officer of Note in his Armies the other Day, being Governour of a Frontier Town that was threatned by the Enemy, ſent away his Pack of Hounds, in which it ſeems he took great Delight; and was heard afterwards two or three Times to curſe the War, which was like to deprive him of the Pleaſure of the Hunting Seaſon, which was his darling Sport: The King being informed of it, ſent for him, and told him, ſince he lik'd his Sport ſo much better than his Service, he would oblige him in his own Way; and ſo ſent him into a great Foreſt, where he made him Game-Keeper, with a very ſmall Salary, in a Diſtrict of about 12 Miles extent; and ordered his Hounds to be ſent down after him, commanding him not to ſtir out of his Bounds; which this poor Gentle⯑man has been obliged to ſubmit to; nor have all his Friends, or the Interceſſion of the great Officers of the Army, been able to get him re⯑ſtored, though he has a great Intereſt too.
The King ſhews many Times ſuch Teſtimo⯑nies of his Reſentment upon his Officers, when they do fooliſh Things; but as to misbehaving in Action, it is indeed ſeldom if ever ſeen here▪ it is impoſſible to deſcribe to thee what a gene⯑ral Face of Joy there is here in the Count [...] ⯑nances even of the whole Nation at the Proſpe [...] of the War; as if they were ſure of Conque [...] in every Thing they go about, tho' they are, [...] this Time, going, as it were, to engage with all t [...] World; and be ſurrounded on every Side wit [...] the Points of their Enemies Swords.
It is a ſtrange Thing to ſee the Accounts which come in every Day from the Rhine, the Frontiers of the German Empire, where the French Armies have ranged unreſiſted, both before and ſince the taking of Phillipsburgh: They have ſeve⯑ral [26] Armies on that Side under ſeveral Generals, though the Dauphine, who commanded the Siege, gives Orders to them all as Captain General, and Commander in Chief: The Marquis de Boufflers commands on one Side, the Count de Montall, an old Soldier, on the other, and the Marquis de Uxelles on a third; and they extend themſelves every Way: The firſt of theſe has taken Mayence, Spire, Worms, all Imperial Cities; they have ravaged the whole Palatinate with Fire and Sword, worſe than a Hoord of Tartars do when they make an Inroad into Muſcovy or Poland: They have put Garriſons into Creutz⯑nach, Bacharach, and Heidelburgh; the Dauphin has inveſted Manheim, and the Marquis de Boufflers is gone down the Rhine as far as Coblents: They have levyed Contribution even to the Frontiers of Suabia and Franconia, and raiſed immenſe Sums of Money from the Princes of Wirtem⯑bergh, Baden, Heſſe, and others; and from the Imperial Cities alſo; Franckfort alone has been ob⯑liged to pay them an hundred thouſand Crowns; Wirtembergh, two; and the Circle of Franconia, fix: They have burnt ſix hundred Villages and Towns on both Sides the Rhine, and laid entire⯑ly waſt the moſt fruitful and pleaſant Country of the Palatinate; not ſparing the fine Palaces of the Prince, particularly that in the Caſtle of Heidelburgh, which was the moſt beautiful in all Germany: Nor do they ſpare even the Moſques or Temples of their Worſhip. So that theſe Nazareens are the moſt barbarous of all Nations in the World; for though they all profeſs the ſame Religion, and worſhip the great crucifyed Meſſiah; yet they permit their licentious Troops to deſtroy the Places ſet apart for his Service.
[27] The People here, I confeſs, do not ſeem to approve of this new Way of making War, by burning and deſtroying of Cities and Towns which make no Reſiſtance; but the Court give this Anſwer, that it is neceſſary at this Time, to make the Arms of their King dreadful, and to oblige the neighbouring German Princes to come in and pay the Contributions demanded, which indeed they have done, for Fear of the like Devaſtations; for all this while there has appeared no conſiderable Body of Germans in the Field, able either to attack the French, or to protect their own People.
Doubtleſs, renowned Haſſan, the Effect of all this will be found to the Advantage of the Muſſulmens Arms, and to weaken the Forces of the Infidels of Germany in Hungary, who dare to oppoſe thy Troops; for the inteſtine Broils of theſe Nazareen Nations have always been, and ever will be, the Advancement of the glo⯑rious Enſigns of Mahomet.
May Victory attend thoſe who fight under the Banner of the faithful; whoſe Souls, if they fall in Battle, go immediately triumphing to Paradiſe, the Garden of inexpreſſible Pleaſure.
Paris the 7th Day of the 5th Moon, in the Year, 1689.
LETTER VI. To Morat Abdimelcher, the Kadeleskar of Anatolia.
I Cannot refrain laying at thy ſacred Feet, bleſſed Image of the Soveraign Law-Giver, what I meet with in this Part of the World, ſuited to thy ſublime Station; and in particu⯑lar [28] to that exalted Temper of thy Soul, by which thou frameſt Inſtruction out of the evil Actions of wicked Men, to the Advantage of the Juſt.
Thou art to know then, that the French Na⯑tion, where I live, have, under the Conduct of a moſt furious and victorious Prince, made War for two Years upon the Emperor of the Nazareens, and that with great Succeſs: That in the Proſecution of this War, and in Order, as they ſay here, to intimidate and terrify the Germans, he has cauſed his Troops to make the moſt dreadful Ravages upon the Frontiers, that can be imagin'd: They ſet Fire to the Villages in a moſt fruitful and pleaſant Country, call'd the Palatinate, in five Places at once, (viz) on each Border of that Country, and at one Place in the middle; and ſuffered them to burn every Way, till they all joined in one Flame: It is not poſſible to deſcribe to thee the Deſolation made, the Ruin of innumerable Families, the Deſtruction of flouriſhing Cities, fine Palaces, the Murthers of Men, raviſhing of Women, and all Manner of Deſolations.
But the Reaſon for which I give thee an Account of this Affair in particular, is for what follows; that the King of France, after all theſe Cruelties and Inhumanities committed by his Command, or at leaſt by his Allowance, has ordered a Day to be ſet apart for a Biram, or Feaſt of Thankſgiving, and to give Thanks to God in all the Frontier Towns on that Side of his Conqueſts, for compleating ſo glorious an Expedition; theſe are the very Words of his Orders: The true Senſe ſhould have been, for compleating the Ruin of the moſt flouriſhing Country in that Part of the World, and ſcat⯑tering [29] an hundred thouſand Families of miſera⯑ble Inhabitants to ſeek their Bread; beſides the Murther, Raviſhments, and inimitable Cruelties practiſed by the Soldiers in the Action.
Surely theſe Infidels ought to be eſteemed truly deteſtable, for their Notions of the great ONE GOD, who has created the World, that they can think it acceptable to his divine Puri⯑ty, and to the Perfection of his Being, to deſtroy his Creatures, and depopulate his Creation; or that he can accept Thanks offered up to him for Actions, which, it is moſt certain, his Nature abhors. I remember to have ſeen ſome Lines publiſhed in the Engliſh Tongue, which, it is ſaid, were thrown into a Moſque, in the Ca⯑pital City of the Engliſh Nation, when they were giving Thanks to their Nazareen Prophet, for the Diſcovery of a Plot, for which ſome who had been found guilty of it were executed. The Lines, it was apparent, were made by ſome who were of the other Side, as follows.
They muſt have very groſs Conceptions of God, I ſay, who can preſume to give him Thanks for the Devaſtation and Ruin of their Fellow Creatures, and for the Rapine and De⯑ſtruction which Men, given up to the Fury of their Luſt and Rage, ſhall execute in the World; if the righteous Power of Heaven concerns it ſelf with any of the Actions of theſe Enemies of his Glory, and has not reſolv'd to give them entirely up to the Puniſhments of Hell, he will certainly teſtify his Reſentment, not only for [30] the Crime of Blood and Deſtruction, in the Fact it ſelf, but for that horrid Mockery of his Juſtice, in entitling him by their praiſes to the Rapin which is in their Hands; as if they were doing him an acceptable Service, in ſending thou⯑ſands of Souls into the Regions of Darkneſs, for the Caprice and Ambition of one Man.
But that which is ſtill more particular in this religious Mockery is, that the French have ob⯑liged the very People of the Country it ſelf to joyn in this Ceremony; and have even preſcrib'd to them a Text to preach upon, being ſome Verſe out of their ancient Writings thus, Come, let us root them out, that they be no more a Nation. This is the moſt horrible Impoſition that ever I have met with of its kind; and is indeed ac⯑knowledged by many to be very barbarous, ſeeing theſe Men are all of one Religion, pro⯑feſſing to be all Followers of the Prophet Jeſus the Nazareen, their Meſſiah, and Teacher.
Sage Oracle of Heavenly Knowledge, thou wilt read this Hiſtory of Nazareen Hypocriſy with a juſt Deteſtation of Soul; Mahomet has told us, that God, who is but one God, will puniſh thoſe with Fire who mock his Power, and make a Jeſt of his righteous Government; teaching Cruelty and Injuſtice for Truth, and entituling God, who is gracious and merciful, to Robbery and Raviſhment, Injury and Blood.
Paris, 10th Day of the 5th Moon, in the Year, 1689.
LETTER VII. To the Kaimacham.
[31]FRANCE has now paſs'd the Rubicon, ſhe has declared War againſt Spain, attack'd the Empire of Germany, and made the moſt power⯑ful Prince of the Nazareen's draw off his Troops from Hungary, and bring 127000 Men into the Field againſt this one Aggreſſor; and now, to crown all, She has broken with the Prince of Orange, who is newly become King of England, and with the Dutch, who are his Allies, and in ſhort, with all their Dependencies; So that the King of France is like to have above 400000 Enemies in Arms againſt him, by Sea and Land
As for the Affairs of England, the King of France has furniſhed the old King with Men and Money, and ſent him to Ireland; where he has ſo well ply'd his Time, that he is Maſter of Dublin, the Capital of that Kingdom, and of the whole Iſland, except one little City in the North Part, called London-Derry; and that is beſieged with 20000 Men, and no Army in the Country to relieve it; hence it muſt needs fall into his Hands; ſo that King William, ſo they call the Prince of Orange, has his Hands full for ſome Time on that Side: And we ſee the King of France baffling all the reſt in ſo ſtrange a Man⯑ner, that if they do not concert their Meaſures better, all the mighty Armies they have now ready againſt France, will come to nothing.
For in the very Beginning of this Year, the French proceeding in their uſual Method of ravaging the Country, have actually burnt the Cities of Spire, Oppenheim, Worms, and Frankendale, to Aſhes, beſides other ſmaller [32] Towns on that Side; they ſay here, that the French have been very merciful in the manner of their burning of theſe Cities, (viz.) in that they gave the People Notice ſome Days before to remove; and they pretend now it was great Clemency, that ſeeing the Inhabitants did not flie, as they were ordered to do, they did not turn them alive with their Houſes.
To withſtand theſe Furies, the Emperor has been obliged to recal the Duke of Lorain, and 30000 of the beſt Troops they had in Hungary; ſo that, I make no doubt, but the Grand Viſier will have leiſure this Summer to put the Reſolu⯑tions of the ſublime Council of Wiſdom, the Di⯑van, in Execution; to extend the glorious Enſigns of the Grand Seignior, to the Infamy of the Ene⯑mies of righteous Mahomet, and to retake the Towns which have been loſt the laſt three Years, when the Succeſs of the War, for our Sins, has ſeemed to go againſt us.
Theſe Nazareens, Infidels, Enemies to God and Mahomet, are at this Time, in a Word, all together by the Ears; and now, invincible Man of Valour, is the Time to gird on thy Sword, and to appear to the Confuſion of the Enemies of the Truth: May Victory attend thy already fortunate Troops, for now is the Time to tear up the Infidel Nations and Kingdoms by the Roots.
Yeſterday the King of France publiſhed his Declaration of War againſt the new-crown'd King of England, but in this Declaration he is ſlyled the Uſurper of England; this new inci⯑dent will probably produce great Events, for the Prince of Orange is an implacable Enemy of France, and a Prince of unwearied Applica⯑tion to the War.
Paris, the 9th of the 5th Moon, 1689.
LETTER VIII. To Morat Abdiel Elzagrad, Keeper of the Tomb of Mahomet.
[33]ILluſtrious Guardian of the invaluable Di⯑vine Treaſure, far above earthly Riches, the Relicks and Aſhes of all that was mortal of the immortal Man: Thou who art entruſted to look upon the Walls of that ſacred Repoſi⯑tory, to which devout Pilgrims approach, grovelling in the Duſt, with their Hands over their Eyes, and creeping on their Elbows and Knees, not daring to behold the Place of Sancti⯑ty: How happy art thou above Kings, Empe⯑rors, and the moſt glorious Men on Earth; yet happy only in thy Purity and Humility, which originally advanced thee to the higheſt Pitch of humane Preferment; for how much more glorious is it to thee to keep the venera⯑ble Duſt of holy Men, than to be Treaſurer over all the Riches of the Grand Seignior, or to have an hundred thouſand Millions of Purſes in thy Keeping.
I think much of thy illuſtrious Office, when I ſee here in the Moſques of this ſeemingly devout Infidel, one, called the Keeper of the Relicks; ſurely there is not a greater Impoſture on the Earth, than this of Relicks is among the ſuperſtitious Nazareens; in the Repoſitories of their Churches they have the Bones of any dead Carcaſe ſplit into thouſands of Pieces, and ſet into Rings enchaſed with Gold, ſurrounded with Diamonds; one is called the Piece of the Scull of one Saint, another is called a Splin⯑ter [34] taken out of the Finger of another; when perhaps it is in Reality the Bone of a Dog, or if of a Man or Woman, perhaps it is of ſome infamous Creature broken on the Wheel, or ſome Proſtitute diſſected by the Surgeon.
Theſe are worn about the Necks of Kings, Queens, Princes, Ladies with Child, Virgins, &c. to preſerve them from the Devil, from frightful Dreams, from Treaſon, to keep the Women with Child from Miſcarriage, and the young Women from Fits, Frenzies of the Matrix, &c. and (which indeed is the Intent and Meaning of all the holy Fraud;) they are ſold for theſe Purpoſes by the Prieſts, at an ineſtimable Price, and the Juggle ſometimes comes to Light.
A Merchant of Rochel lately put an excel⯑lent Cheat upon the Dervices of a Convent or Cell of Religious, near that City; it ſeems the Merchant was in bad Circumſtances as to his Eſtate, and upon the Point of turning Bankrupt, when a Ship coming into Port Louis from the Eaſt-Indies, he forms a Letter as written from Goa by his Brother; wherein he tells him of a moſt miraculous Relick of St. Thomas, being a Piece of the Scull of that bleſſed Apoſtle of their Religion, which had done the moſt won⯑derful Cures in the moſt violent Diſtempers of the Head and Brain; that it cured all manner of Lunacy and Diſtraction, adding, that he had Teſtimonials of the ſame from the Convent of Fryers, of thoſe they call Jacobins, at Goa, where his Brother had been, and where all theſe miraculous Things were wrought; and that in particular it reſtored the Memory in one who had quite loſt all Senſe of Things paſt for ſome Years, by being put about the Neck (the Jewel hanging behind in the Poll) by the Hands of a Fryer of that Order, and the like: Having got⯑ten [35] this Story put into Form, and finding the Fathers very earneſt to obtain this Jewel, and willing to give a very great Price for it, he accordingly obliges himſelf to write to his Brother, to ſend it over by the next Ship; taking a Contract from the Fathers for 6000 Crowns to be paid upon Delivery.
Having obtained this Contract he goes to Marſeilles with it, where telling the Story as in Confidence to a Perſon there, he acquaints the Biſhop of that Place; who being deſirous to obtain ſo rich a Prize, and viewing the authen⯑tick Contract of the Fryers of Rochel, offers the Merchant 20000 Crowns for the holy Relick, if he will bring it immediately to him: The Merchant accordingly having all his Affairs ready, and having a Piece of an old Scull made up in an Enchaſement of Gold, with the Date of the Year back about 230 Years before the Time, and the Names of two religious Men of Goa of the firſt planting that Colony; whoſe Names he had learnt, and the Work made ſo art⯑fully, as to appear very ancient: I ſay, Having all theſe Things ready, he waits till an Eaſt-India Ship arriv'd at Lisbon from Goa, which is a Co⯑lony of the Portugueſe; and then pretending to have received the Jewel, writes to the Biſhop, who with great Solemnity received it, and paid him his Money.
This Story I do not avouch to thee of my own Knowledge, the Fact, if it were true, having been done ſome Years before my Coming hither; but many Cheats like this having been daily diſcover'd among them, this is worth Credit: Nothing is more ſtrange to me, than that a Nation ſo intelligent as this is, ſhould not long ago have been ſurfeit⯑ed with theſe miraculous Fripperies; and yet ſo [36] t is, that they receive the groſſeſt Impoſitions of this Kind every Day.
I am told, indeed it is by a Hugonot, but one who gives ſuch Teſtimony of it that it is not to be doubted; That there are depoſited as Relicks in ſeveral Places, more Pieces of the Croſs, on which they ſay, Jeſus the Son of Mary was cru⯑cified, than ten Yoke of Oxen could draw; and yet we believe that he was not crucified at all, but was received up into Heaven from the Judg⯑ment Hall of the Roman Governour; and the Jews were obliged, that the People might not enquire what was become of him, to crucifie another Perſon in his Stead.
Beſides all this, we have Reaſon to know that the whole Croſs on which he was ſaid to be crucified, is miraculouſly preſerved in a Vault arched over with Gold, an hundred Eathom within the Earth, under the Foundation of the great Moſque, at the ſublime Port, which was formerly a Temple of the Nazareens, dedicated, as they call it, to Saint Sophia; ſo that all this Story of Relicks is no more than a Legend of Forgeries and Fables.
And yet the great King of France, who, it muſt be own'd, is a wiſe, a ſagacious, a pene⯑trating Man, as well as a great King, never lies down in his Bed without innumerable Relicks of Saints, as they call them, hanging about his Neck, on the Curtains of his Bed, and on the Locks of his Chamber Doors, as Guardians and Preſervatives to keep him from the Power of evil Spirits. Nay, there is no doubt but he has them upon him when he is ſolacing himſelf with his Concubines and Harlots, of whom he has very many, always attending his Pleaſures.
[37] The Beams of eternal Peace, ſhining from the Fire that burns over the Gate of Paradiſe, be thy Protector from Evil; Venerable Morat! thou needeſt no Reliques near thee, who art daily at the Gates of that bleſſed Repoſitory, to which all the faithful come in Pilgrimage from the Ends of the Earth.
Paris, the 22d of the 8th Moon, in the Year 1689.
LETTER IX. To Imanzani Mehemet, Kadilesker of Romelia.
IN all the World there is not a greater Im⯑poſtor than this great Mufty or Soveraign Pontiff of the Nazareens, whom they call the Pope; the Chair they ſit in, and from whence they derive their pretended Infallibility, has been defiled with more Monſters than the Idol of Baſſamene in Arabia, or the pretended Oracle of Arſaballa in the Deſert of Chuſargha; ſome⯑times indeed they obtain a Perſon of ſome Mo⯑rals to fill that myſterious Seat of Wickedneſs, ſuch was the late Innocent XI. This, for ought I know, may be permitted, by the Subtilty of the Devil, to keep up the Deluſion, that the People ſhould not be ſo ſurfeited with the con⯑tinual Crimes of the Pontiff, as to abhor the Pontificate it ſelf. But even theſe Men of Mo⯑rals have ſo much canting hypocritical Stuff mingled with their other Conduct; and permit ſuch Frauds, ſuch open Crimes, among their Sub-mufty's, ſuch as their Cardinals, Biſhops, [38] Abbots, and the various Orders of their Dervices or Clergy, that certain it is, and nothing more viſible, than that the whole Conſtitution is a ſtated univerſal Cheat.
I have been curious to ſearch into theſe Frauds, for the Confirmation of the true Believers; not but that we, the true Muſſulmen and Believers of the Verity, know with a Certainty that permits us not to doubt that their whole Syſtem of this part of the Doctrine of the Naza⯑reens, is a Deluſion, and a meer Invention of their Dervices, to eſtabliſh an Eccleſiaſtick Ty⯑ranny in the World: But it muſt needs confirm us all the more, and add infinite Satisfaction to us, to have this confeſſed and teſtified out of the Mouths of theſe Infidels themſelves.
I lately read ſome Tracts written by ſome of the moſt learned of this Nation of the Franks, among whom I dwell, wherein they ſpeak with the utmoſt Deteſtation of this great Mufty, called Pope; and not ſo much concerning the Character or Morals of the Perſon, tho' he who they have now elevated is but a very indifferent Perſon that Way, but even of the Pontificate it ſelf; I mean, the Authority exerciſed, and the Principles profeſſed by the See of Rome in gene⯑ral; that is, by the Pope, Cardinals, Biſhops, and all the cloiſtered Crew, called the Roman Clergy.
This Author, whom they call Monſieur Jeurieu, is one of thoſe who are here call'd Hugonots, of whom I have formerly written thee a large Account; who have long ſince diſown'd theſe People I ſpeak of. He is one of the moſt learn⯑ed of theſe Hugonots, and is now baniſhed this Kingdom for his refuſing to acknowledge the Pope; but he is ſo far from complying, that in [39] his Writings he offers to prove this Soveraign Pontiff, not only not to be the true Follower of Jeſus, the Son of Mary, their crucified Pro⯑phet and Meſſiah, but an Apoſtate; and that his Chair is the Seat of the Beaſt; that his Power is not only not Chriſtian, but Antichri⯑ſtian; that he is the great FALSE PROPHET ſpoken of in the Writings of the Jewiſh Talmud, and in the Regiſters of their Rabbies, which they call by the Name of Revelation. Nay, in one of his Books, he calls the Roman Eſtabliſhment, which they call the Church, the great Scarlet Whore; producing ſundry Predictions among the Writings of the Diſciples of Jeſus, which give a very expreſs and particular Character of the Papal Tyranny, under ſuch Denominations, prophecying her Downfal at laſt under the Alluſion of the Fall of the City of Babylon; and that the Kings of the Earth ſhall hate her; (the Whore) that is, the Papal Hierarchy, and ſhall burn her Fleſh with Fire.
Verily, Great Apoſtle of the true Believers, it ſeems to me that theſe Men, whom they call Hugonots, and who are the Followers of one Calvin, who ſucceeded Luther in the firſt great De⯑fection from the Roman Doctrines of Religion; I ſay, theſe Hugonots are a ſober, zealous People; much more upright and devout than the Fol⯑lowers of the Pope, and ſeem to me to have much the better of the Argument againſt them; for albeit they acknowledge that the Church of Rome was originally the Church planted by the Followers of Jeſus of Nazareth, and continued faithful to the Inſtitutions of the ſaid Jeſus, as dictated to them by his ſaid Followers; yet they ſuggeſt, that by the Corruption of many Ages, and the aſſuming Diſpoſition of the Popes, and their Dervices or Clergy, they have intro⯑duced [40] ſo many Innovations, ſuch Idolatrous Practices, and ſo many deteſtable Additions, to the firſt Doctrines left them by the Meſſiah, that there remains nothing with them of the firſt Inſtitution.
It muſt be confeſſed, Jeſus of Nazareth laid down to his Followers and Diſciples moſt pure and holy Rules, both of Religion and of moral Vertue: But it is true alſo that theſe Pontiffs, and their Followers, have filled them with ſo many horrible Impoſitions, that the Originals are not now to be known; eſpecially that of their worſhipping a Piece of Bread as a God, ſuggeſting that a few Words of a common Der⯑vice can effectually tranſmutate the Species of Bread into the Subſtance of their crucified Meſſiah; an Idolatry horrible and deteſtable!
But I return to the Perſons of their Popes, to whoſe Crimes indeed all theſe Innovations in the Religion of the Meſſiah are owing; I have formerly mentioned to thee, and to thy happy Predeceſſor, now rejoycing in the Garden of Pleaſure, the Story of a Woman counterfeit, who was made a Pope, but by being gotten with Child by one of her own Servants, and deliver'd in the open Street in Rome, expoſed that Cheat to the World. The Nazareens ſtrive to reject it as a Falſhood, and charge it as an Invention of the Hugonots; but beſides that the Story is recorded long before Luther, or any of thoſe they call Reformers, were heard of; and is confeſſed by ſo many of their own Writers, there is no Room to doubt of the Truth; parti⯑cularly one Baptiſta Mantuanus, a famous Poet among them, writing ſatyrically of Hell, as if he was ſhewing a Stranger the Place, and telling him where every great Perſon was to be found, has it thus;
The Sum of this ſhameful Story I find thus, in another of their own Authors, (Viz.) that of Raviſius Textor in officina, Lib. 11. Scitum eſt ex Chronicis, & a majoribus ſcriptum Johannem Anglicum ab Ephebis ſexum virulum ſimulaſſe, & tandem fatem neſcio quo aut fortuna certè volente, ad Pontificatum perveniſſe, in quo annos circiter duos federit poſt Leonem IV. Neque priùs innotuerit facti veritus, quam a quodam ex domeſticis impregnata tandem emiſerit partum. This is, in a word, That one Joan Engliſh having conceal'd her Sex from a Youth, and appear'd as a Man, and paſs'd her Studies (as another Author ſays) as a Man, was, by we know not what deſtiny, Elected Pope, and ſat as Pope two Years, when being diſco⯑ver'd, and gotten with Child by one of her Do⯑meſticks, ſhe was publickly deliver'd of it in the Street.
It ſeems alſo ſhe died in the Child-birth.
But not to dwell on this Helliſh Impoſtor, the Characters of the whole Succeſſions of thoſe Infidels, who they wickedly call Holy Fathers, were it given thee at large from the begin⯑ning, would aſtoniſh thee with their Abomina⯑tions and Wickedneſs.
Bleſs Mahomet, and his true Followers, who have been thy truly Virtuous and Holy Predeceſſors, that the Chair of Sovereign and Sacred Juriſdiction in Matters Religious, has never been tainted with the impure Lives of the Poſſeſſors; but as thou art, ſo have been [42] thoſe before thee, the bright Images of Vir⯑tue, Patterns of Religion, and exemplary Guides of Truth to the faithful.
Paris, the viiith of the 8th Moon, in the Year, 1689.
LETTER X. To the venerable ſage Guide of Wiſ⯑dom, Prince of the Law of Maho⯑met, Great Muffti, and High-Prieſt of the Muſſulmans.
I SEND thee, bright Oracle of Truth and Virtue, a piece of News confirm'd from all parts of the Nazareen Dominion, (Viz.) that the Great Caliph of the Chriſtians, Prince of the Dervices of the Nazareen Faith, is Dead; the Infallible Guide, as they call him here, the Mirror of Holineſs, is ſunk into Earth as a common Man.
If theſe Popes were really Perſons of ſo much Perfection, ſo infallible in their Decrees, ſo replete with innate Holineſs, as Men here pretend; and on the other Hand, the deluded multitude did believe their Meſſiah had but as much intereſt in the Coeleſtial Paradiſe as we Muſſulmans be⯑lieve him to have, he would never ſuffer any of their Popes to go into the Grave the common way of all Men, but would certainly tranſlate them directly into Paradiſe, as Enoch, Elias, and himſelf were tranſlated.
But the Truth is, they know all this whole Syſtem of the Pontificate, to be a meer Dream [43] of the old deceitful Dervices, who made a Trade of Religion, to dive into the Purſes of their Votaries; and it appears, becauſe their moſt Holy Fathers or Popes are no more Im⯑mortal, than they are Infallible; from whence I infer, that they are no more Infallible, than they are Immortal.
This deceaſed Pope was one of the honeſteſt Men they have had in the Papal Chair this many Ages, if it may be allowed to call a Fa⯑ther of Lyes, an Impoſtor, and the Head of a Curſed Impoſture, an honeſt Man; But to give him his due, he was honeſter than any of thoſe whoſe Character I have heard of; he was a juſt inoffenſive Man in his Morals, which very few of them are; and as to the pious Cheat of his Office, to give him his due, he left it juſt where he found it. Whether he had any Faith in the Syſtem, or no, I will not affirm, but am of Opinion that he had not, becauſe he had too much Penetration to be impoſed upon; and yet I think he had too, becauſe he had too much Integrity to impoſe upon others. But that which reconciles the two Extremes is, that he was bred up in the Deluſions, and perhaps receiv'd the firſt impreſſions ſo deep, when young, that his Reaſon could not prevail over them afterwards. And if it was ſo, it was no ſtrange thing in a Religion, wherein one of the principal Rules of Faith is, to have it follow thoſe who went before them; and va⯑lue their Doctrine rather for its Antiquity, than the intrinſick of its Principles.
They called this Pope by the Name of Inno⯑cent XI. The Hugonots and Proteſtants every where cried him up, and he was called in gene⯑ral, The Proteſtant Pope; but this was principally on account of his Politicks, not his Religion; [44] in the firſt he was a Patron of Liberty, in the laſt a Tyrant, and Bigot. But with this Ex⯑planation in his favour, that in the firſt, he acted Nature; in the laſt, he acted his Office.
They tell us a good Story of him here, which is an admirable proof of the generoſity of his Nature, and the goodneſs of his Diſpoſition: The Story ſays, That an Engliſh Gentleman co⯑ming to Rome, and being deſirous to ſatisfie his Curioſity in ſeeing the Pope, his Holineſs, as they call him, having ſome intimation that he was a Man of Learning, deſir'd to talk with him; and uſing very great freedom in his Diſ⯑courſe; among the reſt, ſays the Pope, if I miſtake not, I ſaw you yeſterday at the ſolemn Maſs at St. Peters, ſo they call the great Moſque at Rome, where the Pope himſelf goes. Your Holineſs cannot miſtake, ſays the Engliſh Gen⯑tleman, ſmiling. The Pope underſtood him, and found he had really committed a Miſtake, to ſay, if I miſtake not, when he is called Infal⯑lible; and that the Gentleman had touch't the Point in Repartee. However, being a Perſon full of good Humour, he carried that off; and turning to another Subject; well, ſays he, you ſaw me in my Habits of Ceremony, what do you think now of the Pope's being Antichriſt? The Gentleman was full of the Anſwer, but loth to give offence, and ask'd if his Holineſs would give him leave to ſpeak freely; with all my Heart, ſays the Pope, I promiſe you I will not be offended.
Why truly, ſays he, I will not affirm that the Pope is Antichriſt; but in my Country, if there had been a Hue-and-Cry after Antichriſt, and I had met your Holineſs in the Dreſs you were in yeſterday, I believe I ſhould have ap⯑prehended you upon Suſpicion.
[45] The Pope, they ſay, receiv'd the Jeſt with much good Temper, but did not talk much with the Perſon after it; and the Hugonots and Proteſtants make themſelves very merry with the Story.
They publiſh a Letter of Politicks in Eng⯑land, which they ſay this Pope wrote to King James, when he ſought aſſiſtance from him a⯑gainſt the Prince of Orange; in which they ſay he blam'd him for offering to break thro' the Laws and Liberties of his Country, on pre⯑tence of introducing the Romiſh Religion; but the People here cannot bear to hear of that Do⯑ctrine, which they ſay condemns the King in that very thing for which he ought to be Canoniz'd.
In a word, Pope Innocent was for every Na⯑tion enjoying their own Conſtitutions, and car⯑rying Religion on by Religious Methods, not by Force, Armies, and Perſecution; but the Religion he call'd himſelf the Head of, would not long ſubſiſt upon that Bottom.
Paris, 16th Day of the 9th Moon in the Year, 1689.
LETTER XI. To the Illuſtrious Leader of the Armies of the invincible Emperor of the faithful Mehemet Orchanes Ogli, Vizier Azem.
I Congratulate with an exceſs of Joy, thy ad⯑vancement to the high Command whereof thou art now poſſeſs'd; and as no Man knows better than thy ſelf, how to execute the Office [46] of prime Miniſter in a State of ſuch bound⯑leſs Dominion, ſo no Man knows more of thy Merit and Capacity for the Dignity than I, who have been witneſs to the Greatneſs of thy Soul, and thy indefatigable applications to Virtuous and Glorious Actions from thy Child⯑hood. It is now, and at this diſtance, that I foreſee thy Valour and Conduct will curb the Inſolencies of the Infidels, and Enemies of Mahomet, and reſtore to the Ottoman Empire thoſe Towns, which not the Valour of the Ger⯑mans, but the Negligence and want of Experi⯑ence in former Officers, have ſuffer'd to fall in⯑to their Hands.
Wherefore is it that the Court of the Grand Seignior has known ſuch Changes, and that no leſs than ſeven Grand Viziers have been remo⯑ved in five Years paſt. But that Fate, which has reſerv'd the retrieving the Glory of the Ottoman Empire to a Hand and Head fitted by Nature for that Work, might not only bring thee to this high Station, but prepare for thee the Field of Victory and Peace.
I am not careſſing thee for Gain, or ſwelling thy Vanity with words; Mahmut knows not how to be a Hypocrite; Flattery is the Sacri⯑fice of Fools, and a Gift that Wiſe and Great Souls abhor. But it is reveal'd to me from the ſacred Hills of Beſſer, Abba, and the Cave of Wonders: Mahomet ſaid Amen, the Great Pro⯑phet joyn'd his Hands, and ſhouted: I heard the ſound in Viſion imperceptible, the Oracle ſpeaks by my Mouth, CUPRIOLI ſhall glo⯑riouſly end this War, the Infidels and Nazareens ſhall ſue for Peace, and it ſhall be given them.
I live here in a Country of Enemies of Ma⯑homet, yet the King of France is both like thee in Glory, and like thee happy in the moſt ſu⯑blime [47] Undertakings: he is unſhaken in his Miſ⯑fortunes, and invincible in his Reſolutions; he receiv'd the laſt Year ſeveral Foils and Diſap⯑pointments; his Enemies in ſtrong Confederacy took from him Maynce, or Mentz, an Imperial City, and an impregnable Fortreſs; Keyſerlauter and Bonn alſo, two very ſtrong Towns, and with them large Countries depending on them.
But like Anteus, who the Poets feign was the Son of Terra, and had this benefit by his Birth, that when he was in wreſtling with Her⯑cules, thrown to the Earth, he roſe up ſeven times ſtronger than before; ſo the King of France, made more furious by his Loſſes, makes ſuch preparations for an offenſive War this Year, as the like is no where to be ſeen, but at the ſtupendious Port where thou guideſt the Helm of Empire, and where all the Prin⯑ces of the Earth do Homage.
The Preparations here are incredible, and the King reſolves to take the Field in Perſon, the Dauphine is to Command a ſecond and ſeparate Army, and the Duke of Orleans, the King's Brother, a third. Beſides which, he re⯑ſolves to have a Fleet of 100 Sultanas of the Line, that is, in the ſpeech of the Sea in this part of the World, of Men of War of 50 Guns and upwards, for no leſs Ships now fight in the Line of Battle.
The Face of the whole Kingdom is cover'd with Troops, and the Drums beat up in all parts; all the Diſcourſe is of Arms, and Equi⯑pages, and you would ſwear that all the People of France were to repair to the Borders, to ſee the Fate of Europe decided. The Great Ci⯑ties and Towns are Tax'd at every one a Regi⯑ment of Soldiers, or leſs, according to their magnitude, which they report will amount to [48] 120 Regiments, which ſhall bear their Names, and be Cloathed by the ſaid Towns; and the Expence is to be re-paid in three Years after the Wars ſhall be over, or perhaps not at all; for this King is not very nice in obſerving the Promiſes which he makes, eſpecially thoſe to his own Subjects.
Fear and Courage in War attend bad or good Succeſs, as the Rain and Heat do the thickneſs or clearneſs of the Air, and the Hopes of Men riſe and fall, juſt as the Enemy they purſue, riſes or falls before them. May early Succeſſes crown thy illuſtrious Undertakings, that the ancient Courage of the Muſſulmans may revive in thy Glory, and Victory may be the Handmaid of thy Wiſdom, and Valour.
LETTER XII. To the Aga of the Janizaries.
I Had no ſooner heard of the Advancement of my old Friend, Comerade and Acquaintance Mehemet Ogli, to the illuſtrious Office of Grand Vizier, but it foreboded to me that the Affairs of the Glorious Empire of the World would take a new turn: Virtue and Magnani⯑mity poſſeſt him from a Youth, he was the de⯑light of Wiſe Men, and delighted in Valiant Men, and is now the choice of Wiſdom and Valour it ſelf.
As is the Man, ſo are thoſe under him; his conſummate Experience could not but dictate to him, that for the accompliſhment of his great Deſigns, he muſt ſingle out Inſtruments [49] qualified by their Virtue and Valiant Perform⯑ances, to undertake the greateſt Actions.
When I heard that thou wert ſingled out by him from among thy Fellows, to be at the Head of the mighty Legions of the Green-Veſt, and that the Janizarics were put under thy Command, I expected no leſs than what I have ſince found to be the Conſequence of ſuch Conduct, (viz) the Overthrow of the Naza⯑reens: I congratulate thy beginning of Succeſs in this, and the defeat of 12000 of their beſt Troops, which I hear are the firſt Trophies of thy Conduct, and will let the whole Muſſul⯑man Empire know what they are to expect from the New Vizier, and thoſe who fight under the Banners of Mahomet, by his Example.
Proſtrate on the Earth, I congratulate thy Lord in the ſucceſs of thy faithful Services. I will tell thee alſo in what manner the Infidels ſpeak of this Action, even among themſelves; for they have publiſh'd their own Shame from all parts.
Firſt, thou mayſt obſerve, that in all other Battles they give falſe Accounts, and relate ſuch Actions, not as they really are, but as they would have them to be; that they may buoy up the Hopes and Spirits of their Peo⯑ple, and keep up what they call the Repu⯑tation of their Arms; but this late Action in Servia, under thy Conduct, has been ſo con⯑ſpicuous, that they have no falſe Colours ſuf⯑ficient to hide it, and are bound to relate it in its true Circumſtance. Condoling with one another for the great Loſs they have receiv'd, I will give it thee in ſome of their own Words.
'The Effects of the Great Changes at the Ottoman Court, ſays one of thoſe Nazareen [50] Writers, begin to ſhew themſelves in a man⯑ner which juſtly alarms the German Court; the new Vizier, and the new Aga of the Janizaries, both Men of a Martial Diſpoſition, and of great Experience in Military Affairs, apply themſelves to the Buſineſs of the War, in a manner quite different from thoſe unex⯑perienc'd People who went before them. In a word, we have had a taſt of their Conduct, and it appears, that, ſuitable to the reputation of thoſe two great Commanders, the Courage of their Soldiery is reviv'd, and the Hopes of the Germans in proportion declin'd.
'He goes on to give good Advice indeed to the German Generals, (Viz.) to expect blows; and to quicken their application to the War, having a vigilant and valiant Enemy to deal with, meaning the Vizier, and thy ſelf.
'The Aga of the Janizaries, ſays he, not be⯑ing able without indignation to ſee the German Troops inſult the Ottoman Empire, even al⯑moſt at the Door of the Capital City and Seat of their Emperor, reſolv'd to attack the main Body of the Emperor's Forces, conſiſting of 5 Imperial Regiments of Foot, of 2500 Men each, and about 4000 Horſe and Dragoons, who were poſted at Niſſa, and had ravaged the Country as far as Uſcopia and Mount Hemus. To this purpoſe, ordering a Body of Tartars to paſs the Danube about Widin, the Aga advanc'd with a Body of 8000 Janizaries, and 3000 Sphais; and coming up within four Miles of Niſſa, joyn'd there with a Body of Tartars, and with ſome Hungarians, under Count Tekely, and the next Morning attack'd the Imperial Troops Commanded by the D. of Holſtein. The fight was very fierce and bloody, the Germans defending themſelves with great Bravery, 'till [51] after an obſtinate Battle of above four hours continuance, in which a great many Men were kill'd on both ſides, the German Horſe were oblig'd to give way, and were put into ſome confuſion, and after ſome time more, to a plain flight, being purſued by the Tartars ſo cloſely, that only about 800 with the Duke of Holſtein, eſcaped to Belgrade, the Duke him⯑ſelf very ſorely wounded.
'The Infantry being now forſaken of the Horſe, were ſurrounded and Charged in Front, and Flank, and in ſhort, were entirely cut in pieces by the Janizaries, very few eſca⯑ping; and we hear ſince, that the Duke of Holſtein is dead of his Wounds.
I ſend thee this Teſtimony to thy Conduct, and to the Valour of thy Troops, being made by the Enemies own acknowledgment, and as an Earneſt of what they ate to expect from the returning fortune of the Ottoman Troops.
Heaven, that always ſhowers down Rewards upon the Faithful and Valiant, give continued Succeſſes to thy Arms, 'till the Enemy vomit up their unjuſt Conqueſts, and thou giveſt Peace to the Juſt in the Name of God, and his Prophet.
Paris, 20th of the 3d Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XIII. To the moſt Perfect in Wiſdom and Vir⯑tue, the upright Inſtructor among the Faithful, Vahimi Effendi, Publiſher of Truth, and Teacher of Wiſe Sayings, in the preſence of the Grand Seignior.
[52]SURELY the Religion of theſe Nazareens, as they manage it here among their Der⯑vices, or Prieſts, of whom there are innume⯑rable Sects, is the moſt unaccountable maſs of Contradiction that was ever heard of in the World. And to do juſtice to the Lord of Truth and Righteouſneſs, who dwelleth in Unity, the great One God, who ſent his Pro⯑phet, the Son of Mary, to inſtruct theſe Men in the way of right things; I ſay, to do juſtice to him, it muſt be declar'd that they walk not in his Precepts, as the true Muſſulmen walk in the right Precepts of Mahomet.
It would offend thy Ears, ennur'd to hear the Words of Juſtice and Wiſdom, ſhould I give thee the detail of the Folly and Madneſs of theſe Hypocrites; were their Prophet Jeſus here now on Earth, to ſee the Hypocritical be⯑haviour of the ſeveral Sects of religious Thieves among them, and how they ſell Pardon of Sins for Money, and ſend Souls into Torment, or Bliſs, as their Friends are narrow or large in their Bounty to their Church, he would ſcourge them out of the Moſques conſecrated to his Name, as he did the Money-Changers out of the Temple; for never was it ſo true as now, that his Houſe is made a Den of Thieves.
[53] But not only are the Religious among them a Crew of unſanctified Devotees, but the man⯑ner with which they carry on their Fraud, is in it ſelf ſo ridiculous, that nothing is more aſto⯑niſhing, than that the People can be impos'd upon in ſuch a manner, and can take ſuch Ab⯑ſurdities for Religion. For Example.
They Celebrate Yearly the Day of the Nati⯑vity of the Meſſiah Jeſus. But as if they were determined by Fate to be made ridiculous to all the Sons of Adam, they cannot reſolve a⯑mong themſelves when it was. So tenacious alſo they are of their ſeveral Epocha's of Time, and of the particular Accounts which one or other keep, that each Country keep it according to their own way; ſome ten Days ſooner, ſome ten Days later than one another; and in the Muſcovire Country, I am told, they have no leſs than 5 ſeveral Accounts.
In a word, they know not when he was born. And did not we know the certainty of theſe things, by the unerring Revelation of our juſt Oracle the Alchoran, which came from Heaven, we might ask them how they knew he was Born at all, or that there was ſuch a Perſon upon Earth. But we are able to give them a Truer Account of their own Prophet, whoſe Pattern of Virtue we declare to them, would make them perfect, had they obey'd his Law with Sincerity and Faithfulneſs.
Neither are they better inſtructed in the Nature and Reaſon of keeping Biram, or a Feaſt on the Day of the Nativity of the Son of Mary; for if they acknowledge him to be a Preacher of Righteouſneſs, then ought his Fol⯑lowers to practiſe according to his Example; and when they Celebrate his Birth, in whom they truſt and believe, ſhould it not be to re⯑commend [54] his Law to one another, for the juſt obſervation of their People.
On the contrary, the Day of Biram, or Feaſt obſerv'd for the Birth of their Prophet JESUS, is a Day ſet apart for unbounded Licentious Vice, as Gluttony, Gaming, exceſs of Wine, and all manner of Liberty, in thoſe Crimes in which theſe Northern Nations ſurmount even the wickedneſs of the Luxurious Egyptians.
I Swear to thee by the holy Soul of my Father and Grandfather, that there are not living in the Face of the Sun, ſuch a Ge⯑neration of Belly-Gods as the Dervices of this part of the World, who, under pretence of Sanctity, Abſtinence, and proſeſs'd Poverty, wallow in Senſuality, Gluttony, and Wine; and this is an aggravation of it, that the Day appointed to thank God for the Birth of their Great Prophet, is, as it were, ſet apart to pro⯑voke God to take from them the benefit for which their Prophet Jeſus came among them.
Nor is it in vain; righteous Vengeance has filled them with their own ways, and the Laws of Virtue and Truth, which Jeſus the Son of Mary left them to walk by, when he was taken up into Heaven, are loſt to them, being ſwallowed up in Hypocriſie and Innovation on one hand, Ignorance and Immorality on the other.
An inſtance of their Ignorance I ſhall give thee in another Caſe, in which they are mockt by their own [...]eople: and this relates to another Day, whic [...] they keep as a Day of Devotion for the Crucifixion of their Meſſiah; this they call Good-Friday; but why it has that Name, they cannot tell us, neither is it known by one in five hundred amongſt them what it is they [55] are to do on that Day, or how to behave; (viz.) whether with Joy, or Sorrow.
It was yeſterday that they Celebrated this Day in the Great Moſque of this City, as alſo in all the leſſer Moſques; but I name the Great Moſque, becauſe when the People came to go into the Moſque, or Church; they found a Pa⯑per fix'd upon the Door, with the following Lines, in ſeveral Languages, that all ſorts of People might read it.
The People were ſo aſtoniſh'd at the Queſtion, which not any of them could anſwer, that they read them with great attention, and many took Copies of them; ſo that it was to no purpoſe that the Biſhop, hearing of it after⯑wards, ſent his Officers to pull the Paper down, for they were immediately made pub⯑lick over the whole City, and are repeated now in every Mouth with ſuch pleaſure, that the Dervices are provok'd to the higheſt de⯑gree, being banter'd and jeſted with about them in all Converſation. Nay, I am told the King himſelf could not forbear repeating them by way of Jeſt to his Confeſſor.
[56] But that which made the greateſt Diſtur⯑bance was, that at the bottom of the Paper, there were three other Lines; upon the read⯑ing of which, it was obſerv'd, abundance of the more ſerious People began to conſider whe⯑ther they had beſt go into the Moſqe that Day or no, and many of them really went back again. The Lines were thus:
Had this happen'd in Spain, Portugal, or in Italy, it is certain whoever had dar'd to take a Copy of them, or to repeat them again, eſpecially by way of Jeſt upon the Clergy, as they do here, would have been clapt up in the Inquiſition, and never have come out, but at an auto de fe, with a San Benitto upon his Head. But the French are a People of ſo much freedom in their general Converſation, that they could never ſuffer the Yoke of the In⯑quiſition among them.
LETTER XIV. To Simeon Ben Habbakkuk, a Jew, at Salonicha.
[57]THOU (my old Friend) art in my Opi⯑nion, ſtudying and ſpending thy Years, even to an extream Old Age, upon the weakeſt Foundation that any Man of ſo great Learning ever did, except an old Fryar here in France, who, they ſay, has been forty Years writing what he calls the Hiſtory of Sacred Reliques, they call him Father le Pleſis.
He has made a Collection of the Trumpery they call Reliques, which they tell me are di⯑geſted into 17 Volumes in Folio; to which he has with much Labour added all that he could reckon up or gather, and perhaps in⯑vent, and having Dedicated them to Cardinal Ma⯑zarine, the Cardinal, who perhaps knew more of the Cheat than Father le Pleſis, ask'd him to let him ſee the whole Work, that he might cauſe them to be laid before the King, and obtain for him ſome mark of his Majeſty's Eſteem; the old Father tickled with this Compliment, brought his 17 Volumes in Manuſcript curi⯑ouſly written to the Cardinal, who took care of the Fryar indeed, and made him an Abbay, as we ſtyle them, Naki [...] Eſscreff, or Chief of the Emirs; I ſay, he made him Abbay of a Monaſtry of Fryars Benedictines, but ne⯑ver let him ſee his Books any more; and I am told, that after the Cardinal's Death, they were found in his Library, with this worthy remark upon them, under the Cardinal's own Hand, that they were a ſcandalous Medly of Ridicu⯑lous Tales, and ought to be ſuppreſs'd:
[58] Be not angry, grave Simeon, if I think thou art ſtudying and labouring, ſpinning out thy Bowels, and employing thy fruitleſs Years in a production, which, when thou haſt finiſhed, will be of no profit, either to thy ſelf, or any one elſe; for as I have it from thy own Pen, thou haſt been this 50 Years tracing An⯑tiquity, and the Learned Works of the He⯑brew Rabbins, to explain and come at the Ori⯑ginal of the Talmud, or Babylonian Gemara, the Miſna, and the Lectures of the Gaonim, and Amo⯑raim, (viz) the Expoſitors and Doctors of the Oral Law of Moſes.
Alas, Simeon, I pity thy fruitleſs Labour, thou haſt gotten a Task endleſs as that of Syſ⯑ſiphus, who was condemn'd to roll a great Stone up the Mountain Aeger, which came back upon him immediately upon every lift he gave it, and always left him juſt where he began.
Miſerable Man, thou wouldſt do well to tranſpoſe thy Studies from the ſubſequent to the antecedent, and reſolve firſt the previous Queſtion, Whether there was any ſuch thing as an Oral Law committed to the Children of Iſrael by Moſes, yea or no? and till thou doſt this, 'tis all but begging the Queſtion to talk of the Authority of the Miſna, which in its pretence is a Body of Traditional Conſtitu⯑tions.
But did ever Man of Learning ſpend his in⯑valuable time, in ſuch a fruitleſs Study as this? in which thou art ſure to arrive at nothing, but, in a word, to leave every thing more ab⯑ſtruſe, dark and difficult than you found it.
I know it is in vain to urge to thee the words of Jeſus the Son of Mary, becauſe thy thoughts of him are not the ſame as we [59] Muſſulmen entertain; for we believe him to be a Prophet ſent from God, but thou believeſt him to be an Impoſtor; we believe he was Tranſlated to Heaven, as was Enoch, and Elias, thou that he was Crucified; and that his Diſ⯑ciples, the better to carry on the Religious Fraud, doz'd the Roman Soldiers with an Opi⯑ate in ſome Wine, and having caſt them into a deep Sleep, had ſtollen his Body away, and gave out that he was riſen from the Dead.
But I ſay, not to mention the preaching of this Jeſus, who expos'd ſufficiently the folly and knavery of your Traditions, and made even the Notion of an Oral Law ridiculous in it ſelf; I ſhall put thee upon this rational Enquiry, (viz.) Whether Moſes left any ſuch Oral Law or not, and whether it does not appear rather to be the meer ſubtilty, craft and knavery of the Rabbins, pretending by ſuggeſting ſuch antient Inſtitu⯑tions, and undertaking to explain and expatiate upon them, to gain reverence and reſpect among the People, and indeed making themſelves Law⯑givers; for it is evident that they have in the end given the ſame, or a ſuperior Sancti [...]n, to the Tradition of the Elders, (viz) the Miſna, the Babylonian Gemara, &c. as was given to the written Law of God handed to them by the Miniſtry of Moſes, your great Prophet and Law⯑giver.
Now, Sage Simeon, what is the Evidence you have that Moſes gave any Rules other than thoſe which he left in Writing? verily thou canſt neither give Evidence of it, or lay down any probable Scheme or Reaſon of it. To give Evidence, none will pretend, nor do the moſt ancient Writers among the Hebrews go back to any time, when it can be ſaid, by many hun⯑dred Years, that any was alive who receiv'd [60] thoſe Oral Laws from the Mouth of Moſes; the utmoſt Authority given by the Ancients, and with which your People ſeem ſo well ſa⯑tisfied, is this, that they receiv'd it by Tradition.
Theſe Traditions are collected by Rabbi Juda, a Learned Sage Man, but he goes no farther back than Simeon the Juſt, who, by his acknow⯑ledgement, liv'd not till above a thouſand Years after the Death of Moſes, and knew nothing of what was left by Moſes himſelf, but what was upon Record in the Books called the Pentateuch, except what was handed down to him by the Traditions, that is, in a word, the Corruptions of the Elders,
Theſe Traditions then having no evidence of their Antiquity, thou wouldeſt do well, after the moſt curious ſearch of Books, to re⯑ſolve them as Gaffir Evilmouah, the Learned Arabian of Medina, did long ſince, into the cor⯑rupt Expoſition of Dogmatick Rabbies, preſu⯑ming, in Pride and Oſtentation, to impoſe their ſence upon the Divine Inſtitutions of Moſes, who alſo, to add an Authority, tho' ſur⯑reptitious, and aſſumed, pretend that Moſes was ſaid to leave ſuch Conſtitutions as explana⯑tions of the Laws of God; as if Moſes, who was guided by the eſpecial and particular Hand of Heaven, and had the pattern of every thing given him in the Mount, would not have been ſo juſt to the Children of Iſrael, and ſo juſt to God himſelf, as to have written, for their farther Inſtruction, every thing that had been neceſſary for their perfect underſtanding the Law of God, if it had not been ſufficiently explain'd in it ſelf.
Farther, it ſeems a reproach to God himſelf, if thou acknowledgeſt him to be a perfect Law-giver, that he ſhould leave his Laws in ſo hidden and dark Expreſſions, that Moſes his Servant, hidden [61] and by whom he promulgated the whole Tenour of his Will, ſhould be oblig'd to add to it an Oral Law, as a Directory of its Obedi⯑ence, whereas in the reſt there was not a ſtitch in the Curtains of the Tabernacle, but what was particularly deſcrib'd and directed from Heaven.
But to carry it yet farther; by the Tranſla⯑tion, as alſo by all the Hebrew Editions of the the Pentateuch, which I have ſeen, the laſt Chapters of the laſt of thoſe Books, contain a recapitu⯑lation by Moſes to the People, of all that God commanded him to ſay to them; wherein he tells them the whole ſubſtance of the Com⯑mand, the plainneſs of it, and particularly, that it needs no Oral Expoſition, or Addition. He makes indeed preſſing Inſtances to them for their obſervance of the Law, but does not ſay one word of its requiring an Interpreter, or any Explanations, Expoſitions, or particular Di⯑rections. On the other hand, your Prophet Moſes declared that there needed no ſuch helps, Deut. 30. 11, 12, 13, 14. For this Commandment which I command thee this Day, is not hidden from thee, neither is it far off. It is not in Heaven, that thou ſhouldeſt ſay, Who ſhall go up for us to Heaven, and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it? Nei⯑ther is it beyond the Sea, that thou ſhouldſt ſay, Who ſhall go over the Sea for us, and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it? But the Word is very nigh unto thee, in thy Mouth, and in thy Heart, that thou mayeſt do it.
The meaning is clear, it is nigh to thee, fa⯑miliar to thy Underſtanding, it is in thy Mouth, that is, in thy own Mouth, thou needeſt no Teacher; and in thy Heart., thou needeſt no Explanation, no Interpreter. That thou mayeſt do it; that is, thou knoweſt it per⯑fectly well, and canſt have no Excuſe for not doing it.
[62] From hence it is obſerv'd in the Hiſtories of the Hebrew Times, that on all the publick So⯑lemnities among the Iſraelites, the Law was to be read to the People, there was no occaſion of Oral Expoſitions, and Traditional Additions, the Law was compleat, it wanted nothing but to be read to the People, it carried ſuch Energy with it, and was in all things ſo compleatly full, ſo plain, ſo intelligible, and ſo convin⯑cing, that to read it was ſufficient.
What then art thou doing, O Simeon, thou art but raking in Dunghils, and ſearching the corrupt attempts of frail and erroneous Men, to explain and expound the Law given in the moſt perfect form from Heaven, by that God who cannot err, and who exhibited his Com⯑mands in ſo perfect a form as needed no Expla⯑nations.
Depend upon it, Sage Rabbi, thou art ſtudy⯑ing upon nothing, but art ſurrounded with thoſe curſed Phaenomena's of Human Inven⯑tions, which for many Ages have been Dark⯑ning and Eclipſing, not explaining the pure and unſpotted Law of Moſes your Lawgiver; and your Rabbins have been now a thouſand Years endeavouring to introduce their mean and debauch'd whymſies into the ſaid Law, as Inſtitutions of God, which is the worſt ſort of Idolatry; juſt as the Nazareens here have done, who, by the pretended Authority of the Popes, or Sovereign Pontiffs, have introduced ſo many Oral Traditions into the Worſhip of their Prophet, that they have very few of his firſt Inſtitutions left among them.
Be Wiſe in the concluſion of thy Days, and leave off propagating Errors, and impoſing Hu⯑man Inventions in the moſt pure Laws of the High, One Eternal Being.
Paris, 16th of the 5th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XV. To the Kaimacham.
[63]IF I judge rightly from what I have obſerv'd from the Hiſtory of the Nations among whom I dwell; I think the mighty Empire of the Ot⯑tomans is the only Kingdom or Government in the World which God has ſuffer'd to ſtand protected by his Great Prophet Mahomet, with⯑out ſuffering the Revolutions common to theſe European Kingdoms. This is a Teſtimony of the Divine Pleaſure, and may cauſe us to con⯑clude the Empire of the Faithful to be the delight of Heaven.
All the Kingdoms of Europe have either firſt or laſt ſuffer'd violent Convulſions, Changes and Revolutions of Government, as Sweden, Den⯑mark, Poland, Muſcovy, Spain, Portugal, England, &c. But the Triumphant Empire of the Ottomans, has from its firſt Founder continued under the ſame Government, in the ſame Line, and in a continual encreaſe, like the growing Creſ⯑cent, the Ancient and Original Device of our great Prophet, growing towards its full, and has yet never ſuffer'd any Wain; long may it encreaſe, 'till it Triumph over all the Nations of the World, and bring the haughty Empires of the Perfians, and Nazareens, to truckle to the Feet of the Grand Seignior.
England, which among the Kingdoms of the Nazareens I juſt now named to thee, to have al⯑ready ſuffer'd Changes and Revolutions, has ſuffer'd now about two Years ago, a greater Change than any of thoſe for Ages before; for they have depoſed their Rightful Lord and Em⯑peror, [64] and have, by the aſſiſtance of a Dutch Prince, called the Prince of Orange, driven their King not only from his Throne, but out of his Dominions, and we ſee him here as a for⯑ſaken afflicted Man, taking Sanctuary in the Court of his Neighbouring Monarch, and ſo⯑liciting him for Help.
The King of France has always been vain of having his Court call'd the Aſylum, or Refuge of Diſtreſſed Princes, and has often eſpouſed the Cauſe of ſuch, to a degree which has been heavy upon himſelf; and yet has ſo happily managed for ſuch Princes, that many of them, firſt or laſt, have been effectually reſtor'd; as was the Caſe in the Houſe of Braganza, now the Royal Houſe of Portugal; ſeveral Italian and Ger⯑man Princes, and others; but he has had no luck with entertaining Kings of England: For when he entertain'd once the Brother of this Prince, many Years ago, when Exil'd by his rebellious People, he found himſelf oblig'd by the Uſurper, to deſire him civilly to withdraw out of his Dominions again.
But he has ſo effectually eſpous'd this Prince, as to enter into a very terrible War in his be⯑half; in which the Intereſt of the Perſon I mention'd, who was Prince of Orange, but is now ſolemnly Crown'd King of England, has been ſuch, among the other Princes of Europe, that the greateſt part of Chriſtendom, as they call it, is entred into a Confederacy a⯑gainſt the French King, and laſt Year, it was thought, would have bidden fair for his ruine.
Not that I believe now they will all be able together to Maſter him, eſpecially if the Arms of the invincible Port do continue with Succeſs to divert the Power of Germany from falling in with the reſt; for the Armies of France are in⯑finitely [65] numerous, and this Years Campaign has given a new turn to their Affairs, their Cavalry, which indeed muſt be eſteem'd the beſt in theſe parts of Europe, are exceeding fine, and are led on by the moſt enterprizing daring Officers in theſe parts of the World; and they again directed by Generals of the utmoſt Experience: nor have they ever yet come to any deciſive Battle wherein the French Troops have not gain'd both the Glory, and the Field, and that chiefly by help of their Horſe.
It is true, the now King of England, as they call him, is a Prince that will never give it over, and that by his Intereſt, his Policy, and his Alliances, appears every Year ſtronger and ſtronger, even after the moſt bloody Battles and Engagements.
This will not be the Caſe in France; for tho' the number of his Officers is inexhauſtible, and if a thouſand Officers were kill'd in a Bat⯑tle, which has been the Caſe more than once, yet there are ſuch numbers of Gentlemen in his Army, ready to ſupply their Places, equal in Bravery and Experience to thoſe that fall in the Battle, that the Loſs is not felt.
Nay, ſome have ſaid that it is a Convenience to him, that there may be room to gratifie the infinite numbers of depending Gentlemen, whoſe Families expect to riſe by the good For⯑tune of their Relations in the Army.
But it is not the ſame with reſpect to the common Soldiers, eſpecially the Infantry; for as moſt of the Infantry are Foreigners of all Nations, eſpecially Germans, Engliſh, Iriſh, and Scots, and all thoſe Countries are now Leagued againſt France; if theſe old Veterane Troops are once broken and deſtroy'd by long Service, he cannot ſupply them again but [66] with Native French; who, tho' the Cavalry are good beyond compare, yet the common People are ſmall, weak Bodies, and not able to cope with the ſtrong heavy Bodied Troops of the Northern Nations.
Whoever therefore lives to ſee this War end, if it holds on many Years, as it is like to do, will ſee the French Infantry grow worſe and worſe by Service; whereas the Troops of other Nations grow better and better: the Reaſon is, becauſe they cannot be recruited with Men of the ſame Nations, and of the ſame Bravery and Ability, as they were made up of before.
But however, as things are now ſtated, the King of France ſeems to make himſelf terrible to all the Confederates, grows upon them in every Campaign, and is continually ſurprizing Towns and Countries from them, by being earlier in the Field than their Armies can be gotten together; ſo that he often forms a Seige in the beginning of the Year, and takes the Place, and lets his Army go into Quarters a⯑gain, before the Troops of the Confederates, which are to be fetch'd from the ſeveral Coun⯑tries where they are gone to Quarter, can be in the Field.
Paris, 15th of the 6th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XVI. To Mahumend Naſſuff, formerly Baſſa of Caramania, Reis Effendi, or Chief Secretary of State.
[67]SInce thy advancement to the Honour which thou now worthily art entruſted with, of managing the Affairs of the happy fortunate Emperor of the World, I have not written to thee, but doubtleſs thou wilt find many of my Letters in the Cabinets of the Bizraim, or in the Oda's of thy Predeceſſor, whoſe Wiſhes are now conſummated in Paradiſe, the reſting Place of the Faithful.
Amurath, Demir Ogli Omas Reis Effendi to Mahomet IV. under whoſe wiſe Diſpoſitions I was con⯑tinued twelve Years in this Poſt, acted on this Politick Principle, (viz.) that it is always pro⯑per to a Miniſter of State to ſee with as many Eyes as he can; for which reaſon he expected from me things of mean, as well as of the greateſt Conſequence.
But I ſhall furniſh thee with Matters of weight only, till I have thy farther Inſtru⯑ctions. Know then that this has been a Year of Blood among the Followers of the Hebrew Prophet, and innumerable Armies have been mowed down by the Sword of Di⯑vine Vengeance, in the Hands of Ambition, and Revenge.
Never did any Age, ſince the beginning of the Ottoman Greatneſs, offer ſo fair an Occa⯑ſion for the glory of the Followers of Maho⯑met, to extend it ſelf over the whole World. [68] The Animoſity among theſe Nazareens is ſo great, and they purſue one another with ſuch implacable Fury, that it looks as if they were firmly reſolv'd never to have peace with one another any more; but were to root thoſe they quarrel with from the face of the Earth.
The French are now at War with the Germans, as the Grand Seignior alſo is; and this War is carried on with ſuch Cruelty and Rage, that nothing is more grateful to them here, than to hear of the Victories which the Muſſulmans Armies get over the Germans; and tho' Jeſus the Son of Mary is their own Prophet too, yet when thouſands of his Followers are cut down by the Sword of Mahomet, they Boaſt and rejoyce in the News, albeit at other times they ſtyle the faithful Muſſulmans their com⯑mon Enemies.
Laſt Year the French Power ſeem'd to be over-match'd; the Confederacy which is form'd againſt them was ſo formidable, that they ſaid it would be no diſhonour to Lewis XIV. to yield, ſince no Man was born to fight all the World. And yet this Year, as if he coveted a War with Mankind, he has engaged a new Enemy againſt him, (Viz.) the Duke of Savoy, who calls for at leaſt 50000 Men to be em⯑ploy'd againſt him, were it only to act upon the Defenſive.
It is however ſurprizing to ſee, that with all theſe Enemies in Confederacy againſt him, he has even this Year, turn'd the Scale of For⯑tune on his Side in every part of the World: On the Rhine, his Generals have kept the Field, and Encamp'd in their Enemies Country, rai⯑ſing Contributions, and cauſing his Army to ſubſiſt at the Expence of the Enemy: In Flan⯑ders, [69] the Dutch Army has been defeated under Count Waldeck, by the Duke of Luxemburg, at the great Battle of Fleuri, or Flerus.
Likewiſe at Sea the French Fleet has been ſu⯑perior both to the Engliſh and Dutch; two Na⯑tions, who, in Diſtinction, are called, The Maritime Powers; the French have brought into the Sea a Fleet of 90 Sail of the Line, a Number ſuperiour to what ever yet was ſeen in the Channel; and with this Fleet, commanded by Monſieur Tourville, they fairly fought both the Engliſh and Dutch Fleet united, on the Engliſh Coaſt, off of Beachy, and got the Advantage; having ſeveral Men of War of the Dutch burnt, ſtranded, or ſunk, and three taken.
Only in Ireland, the Prince of Orange has been victorious; King James has had the Miſ⯑fortune to be beaten at the Boyn, and is come back into France for Shelter; while the next Letters I may write, may ſend thee an Account that he is ſo far from being ſucceſsful, that he has nothing of that perſonal Bravery which the World knows is neceſſary to a King; for they all ſay here, that tho' his Army retired, the Loſs was but ſmall, and he was under no Neceſſity of abandoning them by ſuch a preci⯑pitant Flight.
But to return to the German Empire.
Doubtleſs the Advantages gained by the Germans over the Children of the Faithful, for the laſt 10 Years, muſt be from the Anger of God upon the Muſſulmans Empire, for their Sins; or muſt be the Effect of the ill Conduct of the Grand Seignior's Generals: We ſhall ſee different Effects will follow different Conduct; the new Grand Vizier is a Man who well knows how to rectifie the Miſtakes of his Predeceſſors, [70] and is far from being afraid to look his Enemies in the Face.
Now is the Time to retrieve the Glory of the Ottoman Arms, when a martial General is at the Head of the Grand Seignior's Armies, and the German Empire is laid hard at on this Side; ſo that they can neither ſpare the Troops or the Generals for the Defence of Hungary, as they did before.
Paris, 18th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XVII. To Amurath Puelogli, Chaious Baſſa his Brother's Son; newly advanced to the Office of the Chief of the Meſ⯑ſengers of State.
[71]WHEN I thought to have heard of the Proficiency of thy Studies, and that thou wert qualifying thy ſelf in the Tetrehg, at the Holy City, in Order to be one Day the Oracle of the Law of Mahomet, and a Leader among the pure and unpolluted of thy Brethren, thoſe who open the Mouths of the Faithful in the Service of the ineffable Glory; Behold, how am I ſurprized to hear that thou art de⯑ſcended to the mean and ſervile State of a Courtier.
Knoweſt thou that Heaven it ſelf ſingles out, in the ſecret Decrees of inſcrutable Provi⯑dence, the Agents and Inſtruments of its own Work; qualifying thoſe Inſtruments for the Buſineſs and End in which they were decreed to be employ'd: Knoweſt thou then, my Kinſ⯑man and Son of my Blood, that by thy accept⯑ing this ſecular Employment, thou haſt let us know, that Mahomet has rejected thee, as one not worthy to repeat the Holy Name of Alla zeid mechet, alla, alla, ſounded daily in his Ears by the faithful Dervices, or to be the Inter⯑preter of his Law.
Canſt thou, who wert deſigned by thy pious Mother for the moſt ſublime Office of the Great Moſque, at the illuſtrious Gate of the [72] Seraglio, and mighteſt, by thy promiſing Me⯑rit, have been choſen of God for the High-Prieſt of Mahomet: Canſt thou quit the ſhining Glories of the Temple of the Faithful, where thy daily Poſt had been to be ſurrounded with the Servants of God, praying five Times a Day for the Health of thy Soul, and to the Honour of our great Prophet; and think thy ſelf advanced with the gawdy Chain of a Mi⯑niſter of State, and the Turban of a Baſſa?
I look upon thee as one fallen from the Pin⯑nacle of Glory, and placed by an evil Spirit upon the Precipice of Fate; where it is a Million to one odds, but thou droppeſt into the Abyſs of Miſery, and art daſh'd to Pieces upon the Rocks of thy own Ambition.
Weak Man, what art thou doing? Knoweſt thou that Peace is the Glory of Life, and that a Scene of ſerene Cogitation, juſt Action, and the Study of Wiſdom, is not only the moſt ſuited to the Happineſs of an exalted Soul in the Station of Life, but is an Emblem of Para⯑diſe; and guides the Soul to the ſhining Gate of Bliſs, where thy Father's Fathers, to a hun⯑dred Generations, ſhould have received thee with Muſick and Dances; and where all the happy Generations of thy Anceſtors, would have rejoyced over thee?
Now I eſteem thee as loſt, and if thou, by thy Humiliation, and the Prayers of Mahomet, ſhouldeſt arrive at the Garden of Joy, thou ſhalt nevertheleſs be received there as one who hadſt caſt thy ſelf out by thy own Choice, hadſt rejected thy own Felicity, and waſt recovered by the compaſſionate Interpoſition of thoſe more worthy than thy ſelf, and ſhalt have the loweſt Place among the Bleſſed.
[73] Did ever wiſe Man, who was by Nature, and the Care of an indulgent Mother, ſet apart for the ſuperiour Bleſſedneſs of a religious In⯑ſtructor of others, ſo degenerate into Stupidity and Darkneſs of Mind, as to damn himſelf to the empty Pleaſures of a Life of Buſineſs and Repentances? What Amends can the ſorry, gawdy Trifles of the Court, and of the Ho⯑mage of Slaves, make thee, for the ſublime Contemplations of Paradiſe, and the Honour of being a menial Servant to the Bleſſed of all Bleſſedneſs, the Mirrour of Glory, the Prophet of God?
Fye, Morat, fye; I bluſh for thee, and for the Reproaches thy own Heart muſt make thee, for having thus ſunk into the loweſt Degene⯑racy of Mankind; if it be not too late, let the juſt Reflection upon this Madneſs bring thee to thy ſelf; and, if it be poſſible, ranſome thy ſelf from a Condition which will always give thee Occaſion to call thy ſelf not a Fool only, but a Mad-Man, a Lunatick, and one deſtined to be miſerable.
Paris, the 5th Day of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XVIII. To the perfect Judge, Mirrour of Ʋp⯑rightneſs, and Diſtributer of Juſtice to the Faithful: Morat Ebbuchebb, Kadilesker of Salonicha, and the Iſles.
[74]I Have been ſearching the Books of the anci⯑ent Doctors of our Law, from Omer and Oſman, the firſt Writers of Mahomet's Inſtitutes, down to Eſad Mehummed Kalizecker, the great Nakib Eſchref of the Emirs in the Hill of Ad⯑miration on the Red Sea: I have examined the two hundred and ſeventy Myſteries, and the Rules of Wiſdom, left written with a Pen of Emerald in the holy Mountain of Ghazuan in Arabia; and I have not been without deep Contemplations from the Inſpirations which our great Prophet Mahomet has afforded to my 25 Prayers a Day, which I uſed without ceaſing for 3 Months, to know the Reaſon why the Infidels and curſed among the Nazareens, are permitted to triumph over the Faithful, and take from us Cities, wherein Moſques have been built for the Prayers of the Muſſul⯑mans to God and his Prophet.
I have firſt found, and am aſſured, that the Pilgrimages enjoyned by the firſt Commands of our Religion have not been performed; ſo that our great Prophet not having been duly honoured by the Guides of the Faithful, and the Servants of the mighty Emperor having [75] been permitted to tranſgreſs the Laws of their Fathers, the Indignation of God is juſtly fallen upon them.
I have likewiſe found, that throughout the whole Muſſulmans Empire, the Commands of the One God have been tranſgreſſed in a Man⯑ner which has never been, ſince the Alcoran came down from Heaven, or ſince Mahomet took Poſſeſſion of the Seat of Beauty in the Garden.
I am inform'd by Inſpiration from the three Spirits which ſit on the Top of Jathrib, on the Banks of the ſacred River Chahiber, that the Muſſulmans are ſecretly addicted to Wine, which is forbidden them by their Fathers, and by the written Law.
I ſwear to thee by the heary Scalp of thy Father Aleb, and thy Grandfather Raleb, belov'd by Mahomet, and Favourites of Men; as thou art Kadilesker and Judge of the Country round about thee, if thou puniſh not ſeverely the guilty Offenders, the Chriſtians, who have al⯑ready driven thee out of Pcloponeſus, for the Sins of the Muſſulmans, ſhall drive thee alſo out of Macedonia; and thou ſhalt no longer preſide over the Iſles of the Arches.
Put ſtrictly in Execution the Laws of Maho⯑met IV. the juſt and invincible Lawgiver and Emperor; and cauſe not only the Cabarets or Taverns of the Greeks to be ſhut up, but even deſtroy thou their Vineyards, from whence the curſed Evaporation is drawn; that the Laws of Sobriety be not broken under thy Govern⯑ment, and the Offence be laid at thy Door, when thou ſhalt come to the Gate of Paradiſe; where thou wilt demand Entrance in vain, if thou do not this Juſtice to thy great Prophet, and to his choſen People.
[76] Let the Germans, Venetians, and others the Enemies of Mahomet and of his Law, engroſs this Crime to their own particular Uſe; let the Chriſtians only be worthily eſteemed the drunk⯑en Race; let them drown in the Guſts of their wicked Deſires; and let it be ſaid above, that the Chriſtians only are the Lovers of Wine, and drink the Juice of the forbidden Fruit to Exceſs; but let the Faithful abhor the Crime, and let the guilty be puniſhed with Severity.
Then ſhall the Muſſulmen be victorious over the Enſigns of the Nazareens, and the Prieſts of Mahomet ſhall poſſeſs the Temples of Unbelievers.
Paris, the 12th Day of the 3d Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XIX. To the Kaimacham.
[77]I Wiſh thou wert to ſee, as I do in this Place, how the French eſteem the German Troops; which nevertheleſs, they tell me, are the Ter⯑ror of the Ottoman Cavalry: It grieves me to hear how thoſe Infidels continually boaſt of defeating the Spahis and Timariots, the ancient Cavalry of the Muſſulman Empire; invincible and terrible from the East to the West; while the ſame German Regiments, tho' arm'd with Curiaſſes, fighting againſt the naked French Horſe, are cut in Pieces, puſh'd into Rivers and Moraſſes; and in a Word, are made the Scorn of the World: Believe me, it cannot be the Vertue or Courage of the Men, it muſt lie in the Ig⯑norance and Want of Experience of the Offi⯑cers.
The new Vizier wants not that I ſhould tell him, how weak a Body the beſt Soliders in the World are in the Field, if led on by un⯑experienced Officers; if an Army of Hares with a Lion to their General, was eſteemed by the Ancients of more Uſe tham an Army of Lions with a Hare to their General; then the placing unexperienced Officers at the Head of the beſt and braveſt Cavalry of the Eaſt, is nothing leſs or more than a ſacrificing the braveſt Men in the Eaſt to the Fury of their barbarous Enemies.
The German Horſe, I aſſure thee, are far from being terrible on this Side the World; the Gens-darmefrie of the French King, which [78] are Part of the Houſhold Troops here, as the Spahis or Janizaries are of the Grand Seignior's, have frequently charged the Curiaſſiers of the Emperor Sword in Hand, and not fir'd a Shot at them; driving them out of the Field, not valuing their Iron Caps, Back and Breaſt.
Indeed it is very ſeldom that the Germans ca [...]e to ſtand their Fury; at the late Battle in Flanders, fought on the Plains of Fleuri, the Light Horſe of the French Army, called Cara⯑bineers, broke 15 Squadrons of German Horſe, called Lunenburghers and Brandenburghers, by the meer Shock of their Charge, and the good Management of their Horſes; and never fired upon them till they were in plain Rout.
How comes it then that our Spahis, who are the moſt exquiſite Managers of their Horſes, and have the beſt Horſes in the World; are yet ſo often driven back by the Infidels? I ſhall give thee one Piece of Advice in this Caſe, which, as thou haſt a Martial Genius, thou wilt not fail to accept for the Grand Seig⯑nior's Service: The Horſes of Barbary, Turco⯑mania, and Natolia, are of the fineſt Make, the moſt beautiful in Shape, full of Mettle and Courage, of any in the Otteman Empire; but they are not equal in Strength to the courſer and heavier Horſes of Holſtein, of Saxony and Switzerland, of Flanders, and of England; from all which Places the Germans draw the heavy Horſes they now uſe: This Weight of Horſe⯑fleſh is the Advantage in Battle, as the Manner of Fighting is now uſed in theſe Parts.
It was about the ſecond Moon of the laſt Year, called February; that the King of France re⯑viewed the Cavalry of his Houſhold at Com⯑peigne, a Town on the Frontiers towards [79] Flanders; and as the King, with the Duke of Luxemburgh, cauſed the Gens d' Arms to march by his Coach, he took Notice, that many of their Officers were mounted upon the fineſt Spaniſh Jennets and Barbs that could be ſeen.
It was uſual every Year, that the Troops were ordered to march immediately to Flanders from the Review in that Place; but after this Review, the King ordered them to Quarters, which greatly ſurprized them; but they un⯑derſtood it better, when an Order came the next Day from the Mareſchal Boufflers, that the Officers of the Gens d' Arms ſhould all change their Horſes, and ſhould be all mounted upon ſtronger Horſes, and 20 Days Time was given them to furniſh themſelves; which was eaſily done in that Part of the Country: and it was but two Months after, when a Jeſt was put upon the Houſhold Troops and the Guards, (viz.) That all the Gens d' arms were mounted upon Coach Horſes.
But they ſoon found the Advantage in Acti⯑on, for adding the Size of the Horſes to the Courage and Bravery of the Men, who are all choſen out of the beſt Soldiers in the Army, they became a new Sort of People; and it is ſeen now, for no Troops can ſtand before them.
Were the Grand Seignior's Cavalry thus mounted, the Germans could not cope with them; but as it is now, they tell one another here, that the Spahis are mounted to purſue, not to ſight; if they had ſaid, to run away, not to fight, I could not contradict them; for my Buſineſs is to hear and ſee, and ſay nothing: But, I ſay, would the Grand Vizier mount his Troops with the large, heavy Horſes of Thracia and Macedonia, of Trapeſond, and the [80] Mountains of Boſan and Mingrelia, tho' they ſeem fitter to draw the Cannon, than mount the Troopers, yet the Advantage of it would ſoon be found in the Field of Battle.
Thou knoweſt I am no Man of War, but as I ſee this Practice made uſe of here ſo much to Advantage by Men of Experience, thou mayeſt find Reaſon to make uſe of the Advice as a Secret, for the Service of the Grand Seignior.
Paris, the 7th Day of the 5th Moon, of the Year, 1690.
LETTER XX. To Kara Humaizoth Ungwar, a Searcher of Ancient Knowledge; a learned, aged Emir of Tacſebbaſſara in Arabia.
[81]IT is with inexpreſſible Joy I look back upon thoſe few Days of my Youth, which I ſpent in thy Arms; thou who wert a Fountain of Wiſdom and Inſtruction from thine Infancy, the Knowledge not of the Language of the Hebrew, ſo much as of the Learning of the He⯑brews, was thy firſt Study; and I am not igno⯑rant of the Perfection thou art arriv'd to in ſo many Years Application: I know that no humane Underſtanding can reach what thou art Maſter of in the traditional Wiſdom of the Prophets and Rabbies of ancient Times.
How ignorant are the Literati of theſe Parts of the World in this particular? that they think none of the Ages or Nations contemporary with Moſes and the Elders, were Partakers with them of ſacred Knowledge, or had communi⯑cated to them any Part of the divine Inſtituti⯑ons, which the Jews call the written Law?
Is it poſſible that theſe Men ſhould paſs by the many Ages of Wiſdom in which the Ara⯑bians, who were for a thouſand Years the wiſeſt People upon Earth, and from whom the Egypti⯑ans borrowed their Learning and Knowledge, flouriſhed as well in heavenly, as in humane Studies: We are not without Teſtimonies irrefragable, that God revealed himſelf in di⯑verſe [82] Manners, and thro' the Adminiſtration of divers Perſons, beſides thoſe Vocal Legiſla⯑tions and awful Appearances of Mount Sinai, mentioned in the Writings of Moſes, called the Pentateuch; Even the Jews themſelves confeſs, that their great Prophet Moſes wandered forty Years in Foreign Countries, from whence he returned fraught with Wiſdom and Knowledge, as well as with a Wife and a Stock of Sons, with which he was bleſt in that Country; which Country we know was on the Back of the Deſert, and inhabited by the Tribes of Midian; all at that Time not only under the Subjection of the Arabian Power, but Parta⯑kers with them in their Knowledge and Wiſ⯑dom, for which they were at that Time famous through all the Nations of the Earth.
It is obſervable, that even the Jews them⯑ſelves, when they would ſet forth the great Judgment and Underſtanding of their Law⯑giver Moſes, they ſay he was learned in all the Wiſdom of the Egyptians; whereas we like⯑wiſe know that the great Teachers of Science, and Inſtructers of the Southſayers of Egypt were Arabians; and that the Source of all their Knowledge came orginally from Dh [...]arajara, Gurbelhumar, and Jabin Halfarecha, the moſt an⯑cient Doctors of Arabia, far elder than Omer and Zebdanna; under the Teachings of whom, the Soothſayers, Magicians, and other wiſe Men of Egypt, had their Studies, and went into the Southermoſt Parts of Arabia Foelix, to hear and learn Inſtruction from them▪ So that for Moſes to be learn'd in all the Wiſdom of the Egyptians, was neither leſs or more than to be a Pupil of the Pupils of the ancient, moſt learned Arabians; in whom the Perfections of [83] Knowledge, in the firſt Ages of Time, were treaſured up, and from them extended all over the World; particularly from Arabia to Egypt, by the Doctors and learned or wiſe Men of thoſe Times; from thence, by the Learning of Moſes, to the Jews; and by other Hands to the Sages of the East; from whom the Grecians, (viz.) the Philoſophers of Athens, and of other Grecian Countries, handed down and improv'd humane Knowledge to the Romans, and to all the other Nations of the World.
I cannot, Sage Regiſter of humane Know⯑ledge, paſs over here the Confeſſion of the Jews, and the Teſtimony they give to the Truth I aſſert, (viz) that the Wiſdom and Knowledge, as well divine as humane, which was entruſted from Heaven with Mankind in thoſe firſt poſt diluvian Ages, as they are called, was committed immediately, and in a more than ordinary Portion, to the Arabians, above all the Nations of the World.
This, I ſay, the Jews acknowledge, in pub⯑liſhing to the World, among the Books which they call Sacred; The Book or Story of Job the patient: This Book is not only graced with being written in the moſt ſublime Stile that the Hebrew Language was ever written in, and by which it appears that the ancient Hebrew was preſerved in its higheſt Purity and Dig⯑nity of Expreſſion; but it gives undoubted Teſtimony to this great Principle, (viz.) that God revealed himſelf from Heaven to the Arabians, for by the Confeſſion of all the Geo⯑graphers in the World, Job and his three Friends were Arabians: I ſay, that God re⯑vealed himſelf from Heaven to the Arabians, in the like, and perhaps every Way as glorious a [84] Manner, as he did afterwards to the other Poſterity of Abraham, the Iſraelites.
The whole Tenour of that Book, which they call of Job, intimates ſtrongly a Supremacy of divine and natural Knowledge, infinite Tranſcendencies of Wiſdom ſhine in every Part of it, all rational and ſupernatural Powers are exerted, in the Significancy of Expreſſion, the Pungency of Replies, the Beauty of Stile, the Vivacity of Expreſſion; in the arguings of his Friends, and the Sufferings of himſelf, all generous Principles are urged, acted, and im⯑prov'd; the moſt paſſionate Expoſtulations that can be conceived, break out from the Mouth of the grave Patriarch, under his ſtrong Preſ⯑ſures, as from a Spirit overwhelmed; yet tyed down to the Principles of Humility, Reſigna⯑tion, Penitence, and all the Graces of a reli⯑gious Mind; and all theſe appear in a reſplen⯑dent Manner, even unutterable in any Language ſince that time known in the World: Nay, even unutterable in the very ſame Language, by any other Mouth.
No Example like it can ever be produced, thro' the whole Hiſtory of Time among the Jews, even by their own Confeſſion; Now Job, by all the Deſcriptions that can be given, was an Inhabitant of the Land of UZ: This UZ is, according to their own Doctors, a Country denominated from UZ, the Grandſon of Noah, by his Eldeſt Son SHEM; whoſe Poſterity mul⯑tiplying after their coming out of the Ark, extended themſelves Southward into the moſt fruitful Countries of Aſia; ſuch as India, Perſia, and Weſtward into Syria, Damaſcus and Arabia, juſtly called the happy; and their happy Poſterity are ſeated to this Day, abounding in Wiſdom and Knowledge, and conſummated in the great Law⯑giver, [85] our ſublime Prophet, whoſe Remains reſt in the ſhining Valley of Beatitudes, and the bleſſed Shades of the Holy City.
O! might I obtain the Bleſſing of returning from among Infidels, and the impure Nations of Nazareens; Impoſtors, who profane our Law, and give to the Almighty One God a Partner⯑ſhip of Deities; that my Aſhes may reſt in Peace among Believers, and my Spirit paſs from the pure Society of the faithful Muſſul⯑mans, to the Regions of ſublimated Pleaſure, and the inexpreſſible Joys of the Heavenly Garden, more beautiful than that of Eden: This would cauſe new Spirits to ruſh into all my Veins, new Vigour into all my Limbs, and, aged as I am, I could travel, nay, flie from this Exile, and make the Holy Pilgrimage on my bare Feet, from Paris, to the City of Wonders, the glorious Medina Acheb.
Whither am I tranſported? While I ſpeak of theſe Things I am wrapt up with inconceiv⯑able Pleaſure, and ſcarce know whether my Soul is embodyed, or unembodyed; Go on, thou Man of Perfection, continue to be the Oracle of Wiſdom, the Stream of Inſtruction, the Wiſdom of the wiſe, Eyes to the blind, and the Joy of the Faithful: I ſhall ſpeak more to thee of theſe Matters, if the languiſhing Life I groan out here permits me Time.
Paris, the 7th Day of the 9th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XXI. To Draout Zemaoglan, his near Kinſman; Ʋnder-Clark, or Deputy to the Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State.
[86]IS it not ſtrange, that while I am daily wri⯑ting Letters to thy Maſter of the greateſt Importance, and giving him an Account of the Succeſs of the great Enterpriſes which are undertaken, and the Victories gained by the French over the German Emperor and his Allies; I ſay, is it not ſtrange I ſhould ſit ſtill here, perfectly ignorant of either the Fate, or the Hiſtory of what is doing in my own Country, and among my own Kindred.
How cometh it to paſs, that thou, who art the right Hand to him, who is the right Hand of Councils, and keeps the Secrets of the mighty Empire; ſhould not inform me at this Diſtance, of the great Turns in the Admini⯑ſtration ſince the laſt Year; how the new Vizier has been exalted, and how to ſhew himſelf illuſtrious, and great in Action as in Council, he has reſtored Victory to the Arms of the Grand Seignior, by fighting the Battle of Niſſa, and cutting in Pieces above 12000 of the Infidel Troop
It is true I hear all this, and am able to ſend thee Particulars which thou knoweſt not of; but this is owing to the Intelligence I keep in the Courts and Councils of Princes, who are Enemies to the Grand Seignior, and therefore [87] cannot always prevail with themſelves to ſpeak the Truth.
Beſides, haſt thou no ſympathetick Senſe of the Joys or Griefs of an abſent Parent? That would be to ſuppoſe, that thou haſt none of the Blood of thy Father's Brother in thee; or that He and I having the ſame Father and Mother, thou hadſt ſtill no Part of us com⯑municated by Generation, tho' by the Laws of Nature, which change not, the volatile Par⯑ticles of thy Blood, maintain an inviſible Cor⯑reſpondence with thoſe of thy Father's Father, who was my Father; whereby thou inheriteſt the ſame Paſſions, Temper, Fire, and Phlegm, and ſhalt act in Conſonance to the Humour and Conſtitution of us that went before thee, even involuntarily, and by a natural Force of ſympathetick Powers, which thou mayeſt not perceive.
By the ſame Rule thou art of Neceſſity in⯑ſpired with the generous Principles of thy Grandfather, and canſt not be unmindful of thy Father's Image, who is now, tho' thus di⯑ſtant and remote, the neareſt Parent to thee in Blood; and in whoſe Affection thou haſt ſo great a Share, that by Sympathy it is impoſ⯑ſible for us to be unconcern'd in the Griefs or Joys of one another, which Griefs or Joys, tho' unknown to either, are communicated by the inviſible Converſe of Spirits.
Whence elſe is it that involuntary Sadneſs ſeizes thy Heart, at Times when perhaps thou ſeeſt nothing near thee but what is the Subject of Pleaſure and Joy? At that Mo⯑ment, doubt it not, the Soul of thy deareſt Parent Mahmut, here at this vaſt Diſtance, ſuffers Grief; perhaps from Diſtempers of the Body, [88] Torture of the Mind, Diſappointment, Affli⯑ction, or ſome latent Cauſe of Sorrow, unknown to thee.
By the ſame ſecret Influence I feel ſecret Impulſes of Joy, by a ſudden Spring of Spi⯑rits thro' my Blood, which lifts up the Soul above Grief, above all the Reach of humane Accidents, and above even my Power of ex⯑preſſing; I conclude then, thou, or ſome yet nearer Relation, perhaps my Mother, thy Grand⯑mother, receive ſome Advancement, ſome Smiles from the ſublime Majeſty of the Grand Seignior, ſome uncommon Token of Proſpe⯑rity, which is thus communicated to me by the inconceivable Power of ſympathetick In⯑fluence, and the free Intercourſe of Spirits: Thou knoweſt not perhaps how to expreſs this, or at all Times to diſtinguiſh it; but aſſure thy ſelf, if thou liſſen vigilantly to the Voice of this ſilent Inſtruction, thou ſhalt always find in thy ſelf ſecret Intimations of all the good or evil that attends either thee or thy Family.
I return to my firſt Complaint: The invi⯑ſible Correſpondence of our Souls will com⯑municate Things particular to our ſelves, but there is not the ſame Conveyance of Things publick and affecting our Country; for tho' Affection to our Country may carry us high, yet there is no ſecret Sympathy, nothing mu⯑tual between us there; we are not of the ſame Species, or modell'd in the ſame Mould of Nature with our Governours; whereas the Channels of Blood in Relatives, come from the ſame Spring, partake of the ſame Tempera⯑ment, and receive Motion from the ſame Prin⯑ciples.
I conjure thee by the Blood in thy Veins, ſpringing from the great Fountain of Guebirava [89] in Arabia, the Source of our Generation, by the Graves of our Anceſtors, buried under the Hill Abirjuvan, by the Head of thy Father and the right Hand of thy Mother, that thou for⯑get me not in this Exile; but communicate to me of thy Welfare, and of all the publick Affairs of the Muſſulmans Empire; to which may all Proſperity be given, and may thoſe who envy the Grand Seignior be brought bound to his Saftre, and receive the Judg⯑ment of Rebels from his mighty Hand.
Paris, the 5th Day of the 8th Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER XXII. To the Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State.
[90]IT is with an inexpreſſible Satisfaction that I ſee here the Accounts from the Frontiers of Hungary, of the Progreſs by the victorious Arms of the Grand Vizier, and the Conſterna⯑tion of the Infidels at the Succeſs of the Faithful.
The French partake of our Joy, the War againſt the Emperor being of great Advantage to them; It is by their Means that I have a true Account of the glorious Succeſſes of the Ottoman Forces over the Germans; they tell me, the Grand Vizier has taken Niſſa, in Conſe⯑quence of the Battle near that Place, wherein the Germans loſt ſeven Princes, and 8000 Men of their beſt Troops; that the Seraſquier Ibrahim has taken the Fort of Piroth on the River Moraw, and the Town of Widin on the Danube; ſo that all the Province of Servia is cleared of the Germans, who are driven to the Gates of Belgrade
At the ſame Time that they were expecting Accounts of the farther Progreſs of the ever victorious Vizier, they received an Account another Way of a yet more terrible Blow given the Germans by Count Teck [...]li, the Hungarian Malecontent; who, aſſiſted by a Body of the Grand Seignior's Troops, attacked General Heiſter in his Camp near the Port du fer, or the Iron Gate, being a Paſs through the Moun⯑tains [91] of Tranſilvania; the German General had 4000 Foot and 2000 Horſe of the Imperial Troops, with 4000 Heydukes, and 8000 Tran⯑ſilvanian Foot: But were attacked with ſuch Fury by Count Teckeli's Foot, backed with a Body of Janizaries, that they were entirely defeated; and ſo compleat was the Victory, that not 300 of the Germans have eſcaped, being cut in Pieces; General Heiſter himſelf is taken, and all the other General Officers kill'd or taken.
Theſe Things I do not write to thee to in⯑form thee, who haſt, without Diſpute, long ago the trueſt and firſt Account from the Grand Vizier himſelf, and haſt communicated the Joy of it with the whole Body of the Faithful: But I write to let thee know alſo the Influence theſe Succeſſes of the invincible Ottomans, have on theſe Parts of the World; the French rejoyce, the Neutral Princes ſtand in a Kind of Surprize; but the Germans are every where in the greateſt Conſternation imaginable, not doubting but the victorious Creſcents will ſpread like a Tor⯑rent, and in a little Time regain the whole Kingdom of Hungary, and unravel all the Con⯑queſts of their great Hero, the Duke of Lorain; nor would the Conſternation be much greater, if the Grand Seignior's Armies were at the Gates of Vienna, than it will be if the Grand Vi⯑zier ſhould take Belgrade; which I will not doubt.
Happy be the Days and proſperous the Hands of the Faithful; may the vigilant and un⯑daunted Leader of the Imperial Armies of Ma⯑homet go on ſucceſsfully to the End of his Wiſhes, and fulfil all the Expectations of the Grand Seignior, and of all that wiſh the Proſpe⯑rity of the Muſſulmans Empire.
But give Mahmut Leave to expoſtulate with thee in this Part, and to complain that I have [92] here no Information in theſe Things, however important; but what I receive from the Hands of Strangers, and from the Publick Printed Papers handed about among the Infidels; wherein ſuch is the Spirit of Falſhood that reigns among theſe Pretenders to Uprightneſs, that they report every Thing their own Way, and juſt as they would have it be.
If a Victory is obtained by any of their Ar⯑mies, whether it be one Side or other, they oftentimes on one Hand magnifie the Particu⯑lars, and reckon up the Numbers of the kill'd and wounded to be more than the Party de⯑feated really had in their Army; and if you hear the Story again from thoſe who were beaten, you fail not to leſſen the Number of the Armies, and to give an Account of the Action as if very few were kill'd, wounded, or taken Priſoners; ſo that oftentimes we find many more Priſoners to ranſome by a great many, than were really taken in the Fight.
I, that fail not always to ſupply the Office of Secretary of State with needful and full In⯑telligence of Things done in theſe remote Parts of the World, ought not to be kept ig⯑norant of our own Affairs, or in what Manner to repreſent the Figure which our Illuſtrious Emperor makes in the Hiſtory of the Times.
It weakens me in the Judgment I am to make of Things, when I know not how they go; and I am not able to make juſt Repreſen⯑tations, or give true Ideas of Things to thoſe I converſe ſecretly with, if I know not how Things go at the illuſtrious Port; wherefore I intreat you let me be, as at firſt, fully informed of every Thing, ſo ſhall I be enabled to give right Council and right Advices of all Matters.
Paris, 17th of the 2d Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER XXIII. To Solyman Hagzani Oglou, Aga of the Janizaries.
[93]I Have received thy welcome Letter, which is the more ſo, becauſe it ſignifies to me in ſo many Words that this Expreſs is ſent me by the particular Order of the Grand Seig⯑nior himſelf. The Words were no ſooner ſounded by my Voice, but, without being able to read any farther, I turned my Face to⯑wards the happy Shades of Mecca, and bleſſed the Memory of our great Prophet Mahomet, waſhing my ſelf with Water, and making my Prayers in Form, as for the greateſt Occaſion that could befal me, and which commanded Worſhip and Thankſgiving with the higheſt Reverence and Joy of a true Believer.
Kings, the mortal Gods on Earth, acting by the ſame Methods of Juſtice and Benignity as the mighty Soveraign of the World, tho' in a different Proportion, command the ſame Reve⯑rence and Homage, in a due Proportion like⯑wiſe from thoſe upon whom they pleaſe to ſhine.
It is not a common Thankfulneſs which ſuch Beams of Favour command from Subjects; the Benignity is of a ſacred Original; the Ho⯑mage partakes of the ſublime; and, next to our Adoration, of the One God, Father of Life, and the Rewarder of the true Believers; our moſt perfect Submiſſions and moſt proſtrate Affe⯑ctions are due to the ſhining Glory of our im⯑perial [94] Benefactor, Image of Glory, and ſupream Fountain of Splendor upon Earth, the Mirror of illuſtrious Light, and the true Repreſentative of inconceivable Brightneſs.
This Duty I perform from my Soul: I am exalted to a ſublime Joy, unequall'd by any thing on this Side the [...]lden Gates of Para⯑diſe I am lifted up in [...]raſies of inward De⯑lights unexpreſſible; and [...]m a Fountain, flow⯑ing Streams of pure Affection, Obedience, and unbyaſs'd Duty, to the Intereſt, Service, and Perſon of the great Lord of the Kings of the Globe, the Emperor of the Faithful.
'Tis a Heaven on this Side Paradiſe to ſerve ſo glorious a Maſter; to die in his Service is to inherit the brighteſt Circle of Eden, and to be tranſported immediately into the Garden of inexpreſſible Delight.
Our immortal Sultan has not a more faith⯑ful Slave in the Extent of his unbounded Em⯑pire than Mahmut, who has ſerv'd with an inviolable Fidelity almoſt fifty Years in a Sta⯑tion equally unhappy as unpleaſant; but it is more than a Reward to all thoſe Services, that I am at laſt favoured with having my Name mention'd by the Mouth of him who is clo⯑thed with Glory, and overſhadowed with the Light of the eternal Benediction.
The Sum of Money thou haſt likewiſe ſent me by Bills upon the Banquier of the French Ambaſſador at the Port, however great my Ne⯑ceſſities are, is in no Compariſon equal to the Solace of thy Letter, as being ſent by Order of the Emperor of the World.
I proſtrate my ſelf on the Ground, and kiſs the happy Duſt, at the Feet of our reſplendent Emperor, offering up ten Thouſand Prayers for the eternal Felicity of the Beloved of God, [95] and I demand of thee to do Juſtice to Mah⯑mut, in returning the moſt ſubmiſſive Acknow⯑ledgments of a devoted Slave.
But after all this had lifted up my Soul be⯑yond the Power of its conceiving, and I ſtood dumb and mute as one in a Trance, dazled with the Glory of the great Sultan's Favour; I was yet farther ſurpriz'd with the happy News of the Progreſs of the victorious Arms of our Emperor, under the Leading of the Grand Vizier in Hungaria, and the amazing Account of the Recovering the Fortreſs of Bel⯑grade out of the Hands of the Infidel Germans: So much good News together was too much for an old Man to bear; and fainting under the Weight of exuberant Joy, I made good that Saying of the Ancients, (viz)
It has been a Pain to me, illuſtrious and happy Solyman, that I have been obliged to keep my Letters thus long, in return to thine, which came to me with ſuch Expedition, that I had, contrary to all the Uſage of ſuch things, the News of the taking of Belgrade from thy Hand before it arriv'd here by Expreſſes from Vienna. The ſwift Chaioux, who brought, on the Wings of Joy, the pleaſing News to the Em⯑peror, brought a Bleſſing from Mahomet with the Report of a Victory, fair Winds and a quick Paſſage join'd to diſperſe the Tidings to all the World, the Veſſel which brought the happy Account paſt with a ſurprizing Pace, and perform'd, in ſeven Days, her Voyage from the happy Port, the Centre of circling Commerce, to Marſeilles, from whence the Poſt brought me thy Letters in nine Days more by Land. I un⯑derſtand [96] ſince that the Engliſh Ship, which car⯑ried the ſame News to Smyrna and Alexandria, had ſo happy a Paſſage, that ſhe perform'd the firſt in four Days, and the other in Eleven more; ſcarce would the Air have handed on the Thunder of the Blaſt from Belgrade ſo far, and ſo ſoon, when the Magazines of Powder were blown up, could the inceſſant Vibrations of Air have been continued to the Diſtance I ſpeak of.
Happy Blaſt that has transferred into the Hands of the Grand Seignior a City engrafted into his Empire, in which were Nine and fifty Moſques conſecrated to Mahomet, and not lon⯑ger, by the whole Power of Earth, to be de⯑tained out of the Poſſeſſion of the Juſt.
It is poſſible for thee to exceed my Joy in this Place, becauſe thou partakeſt of the Plea⯑ſures of the Serail, and ſeeſt the Smiles of the illuſtrious Port upon this Occaſion; but it is impoſſible for thee to ſee, and indeed to enter⯑tain any Idea of the Conſternation which the Enemies of Mahomet, and of the invincible Sul⯑tan, are under upon this Occaſion.
They are not only aſtoniſh'd at the Loſs, but at the Manner of it; how one Bomb, directed by Heaven, ſhould fall ſo into one Magazine, as not only to blow that particular Place up, but from thence to communicate its Fire to the re⯑ſerved Coverts of all the Magazines in the Place, and tranſverſe the whole City. This a⯑mazes them, and they ſee clearly that Heaven fightsagainſt them, that the faithful Muſſulmen are predeſtinated to be Lords of the Univerſe, and it is to no Purpoſe to lift up the Hand a⯑gainſt the Beloved of Heaven.
Paris, 15th of the 3d Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER XXIV. To Morat Abdomozar Ephieſman Oglou, a Student in the Law of Mahomet.
[97]THOU that haſt ſpent thy Years in the Study of the myſterious Viſion, and art Maſter of the ſecret Interpretation; tell me where will the Superſtition of the Nazareens end? who, while they pretend to be the moſt devout among the Servants of the Meſſiah, are the buſieſt People in the World to perſwade themſelves out of all Senſe of Religion in the World.
Where ſleeps eternal Juſtice? and how far may Nations ſtrive with Heaven, inſult the Being of the God of Nature, and call aloud for the juſt Retribution of their Crimes, and yet ſlow Vengeance not be prevailed with to exert its Power, and to deſtroy them? no not at their own Requeſt!
What is the Puniſhment, righteous Morat, if any Muſſulman ſhould be ſo far degenerate as to deny the Being of the great One God! what ſays our great Prophet, whoſe Law teaches upright things?
I know thou wilt anſwer as the Philoſopher Lycurgus, the Lawgiver of the Grecians, did, when it was ask'd him, why he had appointed no Puniſhment for Parricide, (viz.) that it was a Crime not to be named among his Citizens, and therefore needleſs to be enacted or provi⯑ded againſt.
[98] Sure, of all the Religions that were ever erected by the Wit of Men, and of all the Gods that have been adored among the Hea⯑then, never any People deviated into theſe Diſputes about them before, all the idolatrous Nations in the World have retained this as a firſt Principle, Nulla Gens tam barbara, quae neſcit eſſe Deum.
But the Nazareens, the Worſhipers of the Meſſiah, have run ſuch Diviſions among themſelves, and rais'd ſo many Quarrels about Religion, that they are at laſt willing to think they have been all along in the Dark, and that there is no ſuch thing as Religion in the World, or any ſuch thing as a God to be wor⯑ſhiped. In a Word, they have phyloſophiz'd ſo long about their God, and how to call him, that they have quite loſt him, and are daily queſtioning among one another whether there really is any ſuch thing or no in the World.
Nothing is more certain than the Vanity and Perplexity of School-Diſputes, Men may diſtinguiſh themſelves into, and out of any Opi⯑nion or Religion in the World; but among all the ſorts of Infidels that ever infeſted the World, theſe Chriſtians, as they would be call⯑ed, are arriv'd to the higheſt Pitch of Infide⯑lity; for they are now come to reſolve all Religion to be a Politick Cheat, Notions of a God to be a Craft of the Schoolmen, and, in a Word, to deny the Beginning and End of all things.
Theſe Men are arrived to a Degree of Crime which Lucifer, the great Angel and Prince of the dark abode, never pretended to; the exten⯑ſive Knowledge of Devils forbids that they ſhould once ſuggeſt to themſelves the Non-Exiſtence of that Being, whoſe Power they feel [99] in pungent Torture, invincible and inconcei⯑vable; nor are there any Atheiſts in the Iſlands of Perdition: Thoſe who have paſs'd the Gulph into the Abyſs of Plagues and Darkneſs, are too well convinc'd by their Miſeries of the Reality of that Being which they before deni⯑ed.
But 'tis in vain to talk to theſe Men, who, nothing but the Sables of Tophet, can unde⯑ceive, they laugh at the local Priſons, deſpiſe being ſubject to Torment, ridicule the Notions of a God, a future State, and all that which wiſe and good Men believe concerning Rewards and Puniſhments; 'tis of no Force to tell them they out-ſin the Devil, and that the King of the eternal Pit believes, nay, knows, with Hor⯑ror, the Beatitudes which he is excluded from; for they believe as little of a Hell as they do of a Heaven, and own no Devil any more than they do a God.
Divine Morat, this is a Sin not to be nam'd, or to be found among Muſſulmen; it is the juſt Diſtinction of the Righteous that they are Believers, that they know there is One God, that he is but One, and that Mahomet is his Pro⯑phet.
All the Celeſtial Chapters of the Alcoran, that divine Oracle which came down from Heaven, are introduced in the Name of God Gracious and Merciful. We are therefore called the faithful Muſſulmen, becauſe believing in One God; to raſe out the Name and Belief of God out of the Mind, is to apoſtatize from our Faith, and, as it were, to become a Chriſtian; for among them only are Atheiſts to be found, among them alone are to be found Men veſted with rea⯑ſoning Powers and Faculties, yet denying the Be⯑ing [100] of him by whoſe Gift they enjoy thoſe Powers.
By Mahomet, by the Graves of Omar Ekkbutar, and the Forefathers of the holy Mirza Muhamed, the Beginning and firſt Fruits of the Faithful, I ſwear if theſe Men had been living in the Days of our great Prophet, the Alcoran ſhould have had Five Chapters of Curſes and Execra⯑tions againſt the Wickedeſt of all Wickedneſs, I mean this of denying the Being of a God; a Crime againſt Nature, againſt common Senſe, againſt Demonſtration, againſt invincible Te⯑ſtimony of Ages paſt; in a Word, againſt the ſecret Conviction of the Minds of thoſe who are guilty; ſcarce a Man of them being with⯑out ſuch Teſtimonies of their own Conſciences within, in behalf of the eternal God that made them, that in Spight of the moſt harden'd Re⯑ſolution it reproaches them, and when they ſuggeſt No God, replies, THOU FOOL.
Paris, 20th of the 11th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER XXV. To the Prince of the Servants of God, Guide of the Faithful, Mirror of Wiſdom and Council; the venerable Eſad, high in the Favour of the Grand Seignior and our great Pro⯑phet Mahomet.
[101]THO' it is not the moſt agreeable Thing in the World to write to thee of War, and of fighting, who art the Lamp of Truth, and the Guide to Peace; yet the Story of daring Vertue, taking Arms in their Hands for Truth and Right, is ſo much within thy Sphere, that I cannot doubt it will be pleaſing to thee.
The Duke of Savoy, an enterprizing Prince, and one who has too long fallen into the French Methods of Government, (or rather religious Tyranny) over his Subjects, had ſome Years ago baniſhed an innocent, inoffenſive, and gal⯑lant People, out of his Dominions, becauſe of their refuſing to comply with ſome of the Ceremonies and Formalities of the Worſhip of that Part of the Nazareen Profeſſion, call'd Catholick or Roman.
Theſe People were Inhabitants of the Vallies, ſcituate among the moſt inacceſſible Parts of the Alpine Mountains; thoſe ſtupendious Hills do not, like our Caucaſus or Mount Hemus, run on in a continued Ridge and Chain of Rocks, but they often break off abrupt, and ſtanding [102] up in high Pyramidical Precipices, and inac⯑ceſſible Steeps, leave Intervals of the deepeſt Valleys; which being thus walled about by unpaſſable Hills, are indeed natural Fortifica⯑tions of themſelves: The Inlets into theſe are ſo difficult, and in ſome Parts ſo impracticable, that 100 Men have been known to be able to defend one of them againſt ten thouſand; but when one is entered, tho' the Hills and Moun⯑tains with which they are ſurrounded, ſeem to touch the Stars, yet the Valleys are the moſt agreeable, pleaſant, fruitful, and habitable Places imaginable.
The People of theſe Valleys are a painful, honeſt, induſtrious People; alſo daring and brave to the laſt Degree: Subjects generally to the King of France or the Duke of Savoy, till one comes further North, when the Vales are larger and more populous, being the Re⯑mainders of the ancient Helvetians, conquer'd by Julius Caeſar, and now called the Swiſs Can⯑tons.
Theſe Vaudois, ſo they are call'd, from the Pais de Vaux, or Valleys, are not only of the Sect of the Nazareens, called Proteſtants; but they boaſt that they embraced the Chriſtian Religion from the pure and primitive Times of it; when it muſt be confeſs'd the pure Doctrine of Jeſus, the Son of Mary, was more ſincerely adhered to, than it has been ſince the Papal Hie⯑rarchy; for ſince that, it has been corrupted with Traditions, Innovations, and humane Inven⯑tions, till it is quite degenerated into a Maſs of Error and Superſtition.
The Duke of Savoy had, as I ſaid, baniſhed theſe People out of their Habitations, taken from them their Subſtance, Eſtates, Habitations, and even from ſome, their Children; driving [103] them to ſeek their Bread in Foreign Countries, where the Charity of other People might ſup⯑port them: In this Condition they fled to Geneva and the Swiſs Cantons, being the neigh⯑bouring Helvetia, which I juſt now named, where they were well receiv'd, harbour'd, reliev'd, and permitted as well as aſſiſted to ſettle; nor had they any View of being reſtored, eſpecially while the French and Savoyard acted againſt the Proteſtant Intereſt in Concert with one ano⯑ther.
But now, ſeeing the World embarraſſed in War, and not ſo good an Underſtanding be⯑tween the French and the Duke of Savoy as uſed to be, but rather a Proſpect of worſe; they form'd one of the moſt deſperate and diffi⯑cult Deſigns among themſelves, that for ſuch a Handful of Men to undertake was ever heard of, (viz.) to force their Way back to their own Habitations Sword in Hand, and to reſolve to dwell there, in Defiance of the Duke their Lord and Perſecutor.
The Duke had Notice of it, and took all poſſible Precaution againſt it, which added to the Difficulty: for they had therefore in Con⯑ſequence ſeveral Detachments of Forces to encounter in the Way, beſides the unſurmount⯑able Difficulty of Want of Proviſions, Carri⯑ages, Money, or Troops, and the exceeding Length and Roughneſsof the Way.
But all this did not diſcourage them from making the Attempt, which they ſet on Foot with all the Secreſie, and executed with all the Vigour and Succeſs imaginable; ſo that the World are even ſurprized at the Relation of it; which take as follows, for it is well worth thy hearing.
[104] They had ſome Friends, and the Swiſs, at leaſt thoſe Cantons profeſſing the ſame Opi⯑nions in Religion, wink'd at them, if they did not aſſiſt them; but the principal En⯑couragement they had was from the new King of England, from whom it was ſaid they re⯑ceived 100000 Livres, to furniſh them with Arms and Proviſions; encouraged with which Supplies, and Hopes of greater Aſſiſtance, they carryed on the Deſign with wonderful Se⯑creſie.
The particular Number which was to have remov'd, was actually three thouſand, as I have ſeen by their Liſts; but he that was to have paid their Money, not having allowed them Time ſufficient for ſuch a Num⯑ber, there was not above half were ready againſt the Day prefixed for their Depar⯑ture.
Nevertheleſs the Deſign being blown Abroad, about twelve hundred that were in a Poſture to march, reſolved to ſtay no longer, for Fear of meeting Obſtacles in their Way: To this Purpoſe they croſs'd the Lake of Geneva in the Night, unperceived by the Savoyards; ſo that they had Time to get a Shoar, to range them⯑ſelves in Order of Battle, and ſend four hun⯑dred Men to inveſt two Neighbouring Villa⯑ges, before they were diſcover'd; upon this the Savoyards took the Alarm, and were run⯑ning to ring their Bells backward; but being threatned with Fire and Sword, they let them paſs, and furniſhed them with Neceſſaries for their Money; they croſs'd the River Arva with⯑out Moleſtation, in regard they had been ſo wary as to ſend away a Detachment to make ſure of the Paſs; but tho' they met with no Trouble at the Beginning, they found enough [105] afterwards; for the Courts of Savoy and France being informed of their Motion, did all they could to ſtop them in ſeveral narrow and dange⯑rous Paſſes, thro' which they were obliged to force their Way; however they ſurmounted all theſe Difficulties, ſtill cutting their Paſſage thro' their Enemies with the Edge of their Swords: They endured the Brunt of four or five Skirmiſhes, of which the ſharpeſt was their Encounter with the Marquis of Larre, who would needs put a Stop to them near a Place called Salber⯑tran; having along with him for that Purpoſe a Regiment of Dragoons, and a good Number of the Militia; nevertheleſs, after a ſmart Con⯑flict, wherein they loſt ſome Men, they forc'd the Paſſage, as they had done the reſt; the Marquis was mortally wounded, ſeveral other Officers loſt their Lives, and above two hun⯑dred French Soldiers were ſlain: Afterwards having vanquiſh'd all Oppoſition, they arriv'd happily in their own Country; from whence they chaced the old Catholicks, but now Inha⯑bitants, and found great Plenty of all Things neceſſary for humane Support; thoſe of the Valley of Pragelas, tho' Subjects of France, and the new Converts, received them with open Arms, and now bring them whatever they ſtand in need of.
After this, ſeveral Bodies of them attempted to follow their Friends, particularly one of 2300 Men; but were ſo unfortunate as to be repulſed in ſeveral Skirmiſhes, and obliged at laſt to retire.
Sage Prince of ſublime Thoughts, thou wilt ſee here, how far Zeal carries the Profeſſors of any Religion, whether true or falſe, to puſh even to Deſperation and Death; according to a famous Expreſſion of an Engliſh Writer, who [106] was well known to have as much Wit and as little Religion, as any of the modern Profli⯑gates of his Time; as follows,
With how much purer Flame does the Zeal of the Faithful burn, which carries them on the Wings of ſage Councils, to undertake the greateſt Actions. Bleſs by thy Smiles, illuſtri⯑ous Prince of Wiſdom, the Steps of all that are guided in the right Way, and ever direct the Zeal of true Believers to act with Vigour, for the Honour of God and his great Prophet.
Paris, 26th of the 12th Moon, of the Year 1690.
A Continuation of LETTERS written by a Spye at Paris. BOOK II.
[107]LETTER I. To Muſtapha Oſman, a Dervice of Adrianople, his Friend.
AT length I have received the joyful Tidings, that the Requeſt I have been twenty Years making to the Divan, and which my Friends have earneſtly ſollicited for me, through the Miniſtry of Eleven Grand Viziers, has been granted, (viz.) that I ſhall be recall'd from this State of Exile, and have leave to ſee once more the ſhining Valley and the glorious Gates of Himza the bleſſed, the Emblem of the heavenly Eden, and the Shadow of Para⯑diſe.
[108] Rejoice with me, O ye my Friends, who know net what it is to be excluded near Fifty Years from all the Delights of Earth, and Views of Heaven; what it is to be damn'd on Earth to the Society of Infidels, and Enemies of Ma⯑homet.
The Bleſſing of Aroa mahan, the Light of Paradiſe, the ſhining of the golden Gate on the inacceſſible Mountain of Sephar, the Wing of the Arch-Angel, and the muſical Thunder of the Valley of Beauty, reſt on thee, happy Muſtapha, and on thy Brother Orchanes Omar, and on the Graves of thy Kindred for ever; for the indefatigable Pains thou and he alſo has taken to purchaſe thy Friend Mahmut this De⯑liverance.
How happy ſhall we be, when we ſhall an⯑ticipate even Paradiſe it ſelf, and embrace to⯑gether in a mutual Band of indiſſoluble Friend⯑ſhip! O that bleſſed ſeraphick Word! which ſo few underſtand, and ſo many make uſe of here to ſupplant, undermine, and betray one another!
Thou haſt added to my Extaſies alſo, in tell⯑ing me, that at my Arrival at the happy Port, thou wilt accompany me in the Concluſion of Life, and we ſhall make the laſt Tour of the World together in a devout Pilgrimage to the Tomb of our miraculous Prophet, where a Viſion of Eden ſhall inſpire us with continual Raptures, and we ſhall inſenſibly drop away in⯑to Paradiſe, as in a Tranſport of Joy, the Fire of the Cave ſhall tranſlate us wrapt in the Fume of inexpreſſible Odors, till we awake in Paradiſe, embracing ſtill; and in the Arms of one another, be carried into the brighteſt Re⯑gions of Beauty and Bliſs.
[109] I am coming, my Friend, I am coming; nay, I am with you, wrapt up already in the Joy of Hope; every Night my Slumbers are crown'd with Viſions of our Joy; I em⯑brace thee in the Dark, and even when aſleep. I partake of the Felicity already, by the Anti⯑cipation of the pleaſant Dream.
If this Joy encreaſes upon me, I know not how long humane Nature may find it ſelf able to bear the Weight; who knows the Power of inſupportable Felicity? It is a certain Te⯑ſtimony that we are to be ſomething elſe than what we now are, before we can be capable of receiving the full Stream of the Joys of Para⯑diſe. Believe me, Muſtapha, the Soul, as now contracted in an embody'd State, is no more capable of the Joys of Paradiſe, without a Change of all its Powers, and even of the Ex⯑tent of its whole Frame, than it is of ſupport⯑ing the Torments of the Gulph which burn but conſume not.
If by the meer entertainingthe firſt Concepti⯑ons of the Joy of my approaching Bliſs, I am ſcarce able to know whether I am in a State of Life or a State of eternal Poſſeſſion; if the Extaſie is ſo penetrating, and ſo forcible, that I ſometimes know not whether I am awake or in Sleep, embody'd or unembodied; to what Height of Rapture may a farther Viſion of the ſhining Vale carry me? and why may not this Ferment of the Soul thruſt it forcibly out of the Body? as a Cask of Wine burſts the ſtrongeſt Bands for want of Vent, and tho' hoop'd with Iron, cannot be kept within its former Limits; or as dilated Air burſts even the fierceſt Mountains, on the fortuitous Meet⯑ing of the ſulphurous and nitrous Particles, in which it was impriſoned.
[110] Believe me, Muſtapha, the Joy I conceive at my approaching Remove is often too great for me to contain; ſometimes it vents it ſelf in Exclamations of Joy, ſometimes in the moſt frantick Geſtures of a Lunatick, ſome⯑times it breaks out at the Eyes, and abates its weighty Preſſure in a Flood, not Tears of Grief, but of inexpreſſible Exultation: It is impoſſible to deſcribe to thee the waking Vi⯑ſions, and the ſleeping Diſcourſes I have of theſe things. I talk all the Night to the An⯑gels of Eden, to the Porter at the Gate of the wondrous Grotto, and to the enlighten'd Spirits inhabiting the eternal Manſions of Paradiſe: I durſt not let any Servant of this Country ſleep near me, leaſt he ſhould hear me bleſs the exalted Prophet, and praiſe the Gates of Mecca in my Nocturnal Tranſports.
When I am awake, I am ſtill in Viſion, I dream walking; every diſtant Proſpect, every remote View of the pleaſant Hills which this Country abounds with, repreſent Paradiſe, the Hill of Joy, the aſcending Turrets of Adoni⯑zuna, the Mountains ſurrounding the Plains of Bleſſedneſs, and the Valley of unutterable Pleaſure: In a Word, Muſtapha, I am all Rap⯑ture, all Extaſie, and it is impoſſible for me to hold more Joy, till Mahomet inſpires me with new Capacities, and forms my Soul into a new and more extended Mould.
In the mean time, I'll tell thee from Experience, that 'tis the moſt unhappy Part of Life to be without a Friend to unboſome the Secrets of the Soul to. Joy and Grief are in themſelves Paſſions too ſtrong for humane Nature to re⯑ſtrain, the embodied Man is not equal to their Bulk, and can hold but a ſmall part of [111] them; if he is oblig'd to keep them in the narrow Bounds of his own Thoughts, and has no Liberty to give them vent by the Tongue, they will ſtifle and overwhelm; even Life it ſelf muſt ſink under the Weight, and the Soul would haſten the neareſt way thro' that Abyſs to paſs to the Regions of Light, of which ſhe her ſelf is a Native.
The Philoſophers here entertain us with Scruples concerning the Soul's paſſing the in⯑finite inconceivable Space, which we call Abyſs, being the Gulph plac'd between Time and Eternity, and from thence argue themſelves into Notions as abſurd in Philoſophy, as thoſe they have in Religion, and as that of a Plura⯑lity or Family of Gods; after they have told us how far the celeſtial Conſtellations of Light move from one another, that even the Planets are ſome of them 300 to 500 Millions of Miles from this lower Planet the Earth, and that yet they are far nearer to us than they are to the loweſt of the other fix'd Stars above them; that thoſe other fix'd Stars are ſtill placed in advanced Stations above one another, every Stage infinitely diſtant from one another in Space; the Vacancies of which Abyſs afford Space ſufficient for the mighty Commets, which moving in Parabolas, and Excentrick, uncertain, or at leaſt unknown Motions, make Revolutions which 'tis difficult to aſcertain, and therefore fill the World with Terror at their Appearances, and perhaps are reſerved as the Inſtruments of the general Con⯑flagration, as ſome one or more of them cer⯑tainly was of the general Inundation or Flood; (if ſuch a thing may obtain our Belief,) of which Moſes, the Lawgiver of the Jews, gives [112] the Story. I ſay, after they have told u theſe things, they would ſtart a doubt how the Souls of Men, at their being diſmiſs'd from the Priſon of the Body, paſs this infinite Abyſs of Space; how they are conveyed, and how directed in their Journey, where no Track can guide the way? and in what Space of time they perform the celeſtial Journey? ſeeing they tell us that the Diſtance is ſo great, that a Velocity of Motion, ſwift as a Ball from a Cannon, would not perform the Labour in a Million of Ages.
All theſe Enquiries and ſuggeſted meaſu⯑rings of Space, Motion, and Time, have a Tincture of thoſe horrid Crimes of Atheiſm and Scepticiſm, for which theſe Nazareens are as eminent as infamous, and in which they en⯑creaſe every Day.
To a Soul rightly grounded in Truth and unerring Doctrines, it is eaſie to conceive that the Soul of Man, being a divine Infuſion, is capable of inconceivable Tranſitions; that its Motion, ſwift as the Light, or as Thought, is no ſooner broke looſe from the Priſon, but it is enthroned in the Paradiſe of God; and that without any Soliciſm in Philoſophy, or Impoſition upon our Underſtandings.
How this is perform'd, illuminated ſage Guide of the Faithful, is as needleſs as it is impoſſible to know: Mahomet ſhall at once teach us the full Syſtem, and draw the Curtain of Darkneſs from our Eyes the Moment that we arrive at the Port of Bliſs, when we ſhall look back upon the immenſe Gulph we ſhall have paſs'd, and wonder no more that ſome, things were concealed from us before, which were more eaſie to be done than for us to conceive of.
[113] Partake of my Joy, thou Mirror of Perfecti⯑on, and expect me at the appointed Time to accompany thee to the Gates of the holy City: If our deſtinated Hour approaches before, let us meet it with Joy, as being the much ſhort⯑er Step to the Banks of Abathrea, the River of Solace, where we ſhall commune of ſuperna⯑tural things for ever; till then I embrace thy Shadow with Raptures inconceivable.
Paris, 8th of the 1ſt Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER II. To Mahomet Terſhekkah, Vizier Azem.
[114]INvincible illuſtrious Prince of the Viziers, Baſſa of the Baſſaes, Beglerbeg of the Beg⯑lerbegs, Head of the Councils in the ſublime Divan of the Grand Seignior; Leader of the faithful Armies, and Guide of the Empire of the Muſſulmen, I proſtrate my ſelf at the Feet of our Prophet Mahomet, to obtain his Bleſſing and Prayers on all thy Undertakings, and I congratulate thy Glory in thy early vigorous Conduct againſt the Enemies of the Ottoman Sultan, whoſe Days be ever proſperous, and his End happy.
I ſend thee herewith an Account of the Fate of the Duke of Lorrain, one of the greateſt Ene⯑mies of the Ottomans, and one to whom Heaven, for our Sins, gave leave to triumph over the Troops of thy great Predeceſſors Haſſan, Kara, and Ibrahim, on ſeveral Occaſions, which be for ever forgotten; and the Memory of them blotted out of the Book of Jatub, where are regiſter'd the Wars of the Empire, (ever happy) and in whoſe Place be recorded the Victories ob⯑tained by thy Sword fortunate and invincible.
This Duke of Lorrain, follow'd by great Ar⯑mies, and taking the Advantage of the Cloud of Diſpleaſure, which it was God's Will ſhould, for ſome Years, hang over the Kingdoms of the Grand Seignior on the Side of the River Da⯑nube, [115] obtained ſome Advantages againſt the Faithful, forſaken at that Time of the Prote⯑ction of Mahomet; and made his Name terrible among the Infidels by the taking from us, how⯑beit not till after infinite Slaughter of his Men, and a moſt glorious Defence, the City of Buda, which be recovered immediately by thy Hand.
He was now drawn out of that War againſt us, that he might with a Fury needful, a⯑gainſt an Enemy ſo dangerous, defend the Do⯑minions of the German Empire, againſt the Attacks of the French, who daily made Inrodes into the Country, and threaten'd the Deſtru⯑ction of the whole: This great Man, for he really merited that Name among all the Leaders of Armies, of whom none in this Part of the World came near him in Character, or rather in Succeſs, for Succeſs does not always follow the greateſt Merit; I ſay this great Man is at length laid level with his Inferiors in the Duſt, for the Grave knows no Dignity.
Take the Hiſtory of his Death in a few Words, for it was brief; Death uſed no Ce⯑remonies with him. He had for ſome time had a Defluxion or Rheum in his Breaſt, occaſion⯑ed by a violent Cold gotten in paſſing ſome Mountains, in his Return from the Frontiers on the Rhine; where he had been to take Care of the Emperor's Affairs, and put all things in a Diſpoſition for opening the Campaign, or at leaſt for oppoſing the French Armies, who gene⯑rally made their firſt and greateſt Effort in the ſecond or third, or at leaſt the fourth Moons before the Germans could be gotten in the Field.
But it was needful for him to go back to Vienna, to aſſiſt in the Councils of War, and to [116] concert there more effectually the Operations of the War. He was arrived within a few Leagues of the Emperor's Court, namely at a Village called Wells near Lintz, on the Danube; when his Cold encreaſing he found a Swelling in his Throat, which grew ſo much as to impoſtumate, and turn to what their Phyſici⯑ans here call a Quinzy, and this came on him with ſuch Violence, that notwithſtanding the Place was inconvenient, and not capable of entertaining him, he was obliged to ſtop, not being able to ſtir a Step farther: In a Word, in that obſcure Village he finiſh'd the Courſe of what vain Men here call a Life of Glory and Victory; that is, in plain Truth, a Life of Blood and of the deſtroying his Fellow-Creatures; for as War is the Plague of Hea⯑ven, caſt upon Men by the Diſpleaſure of God; Theſe we fooliſhly call Heroes, what are they but bloody Men? commanded by the irrevo⯑cable Decree to fulfil what in Wrath has been predeſtinated to be inflicted upon the Nati⯑ons of the Earth.
But to return to the Duke; he found his End draw on apace, and herein he ſhewed more of the Hero than in the greateſt Victories he gain'd; for 'tis allowed on all Hands, that he received the firſt Summons of Death with a Steadineſs of Mind equal to thoſe Romans of old, who eſteemed Death no other than a ſhaking Hands with the Gods. In a Word, glorious Prince, this Duke wanted nothing in Life or in Death, but to have been numbred among the Faithful, to have been a true Be⯑liever in the everlaſting Law, and a Servant to the Grand Seignior.
[117] He met Death with an undaunted Heart, and tho' the Diſtemper was ſo violent as to al⯑low him very little Intervals from the Convul⯑ſions of Death, and but a very few Moments of time, having ſeized upon the Paſſages of the Thorax, and deprived him of the Uſe even of his Lungs, except with violent Heavings and inſupportable Pangs for Breath, yet he applyed himſelf immediately to the Point of dying with an unuſual Alacrity. He firſt ſent for a Prieſt or Dervice, whom they call here a Confeſſor; for to ſuch theſe Nazareens apply in ſuch Caſes, and disburthening their Conſci⯑ences, as they call it, confeſs to them all their Sins, and then think theſe poor Creatures, wicked like themſelves, can abſolve and for⯑give them; fooliſh Notion! as if any but God, againſt whom our Offences are committed, could wipe out that Account, which Souls muſt give to their Maker, which if true, then had thoſe wicked Creatures Power to licenſe the committing all manner of Crimes.
When his Confeſſor came, as above, he found him ſilent; for his Speech was ſtopt by the Bulk of the Impoſtumation, ſo he took a Pen and Ink, and wrote his Confeſſion which he intended to make, which the ſaid Prieſt read aloud to him in private, and then put into the Fire in his Preſence; for 'tis their Maxim, that what is delivered in Confeſſion is ſacred, and never to be divulged; nay, ſome have gone the Length as to ſay, that if a Man, in Confeſ⯑ſion, declar'd he intended to aſſaſſinate his Prince, the Prieſt muſt not divulge it, no, tho' doing ſo would ſave the Life of the Perſon: For which deviliſh Doctrine one whole Soci⯑ety, of theſe Dervices, called Jeſuits, were ex⯑pell'd [118] France, after the Murther of the two Henries.
The Duke having finiſhed his Confeſſion, he, in the next Place, received the chymerick Ab⯑ſolution, I have juſt now mentioned, from the Hands of his Prieſt, together with the Via⯑ticum, or the Sacrament, as they call it, of ex⯑treme Unction, which, in a Word, they call here the laſt Office of the Church, and making Peace with God. This being over, and per⯑ceiving his End haſtily approaching, he wrote a Letter to the Emperor, wherein, after he had teſtify'd his Sorrow for being no longer able to ſerve him, he recommended his Wife and all his Family to his imperial Care. He wrote another to the Princeſs his Lady, to comfort her for her Loſs; which two Letters he gave to his Confeſſor, with Orders to deliver 'em immediately after his Death: After which the Impoſthume that was in his Throat burſting within Side, ſtifled him; ſo that he expired in the Arms of his Confeſſor the 18th of the 4th Moon in the Evening.
He was born in the Year 1643 at Vienna, and was chriſten'd Charles Leopold Nicolas Sixtus. He was born of Francis Nicolas, who had been firſt a Cardinal, but by a Diſpenſation from the Pope, married Claudia of Lorrain, his Cou⯑ſin-German. His Uncle Charles III. had mar⯑ried Claudia's eldeſt Siſter, by whom he had no Children; but while his firſt Wife lived, who died not till the Year 1657. he contracted a ſecond Marriage with Beatrice d'Cuſance, Wi⯑dow of Eugenius Leopold, Prince of Cante Croix, by whom he had Charles Henry Prince of Vau⯑demont; and Anne, the Wife of Julius, Count of Liſlebonna; the Duke of Lorrain, of whom I [119] now ſpeak, married in the Year 1678 the Arch-Dutcheſs Eleonora Maria d' Auſtria, the Emperor's Siſter, and Widow of Michael King of Poland, by whom he had Children, which being very young, are not yet in a Condition of them⯑ſelves, to recover the Dutchy of Lorrain, which is their lawful Inheritance.
'Tis not yet known who will be declared Generaliſſimo of the Emperor's Forces; but the Prince of Baden will return into Hungary, to command the Imperialiſts, unleſs his pre⯑ſent Sickneſs hinders him.
Every Body that conſiders the Conſequences of this Duke's Death, muſt acknowledge that the Emperor had better have loſt Ten Thou⯑ſand Men, for how great a General ſoever he may have ſtill remaining on that Side, it may be ſaid there is not one that has that Expert⯑neſs, that Experience, that Authority, that Credit and Love of the Soldiers, which the Duke of Lorrain had, inſomuch that all the Princes of Germany willingly gave way to him; and in Regard he was a Prince poor and di⯑ſtreſſed, there was no Body jealous of him; but they were ſtill glad of the good Succeſs which generally attended his Arms; whereas, on whomever elſe the Emperor caſt his Eyes, to confer upon him the Command of his Armies, he cannot ſo well order it, but that it muſt breed Jealouſies among ſeveral of the Princes, and the greateſt Part of the reſt of the Generals; there is not any one that has Authority ſuffici⯑ent to make himſelf equally obey'd by ſo ma⯑ny different Nations as compoſe the imperial Army, and who have every one their Chieftain, that pretends to be independant, and not ob⯑liged to receive Orders from any one whatever.
[120] Many and glorious be thy Days, invinci⯑ble and magnificent Mehemet, many be thy Days, and Peace be thy End; be thy Felici⯑ties and Honours encreaſed, and the Glory of the auguſt Emperor of Monarchs and Lord of Princes be the Care of thy Head, and proſper in thy Hand.
Paris, 15th Day of the 5th Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER III. To Amurath Zahabbezin, a proſely⯑ted Jew, reconciled to the Doctrine of Mahomet.
[121]THOU who haſt been deliver'd from the Burthens of the apoſtate Nation, muſt needs be alſo filled with juſt Indignation at the Superſtitions and Hereſies of thy People, from whoſe Tabernacles thou haſt taken thy Flight. Verily, Amurath, it has never gone well with the Jews ſince they clogg'd the pure Law deliver'd to them by Moſes, and received by him from the Mouth of God, with the Inventi⯑ons and Deluſions of Men.
Prithee tell me, enlighten'd Morat, what hodge podge of a Conſtitution will the Jews bring their Religion to at laſt? they have already blended the Explanations and Expoſiti⯑ons of Men in ſuch a groſs manner, with the poſitive Law of God, that it is hard for any that have not critically ſtudied the Conſtituti⯑ons of the Mount, to know one from the o⯑ther.
I have read over very attentively the Penta⯑teuch, or Books wherein the Law of Moſes is contained; and muſt tell thee, had the Jews ad⯑hered ſtedfaſtly to the Letter of that Law, and not mixed with it their ſeveral Innovations, which they would have call'd by the Name of Interpretations, they had certainly been the Peo⯑ple of God to this Day; or until the Shiloth of old Father Iſrael had come; and whether he [122] be already come, or yet to come, I find they are hard put to it to determine.
But be the Meſſiah, who is doubtleſs meant there by Shiloh, and in other Places of their Prophet, called by other Names, come or not come, about which I purpoſe to write to thee hereafter; it is moſt certain that the Jews have, in a moſt egregious Manner, prophaned and corrupted the firſt Inſtitution of their Law; and there is no Wonder that when the Prophet of the Chriſtians, Jeſus the Son of Mary, came among them, this was the great thing for which he reproached them, and charged their Scribes and Phariſees with Hypocriſie: It is certain that it was for this that they were implacably bent to deſtroy him, and that they abhor his Name and Memory to this Day; But alſo 'tis moſt certain that they were convinc'd that he had too much Reaſon, on his Side, to be op⯑poſed; that they really had taught for Do⯑ctrines the Commandments of Men, and had de⯑ſtroyed the Law, by mixing with it their cor⯑rupt Traditions and Sayings of the Elders.
Had not the Jews thus degenerated from the firſt Inſtitutions of God's Law, exhibited by Moſes, doubtleſs Mahomet and all the Empire of the faithful Muſſulmen, had been Jews to this Day. The Caliphs of the Arabian Empire, who were the juſteſt and meekeſt Men upon Earth, would have faithfully followed the Di⯑vine Influence, and have worſhip'd God in that way which he ſo evidently delivered from Mount Sinai; and as they had no Faith in the Meſ⯑ſiah [...]f [...]he Chriſtians, as to his being the Perſon who the Writings of the Prophets had foretold ſhould come, they would moſt certainly have continu⯑ed [...]king in all the Ways of God and of his Prophet Moſes to this Day, or till ſome Re⯑velation [123] from Heaven of the true Meſſiah's being come, ſhould have wrought upon their Minds to know when the Promiſes made of him were fulfilled.
But this Degeneracy of the Jews encreaſing, and beſides having led them, as Deluſions naturally do, to all manner of Neglect of the Commands of God, has given Riſe to all the Variety of Abominations which have appear'd among that profligate People to this Day.
Hence the Doctrine of the Nazareens, and hence the pure Rules of our glorious Mahomet, have taken the Riſe of their Epocha in the World; for were we to ſuppoſe them, or either of them, not to be of divine Inſtitution, Heaven forbid ſuch Prophaneneſs! yet it might very reaſonably be expected, that when the People of the Nations round them ſaw the Laws of God thus confounded with the Devices of Men; and the People, by conſequence, deviated into all manner of Wickedneſs, they would rightly conclude, that either the Law was ful⯑fill'd, and the divine Inſtitution terminated, and ſo they ought to ſeek out the Ways of Truth as Heaven ſhould direct them; or that ſome terrible Judgment from Heaven would attend the People who had ſo degenerated, that they would be removed from th [...] Face of the Earth, and ſome new and gloriou [...] [...]evelation would be given of the further Mind of God, the great Legiſlator of the World.
Both theſe Events are certainly come to paſs, and the Jews are manifeſtly caſt out of the Fold, as wicked and corrupted Creatures, dege⯑nerated Plants; having forfeited the Care of him who firſt watered and cultivated them, who they have voluntarily rejected and de⯑ſpiſed.
[124] Happy be thy Days, enlighten'd Convert, who art broken looſe from the Bondage of Hypocrites, and haſt detected the Fraud of electing an Oral Law in the Throne of the di⯑vine Revelation. Thou art come into the Fa⯑mily of the Bleſſed, even of thoſe who firſt, in the moſt effectual manner, drew the Sword of Juſtice in the Cauſe of God againſt the ma⯑nifeſt Deluſions of Men, ſet up in Rebellion to his Commands.
For know thou that the Succeſſors of our great Prophet, (viz) the Saracenical Caliphs, were the Men, who, in the Name of God, drove the Rabbinical Impoſtors from Babylon, the Seat of the Jewiſh Innovations, where the Talmud and the Collections of their Innovations and Errors were firſt made, and from whence the Gemara, or great Maſs of Traditions, being a Comment upon the more ancient Miſna, which they would have called the Oral Law of Moſes, obtained the Name of Babylonian.
I ſay the Arabian Caliphs and Saracen Powers, the immediate Succeſſors of our great Prophet, ſcattered theſe collected Miſchiefs; and the Blow given to the Jewiſh Impoſtures has never yet been recovered, or ever will be while the World endures; for God, the Author of Truth, abhors the Mixtures of humane Tra⯑ditions with his divine Inſtitutions, much more when they are injuriouſly placed in a wicked Uſurpation over his own Laws.
From this Conqueſt of Babylon by Abu Obeid the great Captain of the Saracens, the Jews may reckon the Epocha of their more effectual Deſolation, and of their being ſcattered over the whole World; in which diſpers'd Condition, as it of⯑ten happens, they have neither preſerv'd the Law, no, nor the Talmud it ſelf, from farther [125] and greater Innovations and Corruptions, which, by the way, is agreeable to what theſe Nazareens ſay of them, (viz) that they ſhould be given up to ſtrong Deluſions to believe a Lye, that they all may be damn'd.
I ſalute thee, humble Morat, who, in ſearch after theſe things, haſt learned the Truth, and delivered thy ſelf from the Errors of wicked Men; Peace be to them who cleave to Truth, and proſperous be the Hands of thoſe who build upon the Foundation of the Faithful.
Paris 10th of the 4th Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER IV. To Mohamed Elmakem, Student in Hiſtory at Trapezond.
[126]THOU knoweſt little of the Scituation of Affairs on this Side of the World, and leſs of my Circumſtances in this Place, that thou haſt written to me to furniſh thee with Materials for thy learned Enquiry into the Antiquities of the Eaſt, and ſupply thee with Particulars for the Hiſtory of the Empire of the Saracens, which I underſtand thou art compiling.
Hadſt thou written to me to ſupply thee with the niceſt and moſt particular Accounts of the Roman and Grecian Empires, this is the fitteſt Place, at this Time, in the World for ſuch an Enquiry; the Learning of this Age ap⯑plying themſelves, and that with a great and juſt Applauſe, to thoſe Studies, to which alſo they find great Aſſiſtance among thoſe Writers which they call the Claſſicks.
But for the Eaſtern Learning, tho' it is it ſelf the Beauty of all Study, and would furniſh mat⯑ter for innumerable Hiſtories, of the greateſt Actions in the World; much greater than fur⯑niſhed the Song of Homer, or the Commenta⯑ries of Julius Caeſar; yet it is in it ſelf ſo re⯑mote, that the Arabick Tongue, in which all thoſe things are to be found, is ſo ſunk out of Knowledge, in theſe Parts of the World; and the getting the Tracts that are extant in it, is ſo exceeding difficult, that indeed the En⯑quiry after it is as good as dropt, and Men [127] are backward to enter into a Study, which ſeems lock'd up from humane Enquiries, or at leaſt fortified with ſo many Retreats and inacceſſible Darkneſſes, that it is ſcarce to be attempted.
As the Wars of the Arabians are a Story fill⯑ed with infinite Variety, and that Nation had been for many Ages the braveſt, the moſt aſ⯑piring to, and the beſt fitted for glorious Actions, of any People in the World; ſo Arts and Sciences, and all ſorts of Learning, flouriſhed in the Arabian Kingdoms, even before the reſt of the World had either learn⯑ed the Methods of Inſtruction, or had any Senſe of the Bleſſing of it.
Acquired Knowledge ſeems to have had its firſt Riſe in that Country, the Climate, favour⯑ed by Heaven with all that could make a Country pleaſant and agreeable, deſervedly gained for the Country the Title of Felix. The Inhabitants breathed an Air that aſſiſted Nature beyond Expreſſion, in forming a Peo⯑ple for great things; perfect Health, invigorating Juices in the Fruits of the Earth, and innume⯑rable Helps from natural Cauſes, prepared the People for the generous Principles, the Forti⯑tude, and the Gallantry of true Heroes; they ſeem'd fit to undertake things more than hu⯑mane, and yet appeared capable of every thing they undertook.
In Study they outdid Nature; they ſearched into her very Bowels, and diſcloſed her moſt concealed Parts; they maſter'd all kinds of Aſtronomical, Mathematical, Anatomical, and Aſtrological Knowledge; Wiſdom ſeemed to be born of them, and the moſt exquiſite Accompliſhments of the Soul became com⯑mon and familiar; as if it had been the natural [128] Genius of the Country: As they had in their Temper the greateſt Application to Learning, ſo they had in their Minds the greateſt Capa⯑cities to attain it: They had the brighteſt Parts, the cleareſt Heads, and the devouteſt Hearts of any Nation in the World.
In their common Conduct, they had the Beauties of Behaviour, and the moſt correct Attachment to every moral Virtue; and be⯑ſides all this they had joined to the height of a martial Genius, the ſofteſt, meekeſt Diſpo⯑ſitions in the World; as they were in the Field, all Fire; ſo they were in the Family, all Phlegm; a manly Humility ſhone in the Characters of their greateſt Caliphs, and a ge⯑nerous Clemency was the very natural Pro⯑duce of the higheſt Birth.
From them the World learned Knowledge, all liberal Arts, all Studies of Science began with them; they were the Men who gave Names to the Stars, diſcover'd the Motions of the heavenly Bodies, and which is yet a more ſublime Study, found out the Influences of the planetary World, and how the heavenly Bo⯑dies govern this Globe, and reign in all the particular Claſſes of vegetative, ſenſitive, and rational Life.
From them the Ptolomaian Aſtronomers ga⯑thered the firſt Rudiments of their great Sy⯑ſtem of Celeſtial Motions; from them the Aeſculapian deriv'd the Fundamentals of Phy⯑ſical and Anatomical Knowledge
Job, if the Jews have preſerved an authen⯑tick Account of that eminent Arabian; and the Book called by his Name, which was found in the Archives of the Sons of Iſaac, may be de⯑pended upon, ſurpaſſed all the Students in [129] Aſtronomy, in Phyſicks or Metaphyſicks, which have ſince his Time been ſeen in the World.
Even the Jews themſelves, the Rabbins and the greateſt Men among them, had but little Knowledge in any other ſort of Science than the meer Study of their own Law, and the Diſquiſitions of neceſſary things relating to their Sanhedrim and Court of Juſtice; till they came to converſe with the learned Arabians: From them they received the firſt Intro⯑ductions in Science, and the Love of the moſt excellent Parts of Knowledge, ſuch as the Study of Philoſophy, the Mathematicks, and eſpecially the Study of Nature.
It is true, there is a great Variety of cri⯑tical Study among thoſe Rabbins, and they diſcovered themſelves to have among them Men of bright Parts, aſpiring Thoughts, and clear and exquiſite Judgments; but, as above, it was wholly taken up in the Study of their own Law, ſolving Difficulties in the Interpre⯑tation of their particular Caſes of Judicature, and ſettling Points of Conſcience in the Con⯑formity to Ceremonial Inſtitutions
But even Moſes himſelf, when any thing is ſpo⯑ken of his Learning, it ſpeaks of it as borrowed. He was learned in all the Wiſdom of the Aegyptians, and this Wiſdom or Learning of the Aegyptians was alſo received from the Arabians, with whom the moſt ancient Knowledge of the Sciences is to be found.
Search then, my Friend, the ancient Libraries, the Monuments and Records of the Arabians, if thou wouldeſt learn any thing of the Eaſt⯑ern Antiquity; with them, even long before the coming of our Prophet, was treaſur'd up an infinite Variety of humane Wiſdom and Knowledge; and ſince the Time of Mahomet, [130] under the Caliphs and Princes of the Saracens, the politeſt Learning of thoſe Days has flou⯑riſhed in their Dominions; their more anci⯑ent Conqueſts ſpread the glorious Light of heavenly Wiſdom over the Eaſtern World, and they afterwards brought the Rudiments of Philoſophy into the Grecian and Roman Countries.
Among them were found the innumerable Tracts of Hiſtory, and all kinds of Learning which compleated Ptolomy's Library, in which it is ſaid were to be found Seventy Thou⯑ſand Volumes, and from thoſe Manuſcripts innumerable Copies were handed continually forward into other Parts of the World, till that glorious Collection was deſtroyed.
Among the Aegyptians, afterward, the ſame Spirit of Magnanimity and Glory was preſer⯑ved, with the ſame Love of Litterature, and the ſame Genius for Art and Sciences, during the fortunate Government of the Mamalukes, till they, with the whole Eaſtern World, ſunk under the invincible Arm of Sultan Selym, who God appointed to be Lord of the whole Earth.
Here then apply thy ſelf for Materials for thy well deſigned Collection. Go to the Banks of Cuthur, and to the Society of devout Emirs, who dwell on the miraculous Plain, they will lead thee to the Cave where are the Seven Hundred Tables of Braſs, on which are writ⯑ten with a Pen of Adamant with molten Gold, the illuſtrious Hiſtories of the Arabian Princes for Four and fifty Ages before the H gyra of Mahomet's going to Heaven began.
There thou wilt find Materials for the brighteſt Hiſtory that was ever extant in the World; the Prieſts of Mecca, who attend Day [131] and Night at the Tomb of our holy Prophet, will let thee into the ſacred Myſteries, and inform thee of every thing meet to be known for the propagating thy Work, and making it the Wonder of all the ſucceeding Ages of the World.
Light and Joy attend thy diligent Enquiry into Truth, and mayeſt thou be fully rewarded in the exalted Heights of Paradiſe, where Know⯑ledge is perfect, and Happineſs compleat.
Paris, 20th of the 10th Moon, of the Year 1690.
LETTER V. To the Kadileskar of Natolia.
[132]IT is very ſeldom that I propoſe any of theſe Nazareens for an Example to the true Be⯑lievers, becauſe they are here the greateſt Hy⯑pocrites in the World; Religion is made a meer Guiſe of Deceit, and the Outſide they put on to appear devout, has ever ſome holy Cheat in it to draw in Fools, or to buoy up the Spirits of the Commons, to ſupport with more Alacrity the heavy Loads they are to lay upon them. It is a proverbial Saying of their own,
When the Fox preaches, Guardez les Poules, beware of the Gueeſe.
However, as an Example of a Hypocrite may be recommended; becauſe the Outſide of it is guilded over with the Sanctity of an An⯑gel, and the vile Deſign with which it is per⯑formed is concealed; ſo I recommend to the Faithful the Practice of Religion, without the Hypocriſie; the Guiſe, without the Diſguiſe.
The People of Paris are every thing the King pleaſes; and tho' in themſelves, and fol⯑lowing the Dictates of their own Inclinati⯑on, they are the gayeſt, profuſe, and moſt debauch'd People alive; yet all on a ſudden a Fit of Religion having poſſeſs'd them, they are all turned Phariſees and Recluſes.
The Alteration has ſomething diſmal in it; for inſtead of an Air of inexpreſſible Levity, [133] which was the Habit even of the whole Na⯑tion; inſtead of eternal Dancing and Singing, even as they walk along the Streets, and ſcarce reſtrained even in the Churches; inſtead of all the Gallantry of Dreſs, and the coquettry of Ribbons, Patches, and Paintings; inſtead of innumerable Coaches in the Walks of the Thulleries, the Grand Tour, and the Park at Verſailles; inſtead of Songs, new Tunes, new Dances, new Opera's, and the conſtant Noiſe of Muſick; This City is all on a ſudden turn⯑ed into a Collection of Cells of Hermits, or Houſes of Recluſes; if the Women go abroad, 'tis all en des habille, muſſled up as if they were veil'd; and inſtead of the Tour to the Gardens of the Loure, 'tis only now, away to the Moſque, to ſay their Mattins and their Veſpers, and directly home again; the Pages and Ser⯑vants hurry up and down all over the Town, to the Bookſellers Shops, to buy Books of De⯑votion and Religion, ſo that they are ſcarce to be had, and the Price exceedingly riſen; all other Writings may be turned to waſte Paper, for no Body buys them; inſtead of ſinging and dancing as they go along Streets, the Breaſt all unbutton'd, the Hat under the Arm, and the Face covered with Smiles and Joy; the Beaus now walk with the Hat pull'd over their Eyes, their Cloths button'd cloſe up to the Chin, and the Neckcloth tuckt cloſe in to the Waſtcoat or Veſt, they look grave, walk ſoftly, talk ſeriouſly, and ſtudy to be dull.
The Publick-Houſes, Cabarets, or Taverns, look as if they were broke; the Opera's, the Muſick-Meetings, and the Gaming-Ordinaries, are ſhut up; nothing open but the Churches: The fine Walks and Gardens at the King's [134] Houſes in the City, where the infinite Numbers of Coaches, Ladies, and Burghers Daughters, uſed to be ſurpriſing; now they are all em⯑pty; the Women are all upon their Knees in the Churches and Chappels; or performing their Hours, as they call them, in the Convents and religious Houſes; where they viſit the Nuns, and talk all of Religion. As for Coaches, Dreſs, Servants, fine Liveries, and all gay things, they are laid by, and the People that made the ſhining Splendor of the French Court be the Glory and Envy of Europe, live now all retir'd; ſee no Company, pay no Viſits, and talk of retreating from the World; nay, ma⯑ny of them go out of Town every Day to their Country-Seats, tho' it be at the Time of Year that every Body uſes to come to Town: While the Gentry are in this State of Humili⯑ation, the inferior ſort of People have a real Cauſe for it. They mourn in earneſt; for Trade, which is here in a manner wholly ſupported by the Luxury of the moſt extrava⯑gant People in the World, is quite ſunk in this Alteration. The Perriwigmakers, the Per⯑fumers, the Toy-Shops, the Taverns, the Aſ⯑ſemblies for Play, the Milleners, the Lace-Shops, the Weavers of Silks and Ribbons, the Mercers, the Drapers, the Taylors, and a Thouſand Trades depending upon theſe, alas! they are all undone, and they walk about their Shops wringing their Hands, and tearing their Hair from their Heads, (for they wear no Beards here) as Men undone and ruined, their Trade being gone, and their Livelihoods taken away all on a ſudden; their Wives ſit behind the Counters, all in Tears; no Body comes to buy, fine Cloths are all uſeleſs, and of no E⯑ſteem, no Body wears them; if a Gentleman [135] ſhould powder his Wig, or a Lady appear in Dreſs, it would look like a Swiſs, or like one that came a great way out of the Country, to be ſure it would be preſently ſaid, they had no Buſineſs at Court, they were People of no Faſhion, or they did not underſtand them⯑ſelves. In a Word, the Countenance of the merrieſt Nation upon Earth is, on a ſudden, chang'd into that of the mournfulleſt and hea⯑vieſt Generation of Mankind, and they look as if the City was juſt viſited with the Peſti⯑lence, and they afraid to ſpeak to one ano⯑ther for Fear of Infection.
One would think the old Arabian Prophet Jonah had been here on the ſame Errand that he was ſent to Nineveh, and having told them Paris ſhould be deſtroyed within Forty Days, the People were all upon their Penetentials for their Sins.
And what's the Matter all this while? Is it real Devotion? Is the Humour of the Nation changed? Are the People really become religi⯑ous? nothing like it! 'Tis all a Mimick, a meer Piece of State-management: The King led the Way, and appeared devout, and as it were ſhut up in his Cloſet, which, they ſay, is upon the Occaſion of the great Proſpect of War and Devaſtation of Countries and Nations, Burn⯑ings of Cities, and ſhedding of Blood, which, as they pretended, muſt fall as a Judgment from Heaven upon the King's Enemies the enſuing Year.
It is true, this is all grimace; nor do the wiſer ſort pretend to talk much of that kind; but they ſay, the laſt Year having been a Year of Glory and Succeſs to the King, tho' ſurrounded with infinite Enemies, it has all been procur'd by the exemplary Devotion [136] and Piety of the King, who has for ſome time given himſelf up to Faſtings, Prayers, innu⯑merable Maſſes, Works of Mortification, Ab⯑ſtinence from Pleaſures, and the like; and that therefore his beſt Subjects will follow the ſame Method, and thereby ſecure a proſpe⯑rous State of things for the Time to come.
By the Tomb of Mahomet, and all the holy Men whoſe Aſhes ſurround the Entrance of the Circle of Sanctity in Mecca, theſe Nazareens are the groſſeſt Hypocrites in the Univerſe; for at the ſame Time that this Mask of Humi⯑liation is put on, all the Intreagues imagina⯑ble are carried on, to embroil in War all the Courts and Princes of Europe.
Thou art not ignorant, ſublime Judge of Equity and Uprightneſs, what infinite Vio⯑lences they commit in all Parts of the World, at the ſame time that they pretend to weep and mourn for the Calamities of Mankind; the Hiſtory of theſe things lying daily in thy Sight, thou canſt not but ſee through the Mask of Devotion they put on.
A flagrant Inſtance of it alſo is before thee, in the daily Sollicitations of the French Am⯑baſſador at the Port, to encourage the Ottoman Miniſtry to carry on the War againſt the Na⯑zareen Emperor, and prevent the Projects of Peace that were on Foot. Thou art Witneſs there, to the Intreagues they carry on, and the Aſſiſtances they give for the Ottoman Forces, of Engineers and Gunners, and ſome Money, if they do not belie their own Councils, to ha⯑ſten on the Preparations, and make the Con⯑tinuance of the War inevitable.
[137] On the other Hand, I am Witneſs here, to the ſecret Joy with which they entertain the News of the Grand Vizier's Succeſſes on the Frontiers; the Victory of Niſſa, and the taking the Town: The ſurprizing Recovery of Belgrade, and the like; nay, ſome People here ſuggeſt, that the City of Belgrade was betray'd to us, and the Count Aſpremont, a Native of France, being Governour, the Magazines were blown up by his ſecret Contrivance; that the Muſſul⯑man's Army might enter Sword in Hand, and the Conqueſt be ſecured; and all this, that it being a Blow which could not fail to put the imperial Affairs into the utmoſt Conſternation, might occaſion a neceſſary Diverſion of the German Troops, as well from the Empire, as from Italy; where the King of France was re⯑ſolved to puſh the Duke of Savoy with his ut⯑moſt Strength, and who, if not ſupported by the Germans, muſt at laſt be obliged to change Sides, and ſubmit to France.
While theſe Steps are taking, while the King of France ſtoops to confederate ſecretly with the Ottomans, who at the ſame Time they pre⯑tend to call the common Enemy of Chriſten⯑dom, and who they make it a Piece of Conſcience to act againſt upon all Occaſions, as Infidels and People, who they ought not to wiſh Succeſs to, no, not againſt the greateſt of their Ene⯑mies: I ſay, while they profeſs ſuch things as theſe, and practiſe in ſecret the very Reverſe of it, what Sincerity can there be in all the Outſide of their Humiliation and pretended Devotions?
God, who is one in the Unity of his Na⯑ture, demands that we be one at all times in the Unity of our Practice: The Faithful are [138] taught to know, that God ſees the Inſide of our Imaginations, and that he abhors the Mask of Devotion, covering the Deceit of the Inten⯑tion.
Juſt Men act from juſt Principles, and can⯑not meek the World with the Pageantry of Religion, any more than they can mock the great One Alla, the God of pure and perfect Uprightneſs, with a double Entendre in their Services.
We ſhall ſee this Fit of Devotion be all over in a little while; and the Tyger will ſit rampant upon the King of France's Councils; when perhaps, in the Beginning of the Cam⯑paign, he ſhall give Orders for the Burn⯑ing and deſtroying the fruitful Countries on the Frontiers, on the Pretence of preventing his Enemies Armies ſubſiſting there.
Bleſſed be the righteous Deſires of the Believers, who walk in ſtrait Paths, doing Juſtice, and keeping their Eyes to the Gates of Eden, repleniſhed with Joy, and crowning the Pleaſures of the Juſt.
Paris, 12th of the 2d Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER VI. To Morat Huſain Abdeilomar, Cai⯑macham of Conſtantinople.
[139]IT belongs to thee, happy Morat, that keepeſt the Gates of the illuſtrious Port, the City of Joy, within whoſe Walls dwells the mighty, the reſplendent Mirror of Glory, the King of Emperors, whoſe Days be multiplied, and his Felicity endleſs; it belongs to thee, I ſay, to hear how the great Cities of the World behave, when the proſperous Arms of their Princes bring Triumph to their Gates.
Contrary to the Expectation of Enemies; nay, even to the Surprize of the Court it ſelf, every Patt of the French Frontiers has furniſhed ſome Subject of Triumph to the King of France, this paſt Year; they have been over⯑whelmed with Joy, on all Sides, which is in⯑deed the more welcome, becauſe they were not without Apprehenſions of the Superiority of their Enemies almoſt on all Sides.
The firſt of the Year ſaluted them with a compleat Victory at Fleuri, on the Banks of the Sambre, the Month of June with a Victory at Sea: The French Navy, the moſt formidable that ever one ſingle Power could boaſt of ſince the Uſe of Ships of War was known, attack'd and defeated the united Fleets of England and Holland, and burnt, ſtrand⯑ed, and took Seven Men of War, from 70 to 90 Guns each, on the Coaſt of England: After this they landed ſome Men on the ſame [140] Coaſt, and burnt and plundered ſeveral Vil⯑lages. In Italy, where it was thought the Duke of Savoy had been ſo well ſupported by his Allies, that he would have been ſuperior to the French; he has been attack'd by the Mareſchal de Catinat, an old and experienc'd General, and in a great Battle overthrown, near Salluſſes in Piemont; 4000 of his Men ſlain, 1000 Priſoners; with all his Cannon, Baggage, and Colours taken, and the Duke himſelf nar⯑rowly eſcaping.
This Battle has been ſo important, tho' the Action it ſelf was not great, that the Court are not able to conceal their Joy; and the King himſelf was heard to ſay, he valued it more than the two other Victories of the Year, (viz) that of Fleuri, and that at Sea.
And he has Reaſon to do ſo; for as the War in Savoy was more expenſive to the King, being at ſo great a Diſtance, and carried on with more Reſentment on either Side; ſo the King was infinitely more deſirous to bring it to a Concluſion, that he might turn his Arms another way more to his Advantage; and which was greater ſtill, the King had more to fear, on that Side, than on any other, if his Enemies ſhould get the Advantage of his Troops.
But he has now effectually ſecur'd his Do⯑minions on that Side, and his Army continues to ravage the Country, to deprive the Duke of Savoy of ſubſiſting his Army; they have alſo taken Saluzzes, Savigliane, and ſeveral o⯑ther important Poſts from the Duke of Savoy, as the Conſequences of that Victory; and in Cloſe of the Year all the Dutchy of Savoy, ex⯑cept the Fortreſs of Montmellian, and the Town of Suza, fell into the Hands of the French; ſo [141] that unleſs the Emperor ſupports the Duke of Savoy with a very ſtrong Power, he will be reduced to very narrow Circumſtances in a little Time.
On the Rhine, the Confederates boaſted of great Attempts to be made of breaking into the Heart of France, and the like; particular⯑ly it was ſaid the Duke of Bavaria, who com⯑mands the Army ſince the Death of the Duke of Lorrain, would bring an Hundred Thouſand Men into the Field; but the Dauphine, whoſe Army was never above 45000 Men, has de⯑fended the Frontiers, and, in his Turn, paſſed the Rhine, and ſubſiſted his Army in the Plains of Stollhoffen, at the Expence of the Ene⯑mies, and yet has drawn off without fighting, which is in it ſelf a Victory.
Thus all things concur to make the King of France triumph over his Enemies, and he lives in the continual Clamour of Joy, the Guns are ever firing for the good News which comes in from one Quarter or another, and I ſit in my little Retreat, and laugh at the Madneſs of theſe Infidels, who thus weaken and deſtroy one another, leaving thereby an open Door of Victory to the Arms of the Grand Seignior, whoſe Ways be proſperous, and his Triumphs uninterrupted
Fortunate Morat, let no Opportunity ſlip to puſh the Intereſt of the illuſtrious high Port, and fail not to take all the juſt Advantages that the Diſſentions of the Powers of the Na⯑zarcens offer to thee; theſe are the Times ap⯑pointed, by Fate, for the Recovery of all the Territories of the Grand Seignior, loſt by the unhappy Conduct of the Vizier Azem, when he made that fatal Attempt againſt Vienna, when Mahomet was diſpleaſed, and God was [142] angry, and the Faithful turned their Backs, and fled from the Face of their Enemies.
At the latter End of the Moon Rebliah the ſecond, called here April, the Death of the Dauphineſs, Wife to the eldeſt Son of the King of France, died; which having thrown the whole Court into Black, leſſen'd much of the Luſtre which would have been ſeen here on the Occaſions of the Victories I have menti⯑oned: But their Joy is not the leſs for their mourning Outſides; ſeeing this is a Nation that is not more eminent for any thing in the World, than for ſeeming what they are not, and being what they do not ſeem.
Well be it with the true Believers, who tri⯑umph in a Rectitude of Soul, and always are bold to ſhew the Affection or Enmity, which they entertain in their Breaſt, whether it be Perſonal or National; Diſſimulation is the Ef⯑fect of a Cowardice and Baſeneſs of the Mind, which renders it afraid to ſhew the Inſide of the Heart: God, who abhors Hypocriſie, can never be ſuppoſed, without blaſphemous Con⯑ceptions of his Nature, to approve theſe Naza⯑reens; for Sincerity dwells not in them.
May the Gates of Paradiſe ſtand open to thee, and the Angel of the Vale receive thee with open Arms, ready to tranſport thee to the Mount of Joy, and open to thee the My⯑ſteries of inconceivable Pleaſure.
Paris, 11th of the 5th Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER VII. To the Rutalier Aga, chief Eunuch, or Chief of the Seraglio.
[143]THEY are greatly miſtaken, who think the Affairs of the Port have not their Influence on theſe Parts of the World where I dwell; they who plac'd me here, who are now ſhining in the Garden of Beauty, had other Notions, or they would not have obli⯑ged me to reſide here ſo many Years.
The happy Succeſſes of the Grand Vizier in Hungary, thereby opening a Way for farther Conqueſts to the Arms of the victorious Otto⯑mans, is acknowledg'd here to be the ſaving the King of France from the abſolute Ruine which the Superiority of the Germans, and their Con⯑federates, would have infallibly brought upon them; and I infer from hence, that whenever the perfect Wiſdom of our mighty Emperor ſhall think fit to put an End to the Conqueſts he is making in Hungaria, and conſent to come to a Truce with theſe Infidels, there is no Queſtion but all the Powers of Europe, who are now in Confederacy againſt France, will put their helping Hand to ſuch a Work; and will join together their Endeavours, to bring the Emperor of the Nazareens to yield to all the Demands of the Port, that they may be at leiſure to turn all their united Armies againſt this more dangerous Enemy, the King of France; who is now eſteemed among them [144] as the common Enemy, of what they call, Chri⯑ſtendom.
In the mean Time, the Language of the Infidels here is, that the Muſſulmen have once again gotten Fortune on their Side, and perhaps, ſays one of their Authors here, may have found out the Secret to chain her ſo faſt to their Vizier's Tent, that ſhe ſhall not make her Eſcape a ſecond Time.
I write theſe things, to hint that ancient Maxim of Caled the great, the firſt General, to Abbubeker, Caliph, and immediate Succeſſor to Mahomet in the Civil and Military Government; I hint to thee his Maxim, I ſay, (viz) That a Time of Victory is the Time to make Peace: The Rea⯑ſon is clear; for then, ſaid he, you are ſure to keep what you have gain'd, and obtain what you ask.
They talk here that the Engliſh and Dutch Miniſters at the Port, have Orders to con⯑cern themſelves, in the Names of their Ma⯑ſters, to encline the Grand Seignior to Thoughts of Peace; and offer to act as Me⯑diators. This is a Signal in deed, if true, of the weak Condition of the Emperor's Affairs; 'tis no leſs than a white Flag hung out of a Town beſieged, to offer a Capitulation and ſurrender. And I doubt not the Vizier will know how to make his Advantage of it.
It is true, France regarding her own In⯑tereſt, will oppoſe it with all her Might, knowing that if the Nazareen Emperor con⯑cludes a Peace with the Port, he will make no Peace with him. But if I might be per⯑mitted to give my Judgment in ſo weighty a Caſe, it is, that the Port ſhould weight her own Strength and Intereſt, not forgetting to note, that however the Port may regard France in carrying on the War, France would [145] have no Regard to the Intereſt of the Grand Seignior, if he was deſigning to clap up the War by a Peace; but would rather aſſiſt the Emperor againſt the Muſſulmen, as they did at the Battle of Raab, and as they did in the Caſe of the Venetians at the Siege of Candia; things which the illuſtrious Port may happen to re⯑member to them hereafter.
Yeild to Peace then while Victory crowns thy Attempts, O Man aſſiſted by Heaven, and let an End be put to ſhedding the Blood of the Faithful.
Not that I fear for the Grand Vizier; tho' they talk here loudly of the mighty Strength of the Nazareen Emperor, and that he will have an Hundred Thouſand diſciplin'd Soldiers on Foot in Hungary this approaching Campaign; but it cannot be rational to be⯑lieve it: If I may credit the vulgar Opi⯑nion in this Place, Money is more difficult to be had in Germany than Men, and the Empe⯑ror will be very ſorely diſtreſs'd to raiſe Mo⯑ney for this double War, if it holds another Campaign.
His hereditary Dominions are terribly ex⯑hauſted; the Contingencies, or Quota's of the Princes of the Empire, which they call the Roman Months, come in, not only ſlowly, but even not at all; the ſmaller Princes only are thoſe that pay any thing, and the great ones nothing. The firſt plead Poverty, and the laſt Power, giving trifling Reaſons and haughty Anſwers, without paying any Part of their Money to the military Cheſt, or ſending their Quota's of Men to the Army.
Mighty Princes often think fit to put Bounds to their Conqueſts, even when they have Power to extend them farther: It is [146] ſufficient that the Vizier has recovered to the Ottoman Empire the Banks of the Sauve, and of the Theiſs, and that Belgrade and Temeſwaer remain the invincible Barriers of our Empire. As for the reſt of Hungary, it will be more an Expence than an Advantage to the Nazareens to keep it: The Hungarians, who hate the Germans, being all Malecontents, as well upon Religious as Political Accounts, will be for ever raiſing Commotions, weakening the Power, and exhauſting the Treaſure of the Emperor, till at length waſted by continual Factions, that Kingdom will fall naturally in⯑to the Hands of the juſt Nation, without fighting, as it did before.
Proſperous be the Days of the Emperor of the Juſt, may his Head reſplendent with Ce⯑leſtial Glory ſhine like the Stars, and his Crown be a Conſtellation of Five Hundred Suns. Joy be to thy exalted Soul, dear Ach⯑methies, both here and in Paradiſe. Amen.
Paris, 5th of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER VIII. To the Kaimacham.
I Have often given the Characters of the illuſtrious Men of theſe Parts of the World; and have told thee, that the King of France has the greateſt and beſt Generals of the Age, and it is moſt true, the Duke of Luxemburgh in [147] Flanders, and Monſieur Catinat, who acts againſt the Duke of Savoy, are certainly two of the greateſt Men this Age affords, and Victory ſeems to attend every Action they take in Hand.
But I am called off from ſuch mean Chara⯑cters, if after what I have ſaid of them they may be called mean, I ſay, I am called off from them to the riſing Figure the new King of England makes in the World.
I have often nam'd this Perſon to thee as Prince of Orange; but being now ſtept up into the Chair of Majeſty, and mounted the Engliſh, or rather Britiſh Throne, his Power having thus encrea⯑ſed to an Equality with his martial Genius, which indeed it was not before, he begins to threaten France with ſuch an Appearance in the Field, as no Prince in Europe ever made before him.
He has been in Ireland in Perſon, where he paſs'd a great River called the Boyn, in the Face of a ſuperior Army of the French and Iriſh, and defeated them by plain fighting; the Slaughter was not great, but the Victory plain and confeſs'd by the Flight of that unfortunate Prince, the Depoſed King, the 2d. time to France, who arrived here the latter End of the laſt Year.
The victorious Prince purſuing the Courſe of his good Fortune, has recover'd the moſt Part of the Kingdom of Ireland, and leaving the reſt to his Generals, appears now at the Hague, forming Alliances againſt France; and his Deſigns ſeem to threaten the King of France, that he will arm all the reſt of Europe againſt him.
It is incredible to hear how the Princes and States, on all Sides, careſs him; the Congreſs which he has formed at the Hague, is what was [148] never ſeen in thoſe Parts of the World. He makes himſelf be adored by all the Powers of that Part of the World; and tho' they diſſem⯑ble their Apprehenſions, he is terribly feared by this Part.
The haughty Spirit of the King indeed, who knows not how to fear God or Man, ſupports the French Nation; and their natural Aptneſs to bluſter, makes them ſeemingly de⯑ſpiſe this Prince; but it is eaſie to ſee the Conſternation of their more reſerv'd Thoughts. They prepare for the War as if it was to be carried on after a differing Manner than it uſes to be; and in Flanders particularly, as if they were to be more ſeriouſly attack'd there than elſewhere.
They pick and cull their whole Army for the beſt Troops, and the moſt active and enter⯑priſing Generals; they new mount their Ca⯑valry, and do a Thouſand things to encourage the Officers to behave well; at the ſame time letting them know they are to expect hot Work; that they muſt look for Blows; and that nothing but ſuperior Numbers, and ſupe⯑rior Courage, will carry on the War on that Side.
As for the King of England, he is now at the Hague, where, as I have ſaid, he has form'd a Congreſs of the Princes of the Northern Parts of Europe; who are arrived there in ſuch Num⯑bers, either in Perſon, or by their Ambaſſadors, that it is worthy thy Remark, the like not having happen'd in any Age; where they con⯑cert a League or Alliance offenſive, as they call it, of all their Powers againſt the ſingle Power of France. If this King of France can withſtand this Confederacy, Europe muſt be re⯑duced under his Hand into one univerſal Mo⯑narchy [149] or Empire, far exceeding that of Char⯑lemaign.
It may be of uſe to thee, and for the Ser⯑vice of our glorious Emperor the Grand Seig⯑nior, to give thee ſome Account of this Con⯑greſs: There was aſſembled beſides the King and Fourteen Noblemen of Great Brittain, who he brought over with him, for the Splendor of his new gained Dominions; and beſides the two Electors of Bavaria and Brandenburgh, Five and Twenty Soveraign Princes, having Eſtates and Dominions of their own; ſuch as the Landgrave of Heſſe Caſſel, the Duke of Brunſwick Lunenburgh, the Duke of Saxe Eyſuach, the Duke of Courland, and others of like Degree; Four⯑teen Princes of great Houſes, but not them⯑ſelves Soveraigns; 37 Generals, all of them having Titles of Honour, beſides their mili⯑tary Character; the Dutch high Admiral Trump; the King of Spain's Governor of the Spaniſh Ne⯑therlands, (viz.) the Marquis de Gaſtanaga, and the imperial General the Prince de Commercy.
Beſides theſe, there were a prodigious Train of Ambaſſadors, Envoys Extraordinary, and pub⯑lick Miniſters from other Princes, States, and Powers; ſuch as were too great or too remote to appear in Perſon, and even from ſome that were preſent, who were to remain when their Principals were gone. The Account they give here of them is thus.
Three from the Emperor, Two from the King of Spain, One from Sweden, Two from Denmark, Two from Savoy; from the Electors of Bavaria, Brandenburgh, Treves, Mentz, and Cologn, each Two; from the Elector Palatine, one; from the Elector of Saxony, one; from the King and Republick of Poland, one; Two from the Landgrave of Heſſe Caſſel; one from [150] the Biſhop of Munſter; from the Dukes of Hannover, Lunenburgh, Wolfembuttle, and Zell, each one; from the Duke of Holſtein, one; and from the Cities of Liege and Hamburgh, each one; beſides Agents from Switzerland, the Griſons, Geneva, and Neufchattel.
I need not muſter up to thee the Powers of theſe ſeveral Princes, who art ſo well acquaint⯑ed with the State of Europe; but thou mayeſt underſtand that there being a general Unani⯑mity in them all to unite againſt the growing Power of France; every one of theſe entered into Meaſures and Agreements for ſome Pro⯑portion, either in Money or Troops, to ſup⯑port the Alliance, and every one of them had ſome Pretenſions upon France; ſo that like the Aſſembly of the Birds, they all pretended to pluck their reſpective Feathers out of the Plume, wherewith the King of France has a⯑dorn'd himſelf.
The Agreement of ſo great a Number of Princes and Powers, will not be more wonder⯑ful to thee, than it will be that France has gone on ſo long in a general Encroachment upon her Neighbours, to ſuch a Degree, and for ſo long a Time, till the whole World, as we may ſay, are aggrieved at her, and yet never be oppoſed in a Body before: The Reaſon is, the Conduct of this Court has been ſo very ſubtle, that the King has always found Means to diſunite the Princes whom he had oppreſs'd; and to break all the Meaſures laid at any time for concerting any Oppoſition to him: ſo that he had them often in ſecret League with him⯑ſelf, ready rather to oppoſe one another, than to join in Meaſures to oppoſe him.
Thou wilt, doubtleſs, expect to hear what the King of France is doing all this while, and [151] what Proſpect there is of his defending him⯑ſelf againſt ſo many powerful Adverſaries. As to the firſt, as I hinted already, they turn it all in publick to jeſt and ridicule. They call the new King of England, Le Petit Prince d'Orange, and one of their ſcribbling Poets here has written a Satyr or Lampoon, call'd the Cavalcade at the Hague, wherein he pretends to give the Characters of all the Princes and great Perſons of the Congreſs; but his Work is ſo ſcurrilous, and he treats Soveraign Princes with ſuch Indecencies, and ſuch mean courſe Language, that indeed the French Gentlemen themſelves, who, to give them their due, are a very mannerly Nation, do not reliſh it.
However, at the ſame time that they treat the Notion of a grand Alliance againſt them with a Kind of Gayety and Contempt, the King ſhews, that he knows the Prince of O⯑range, and that he is not in jeſt; and accord⯑ingly he prepares to deal with him in earneſt; for his Army in Flanders will be in the whole, the Garriſons included, 132000 Men, of which the Duke of Luxemburg, who is to command them, pretends, on any Emergency, he will be able to have 110000 Men in the Field ready for Battle.
The Duke is a politick and a fortunate Gene⯑ral; but they ſay this of him, that he never came but to one Battle with the Prince of Orange, and then he was ſoundly beaten, which was at the Battle of Mons, at the Cloſe of the laſt War with the Dutch, of which I gave at that Time a full Account to Solyman, thy il⯑luſtrious Predeceſſor, now an exalted Soldier of Praiſe in the Garden of Peace.
[152] Rejoice, happy Prince, in the Luſtre of thy great Command, and the Favour of the Sultan thy Lord, the Mirror of humane Wiſ⯑dom, and the illuſtrious Emperor of the Faith⯑ful, whoſe Days be fill'd with Joy, and his End, Triumph and inexpreſſible Glory.
Paris, 10th of the 4th Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER IX. To Hoganquin Zemel Atran, a Stu⯑dier of Antiquity at Zaabbachz in Arabia.
THOU that art ſearching after ancient Knowledge, how canſt thou look into this Part of the World? where Men know no⯑thing but by a kind of Talmudical Know⯑ledge, receiving Error from their Fathers, and handing it on to their Poſterity, with the looſe Sanction only of their own Approbation; ſo that all things are accepted as Truths, be⯑cauſe received from the paſt Generations.
You ask me for a Hiſtory of the ancient Gods, whom the Roman Nations adored; and how the Stars come to be ſirnamed after the Deities they worſhip?
I could give thee long Legends of Fables for the Original of the Gods, ſome one way, ſome [153] another, as the Learning of the reſpective Ages thoſe things were written in directed, and as the ſeveral Authors who have written of ſuch things have received them, ſuch as Ste⯑phanus, Philo, Varro, Arnobius, Diodorus Siculus, Plato, and many more, too long to name.
But if I may give thee my Opinion of theſe things, it muſt be, as I learnt them from the Leaves of the never fading Tree of Aphelezma, on which the Hiſtory of the World was writ⯑ten by the Angel of the Gate with a Pen of Adamant, I ſay, if I muſt give thee my Opini⯑on, it is that thou direct thy Prayers to Mahomet three Times a Day for Illumination, and that thou ſhouldeſt be inſtructed in the everlaſting Record, that nothing paſt may be concealed from thee.
Certainly the Introduction of Idols and Images to be worſhiped by Men, was be⯑gun by the evil Spirit of the Lake; who, to eraſe the Knowledge of the true One God, built Houſes and Families of Gods in Ro⯑mance, founded on Traditional Diſcoveries of things paſt.
As this carried them back to the firſt Know⯑ledge of things, ſo it did alſo of Perſons; and as none could be more the Subject of their In⯑quiries than the firſt Men, ſo upon the Fable of their Fame, for Time makes mighty Sto⯑ries dwindle into Romance, they made no Scruple to form the Gods which they want⯑ed to invent.
From theſe Records, which remain only in the ſacred Repoſitory of the Cave of Won⯑ders, I ſay, from theſe Record of Traditions riſe all the Gods they wanted; they aſcri⯑bed godlike things to Men gone before their [154] Memory, and then conceiv'd of them as Gods on Account of their great Deeds.
Thus they go back to the Beginning of Men; and Saturn, who is called the Father of all, both Gods and Men, was certainly no other than Adam, the Primogenitor of the Creation, to whom the whole Globe was given in Fee ſimple, as Lord of the Soil.
As Adam was the firſt Saturn, ſo Cain ap⯑pears to be the firſt Jupiter; Eve was alſo called the Goddeſs Rhea; and Naamath, Eve's eldeſt Daughter and Cain's Wife, was called Venus; Tubulcain is the ſame they called Vulcan. Nor is the Similitude of Sound yet worn quite out of the Words; for taking away the Let⯑ters Tu from the Word, and you find not much of any kind of Difference between Bulcain and Vulcan.
I know that ſucceeding Generations, in Imitation of this firſt Nomination of Gods, named alſo the Heroes of their own Anceſtors by the ſame Names; placing them in the Skies as Stars of Eminence, and adored them as Gods; but theſe are modern, compared to the Original as above, which I take to be the Work of the firſt Ages of Time.
From the Tales which the Antediluvians, as they call them here, handed down to their Poſterity, came moſt of the Fables with which the Eaſtern Part of the World was ſo full, ſome of which I find here in their an⯑cient Poets and Hiſtorians, ſuch as Homer, Heſiod, Ovid, Cornelius Severus, and others; for Example:
From the building that great ſtupendious Stair-Caſe, called the Tower of Babel, the ſaid Poets feigned the Story of Pelion upon Oſſa, or the Giants undertaking a War againſt the [155] Gods, and throwing one Mountain upon ano⯑ther to aſſault Heaven, which is admirably deſcribed by one of the ſaid Poets thus:
Likewiſe from the authentick Hiſtories of the Sons of Noah, and their dividing the Earth among their Poſterity, came the Fa⯑ble of dividing the World among the Three Brethren the Sons of Saturn. The Fiction of the golden Fruit kept by the Dragon was ta⯑ken from the Garden of Eden, where was a forbidden Tree guarded by the divine Ana⯑thema.
And, as ſome tell us, from the tranſlating Enoch into Heaven, was taken the Tranſlation of Heroes and famous Men into Stars and celeſtial Signs, and the like.
Now if thou read the wondrous Manuſcripts of the Ancients, which thou wilt find trea⯑ſured up in the miraculous Cave, and colle⯑cted with great Induſtry by the moſt ancient Arabians; thou wilt find the full Confirmation of theſe Truths, and juſt Reaſon to trace the Antiquity of the Heathen Fiction back to the firſt Age.
Innumerable Similitudes will appear alſo if thou ſtudy Moſes's written Law, where thou wilt find the Cuſtom of Kings and Conque⯑rors making Leagues, Covenants, and Conven⯑tions, confirmed by the Sanction of Solomon, and mutual Sacrifices, is borrowed from Mo⯑ſes, who, when he read the Covenant of God to the People, ſprinkled the Blood of the Sa⯑crifice upon them.
[156] Wherefore then, divine Atran, doeſt thou turn thy Face this Way for the Intelligence of things ancient? ſeeing the diſpers'd Fa⯑milies of the Sons of Noah have not left the Eaſtern World without authentick Proofs of their Original, and of the Cuſtoms of their Anceſtors.
I know the Lybian Fables, take the original of the Gods of the Greeks from the Africans, where Uranus, they ſay, firſt reigned, a Name which ſignified Heaven; and who, for his Knowledge of the Stars, his People honoured after his Death, as a Star in Heaven.
This Uranus, they ſay, was the Father of the Titanes or Giants; his Wife alſo ſirnamed Titea, was canoniz'd for a Goddeſs; her Name ſigni⯑fying Earth. Thus Heaven and Earth married together, their Son Hyperion marrying his Siſter Baſilea: She bore him two Children, called Sun and Moon.
The reſt of theſe fictitious Tales are too long to trouble thee with, and only ſerve to let thee know, how ignorant of more ancient Truth thoſe Nations were, and that the more genuine, and indeed only Fund of Antiquity, is treaſu⯑red up in the Archives of Churuth, and the Re⯑poſitories of the holy Mountain, where if thou pray to Mahomet, thou ſhalt have Wiſdom, and have the juſt Diſcoveries of retired Truth made known to thee.
Paris, 5th of the 4th Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER X. To the Captain Baſſa.
[157]I Should omit the Duty I owe to thy high Station in the Empire of the Faithful, if I did not acquaint thee of the greateſt Battle, or Sea-fight, which, perhaps, was ever fought in theſe Parts of the World; whether we regard the Strength of the Fleets, or the Vigour and Conſequence of the Action.
The Glory and Ambition of the King of France, eſpecially in his maritine Affairs, thou haſt been no Stranger to for many Years; nor art thou ignorant that he was really arrived to a Greatneſs at Sea, amazing to all thoſe who knew the Circumſtances he formerly ſtood in with reſpect to his Neighbours of England and Holland; and how the former not only were ſu⯑perior to him in Naval Strength, but pretend⯑ed to forbid him encreaſing that Power, or building any more Ships whenever they thought fit.
It was but the laſt Year but one that we ſaw the Fleet of France engaging thoſe of England and Holland in the open Seas, and being ſuperior to them both, as well in the Number of Ships, as in the Force of thoſe Ships, we found the En⯑gliſh and Dutch retreating from them, declining the Fight, and at length worſted.
The next Year the Fleets of France were reckon'd 100 Sail of capital Men of War of the Line, (viz.) from 50 Guns upwards to 110 [158] Guns, and the Britiſh and Dutch Fleets were not ſo forward to engage them as was uſual.
But this Year, by I know not what Fate, whether the Vigilance and Diligence of the Britiſh Admiral, or the Raſhneſs and Pride of the French Admiral, I know not; but this Year, I ſay, has been fatal to the King of France, in his Naval Affairs; and in a great Battle at Sea, his Fleet has been entirely overthrown; and about 20 of the biggeſt Men of War in his Navy, and indeed ſome of them the big⯑geſt in the World, have been burnt or de⯑ſtroyed; a Loſs, which I foreſee France will not be able to reſtore in many Years, if at all.
They came together upon the moſt natural Terms imaginable; for Monſieur Tourville, the French Admiral, tho' he had not in his whole Fleet above 52 Sail, went boldly into the Britiſh Channel, to ſeek out his Enemies, who were near 90 Sail. Thou wilt reaſonably con⯑clude, that when the weaker looks out for the ſtronger, there will be little Difficulty to meet.
The Fight was bloody, and there is no doubt but had the French been equal in Number to the Britiſh and Dutch Fleets, they would have had the better of them; but a great Diſpropor⯑tion of Numbers left the French Room for nothing but to make the beſt of their way to their own Coaſt, after an unequal Fight; in which no Behaviour of the particular Cap⯑tains and Officers could atone for the intolle⯑rable Raſhneſs of the Admiral, in attacking the Enemy when he might have declined it, and eaſily ſaw the Diſparity of Strength.
The French ſay, in Juſtification of the Ad⯑miral, that he had poſitive and expreſs Orders to fight the Confederates wherever he met [159] them; but 'tis alledg'd in Reply, that this was with a Suppoſition of a probable Ad⯑vantage, or at leaſt a fair Caſt for it; not to fight at all Adventures, two againſt three, where they would be ſure to have the worſe.
However it was, the King, who is the beſt Judge of his own Orders, received the Admi⯑ral perfectly well, ſpoke cheerfully to him, and was very far from ſhowing any Reſentment againſt his Conduct, as if he had not obeyed Orders.
The Loſs the French has ſuſtained is ineſtima⯑ble, 17 of the fineſt Ships the World ever ſaw, are burnt and deſtroyed in their own Harbours, and in Sight of their own People, beſides others ſmaller; a Sight ſo mortifying, ſo dreadful, and particularly ſo provoking to the Seamen, who long'd for nothing more than to have fought it out Ship for Ship, and Man for Man; that they tore the very Hair from their Heads for Rage, to ſee the Ships burnt in their own Ports.
But there was no Remedy, the Britiſh and Dutch Fleets were upon them; the reſt of their own Fleet was ſeparated, and fled through the Race of Alderney for Breſt; whereupon they ſet Fire to the Ships with their own Hands, after having ſaved out of them whatever was portable, and placed the Hulls ſo as the Guns might be eaſily weighed.
Never was ſuch a Blaze of Fire ſeen on Earth, the Light was ſeen in the Air an Hundred Miles, to the infinite Terror of the People.
The Troops which were drawn up on the Shore, prevented the Engliſh landing; and by ſome Cannon planted on large Batteries, kept off the Boats a great while which were ſent in to burn the Ships, and by thoſe Batteries [160] they protected two Men of War which were not burnt.
The Loſs of Men has not been great; the Account they give is about 2500 Men killed, and 3000 wounded. Nor have the Enemy loſt much leſs; but the Loſs of the Ships is ſuch as the French themſelves do not pretend to be able to repair in many Years. And ſince this Diſaſter, they adviſe the King to ſpare the ex⯑ceſſive Expences of fitting out ſo great a Fleet, and employ the Seamen in ſmall Cruiſers, to attack the Commerce of the Allies, who abound in Numbers of Merchant-Ships in all Parts of the Sea.
This had been good Advice, had it been given before; had the King of France laid up his great Fleet, and encouraged his Sub⯑jects to ſit out Privateers, he had ſaved the Expence of thirty Millions a Year, and wound⯑ed his Enemies in the moſt ſenſible Part, (viz.) their Trade; by which they ſupported all the reſt of their Power.
But this is late Advice now, and makes good a proverbial Saying of the moſt learned of the Nazareens, (viz) that the Italians are wiſe be⯑forehand, the Dutchmen in the Action, and the French after 'tis done.
This Blow to the Naval Power of France may not be without its good Conſequences to thy Affairs: Our glorious Maſter the Grand Seignior knows what uſe to make of it, to the exalting the Ottoman Power in the Levant, and aſſiſting it to maintain a juſt Superiority of Naval Strength in every Part of the World.
Glory and Succeſs attend the Navies of thy Lord, under thy wiſe and proſperous Conduct, invincible Admiral of the faithful Navy; and may the Enſigns of Mahomet ſpread the Seas at [161] the Ports of thy Enemies, that the Topſails of France and Venice may ſtrike to the victorious Pendants of the Admiral-Galley, under the Awe of thy Sword and of the Grand Seignior's in⯑vincible Power.
Paris, 20th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER XI. To Amurath Zahabbezin,, a proſely⯑ted Jew of Trapezond.
THO' I believe thou art a true Muſſel⯑man, and haſt forſaken the Errors of thy miſtaken Brethren, yet I find by thy Letters that thou art yet of the Rabbinical Principle, and art a kind of Mahometan Phariſee: for thou canſt not refrain in all thy Notions of things, to put a mighty Streſs upon the Tradition of our Anceſtors, as if the Alcoran, which thou knoweſt we believe came down from Heaven to our great Prophet, needed any Explana⯑tions.
It's evident to me, that the Laws of God, handed to Iſrael, by the Miniſtration of Moſes coming immediately from the divine Oracle, ſpoken by the Mouth of God himſelf, and written down by the Pen of Moſes, the faithful Collector of what God had ſpoken to him, re⯑quired no Explanations: It is to me a ſuffici⯑ent [162] Objection againſt the Jewiſh Talmud, the Gemara, and all the Writings which are called the Collections of the Elders, that they all differ from Moſes's Law, or the Writings of the Prophets, in the Preface or Introduction of them all; for that Moſes introduces all his Precepts with, Thus ſaith the Lord: The Lord ſpake all theſe Words, and ſaid: The Word of the Lord came unto me—ſaying: The Lord hath ſpoken, and the like. WHEREAS in the Talmud, and all the Collections of traditional Explana⯑tions, it is ſaid, by way of Introduction, Rabbi Simeon, Says thus: Rabbi Juda, Says thus: Rabbi Eliezer, Says thus, and the like
And wherefore ſeekeſt thou a cabbaliſtick Scheme, or a Collection of traditional Expla⯑nations upon the perfect Law of Mahomet? Art thou ignorant how the Alcoran was brought down from Heaven, and given to our great Apoſtle Mahomet? and that every Muſſelman believes that it requires no other Law to explain or enforce it?
It is true that we have a Sonnah, in which are ſaid to be contained traditional Explanati⯑ons of the Text of the Alcoran; but the Prin⯑ciples of the Muſſelman's Belief are ſuch, ſo plain and ſo few, that no Sonnah, no traditio⯑nal Precepts, can add to or explain: Our whole Faith being contained in theſe two great Fundamentals, (viz.) That God is but one God, and that Mahomet is his Apoſtle or Prophet.
The SONNAH, or MISNA of our Law, may explain the Precepts of Mahomet, re⯑ſpecting the Conduct of his Diſciples or Fol⯑lowers; but the great Point denominating a true Muſſelman, (viz.) believing the Unity of Perſon, and the Dignity of Mahomet, admits [163] no Explanation; neither is the Sonnah of our Emirs concern'd in ſuch a blaſphemous At⯑tempt.
Leave off then, enlightened Morat, thy old cabbaliſtick Notions, and leſſen thy Eſteem for traditional Ideas; believe that God is One God, and that Mahomet is his Prophet, and enjoys the Bleſſing of Eden, the promiſed Pleaſures of Pa⯑radiſe, where Oceans of inexpreſſible Bliſs flow down in Streams of Delight, where Millions of ſhining Beauties attend the Faithful, ſuch as ſhould one of them appear on Earth, all Man⯑kind would dye for the Love of her, and ſink into inconceivable Torment at the Loſs of her.
Give no Jealouſies to thy Friends, that thou art not thoroughly inform'd, and haſt not em⯑braced the right Way with a perfect Mind.
Perhaps it may be true that the Law of Moſes may ſtand in need of Interpretations, and the Solutions of learned and judicious Men in doubtful and difficult Caſes, about their ſab⯑battical Obſervations, legal Retributions, &c. may be uſeful Precedents for the Judgment of the Elders, in like Caſes, among the Jews to this Time.
Tho' I confeſs, I believe all thoſe Traditions and Precedents have rather corrupted than in⯑formed their Poſterity, and have ſpread a Cloud or Veil of Darkneſs over their Law, rather than cleared it up from any Difficulties that were in it before.
But ſuppoſe it ſo; for I know the Rabbi⯑niſts, who are the chief ſort of Jews, who I meet with in theſe Parts of the World, do all ſtrictly adhere to the Voice of the Elders, and therefore the whole Study of their Doctors is employed upon the Miſna, which is the origi⯑nal [164] authentick Text of the Jewiſh Traditions, or Opinions of the Elders.
Yet what is all this to the true Muſſelmen? who believe that Mahomet was a Prophet ſent from God, and that God gave him a Body of written Laws, (viz.) the Alcoran? ſeeing we have no need of Rabbinical Authorities or traditional Inſtitutes for the Underſtanding that Law.
I am told here by ſome of the learned Fa⯑thers or Rabbies of the Nazareens, that one Nicholas Clenardus, a famous Man in the Study of the Laws of the Meſſiah, and fill'd with Learning in all the Languages which were in uſe in theſe Parts of the World, got a Paſsport about 160 Years ago, (viz) the Year 1541. from the King of Morocco, for Leave to come to Fez in Africa, the capital City of the Moores, to ſtudy the Arabick Language, which, at that Time, not ſcarce a Scholar in all the Naza⯑reen World could read a Word of.
It ſeems his Deſign was, that he might then ſearch, and open a Door for others to ſearch after him, into the Fundamentals of our Prin⯑ciples; examine the Alcoran; read the Hiſto⯑ries of our great Prophet; ſtudy the SONNAHS of the ancient Emirs, and of the ſacred Te [...]reh, and all the Collections of traditional Know⯑ledge they could reach, in order to put the People here into a Method to diſpute ſucceſs⯑fully againſt the Muſſelmen-Doctors and Der⯑vices, as Occaſion might offer.
But what did all the Study of this famous Man amount to? for I hear he lived there ele⯑ven Years, in which Time he made himſelf perfect Maſter of the Tongue, and likewiſe en⯑quired fully into the Laws of Mahomet; but [165] with what Succeſs may be ſeen by the reſt of his Life: He became afterwards a Profeſſor of Arabic in the Univerſity of Prague, and after that, in ſeveral other Places, and left ſo many Scholars, who were Maſters of the Language, in divers Parts of Europe, that the learned Men here have a tollerable Skill in the Tongue to this Day.
But not one Diſpute with any Muſſelman has ever, that I have heard of, been managed in conſequence of this learned Man's elabo⯑rate Studies; nor have they been able to enter into any one Argument againſt the one great Fundamental of Mahomet's Laws, (viz.) That there is but One God, or that GOD IS ONE.
Wherefore then ſtudieſt thou, learned Morat, to bring us to the Rabbinick Method of Ex⯑planations in our Law? ſuch as the Traditions of our ancient Mufti's, and Doctors in Maho⯑met's Law, things of very little Uſe while the Precepts of Mahomet are explicit and plain, ful⯑ly directing the Faithful.
Thou wilt labour in Light to bring forth Darkneſs; for verily, as the Traditions of the Elders have eclips'd the true Light of God's Law among the Jews; ſo all the Studies of the moſt learned Men that are, or that ſhall be hereafter, will not add to the Light of the true Believers, inſpired by their great Prophet to chooſe the right Way.
Nay, as thou art already convinc'd that the Traditions of the Jewiſh Cabbala, contain in them many things immoral and unjuſt, and that therefore as thou haſt well argued againſt the Jews, from whom thou art, (happily for thee) ſeparated by the Light of Wiſdom; ſo thou mayeſt well conclude theſe Rabbinick Traditions infamous, and to be rejected; ſince [166] 'tis inconſiſtent with the righteous and wiſe Nature of the One God, to give to his Ser⯑vants a holy, written, poſitive Law, full of wiſe and juſt Commandments, and then ſuffer Men to deſtroy the Intent and Meaning, nay, the very Foundation of the Law, by ſubſe⯑quent humane Interpretations.
This has expoſed them to the Nazareens as a moſt contemptible Sect of ſelf wiſe Men; but who, in Effect, have rendered themſelves Fools, by taking upon them to correct the righteous Law of God, and to enervate his Commands by their abſurd and corrupt Gloſſes and Explanations, teaching Men to underſtand the Law of God in a manner not at all agree⯑able to what he at firſt directed them to un⯑derſtand it.
Be not thou like to them, leaſt thou bring thy ſelf into Contempt; but let thy Know⯑ledge be improv'd to inſtruct Men to pray for divine Inſpiration, that Truth may be its own Interpreter in the Hearts of the Faithful. The Bleſſing of the great Apoſtle be on all thoſe that chooſe right things, and let Error and Idolatry vaniſh from the Earth.
Paris, 8th of the 8th Moon, of the Year, 1691.
LETTER XII. To the Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State.
[167]THE Angels of Paradiſe ſurround the Dominions of thy Lord, the Dew of Hemus, the ſhining of Aarathes, the Calms of Maathaon attend thy conſtant Labours in the Service of the happy Emperor of the World.
The Empire of the Franks begins to ſuffer Convulſions, which no Power on Earth has been ever able to bring her to before; the Duke of Savoy, a poor and contemptible Prince, reduced the laſt Year to ſuch Extremities, that his Friends began to talk of his caſting himſelf upon the Clemency of the French King, has this Year appeared at the Head of an Army ſo ſu⯑perior to the French, that, diſdaining to attack the Towns he had loſt, or ſo much as to attempt to recover his Dominions out of the Hands of the French, he has boldly enter'd France with his Army, and penetrated into the Province of Dauphine at the Head of 45000 Men.
In this Attempt the French ſeem perfectly ſurprized; they have no Force at hand able to make Head againſt him; the Duke has taken Guilleſtre, Gap, Ambrun, and have laid all the Country far and near under Contribution.
This is what France has not felt for many Ages, all the Power of the Nations, by which the French have been ſo vigorouſly attack'd, have not been able till now ſo much as to [168] ſet a Foot into her Dominions; ſhe has always carried the War into her Enemy's Country, and maintained her Troops at the Expence of the Nations ſhe has made War with.
But now while the King of France triumph⯑ed, as it were, in the Ruine of this Prince, had taken from him the Port of Nice, and the City of Villa Franca, with all the Country ad⯑joining; alſo the City of Chamberry, the im⯑pregnable Fortreſs of Montmelian, the Town and Citadel of Suza, and the whole Dutchy of Savoy, and gave out that they would attack Turin, the Capital of his Dominions; I ſay, in this Poverty of his Circumſtances, the Duke receives a Supply of 18000 Germans in a Body; alſo 6000 Men raiſed by the Aſſiſtance of the King of England and the Dutch, and a great Sum of Money from the ſame Powers; and ma⯑king the Mareſchal Catinat, who was the Ter⯑ror of the Savoyard before, retreat to Pignerol; he inſults the Dominions of France, and enters the Heart of the Province of Dauphine, filling all Places with the Terror of an invaſive War.
This is a terrible Mortification to the King of France: It muſt be a Blow to the Glory of a Man, the moſt ambitious of Fame in the World; and it is a greater Affliction, as it is from a Hand which they deſpiſed ſo much, that it would not more ſurprize thee to find the Dominions of the Grand Seignior invaded by the Knights of Maltha.
This Attack has rouz'd the Court from the Lethargy of their Pleaſures: The Stateſmen are filled with Indignation at the Inſult offer'd the King; the Soldiery are eager to be put in⯑to a Condition to engage the Savoyard, and make him pay dear for the Attempt; but the [169] Truth is, all Hands are employed; the King has ſo many Broils upon his Hands, that he is not able to apply a ſuitable Remedy to theſe Miſchiefs: In ſhort, there are no Troops, tho' the King of France has Three Hundred Thou⯑ſand Men in Pay; yet he has ſuch Embarraſſ⯑ments on his Hands, that he knows not where to detach Ten Thouſand Men, to protect his own Dominions from an Invaſion, which it was below him ſo much as to think of, without leaving himſelf open to ſome other Enemy, ready to break in at the Gap which thoſe Ten Thouſand Men would make in his Defences.
This ſhews the miſtaken Arrogance of this Nation in general, founded on the Flatteries of the Courtiers, (viz.) that France alone was able to make War againſt the whole united Powers of Europe.
They are, however, obliged to venture it; and ſtrong Detachments are ordered to be made from Rouſillon, from French Comte, and from the upper Rhine; who make long Matches to join Monſieur Catinat; but it muſt be at leaſt Forty Days March ere ſome of them can come up to him; and what Conqueſts the Duke of Savoy may make in that Time we know not.
They tremble at the very Gates of Lyons, one of the greateſt and richeſt Cities in France; they repair the Fortifications at Thoulon, and Marſeilles, as if they fear'd a Siege. In a Word, all France is in a Conſternation, to find 40000 Men entred into the Heart of the Country, and no Forces ready, or at leaſt in Condition to oppoſe them.
The King alone ſhews a Temper fitted for ſuch a Surprize; when every one elſe diſcover the Conſternation they are in, the King ſpeaks [170] cheerfully, ſmiles at the Mention of the Duke of Savoy, and tells the Courtiers, the Duke and he ſhall be good Friends for all this, and he will go back again quietly.
What the King means, none knows but him⯑ſelf; but as all the King ſays is received here as an Oracle, the People take Heart at it, without any other Foundation than that the King ſays it; ſo true is it, that it becomes Kings, and Ge⯑nerals of Armies, never to ſhew any Concern at whatever Dangers threaten them; for the Eyes of the whole Nation are upon them and will be dejected or encouraged, juſt as the Countenance of their King or General ap⯑pears anxious or gay.
Illuſtrious Counſellor of the Prince of Em⯑perors, how glorious is the Ottoman Throne? ſhining with the Luſtre of Heaven, guarded by the Hands of Millions of the Faithful, and guided by the Prudence of wiſe Councils? No Inſults can be offer'd her unrevenged, no Enemies aſſault her unchaſtized; how happy is thy Station, who, by Office, dwelleſt at the Feet of Majeſty, clothed with the Moon, crown'd with the Sun? I ſay, how happy is thy Station, who art in the Secrets of Empire, the right Hand of Government, and the Ter⯑ror of Infidels?
Paris, 17th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER XIII. To Morat Ebn Allwazhhair,, a learn⯑ed Man, ſtudying Aſtronomy at Ha⯑dramurt in Arabia.
[171]WHAT art thou doing, thou retired Man? and wherefore art thou buried alive theſe Five and Thirty Years? being wrapt up among the Stars, and beating thy Brains with innumerable Rolls of Figures, for the Calcula⯑tions of the Revolution of Commets, and the E⯑clipſes of the Planets, in the Syſtems of the pla⯑netary Worlds not yet diſcovered?
It is Fifteen Years ago ſince thou wroteſt to me, that thou hadſt for twenty Years before ſpent thy whole Study in a fruitleſs Endeavour to ſupport the old Philoſophy, and demon⯑ſtrate the Ptolomaian Syſtem, againſt the Ob⯑jections of the Moderns, and againſt the No⯑tions of the European Philoſophers; being very loth thoſe Infidels, who had not Senſe to em⯑brace the ſame juſt Notions in Religion with thy ſelf, ſhould be able to arrive to a Degree of Knowledge, in Science, ſuperior to that which the ancient learned Arabians firſt dictated; for from them Ptolomey received the Rudiments and Elements of the celeſtial Motions, which he form'd into a Scheme, and got the Honour of having it called by his Name.
But after Twenty Years Study, it ſeems thou art obliged to acknowledge the ſuperior Ex⯑cellence of the Copernican Scheme, and the [172] farther Improvements and Additions of the new Philoſophy, and that accordingly thou haſt ſound Methods to ſolve all the difficult Phoe⯑nomena which ſo diſtracted Ariſtotle, and the greateſt Men of Knowledge in the Eaſt.
I am therefore to ſuppoſe thee now, poring upon the Motions of the Planets in the ſolar Syſtem, where thou haſt ſet the Sun in the Center, as is no Queſtion its due; being the Life, the Guide, the ſovereign Director (under God the great Director); and in a Word, the very Soul and Being of the whole Syſtem.
It may be thou haſt ſpent ſome time, perhaps Years, to draw the juſt Proportions of Gravi⯑tation, by which the Diſtances and Magnitude of the Planets are only to be known; and per⯑haps thou haſt diſcover'd, as I have done here, by looking into the like Calculations, in the Study of learned Men here, that the Magni⯑tude of the Sun, and our Diſtance from it, and likewiſe the Diſtance of all the other Planets from it, and from one another, are infinitely greater than they were ſuppoſed by our Ance⯑ſtors to be, and perhaps infinitely greater than we yet think them to be; ſeeing every Cal⯑culation that has yet been juſtly, and with good Judgment made, carries the Sun farther and farther from us, and adds to its Dimen⯑tions; till from firſt ſuppoſing it to be 366 times bigger than the Earth, we are now come to know that it is no leſs than 900000 times bigger; and that its Diſtance is in Proportion remov'd: So that we now ſpeak of the Earth's being above 60 Millions of Miles, and ſome ſay 81 Millions of Geometrical Miles diſtant from the Sun.
That all the Planets gravitate to the Sun, and the Sun to them, in juſt, tho' differing Pro⯑portions, and that all thoſe Proportions are [173] known and calculated, in a regular Manner, by the Rules of Art, I ſee no Room to queſti⯑on; and I doubt not but when thou ſeeſt ſome of the Calculations of the preſent Maſters in this noble Study, which I ſend thee herewith, thou wilt readily acknowledge that they are very accurate.
The Improvements made here in the Study of theſe things are exceeding great; the King gives all poſſible Encouragement to ſuch Stu⯑dies; has built them an Obſervatory at a pro⯑digious Expence, and furniſh'd them with Glaſſes, for Obſervation, of the beſt that can be found in the World; and every Man who ap⯑plies to this Study, is allowed the Uſe of thoſe Glaſſes; by the Help of which, it is wonderful to conſider what new Diſcoveries in Nature Men daily make, and to what Perfection in Art they are arriv'd.
Happy Morat, thou who receiveſt by the ſublime Intellect a ſuperior Inſtruction, art not doubtfully inform'd of all theſe things, and I congratulate the Advances which thou haſt made, in that yet more unſearchable Branch of Aſtronomical Knowledge, (viz) the Revo⯑lutions, Number, Magnitude, and Diſtance of the Comets; Bodies altogether out of our reach as well as out of our Sight.
This difficult Study, if thou canſt bring it to Perfection, will put an End to all the en⯑thuſiaſtick Whimſies of theſe Nazareens, who are continually poring upon, and making Cal⯑culations of the general Point, of Nature when Time ſhall finiſh its Circle, and the Pulſe of Nature beat no more.
For if, as we firmly believe the general Conflagration, which is the End of all things, ſhall be perform'd by the Flame of a Co⯑met, [174] which, in its direct Motion, ſhall, at the appointed Hour of Nature, come ſo near this Earth, as to ſet both it and the Moon, and per⯑haps all the Planets of our Syſtem on Fire; ſo if thou canſt arrive, by a juſt Calculation, at the Knowledge of the proper Revolution of this one Comet, thou ſhalt be able, without any other prophetick Inſpiration, to tell us to a Minute; nay, to one Second of Time, when, and in what manner the Conflagration of this Earth, and, in a Word, the End of all things ſhall begin.
This noble Study is worthy indeed of all thy Powers; and as thou art already in the Garden of Knowledge, and drinkeſt daily of the inſpiring Streams of Aroa jairoth, a Branch of the Brook of Eden, either thou wilt attain this higheſt Pinnacle of Knowledge, or I muſt conclude that God, for wiſe and juſt Reaſons, has entirely concealed this Knowledge from Men, perhaps until Mahomet ſhall be ſent down again to bring ſupernatural Light into the World.
However, Morat, as thou haſt doubtleſs made infinite Diſcoveries in the Secrets of Nature, and in the Motions, Order, and Oeconomy of the celeſtial Bodies, why ſhouldſt thou not communicate to others the Parts proper to be known, that ſucceeding Time may enjoy the Advantage of thy Labours and Study?
For thou knoweſt well, divine Morat, that ſo the Deſtination of righteous Power has ap⯑pointed, that Knowledge dies with Men, and is not conveyed by Generation, or bequeath⯑ed by Teſtament to our Heirs.
It is ſufficient, and what we rejoice in, that the Capacities of being inſtructed are often convey⯑ed as the Conſequences of a ſublimer, ſpirituous [175] Nature, in the ordinary Courſe of Generation; the Semen partaking of the extraordinary Vi⯑gor of its Anceſtor, prepares the Caſe, (which ſhall embody the ſubſequent Soul) with dila⯑ted Organs, and extended Parts, adapted for the full Reception of a capacious Intellect; and thus the Son often partakes of the natural Endowments of the Father; but never of the acquir'd, till by the ſame Erudition and Ap⯑plication he furniſhes himſelf, after the Ex⯑ample of his indefatigable Parent
Mark, I ſay, they are the Capacities of Na⯑ture which are thus convey'd by Generation, and that tho' theſe are OFTEN ſo conveyed, yet that it is not ſo always; on the contrary, we frequently find, that as among the Kings of thy Nation, a weak, ſupine, ſtupid Rh [...]hoboam ſucceeded a wiſe and incomparably knowing Solomon; ſo Ideots and Fools are often the Pro⯑duction of generating Philoſophers and Politi⯑cians; But I return to thy particular Caſe.
Since then all this Knowledge muſt die with thee, and thou ſhalt carry from thy Children the whole Sum of Forty or Fifty Years Study with thee into Paradiſe, there to delight thy ſelf in the conſummate Diſcovery, and that all this ſhall prepare thee only for the ſuperi⯑our Delights of the Garden of Wiſdom, what Profit ſhall the World reap from thee, if thou communicate not the Elements of thy Wiſ⯑dom for Poſterity to build upon?
The Infidels, among whom I dwell, boaſt⯑ing of the Improvements they make in the ſublimeſt Branches of humane Knowledge, re⯑proach the Muſſelmen of the Eaſtern World with being Enemies of Learning, and perfect⯑ly void of the Advantages of Science, living [176] like meer Animals, as they ſay, without the Study, or Deſire of Knowledge and Wiſdom.
They diſcover their own Ignorance and In⯑juſtice in this, not having been acquainted with the numerous Retreats of the moſt knowing and moſt ſtudious Searches after Wiſdom in the World, and which, at this Day, take up the happy Plains of Hadrumurt, the Vallies of Saada, and the golden Hills of Oman, the moſt delicious Part of Arabia Faelix, where the inſpired Souls of wiſe Men are raviſh'd with the Delights of Wiſdom, and where Knowledge it ſelf takes Pleaſure to dwell.
But in this they might juſtly blame us if they were ſenſible where alone we are defici⯑ent, that whereas the true Searchers after Knowledge find there infinite Diſcoveries be⯑yond all that Nature has own'd her ſelf to be furniſh'd with in other Parts of the World; yet the Proficients, raviſh'd with the inex⯑preſſible Joy of knowing whole Nature, live out their Years in their ſilent Raptures, with⯑out leaving behind them, in laborious Vo⯑lumes, due Schemes of the Diſcoveries they make.
I tell the People here, if they would know perfectly the Secrets of Wiſdom, and have the reſerved Treaſures of Nature entirely open⯑ed to them, they muſt go and dwell among the Fathers of Wiſdom, in the Diſtrict of Raled, and drink of the Waters of Cazimurt, where Learning is inſpired by that Breath of God, the Air; and Wiſdom flows in a Stream like the River.
But then I add, that they will, like them, write no Books, and the World will receive no Advantage from the Learning and Know⯑ledge of their Forefathers.
[177] O Morat, in this only I would have thee imi⯑tate the Nazareens; and as thou haſt made ſuch Advances in humane Learning as the World never yet knew, communicate thy Knowledge, for the Good of Mankind; and let theſe Infi⯑dels hereafter confeſs themſelves beholding to a learned Arab for more Diſcoveries into ce⯑leſtial Nature than all the Telleſcopes of Eu⯑rope, or the Studies of a Thouſand Univerſities, could ſupply.
Paris, 10th of the 11th Moon, of the Year 1691.
A Continuation of LETTERS written by a Spye at Paris. BOOK III.
[179]LETTER I. To Iſſuff Oglan, Baſſa, Teacher of the Exerciſes of Arms to the young Janizaries at Conſtantinople.
I Know thy worth, and thy Expe⯑rience in martial Affairs, thy Cou⯑rage, and the Wounds which thou haſt received in thy faithful Ser⯑vices to the Grand Seignior: I re⯑member the Services of thy Father, who loſt one of his Arms with a Cannon-Shot at the Bat⯑tle of Raab; I know how well thou meriteſt from the Grand Seignior, who knowing very well thy worth, has made thee Inſpector of [180] that Body, which is the Strength and Defence of the Empire.
But as I flatter thee not at any time, ſo much leſs can I withhold giving thee the needful Inſtructions which my Diſtance, in this Place, furniſhes me with for the publick Good.
In a Word, faithful Servant of the Grand Seignior, you muſt, notwithſtanding the Ex⯑cellence of your preſent Methods for diſcipli⯑ning and exerciſing the Janizaries, I ſay, you muſt be content to vary as well the Exerciſe as the Weapons to which they are exerciſed; ſo that as they excel all the Nations of Infidels in Proweſs and Valour, they may not be de⯑ficient in Knowledge and Experience, and may be furniſhed with all thoſe Additions and Helps to the valiant Hearts they are Maſters of, as may be ſufficient to continue them in the Reputation which they have ſo long en⯑joyed of being the beſt Troops in the World.
I need not argue with thee the Neceſſity and Uſefulneſs of Art in the well diſciplining of Soldiers; why do we put Weapons into their Hands? why do we call the War a Trade, an Art? why are the Courages of Men lifted up to a due Pitch by enuring them to Action? and why do we form Troops into regular Bo⯑dies, that they may ſupport, ſuccour, and en⯑courage one another in Fight? but becauſe all Ways and Methods are to be ſtudied, which may add to the Terror of our Arms, and make our Men ſuperior to their Enemies in warlike Experience, as well as in Number and Courage.
As Weapons are put into the Hands of Men to defend themſelves, and offend their Ene⯑mies; ſo all thy Predeceſſors, in the Oda's of [181] the Janizaries, have thought fit to alter and change thoſe Weapons, after the Manner of other Nations, that they might find no Diſad⯑vantage in the Field againſt their Enemies; but might be always equally armed, and e⯑qually exerciſed in the Uſe of thoſe Arms, as the other Nations with whom they are to en⯑gage.
That this has been the Uſage, I refer thee to the Rules of Diſcipline eſtabliſhed in the Seraglio, confirmed in the Divan, in the Days of Selym Uſſan Cherger, Baſſa, Aga of the Jani⯑zaries, in the Time of Amurath the firſt, the glorious Conqueror of Mahomet's Enemies; un⯑der whoſe Reign the Janizaries were firſt taught the Uſe of the Harquebuſs or Gun, and began to throw away their Javelines, and Bows and Arrows; where thou wilt find it ſaid, that whereas the Chriſtians made uſe of certain Engines, contrived to caſt with great Force leaden Bullets point blank, which they brought into the Ranks, making thereby great Slaughter of their Enemies, that therefore it was agreeable to the Law of Mahomet, to repel Force with the like Force; and that thence forward Powder ſhould be made, ſome (ren⯑egade Jews) having brought with them the Art of making it, and alſo the Uſe of thoſe En⯑gines for Shooting Bullets, called Harquebuſ⯑ſes; and that for the Time to come, certain Numbers of the Janizaries, of the moſt able Bodies, ſhould be armed therewith, to annoy the In fidels in the ſame manner as they in⯑tended to annoy others.
Sage Inſtructor of the valiant Youths, the Flower and Pillar of the Ottoman Glory, thou wilt learn from me, that the Uſe of Arms, the Exerciſe, the additional Weapons, are not only [182] many, which they uſe now in fight; but the manner of uſing them varies very much, and the French are in this ſo dextrous, that they are, at this Time, the Teachers of their Enemies; and all the Nazareens borrow from them, not only the Way of fighting, encamping, forti⯑fying, attacking, &c. but even the Terms, the Language of the Field is all French.
Think it not a uſeleſs Caution that I ad⯑moniſh thee, think it not below thee to learn all the Improvements of the Art of War from Infidels and Enemies; I'll tell thee wherein they can learn from thee, they are not want⯑ing; every Step of thy excellent Diſcipline, which they find uſeful, they add to their own.
Particularly as thou haſt long ago taught the Janizaries to throw away that uſeleſs, cumber⯑ſome Weapon the Pike, and inſtead thereof to make all thy Soldiers able to fight offenſively, the French are taking the hint from thee; and all the old Regiments are made now, as they call them here, Fuzileers, having no Uſe of the Pike among them; and this will no doubt be⯑come a Practice through all the Armies of the Nazareens.
But it ſhall remain upon Record, to thy Praiſe, that this Cuſtom was taken firſt from thee, and that thereby the Janizaries have been rendered the more terrible in fight for ſome Years; particularly at the Defence of the Town of Buda, and at the Battle of Niſſa.
Now as they received this hint from thee, O Man of martial Experience, be content to take back, in Exchange, the Improvement they make here of arming their Muſqueteers with a Hanjarr or Dagger, which they call here a Bayonet, which, in Caſe of a cloſe Engagement [183] with the Enemy, and particularly with the Horſe, they place on the Muzzle of their Fire-Arms, and preſenting the Point to the Enemy, repulſe thereby the moſt fierce At⯑tacks of the Cavalry as well as of the Infantry.
So that by this Method of fighting, the an⯑cient way of clubbing the Muſquet, and ſtri⯑king with the Stock or But-End of their Pieces, is alſo quite laid aſide; the Point of the Bay⯑onet being preſented with double Force, at the End of the Muſquet, being a much more terrible way of charging, and doing much more Execution than the Stock of the Muſquet.
Take this hint from me, founded upon an old Maxim among the Men of the Sword here.
Paris, the 12th Day of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER II. To Mehemet Aſdan Cupriogli, victo⯑rious Conqueror of the Nazareens, Reſtorer of Glory to the Faithful, the right Hand of Honour, the Star of Praiſe, mighty Supporter of the tremendous Throne of the invincible Sultan Achmet, on whoſe Head be eternal Benediction.
[184]TO whom but to thee, enur'd to Glory and great Actions, ſhould I ſend an Account of the glorious Progreſs of Arms on this Side the World, and the Conqueſt of a City impregnable in its Scituation, made more ſo by Art; and in a Word, ſtill made terri⯑ble by a numerous Garriſon of reſolute and experienced Soldiers.
In a Word, while the potent Confederacy of the Germans, Dutch, Engliſh, Scots, Iriſh, and all the Powers of the Northern World, were drawing together, to fall upon the King of France, as if they reſolved to finiſh the War in one Campaign, and that no humane Power was able to withſtand them.
While their numerous Troops were reckon'd up, and the on-looking World was, as it were, amaz'd at the very Thoughts of what would be done by ſuch a collected Power, led on by ſuch a martial Prince as the new King of [185] England; or rather, as we call him here, Prince of Orange.
While all Eyes were turned upon the Coun⯑cils of France, and every one wondred what courſe the King would take, and what Diſpo⯑ſitions of his Troops he would make, to oppoſe ſuch prodigious Forces as ſeemed to threat⯑en his Dominions.
I ſay, while things were in this Poſture, we ſee all the World under ſome kind of Con⯑ſternation except the King of France; but of him it might be truly ſaid, that he alone made all theſe terrible things his Sport; ſmiles continually, covered his Face, and he was ever gay; he ſpent the Day among the fair ones, and diverted himſelf with Balls, Opera's, Feaſts, and Shews, as if the whole Kingdom had been in profound Peace.
Now and then, and as if it had been for his Diverſions only, he would ſteal away to his Divan, or Chamber of Privy Counſellors, where he would ſtay ſo little, as to be hardly miſs'd, and return as unconcerned as one who was only born for Delight, and ſwallowed up in Pleaſures.
When, on a ſudden, without the leaſt Noiſe or Diſorder, News came to Paris, for we knew nothing of it before, that Namure, the ſtrong⯑eſt Town in Flanders, was inveſted by Mon⯑ſieur de Boufflers, and that the Troops were all in full March from the Frontier Garriſons to form the Siege.
Nor was this all; but in two or three Days more we found the King's Field-Equipage pre⯑paring, and were told that his Majeſty reſol⯑ved to command the Siege in Perſon.
It is impoſſible to deſcribe to thee what hurry and Confuſion this real Coup de Eclat has [186] put the World into: The Confederates drew together their Forces in ſuch Numbers, and with ſuch Aſſurance of Succeſs, that People be⯑gan to be very apprehenſive of the Succeſs of the Enterprize, only the King and the Duke of Luxemburg purſue ſteddily the Meaſures they have taken, and depend upon the Succeſs.
As the Confederates talk of having an Hun⯑dred Thouſand Men to raiſe the Siege, the King reſolved to have as many to cover the Siege, beſides a ſufficient Force to carry it on.
The King having reſolved to be there in Perſon, all the Houſhold Troops were ordered to march, the Gens de Arms, the Light Horſe, the Guards de Corps; all went away before, and the Duke of Luxemburgh ſaw himſelf ſurrounded with 125 Thouſand Men before the King came, who brought with him about 15000 Men more.
The ſiege, in the mean time, was carried on with ſuch Vigor, that the City ſurrendred upon Articles in leſs than 12 Days; the Batteries, con⯑ſiſting of 160 Pieces of Cannon and 60 Mor⯑tars, made ſuch terrible Work, and the French followed their Work ſo cloſe with Attack upon Attack, Storm upon Storm, even from Morn⯑ing to Night, that nothing could withſtand them.
Upon the City having ſurrendred, the French had this Advantage, that their Lines took up leſs Circumference; the Caſtle and a ſtrong Fort, which was lately built, took up an An⯑gle, form'd by two Rivers, the Meuſe and the Sambre; ſo that the French had nothing to do but to extend their Works from one River to the other, exactly as the City of Belgrade is ſci⯑tuate in the Angle between the Danube and the Sauve.
[187] The Caſtle and Fort made a ſtout Reſiſtance, the latter being defended by Monſieur Cohorn, the Engineer, who contrived and built it, and after whoſe Name it was called the Cohorn Fort; this Man is no leſs a Soldier than an Engineer, and is one of the beſt Officers in this Part of the World, both for Experience in Conduct, as well as Courage in Action.
The Vigour of this Defence gave the Prince of Orange Time to collect his Troops, and be⯑ing as good as his Word, he approach'd the Leaguer with an Army of no leſs than Ninety Five Thouſand Men, and which was ſtill more, theſe Troops were thought to be all old experienc'd Regiments, the Flower of the mi⯑litary Men in this Part of the World.
Yet in Sight of this Army, and as if they were come only to be Witneſſes to the Glo⯑ry of the French Power, the King of France carried the Place; the Duke of Luxemburgh covered the Siege with an Army at leaſt equal to that of the Confederates; but poſted ſo, with a River in his Front, to Advantage; en⯑trenched all the Avenues to his Camp, and fortified in ſuch a Manner, and thoſe Trenches mounted with ſuch an innumerable Number of Cannon, that it was impoſſible for the Prince of Orange to attack him, or ſo much as to paſs the River, tho' it was but a ſmall one, to approach his Entrenchments.
It is true, the Confederates made ſeveral Mo⯑tions this Way, and that, to draw him out of that Scituation, but it would not do; and the River ſwelling at the ſame time, with a haſty Rain, gave them ſome Excuſe for not attempt⯑ing what they ſaw could not be done with⯑out hazarding the Ruin of their whole Ar⯑my.
[188] In the mean time, the King puſhing on the Attacks againſt the Place, the Works were continually ſtorm'd Day and Night; the Garriſon was plied with inceſſant Batteries and Aſſaults; ſo that all the Outworks being won, the Garriſon was obliged to capitulate, after having loſt above 7000 Men of their Number in the Siege.
The Reputation this has given to the French Arms, the Vigour it has put into their Mea⯑ſures and Councils, at a Time when all Europe expected they would have been oppreſs'd with the Power of ſo many Enemies, is not to be expreſs'd; nor is it to be equall'd by any thing in the World but thy glorious Enterprizes in Hungaria, where thou haſt retriev'd the Honour of the Ottoman Arms, and curb'd the Inſolence of the Enemies of thy Maſter's Glory, in a manner ſurprizing to the whole World.
Illuſtrious and fortunate General, thou a⯑lone outſhineſt the Glories of the greateſt He⯑roes; may thy Name be terrible, and thy Arm victorious, till thou exalteſt the Creſcent of Mahomet upon the Spire of the great Moſque at Vienna, from whence the triumphing Naza⯑reens had the Inſolence to take it down, after it had been an Hundred and twenty Years a Teſtimony to the powerful Arms of the magnificent Solyman, Emperor of the Muſſel⯑men.
Paris, 14th of the 5th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER III. To the Aga of the Janizaries.
[189]THE Nazareens, the ancient Enemies of God and his great Prophet, whoſe Cham⯑pion thou art, are univerſally involv'd in War: The German Emperor, Head of the Princes of the People believing in Jeſus, and of the Followers of the Meſſiah, is engaged in a bloody and heavy War againſt the French.
Tho' his Power is great, his Troops nume⯑rous, and well diſciplin'd, and his Generals are Men of Gallantry and Experience, yet the Vigilance and Velocity of the French Motions, their ſubtilty in contriving their Attacks, and Celerity in Execution of their Deſigns are ſuch, that the Germans are every where worſted and defeated.
The King of France is devoured in Imagi⯑nation; but he always extricates himſelf by the admirable Vivacity of his Councils, and the Vigour of his Generals; he conquers on every Hand, and his turning the Schemes of his Adverſaries all upon themſelves, by being before them in every Action, is the Aſtoniſh⯑ment of Mankind.
The Nothern Powers have placed, at the Head of their Confederacy, a Prince politick in Council, as Tomombcius the Mamuluck; furi⯑ous in Battle as Scanderbeg the Epirot; warlike in Genius as Iſurael the Perſian; but as all theſe were unfortunate, and their Powers at laſt fell under the irreſiſtible Hand of the Ottoman [190] Power; ſo the Prince of Orange is made glo⯑rious, only by being defeated; and the Great⯑neſs of his Soul ſeems rather illuſtrated by his equal Mind under his Misfortunes, than by the Laurels and Triumphs of Victory.
In the Beginning of the Year, he had the Honour of ſeeing the King of France take the ſtrongeſt Fortreſs on the Frontiers of the Ne⯑therlands, while he look'd on, at the Head of a Hundred Thouſand Men, but was not able to relieve it; and now he has had the Mis⯑fortune of attacking the French Army at a Vil⯑lage called Steenkirk, but has been beaten off with the Loſs of above 5000 Men, and ſome of his beſt Generals, and has taken the Pains to bring the Duke of Luxemburgh a Victory to the very Lines of his Camp.
In Germany, the King of France gains every Campaign; and this Year he has plundered the Frontiers of the Empire, and in View of a ſuperiour Army, forced the Germans to repaſs the Rhine, and at laſt, tho' he refuſed to fight their whole Army, has defeated a Body of 4000 Horſe, which he ſurprized at a Diſtance from their grand Army, and cut them in Pieces al⯑moſt to a Man.
Thus this invincible Monarch, tho' he ſtruggles with innumerable Difficulties at home, and tho' he has moſt powerful Ene⯑mies abroad, even on every Side of him, tri⯑umphs in their Diſappointment, and will, in Time, moſt certainly reduce them all, one after another, if ſome unexpected Blow does not intervene to diſable him at once; and e⯑ven this there ſeems to be no Danger of, where the Power is ſo great, and the Prince ſo vigi⯑lant, that it ſeems next to impoſſible to ſur⯑prize him.
[191] The Fortune of this Man puts me in Mind of Saladin, the famous Prince of the Arabians, or of their Succeſſors the Saracens, who when over-power'd and ſurrounded with innumera⯑ble Armies of the Nazareens, who blind Zeal inſpired to make War upon the true Muſſel⯑men, on pretence of recovering the Sepulchre of Jeſus, the Son of Mary; this Prince, by his Vigilance and Valour, accompanied with a never wearied Application, at length conquer⯑ed them all, and ſent them home to inſtruct their Poſterity, how fooliſh an Enterprize their Fathers ſpent their Blood and Treaſure upon, (viz.) to look for the Sepulchre of him, who was taken up into Heaven.
So may the Arms of the invincible Sultan Achmet, thy glorious Maſter, proſper in thy Hands, till the Germans, and other Nations of the Nazareens, who have ſo long in vain lifted up the Sword againſt him, may ſee and repent of their Folly, and admoniſh their Poſterity to avoid ſplitting on the ſame Rock.
Valiant Aga, wherefore is it that the Expe⯑rience and Valour of the Janizaries has not yet convinc'd the grand Vizier of the Uſefulneſs and Neceſſity of keeping up a larger Body of thoſe gallant Troops, ſuitable to the Greatneſs and Extent of the Dominions of Mahomet, and proportioned to the growing Power of the Nazareens, who, by their Advantages over the true Believers, are grown more powerful and more inſolent than ever.
Why are not the Oda's of the Janizaries en⯑creaſed in every Beglerbeg or Government? nay, why are not all the Soldiers of the Grand Seignior made Janizaries, (viz.) taught Diſci⯑pline, enured to Hardſhips, inſtructed in due [192] Subordination to their Officers, and, in a Word, made good Soldiers.
The Courage, the Gallantry in Spirit, the Strength and Agility of Body with which our People are endowed, far exceeds the Nations they are engaged with; what are the French, the Italians, the Hungarians? they have neither the Conſtancy of Mind, or Strength of Body, as the Bulgarian, Thracian, Georgian, and Armenian Janizaries; the French common Soldiers are low and deſpicable, their Limbs weak, their Subſiſtence mean, their Intemperance weakens and debilitates them, and they ſeem capable of no Service; yet we ſee them often, by the ex⯑cellent Conduct of their Officers, and their own being enured to the War; I ſay, we ſee them often break the undiſciplined Nations of other Countries; nay, even of the Germans themſelves, by their dextrous Uſe of their Arms, and the Fire of their martial Diſpoſiti⯑on.
Were the Subjects of the Grand Seignior thus bred to the Field, were they daily and duly exerciſed, as the Janizaries, we know the martial Genius, the undaunted Spirit, the Conſtancy and Courage of the faithful Muſ⯑ſelmen is ſuch, that they would cut the Ger⯑mans in pieces; the beſt Troops of theſe In⯑fidel Nations could not ſtand before them; if this is not done, take Mahmut's Word, the Art of War is ſo much improved, the Me⯑thods of fighting ſo altered, and the Engins and the Devices of the Generals ſo differing from what it was in our Forefathers Days, that it will be impoſſible for any of the Grand Seignior's Troops, but the Janizaries and Spa⯑his, to ſtand their Ground againſt their Ene⯑mies; their Number muſt be encreaſed, and [193] they muſt be encouraged, equal to their De⯑ſerts, and then the Ottoman Arms ſhall tri⯑umph, as they have always done, over Infidel Nations to the Day when the great Gates of Eden ſhall be opened, and the Faithful ſhall, with Swords of Flame, deſtroy the Enemies of Mahomet.
Paris, 10th of the 6th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
LETTER IV. To the Aga of the Janiſaries.
IT was thought, in the Beginning of this Year, that the King of France's good Fortune began to leave him, things went exceeding hard with him on every Side; for tho' he had taken the uſual Advantages of the Spring, by being early in the Field, as was al⯑ways the Cuſtom of France, and by which they uſed to have the better Hand of the Confede⯑rates, and had thereby taken Namure, as I have written already to the Grand Vizier, yet the Con⯑federate-Army harraſs'd the French Frontiers in Flanders extremely after this, and attack'd their whole Army in their Camp, tho' without Succeſs in the End.
Two Blows have ſince that befallen France, which are as two Stabs into the Vitals of a Body, which before was ſtruggling for Life; [194] and it was thought, had they been followed home, the Glory of the King of France muſt have expired; theſe were the Overthrow of their Fleet by the Engliſh and Dutch, and the penetrating into the Bowels of France, by the Duke of Savoy, at the Head of 40000 Men, where he committed moſt dreadful Ravages, and burnt above a Hundred Towns, of both which I have written fully to the Kaimacham, who will doubtleſs communicate the Particu⯑lars to thee.
The French Nation were ſo humbled by theſe two fatal Stroaks coming together, to neither of which they were in a Condition to apply any immediate Remedy, and eſpecially being at the ſame Time threatened with a powerful Invaſion or Deſcent of an Army from England, that they fell to what they call here the laſt Remedy, (viz.) Prayers to their Meſſiah; to this End a general Day of Biram, was proclaim⯑ed by the great Mufti of Paris, throughout his Diſtricts, and ſo by the other pontifical Muf⯑ti's, in their reſpective Dominations, with ſtrict Orders that all the People ſhould apply them⯑ſelves to their Devotions, and to call upon their God, in the Name of the Son of Mary, to deliver them.
Whether it were that the Sins of the other Nazareen Nations were ſo great, that Heaven did not think ſit to chaſtiſe France by their Hands; or whether their Prophet JESUS, to whom the French were ſaid they put up their Petitions, did obtain Help for them, I do not well know how to reſolve; for theſe Nazareens of France have ſo many Interceſſors, that it is hard to reſolve who they will thank for their Deliverance, or who they will ac⯑knowledge to have procured it; for ſome pray [195] to God alone, others to Jeſus, and ſome to his Mother; ſome to this old Hermit, ſome to another; ſo that it is certain there are al⯑moſt as many Idols as Worſhipers.
However it was, this is certain, that the whole Stream of Succeſſes ſeems to be turn⯑ed on a ſudden; and the Attempts of the Ene⯑mies of France, however probable, and how⯑ever powerful, have miſcarried on every Side, and the King of France is in a fair way to conclude the Year with a general Triumph over his Enemies.
In Truth, O thou fortunate Leader of the ſelect Bands of the Faithful, the Sword in the Hands of the Soldier is never in vain lifted up, when the Eyes of thoſe who fight are firſt lifted up to Heaven; for whether God hears theſe Infidels or not, in reſpect to their wrong and ill directed Worſhip, yet he may give Ear to all his Creatures, when they lift their Hands to him for Help againſt their Enemies, and deliver them, that they may de directed to ſeek the right way of apply⯑ing themſelves on farther Occaſions.
Hence it was, without doubt, that the more pure Prayers of the faithful Muſſulmen, in their great Pilgrimage or Proceſſion to Mecca, the Year before the laſt, obtained the future Favour of our great Prophet, who ſtrength⯑ened the Arms, and ſharpened the Scymaters of the Janizaries, to hew down the Enemies of the Grand Seignior.
It conſiſts well with the Notions we enter⯑tain of the great Alla, who guides the Affairs of Men, whether private and perſonal, or na⯑tional; that he ſometimes hears even the Ca⯑lamities of infidel Nations, and turns the Scale of his Providence as they turn their [196] Eyes upwards, tho' otherwiſe they may be impious Tranſgreſſors of his Law; for Heaven never can be ſaid to ſtand neuter in the Con⯑cerns of War and Peace between Nations, tho' the contending Parties may be equally In⯑fidels and Enemies to God; but he delivers here, and delivers up there, as it beſt anſwers the great Ends of his Glory in the Earth.
How much more then ſhall he hear the Prayers of his faithful People, who chooſe the right Way? and what Courage muſt this give to the Hands and Hearts of thy immortal Soldiers, when they know the whole Choir of Believers five Times a Day make Prayers for their vi⯑ctorious Progreſs in the Field.
But to do the King of France Juſtice; after all this, he took care to pray and fight, whe⯑ther it was that he had leſs Confidence in the Prieſt, than in the Sword, I will not deter⯑mine; but he applied himſelf with infinite Vigilance to every Attack that was made up⯑on him, and his Troops brought him unex⯑pected Victories from ſeveral Quarters.
At the ſame Time Heaven concurr'd, and Two things more eſpecially ſeemed to be the immediate Act of a ſupernatural Power; for Example; the Duke of Savoy, in the Middle of his Succeſs, when he was entered the very Heart of the Dauphinate, and promiſed to himſelf the Plunder of the Cities of Briancon and Grenoble; nay, as ſome ſaid, expected to paſs the Rhoſne, and penetrate into Languedoc; in the Middle of all this Triumph, the Duke, who was the Soul of the Enterprize, was ſtruck from Hea⯑ven with a loathſome Diſeaſe, which they call here les Petits Veroles, a Diſtemper not known in the happy Climate of Arabia, where thou and I drew our ſerener Breath.
[197] They tell us a Story here, and boaſt much of it, tho' I tell thee beforehand I believe not one Word of it; that the very Moment that the King of France was on his Knees in the Royal Chappel or Moſque of his Serail, or Pa⯑lace at Verſailles, praying to the image of Ma⯑ry, the Mother of their Prophet Jeſus, ſhe ſtruck the Duke of Savoy with the Small-Pox. If this were true, the French would have much more Reaſon to worſhip that old Woman, than any of us believe they have.
But to leave theſe Nazareens to their Super⯑ſtitions, certain it is, the Duke was taken ſo ill, and was brought into ſo much Danger of his Life by this Diſtemper, that it put a full Stop to all his Conqueſts, and the Troops retired in the beſt manner they could; quitted all the Places they had taken, broke down the Bridges behind them, and rather fled, than march'd quite out of France, and that faſter than they came in, and yet the French Army was not in any Poſture to precipitate them at all, neither did any one purſue them.
Whether the King of France will acknow⯑ledge this to be the Hand of God, or of the Woman Mary, I know not; but this I know, that if he takes the Honour from the Hand that has really ſav'd him in ſo remarkable a Manner, and pays the Acknowledgment of it to the Image of that Woman, it would be very righteous in the great Retalliator of juſt Sentences, to make the ſame Hand of Savoy ſcourge him into a more rightly directed De⯑votion.
But he has bad another Deliverance alſo immediately from Heaven; for the Engliſh Army, who were not only appointed, but actually ſhipp'd and ſail'd, in order to make [198] a Deſcent upon the Kingdom of France, and which it was apparent the French were in great Apprehenſions of, becauſe they knew not where to look for them, or provide againſt them, are returned and relanded in England, having gi⯑ven over the Deſign, without its being poſſible to ſee any apparent Reaſon for their doing ſo.
Being thus at once delivered from theſe two great and threatning Articles, they were not only eaſie, but at leiſure to apply proper Re⯑medies to the other Parts where they were weakeſt; and firſt, the Duke of Luxemburg ha⯑ving been attack'd by the King of England, at Steenkirk in Flanders, he repulſt him, after a very obſtinate Fight, with the Loſs of near 8000 Men kill'd, wounded, and taken Priſon⯑ers; and believing himſelf, by this Victory, able to ſtand his Ground with fewer Troops than before, great Detatchments have been made to the Rhïne, and to Piedmont; of which I ſhall give thee a full Account in my next.
Illuſtrious Aga, as theſe bloody Wars de⯑ſtroy Multitudes of Men, and the Nazareens are thus cutting one another in pieces; let thy victorious Enſigns cheerfully advance, ſe⯑cure of Conqueſt, aſſiſted by the Prayers of our great Prophet, and thy unwearied Valour and Council.
Paris, 10th of the 8th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
LETTER V. To the venerable Mufti, ſage Mirror of celeſtial Wiſdom, the inlighten'd Prince of the Oracles of Virtue, Guide of the true Believers to the Glories of Paradiſe, and Keeper of the Garden of Pleaſure.
[199]VERILY, the Affairs of Religion in theſe Parts of the World tend appa⯑rently to the forgetting entirely that there is a Rule for Men on Earth, or a God to judge in Heaven; it would amaze thee, venerable and wiſe Patron of Piety, it would amaze thee, I ſay, to ſee how that Bawble called Re⯑ligion, is kick'd about here, even among the Men pretending to Learning, Underſtanding, and the Height of humane Knowledge, till it grows into Contempt, and will in a little Time be entirely loſt; nay, perhaps it may be no more remembred, no, not ſo much as the Name of it.
It is true, there is ſo much Gain made here by the Shew of it, that, for ought I know, the Formalities of Religion may continue ſome time, at leaſt till the Pride, Luxury, and Lewd⯑neſs of the Clergy provoke the common Peo⯑ple to do themſelves Juſtice upon the Prieſts, which will certainly happen the firſt Occaſi⯑on the Mob have to get ſo much Power into their Hands; and then, as the Subſtance of [200] Religion never was among them, the Shadow will wear off with ſmall Difficulty.
Here was a Book publiſh'd a few Months ago by a Man who does not want Wit, en⯑tituled, The Vanity of Religion, and the Neceſſity of the Diſguiſe of it being thrown off: He would in⯑ſinuate, that ſeeing the wicked Lives of the Clergy or Dervices, makes it manifeſt to the World that there is no ſuch thing as Religi⯑on, really and at the Bottom of all their Schemes; but that it is a meer Grimace, and a Piece of Hy⯑pocriſie, to get Money and Dominion one over another; that therefore Men ought to deliver themſelves from the inſupportable Weight of the Diſguiſe of Religion, and make no farther Pretences to it in the World.
Some People take this to be a Satyr only, and pointed at the Hypocriſie and Cheats of the Clergy, who, under the Colour of religi⯑ous Habits and Orders, are the Protectors and Encouragers of all ſorts of Wickedneſs; but we, as true Muſſulmen, join in the litteral Senſe of the Words, and believe they ought to throw off all the Diſguiſe, own the Cheat, and pretend no more to any thing of that which they call Religion here, embracing at the ſame time the moſt pure and perfect Rules of Bleſſedneſs from the Mouth of undiſguiſed Truth, owning and adhering to the everlaſt⯑ing Oracle, and the Law of the great Prophet Mahomet.
Some time ſince, I heard that the great Mufti of the Nazareens, the Prince of Deluſions, and Patron of apoſtate Myſteries, who calls himſelf the Head of the Followers of Jeſus the Son of Mary, the infallible Guide of the Law, and Interpreter of the Faith and Do⯑ctrine [201] of the Chriſtians, was at the Point of Death.
Upon this News, it is ſcarce poſſible to de⯑ſcribe to thee what running and poſting, what intreaguing and caballing there was among the Princes and Courts in this Part of the World, to make an Intereſt for a new Election; France is particularly concerned, if poſſible, to have a new Pope elected out of the Number of Car⯑dinals, who are in the French Intereſt, and Couriers are diſpatch'd to all the Cardinals that are ſo, to ſet out immediately for Rome, to be preſent at the new Election, and take Care of the main Point in the Conclave. It is worthy of thy ſelf, ſublime Judge of venera⯑ble Truth, to ſearch into the Policies of thoſe People, and to have an Account of this Ele⯑ction faithfully laid before thee; I ſhall take care to obtain as many Particulars as may be depended upon, and lay them at thy ſacred Feet as they go on.
In the mean time, I obſerve no Grief for the Loſs of him that is going: Of what Im⯑port, ſay they, is the Death of an old Man; the Regard to the Perſon of the late Pope is all ſwallowed up in the politick Buſtle they make for a new Election, and in this Part Spain and the Emperor are the particular Oppoſers of the French Intereſt.
This dead Pope has ſat in the Chair of the Pontiff but fifteen Months, and is no leſs than Eighty one Years of Age. I call him dead, be⯑cauſe ſoon after an Expreſs arrived with an Account of his Death, the Particulars I have of it, as publiſhed here by the Court, are thus:
He had been indiſpoſed for four or five Days, and having Reaſon, on Account of his great Age, to expect the firſt Shock would [202] carry him off, he diſpoſed himſelf for his Exit; he diſcours'd much the 29th of the Moon called January to the Cardinals, con⯑cerning the ſeveral Intereſts of Europe, and his Endeavours to prevent the growing Miſchiefs of the War, which however he ſaw was im⯑poſſible: He paſſed ſome Bulls, and declared againſt ſome Encroachments of the King of France upon the Church.
The 30th, he found himſelf very ill, and the 31ſt much worſe, and his End drawing on, which obliged the Cardinals, and more eſpecially his Favourites, to keep near his Per⯑ſon; next Morning, being ſomewhat better, he received the ſacred Oil, as they call it, and the reſt of the Seals of their Religion, and diſcourſed a long Time with Cardinal Colorede his Confeſſor, and other Eccleſiaſticks, upon Matters of Piety: After which, the Cardinals being brought to his Bed, one after another, he recommended it earneſtly to their Care to caſt their Eyes, in the next Conclave, upon a worthy Perſon to fill St. Peter's Chair, more eſpecially conſidering the Conſequence of the Election at ſuch a Juncture of the Affairs of Europe; he expired the Night of the ſame Day about Four of the Clock in the Morning, aged fourſcore and one Years, after he had ſat fifteen Months and twenty two Days, being elected the 16th of the Moon which they call October, 1689.
The Meeting of the Conclave, their man⯑ner of electing, the Rules of their ſtrict, or rather mock Confinement, during the Time of their electing, this thou art fully acquainted with, and I have no need to trouble thee with Repetitions.
It is not yet known who ſhall ſucceed in the Pontificate of Idolaters, neither is it of [203] much Conſequence; for tho' the Popes them⯑ſelves labour very aſſiduouſly to make them⯑ſelves conſiderable to the Princes of Europe; yet the Princes, on the other Hand, oftentimes take occaſion to mortifie the Popes, and to let them ſee the Inſignificancy of their Pow⯑er, when it comes in competition with tem⯑poral Intereſt; I ſay, this makes the whole Sy⯑ſtem of the Papacy a meer Piece of political Pageantry, carried on to ſupport the Pride and Luxury of the Clergy, and which is in it ſelf nothing at all but a Bubble of Air and Emptineſs when it comes to be tried with its Superiors, the ſecular Powers of Europe.
The Conclave is met, and the laſt Pope has left it full, which has not been known in the Memory of Man. This Pope was a Perſon of the leaſt Signification of any that has ſat in this Chair of Abomination for many Ages, and can only have this ſaid in his Favour, that he has done neither Good nor Harm; he has left little but his Name to put Poſterity in mind that ever he was here. He was ſuperannuated when he came in, and after a Stay only of One Year and three Moons, left the Chair of the old Fi⯑ſherman juſt where he found it.
Paris, 10th of the 4th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER VI. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Seraskeir of the Morea.
[204]I Cannot have a fairer Occaſion to give thee an Account of ſomething in thine own Way, than what offers juſt now among the Nazareens. The Caſtle of Montmelian is a For⯑treſs in the Dutchy of Savoy, which for ma⯑ny Ages has been thought impregnable, as well by the Difficulty of its Scituation, as the Ad⯑dition of all the Fortifications that Art could invent, or the beſt Engineers of this Country contrive, to render it perfectly inacceſſible.
It is ſeated upon a monſtrous Rock, ex⯑ceeding high, ſteep, and inacceſſible, except on one End, where it runs out long, narrow, and ſloping down till it gradually comes le⯑vel to a little Plain, from whence they paſs to a little River with a Bridge over it, called the Iſera.
This is the only Paſſage into the Fort; but is ſo taken up with Works innumerable, one above another, and one defending another, that it is not to be conceived how Art ſhould find its Way, among ſuch Oppoſition, to work it ſelf into the Town.
It is commanded by one Rock, which in⯑deed overlooks this Part; but there is no poſ⯑ſible getting any Cannon up to that Rock, ex⯑cept by Pullies and Engines, and this muſt be done in the Face of the Fire of the Forts on the Hill of the Caſtle.
[205] Yet this impregnable Fortreſs has been ta⯑ken by the French, after a long Blockade, in a few Days formal Siege, and that in the moſt ſevere Seaſon of the Year, when the Moun⯑tains, of which the whole Country is compo⯑ſed, were all covered with Snow, and the Cold ſo ſevere, that every one thought it in⯑ſupportable.
This, however, ſurprizes no Body here, whatever it may do in other Countries; for France has always his Men ready to take the Field, his Magazines and his Arſenals are always well furniſhed, and he has ſuch good Generals, and ſuch a great Number of Offi⯑cers, that they make it a Point of Honour to expoſe their Lives when it is for the Glory of the French Monarchy; beſides, the Monarch himſelf little cares how he ſacrifices his beſt Soldiers, and being abſolute, exacts ſuch vaſt Sums from his Subjects, makes his Soldiers march all Seaſons of the Year, and takes his Time and his Meaſures ſo exactly, that he may be ſaid to play a ſure Game whenever he has a Mind to make himſelf Maſter of any Place.
Of this, they that have to deal with France ought to be ſenſible in good earneſt; for ſo long as they are not vigilant, and upon their Guard, France will be always upon the Surprize with them; 'tis in vain to truſt in the Scitu⯑ation of a Fortreſs, if there be not Men in a Condition to be ſtirring at all times: There are no Places now a-days impregnable, un⯑leſs they be relieved in Time: The Fortreſſes that are the higheſt raiſed, are no leſs ſubject to the Deſtruction of the Bombs and Carcaſſes, than to the Strokes of thundering Cannon; ſo that all that great Guns can tear down, muſt yield at length to a Conqueror that reſolves [206] to ſpare neither Lives nor Limbs to make himſelf Maſter of a Place, eſpecially when unmoleſted from without; ſince Artillery came in uſe, there is nothing can reſiſt the Force of it, when the General that beſieges has no Enemy to diſturb him behind: The En⯑gines now a-days made uſe of give the Beſieged ſo little Time to look about 'em, that ma⯑ny times they are taken when they think to make the ſtouteſt Defence; and therefore the ſureſt Way is always to have Men lie ready near thoſe Places which are moſt in Danger, that in Caſe of Neceſſity they may be able to form a Body ſufficient to encounter the Ene⯑my.
This Place was taken in two and thirty Days, principally by the Power of battering and mining; for there was not any one At⯑tack made of any Conſequence.
The Beſieged defended themſelves without much uſe of either great Shot or ſmall Shot, and yet they kill'd the French a great many brave Men, and ſome conſiderable Officers; their chief Defence was countermining the Works of the Aſſailants, and rolling great Stones upon them from the Tops and Aſcents of the Rocks, which coming ſo furiouſly, and receiving additional Strength to the Motion from the Heights from whence they were caſt, were not to be reſiſted, no not ſo much as the Shot of great Guns might have been reſiſted.
The Garriſon plied them with this Sort of Battery inceſſantly; ſo that no ſconer had the Aſſailants raiſed a Battery of Cannon, or any Work to cover or lodge their Men, but in one Night's Time it was overthrown, and as it were buried with Stones, and the vaſt Quan⯑tity [207] of Rubbiſh the Stones brought with them; ſo that the Cannon were diſmounted, as it were, in a Moment, or perhaps broken, and the Carriages clogg'd ſo as not to be ſtir⯑red, Stones of two or three Ton coming down continually upon them from the Summits of an immenſe Mountain.
The Bombs, however, and Miners, redu⯑ced the Place, and a Bomb, by Accident, breaking into one of the Mines which the Garriſon themſelves had made to ruin the Approaches, blew up the great Baſtion of the Place, at which Breach the French taking hold of the Occaſion, Six hundred Men immediate⯑ly entered, and the Garriſon ſeeing themſelves ſurpriſed, beat a Parly.
The Garriſon were but 300 Men, and it is obſerved, that they were ſo ſecured in the Re⯑treats, which they had in the Rock, from the Shot and Bombs, that tho' the French were not ſparing of either one or other, yet they loſt very few Men within the Place, I think leſs than 20, whereas the French loſt above 1500 Men without, beſides ſuch as died by the Extremities of the Weather, which were a great many.
But that which is yet more ſtrange than all this is, that the King of France has given po⯑ſitive Orders to have the Place entirely de⯑moliſhed, which ſome People think to be ve⯑ry ill Policy; but I am of Opinion, I con⯑feſs, that the King is in the Right; for he concludes, that on a Peace, which he knew would ſometime or other happen, it muſt be reſtored, and he is not willing it ſhould coſt him 2000 Men again, if he ſhould ever have an Occaſion to lay another Siege to it; and as the Fortifications before were made by the [208] French, he knows the Duke of Savoy cannot ſpare ſo much Money as it muſt coſt, to re⯑ſtore them to what they were before.
For thy farther Improvement in the Art of Fortifications and Attacks of Towns, and to acquaint thee with the noble Experiment daily made on theſe Occaſions by this aſpiring In⯑fidel Nation, I ſhall ſend thee ſeveral Plans and Drafts of the ſeveral Fortifications of the Places which have been attack'd by the French in this War; and likewiſe Plans of the Ap⯑proaches, Batteries, Circumvallations, and Con⯑travallations, for the Security of their Camps and Works, that thou mayeſt extract from thence whatſoever ſhall be uſeful to thee in the Conqueſts the Grand Seignior's Armies ſhall make upon the Germans.
The Wiſdom of Sephar the Son of Omar Caled, attend thy Undertakings: The Bleſſing of Mahomet, and the Garlands wrought by the divine Hands of Sega Ogleda, and her Compa⯑nions, who walk on the bright Terras of Eden, crown thy Head; they are wrought with the ſublime Plants of the perfum'd Aouriſna, the Lawrels of the Vale, and the beautiful never fading Roſes of the celeſtial Garden.
Victory attend thy Undertakings, let the Turrets of Buda, and the impenetrable Caniſia, the ſtrongeſt Fortreſſes in the Nazareen Empire, ſink under thy Attacks, or be blown up into the Air by the Aſſiſtance of thy irreſiſtible Art.
Paris, 10th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER VII. To Ibrahim Ebn Allhazar Reis Ef⯑fendi, or Secretary of State.
[209]I Never doubted, after I had heard that the Grand Seignior truſted to thy Judgment in the Choice of a Perſon to ſucceed me in this retired Piece of ſecret Service; I ſay, I never doubted but if there was one Man in the whole Empire, fitter than another for the Work, thou wouldeſt find him out.
And yet it never entred into my Thoughts that thou ſhouldeſt ſend as far as Algier, on the Borders of the Empire of Morocco, for a Man who has for many Years had upon his Hands an Employment, in its Nature the ſame, tho' not ſo fill'd with Variety as this of mine.
Morat Oglou, the Son of the late chaioux Baſ⯑ſa, is a Perſon ſo well vers'd in the Courts and Affairs of the Nazareens, that I know not a Man fitted like him for this Employment. I remember very well the Errand he was ſent upon to the Engliſh Court, and how well he diſcharg'd himſelf during his Reſidence there for twelve Years, and I have much wondred that ſuch a Genius could be buried in Silence for ſo long time as he has been in Africk, tho' I doubt not but he has employed his Hours in the moſt uſeful Manner, and with the moſt Advantage poſſible to himſelf.
I know he will come hither ſtored with Knowledge in the publick Affairs of the Na⯑zareen. [210] Countries, as well as with the Wiſdom of the Arabians, whoſe Language and Manners, as well as Studies, he is thoroughly Maſter of; his Genius enclines him to all uſeful Studies; he is a great Maſter of Hiſtory and of natural Philoſophy, and, as I have been told, has, for ſome Years among the Moors, addicted himſelf to the Study of the heavenly Motions, and is the moſt perfect Aſtronomer in that Country.
I ſhall rejoice at his arriving here, and ſhall not fail to diſpatch the Orders I have receiv'd from thee to the Jew at Florence, that he may give him Notice of the Grand Seignior's Pleaſure.
It will not a little contribute to our great Maſter's Service, if he takes the neareſt Paſ⯑ſage by Sea to Alicant, and travels through Spain and Portugal, to bring with him ſome Account of things tranſacting in thoſe Courts.
I ſhall obey the Orders of the Divan, who direct that I ſhould aſſiſt a Year after his co⯑ming here, to introduce him into the Methods of his Conduct, proper for his Concealment, and for his more effectual ſerving the Grand Seignior's Intereſt.
Happy is Mahmut in thus effectually finiſh⯑ing the long Courſe of his Services, and al⯑moſt of his Life, to the Satisfaction of the moſt glorious Emperor of the World, the Lord of Sovereigns, and King of Kings in the Earth.
The remaining Moons will be but a gentle Slumber, taken up entirely with the pleaſant Contemplation of my Return, and the ſoft Dreams of my Retirement into my native Country.
[211] I ſhall bear the ſmall Delay without the leaſt Reluctance, when the Hours ſhall paſs with the ſweet Reflections that I am a releas'd Man, that my Succeſſor is arrived, and I am, as it were, at the Gates of Mecca, the higheſt of my Deſires, and to me the Perfection of Bliſs on this Side the Mountain of Perfumes, in the full Plain of Eden, whither I ſhall, in a few Moons more, be tranſported in the Bo⯑ſome of the bright Cloud of Glory always ap⯑parent without the firſt Gate of Paradiſe.
There I ſhall wait thy coming, illuſtrious Alhazar, and ſhall be Witneſs to the Honour done to the moſt uſeful Servant of our great Prophet.
Paris, 7th of the 6th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER VIII. To the Aga of the Janizaries.
[212]I Have already written to thee an Account how the good Fortune of the King of France is returned to him, and this Campaign, which in one Part of it was moſt fatal to France, and threatning to be ſtill more ſo, has appeared more to the Glory of the French Nation, and par⯑ticularly of the King, than any ſince the War begun.
The Beginning of the Seaſon, the Campaign was opened with the Siege of Namure, a ter⯑rible Place for Strength, and yet taken in the View of an Hundred Thouſand Men, and headed by the greateſt and moſt formidable Enemy the King of France has in the World, (viz.) the King of England, a Man whoſe Cha⯑racter riſes in the World like a new Star (in a Conſtellation) never diſcovered before.
After this, the ſame King of England, with that great Army, warmly endeavoured to bring the Duke of Luxemburgh to a Battle; but yet when he attempted to force him to it, by attacking him at Steenkirk, was repuls'd, and oblig'd to retreat with very great Loſs of his beſt Men, ſeveral Generals of great Reputation have been kill'd in this Attempt, with abun⯑dance of Officers, and Six or Eight Thouſand Soldiers.
The Campaign on the Rhine ſeemed to be going off without Action, but the Duke de Lorge, the French General, who commanded [213] there, having received ſome Forces from Flan⯑ders, followed the Germans ſo well, and ma⯑naged ſo ſubtilly, that at length he trick'd them into a Separation, and then turning ſhort upon one Half of them, before they could join again, fell upon that Part of their Army which march'd under the Duke of Wir⯑temberg towards Germany, defeated them entire⯑ly, cut 4000 of them in pieces, took 3000 Priſoners, a great many Officers of Note, and among them the Duke himſelf.
After this, purſuing the other Body, who were commanded by the Landgrave of Heſſe, and had laid Siege to the ſtrong Fortreſs of Ebrenburgh; he obliged them to raiſe the Siege with great Precipitation, and in the mean Time Monſieur de Lorge had ordered a Body of Troops to make the uſual Havock of a Conqueror, in the Duke of Wirtemburg's Coun⯑try, and the Circles adjacent, where, beſides the Plunder they gain'd, which was prodigious great, they raiſed ſome Millions of Money for Contribution.
The Germans have receiv'd this Blow as a juſt Return for their drawing ſo many of their Troops from the Rhine, to fight againſt the faithful Muſſulmen in Hungaria; which they do, upon a Suppoſition that the Princes of the Con⯑federacy would ſupply them with other Troops in their ſtead; how well they perform it, this is an Example: And I rather ſend thee this Account, becauſe thou mayeſt gather from it, that the Emperor of the Nazareens has already ſent for five German Regiments of Foot, and four Regiments of Horſe from Hungary; the Foot making 12900 Men, and the Horſe 4000, and thou mayeſt depend that every Blow the Emperor receives upon the Rhine, will be felt [214] in Hungary, where the Troops of the Grand Seig⯑nior, on whoſe Arms be the Luſtre of Heaven, will have ſo much the more Room to act with Succeſs.
In Catalonia, the French General, with the Aſſiſtance of a Squadron of Men of War from Thoulon, has, in leſs than twelve Days, taken the ſtrong Town and Port of Roſes; a Conqueſt the more conſiderable, becauſe of its being the beſt Harbour for ſhipping that the Spani⯑ards have upon the whole Continent of their Dominions in the Mediterranean.
The Method the Court of France takes when any Priſoners of Quality fall into their Hands, is very ſingular, and worth thy Obſervation in this Place, as it recommends the Civility of the French Nation to all the World. The Prince of Wirtemberg, taken Priſoner, as I have ſaid, by the Duke de Lorge, is a Man of Arms, a Lieutenant General in the Emperor's Ar⯑my, and a Prince of the Empire alſo; tho' he was but Adminiſtrator at preſent of the Dutchy of Wirtemberg for the Heir his Nephew, who is a Minor.
Thou wilt obſerve, in the Uſage this Prince met with, how well the French Soldiers know their Duty, and what Reſpect their King, and all his Generals by his Command, ſhews to captiv'd Princes or Officers of Quality; when he was taken Priſoner, which, it ſeems, was by a Lieutenant of Horſe, he had not the leaſt Violence offer'd him, or any thing ta⯑ken from him; only the Officer deſired ſome Token from him that he was the Perſon that gave him his Hand, that is to ſay, that took him Priſoner, and ſav'd him from the Fury of the Soldiers; upon which the Duke took a fine Diamond-Ring from his Finger, and a [215] Gold Watch out of his Pocket, and gave to the Lieutenant, who returned him his Watch again, and took his Parole of Honour that he would not offer to eſcape.
The Duke, however, deſired the Lieutenant to accompany him to the General's Tent, which being in the Heat of Action, he could not do without Leave of his Captain; but the Captain, upon the News, ſaluted the Prince, and gave the Lieutenant Orders to attend him.
When he was brought to the Duke de Lorge's Tent, at his firſt Salute he preſented his Sword and Piſtols to him, the Prince holding the Point of the Sword and the Muzzles of the Piſtols towards himſelf, which is the Cuſtom in the Field, when an Officer demands Quar⯑ter.
The Duke de Lorge treated him with all poſſible Reſpect, gave him back his Sword, and taking his Parole, gave him a Guard of two Captains to attend him, but without any Reſtraint, except that as he was under Promiſe, it was underſtood that he was not to quit the Camp.
After the firſt Ceremony, the General ask'd his Highneſs, if the People that took him had offered him any Violence, or taken any thing from him; the Prince told him no; but that, on the contrary, the Lieutenant, to whom he ſurrendered, had, with ſome Hazard to himſelf, prevented two Troopers, with whom he (the Prince) was engaged, from wounding him firſt, as well as rifling him afterwards.
Upon this, the General cauſed the Lieute⯑nant to be called in, and asking the Prince what the Value of what he had about him might amount to; he ſaid about a Thouſand Crowns: Immediately he made the Lieutenant, [216] Captain of a Troop in the ſame Regiment he ſerv'd in, and told him that was for the Ser⯑vice he had done the King; then he gave him a Thouſand Crowns in Money, and told him, that was for his Care of the Prince his Priſoner: In return to this, the Lieutenant pull'd off the Ring he had taken of the Duke as a Token, and reſtored it; the Duke took the Ring; but the next Morning ſent it him again, and an Aſſignment on the Town-houſe of Nurembergh for 500 Crowns a Year during his Life.
When the Prince had been ſome time at Strasburgh, the King ſent him an Invitation to come to Paris, ordered his Journey to be de⯑frayed all the Way, ordered all the Governours of Towns to receive him as a Prince, to ſhew him all military Honours, to let him viſit the Fortifications, and to beat the Drums as he paſs'd, as if he had been a General of their own Army.
When he came to Verſailles, he was treated with the ſame Generoſity, and with great Mag⯑nificence; the King received him with the utmoſt Civility and Ceremony, only told him he was obliged not to ſay he was glad to ſee him, becauſe of the Circumſtances.
He was invited to come often to Court, and whenever he did come, the Officers of the Kitchin had Orders to provide a Table for him; the Maſter of the Horſe had Orders to provide the Coaches for him; and whenever he pleaſed to hunt, the Querries furniſhed him with Horſes, Hounds, and Attendance from the King's Stables.
The King preſented him with his Picture ſet with Diamonds, and with a very fine Jewel, and told him, he was ſorry his Ran⯑ſome [217] was not ſufficient to make it worth his preſenting him with his Liberty; but he ho⯑ped he would take the Freedome of going home whenever he pleaſed, and in the mean Time all the Care poſſible ſhould be taken to make him forget his Misfortunes.
Valiant Aga, may the Angel that keeps the holy Gate, guard thee from falling into the Hands of the Enemies of Mahomet; let Princes be thy Priſoners, and the Swords of the mightieſt of thy Enemies be delivered into thy Hands: Cruelty is not in thy Nature; happy will they be who fall into thy generous Hands, who knoweſt as well how to be merciful to the Miſerable, as terrible to the Deſperate.
I muſt confeſs this courteous Uſage of Pri⯑ſoners is a generous Practice, and very con⯑ſiſtent with the fierceſt and moſt vigorous Me⯑thods of making War, and always has this Effect to the Advantage of thoſe that pra⯑ctiſe it, that it is a Debt which ſome time or other comes to be paid to Advantage.
It is to be obſerved alſo, that tho' the Prince had all poſſible Liberty to go where he pleas'd, yet having paſs'd his Parole, (viz.) to be a Priſoner, he was obliged not to ſerve again, or to appear in the Field again, till his Ranſom was paid, or that he was exchanged according to the Cartel, or Agreement for Exchange of Priſoners.
Paris, 8th of the 9th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER IX. To Zema Ellmahannon, an old Der⯑vice at Damaſcus.
[218]THE Affairs of the World are not uncer⯑tain by a meer fortuitous Accident of Cauſes, or in Obedience to the ill Fate of Men, upon whom thoſe Uncertainties fall, but by the meer Courſe of Nature, the neceſſary Event of things, tending naturally to daily Re⯑volution.
Death, the common Law of Nature, is not an Accident to Life, but a meer Conſequence of Being; every thing that has a Beginning, muſt neceſſarily end; otherwiſe it would be a monſtrous Rupture in the Courſe of Nature.
Nature it ſelf is mortal; it is a Machine made up of innumerable Conſequences attend⯑ing the firſt great Cauſe; the Motion given, it ſhall continue as long as the Hand which firſt put it together appointed it to go; but when the Weights are once run down, when the Clue is wound off, all the Powers ceaſe, nothing can wind it up again.
Hence thoſe Philoſophers here, who follow the old Notion of Epicurus, that the World was made, or rather made it ſelf by meer Chance, by a fortuitous Conjunction of A⯑toms; I ſay, theſe Philoſophers argue not on⯑ly abſurdly, but even to the laſt Degree weakly and fooliſhly; for having traced the Beginning of Nature to the Atoms or Particles of Mat⯑ter flowing in the Abyſs, by whoſe Conjun⯑ction [219] and Attrition the beautiful Frame of the World has been made, and its Motion per⯑form'd, I ſay, they argue abſurdly; for they moſt ignorantly paſs over the juſt Progreſs of the Inquiry who firſt gave Being to thoſe A⯑toms, which one Queſtion deſtroys all their Syſtem, according to that Diſtich of the Poet, ſpeaking of the Atoms jumbling together into the Frame of the World.
They have another Fable here among the Naturaliſts; but it ſeems not only an ignorant one, but a very unnatural one, (viz.) That Man made himſelf: I remember a learned A⯑rabian at the holy City, when in my Youth I attended the ſacred Service with my Father, I ſay, a learned Arabian had a Debate with as learned a Jew on the Point I mention, (viz.) of a firſt Cauſe in Nature; and coming down to the Being of Man, the Jew urged an Ar⯑gument which I now find much in Uſe in this Nation of Atheiſts and Deiſts, among whom I live, (viz.) of Man being his own Maker: Why then, ſays Amiaz Zebir Oglou, ſo was the ancient Arabian called, why then, ſays he, Man muſt be eternal; for what could give it ſelf Life, could certainly preſerve Life; and if Man is eternal, ſays he, then Man is God; for whatever is eternal is God.
The Ancients told a merry Fable of Pro⯑metheus, who having made a Man of Clay, ſtole Fire from the Sun to put Life into his Figure, for which Felony, ſay they, he was condemned to be chained down to a Rock, [220] where a great Vulture was always preying up⯑on his Bowels.
But looking into an Engliſh Poet lately, where this Fable was mentioned, as alluding to the ancient Principle of Atheiſm above, I met theſe Lines drawn from the ſame reaſoning as thoſe above.
I wonder often how theſe Nazareens, who are nevertheleſs a knowing and learned People, eſpecially in theſe Parts; I ſay, I often reflect with Wonder, whence this brutiſh Notion is derived, I mean, of denying the Being of a God, and all the ſubſequent Notions of the World's Eternity, Man's ſelf-exiſtent Power, and the like.
Upon the whole, I have reſolved it into this, that it is the natural Conſequence of the Cor⯑ruption of their own Religion; for while their Prieſts ſet up here ſo many Abſurdities, and pay their Adorations to ſo many ſuppoſed Deities, Men of Penetration frequently ſee through all the falſe Gloſſes of the Clergy, and find it often a Legend of Forgeries, a meer Bundle of Nonſenſe, and Inconſiſtencies, and then not being enlightened from Heaven with the ſacred Knowledge of the true ONE God, it leads them into a Contempt of all Princi⯑ples, [221] and their Religion dwindles away to no⯑thing; they begin in ridiculing their own Profeſſion, and then go on to the great Ex⯑tream of denying even God himſelf.
Such a Crime is never found among the Followers of Mahomet, the firſt Principle of whoſe Religion contains a Confeſſion of One God; the Faithful are therefore called Muſſul⯑mans, the Name we boaſt of, ſignifying a Belie⯑ver of the One God, and of Mahomet his Pro⯑phet.
The Light of the divine Oracle, which in⯑ſpired Mahomet, ſhines into the Underſtandings of the Faithful, and they worſhip the Creator of the World: They neither kneel to a Piece of Bread, nor worſhip an old Woman, and call her God's Mother; but declare to all the World, that God is One God, and to him alone we pray with inceſſant Prayers, revolving the Moon, and conſtant as the Day.
Receive, righteous Zema, the Relation of the Blaſphemies of theſe Mockers of God, and pray to Mahomet that all his faithful Follow⯑ers may be kept in the right Way.
Paris, 20th of the 9th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
LETTER X. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Seraskeir of the Morea.
[222]WHEN I wrote laſt to thee, I gave thee an Account of the taking the ſtrong Town of Montmelian, in the Dominions of Sa⯑voy, with ſome Deſcription of the Fortreſs it ſelf, and bad thee to expect to hear from me again.
According to my Word, I here ſend thee true Drafts of the ſeveral Towns, and the Sieges of them, which have been carried on theſe laſt two Years by the French, who are now certainly the beſt Maſters in the World of the Art of raiſing Fortifications, and of at⯑tacking them when they have done.
The Fortifications of the Town and Port of Dunkirk I ſend thee as a thing by it ſelf, be⯑cauſe I am inform'd the Grand Seignior has commanded thee to make a Port and Harbour at Candia, which he deſigns to make the ſtrong⯑eſt City, and the ſafeſt Harbour in the World.
Thou wilt ſee by this Plan, that the French Engineers had a Piece of Work to do here, the Scituation of which did not appear to the Eye capable of being made to bear the Perfe⯑ction of it; they had a Harbour and Baſin to build, which the King reſolved ſhould be ca⯑pable of receiving his largeſt Men of War, ſome of which drew 24 to 26 Foot Water, and the Channel of the Port they had to work it on, had not above 11 Foot Water at the [223] higheſt Tides; and this upon a flat Shore, where the Sea, except at Spring-Tides, ſcarce flow'd 4 Foot in a Tide, ſometimes ſcarce flow'd at all into the Town.
To bring this to Perfection, the Engineers firſt conſidered a ſmall River which paſs'd through the flat Country above, and emptied it ſelf into the Sea at this Place, whoſe little Channel, ſcarce deſerving the Name of a River, made the Port.
The firſt thing the Engineers had to do, was to draw the Water of ſeveral other ſmall Rivers, which, in their natural Courſe, ran into the Sea at other Places on the Coaſt, to join their Waters with this little Stream, and then they laid the large Parts of low Land (which you ſee mark'd in the Plan) together, for receiving the Quantity of Water when it ſhould come in, and ſtop it in this River when the Sluices were ſhut.
Below the Conjunction of theſe Waters, ſe⯑veral large Sluices were made, to ſtop their Courſe, and ſwell them till they flow'd over all thoſe Lands, and ſo keep them up till a very great Head of Water was gotten toge⯑ther, for the Uſes of which I ſhall ſpeak pre⯑ſently.
When this Proviſion for a Back-water was firſt made, then they went to work with the Channel of the Port, which they cut 14 Foot in Depth into the Earth deeper than it was before.
To ſecure this Work, and preſerve the Depth of the Channel, which the Sea would other⯑wiſe fill up, even in one Tide, it being a very flat and ſandy Shore; I ſay, to ſecure this, they built thoſe two prodigious Jettes or Peirs, which you ſee in the Draught, which [224] ran out into the Sea no leſs than 11000 Hemiza's, being almoſt an Engliſh Mile and a half, even to low Water-Mark, form'd of an innumerable Number of Trees, of an immenſe Size, bound with Iron, and ſharpen'd at Bottom, and driven with the Force of mighty Blows by a Bolqueen of a Ton Weight, raiſed high in the Air, and let fall at once. They call theſe Trees here Pilotis.
Theſe two Peirs being made ſolid, the Spaces fill'd up with Stone and Chalk, and the Heads joined together with Bars of Iron, are firm as the ſolid Earth; and breaking off the Violence of the Sea make the Space between a calm, ſafe Channel, into which when Ships were entred, they were ſecured from any Ha⯑zards of Wind or Weather.
They alſo took Care to preſerve the Channel, which, as I have ſaid, was thus deep, from fill⯑ing up by the Sea; and at the upper End of it, and within the Fortifications of the Town, a large Baſin or Pool was made, able to receive the biggeſt Ships, and able to contain above 300 Sail; at the Entrance into which was a Sluice or Water-Stop, the Gates of which were Six and fifty Foot wide; be⯑ing a Work of that prodigious Expence, and requiring ſo much Skill of the Engineer, that ſome Workmen of very good Experience de⯑clared to the King, it was impoſſible that Monſieur Vauban, whoſe Undertaking the whole Work was, could ever bring it to Per⯑fection.
But he laugh'd at them all, and went on, finiſh'd it, and brought the Gates of that im⯑menſe Sluice to ſo exact a Ballance, that they are now made to open and ſhut by the Hands of two Men only, (viz.) one at each Gate.
[225] The Sluice firſt ſpoken of, which kept in the Land-Water, now diſcovered its Uſeful⯑neſs, and the exquiſite Skill of the Workman; for whenever the Channel ſeem'd to fill, or the Sea caſt any Banks of Sand up againſt the Mouth of the Peirs, as it would have done in two or three Tides, the opening this Sluice let go a mighty Stream of Water, which they call a Back-Water, or Back-current, which al⯑ways keeps the Channel open to its full Depth.
Thus this mighty Work is finiſh'd, the Wonder of this Part of the World. As to the innumerable Works for ſtrengthning the Town, the Riſebank for farther ſtrengthning the Port, an immenſe Work, advanced in the very Sea, and founded alſo upon Piles, yet made ſo ſtrong as not only to carry 100 Guns, which are planted on its Parapet, but to bear 300 Dwelling-Houſes and a Church or Moſque, and ſo become a little Town of its ſelf: All this I refer thee for to the Plan of the Work, which is without Queſtion the moſt perfect Fortification in the World; and if it ever ſhould be attack'd, as it will require an Army to defend it, ſo they muſt expect to loſe a good Army before it that attempt it.
They are aware here that the King of En⯑gland, the moſt enterprizing Prince in this Part of the World, has his Eye upon it; e⯑ſpecially ſince the Victory over the French Fleet has ſecured him the Superiority at Sea; and therefore the Generals always keep a watchful Eye over it, and very rarely have leſs than 18 or 20000 Men in it, or within Reach of it, when the Campaign is over.
The Fortifications of this Place, including the Harbour, &c. is ſaid to have coſt the, [226] King of France Twenty Thouſand Purſes, which, in the Coin of this Country, is called no leſs than an Hundred Millions of their Money.
The Draft of this Place is worth thy Study, and worthy the Hand of a Power immenſe and inimitable, like that of the Grand Seigni⯑or; half the Care and Art which is ſhew'd here, would make the City of Candia, which is ſo much envied by the Nazareens, be the ſa⯑feſt and moſt terrible Port in the Levant.
Succeſs and Wonders be the End of all thy Undertakings, and let the Glory of thy illu⯑ſtrious Lord be made more and more conſpi⯑cuous by thy exquiſite Performances. The o⯑ther Plans which I ſend thee I ſhall write of by thy Servant the Chaioux, Muſtapha, who is here with me, and who I ſhall diſpatch in Twelve Days to the Kaimacham on Buſineſs of Importance.
Paris, 17th Day of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1692,
LETTER XI. To the Kadileſcher of Romelia.
THERE has happened this Month a thing which, as it is the ſubject Matter of Converſation all over the Nazareen World, ſo it tends more to the perſonal Diſhonour of the [227] King of France, than any thing that I have ever heard charged upon him through the whole Courſe of a long and flouriſhing Reign.
There has been a Conſpiracy detected in the Confederate Army in Flanders, to aſſaſſinate the new King of England; the Conſpiracy it ſelf, tho' odious and deteſtable in its Nature, is not the main thing I take notice of to thee; for ſuch things are frequent among theſe Na⯑zareens, tho' not heard of among the true Be⯑lievers of the One God, the faithful Follow⯑ers of Mahomet; I ſay, among the Muſſulmans, no ſuch thing is ever heard of; it is below the Dignity of Man, as a Man, to kill by Treaſon; nor can the religious Principles of thoſe, who believe the Rewards of Paradiſe, or the Torment of Fire, permit them to think of ſuch Practices without Horror. Thank Ma⯑homet, it is only practiſed among Chriſtians, the Muſſulmans abhor it.
I ſay therefore, I had not mentioned this Crime, odious in its ſelf even to humane Na⯑ture, it is not the Fact it ſelf which I inſiſt upon, but this in particular, that there is great Reaſon to believe the King of France himſelf, or at leaſt his chief Miniſters of State, (and they, we know, dare do nothing without his Orders) have been diſcovered to be in the Deſign.
It is ſcarce to be thought of, without Hor⯑ror and Execration, that Men of Honour, as they call themſelves here, ſhould ſtoop to mur⯑ther the Man they cannot conquer. In all the Reigns of the Ottoman Princes, or of the Ca⯑liphs of Syria, in all the Days of the Saracen Empire, the true Succeſſors of our great Pro⯑phet Mahomet, whoſe more righteous Law for⯑bids [228] Rap'n, Injuſtice, and Blood, no ſuch thing has yet been left upon Record.
Was it ever known that any of the Princes, Followers of Mahomet, ever ſent an Aſſaſſinator, or Murtherer, to cut off a Nazareen Prince, General, or Commander of an Army, by Trea⯑ſon, tho' we eſteem the Nazareens as Dogs, Ene⯑mies of God, and ſuch as of right demand to be cut off from the Earth; yet it is al⯑ways attempted honourably, by War and the Arm of Battle; as open Enemies ought to deal with one another, leaving the Sword to decide the Quarrel, and God to direct as beſt pleaſes him.
Never, I ſay, was any Nazareen Prince, Cap⯑tain-General, or other Enemy, ſurprized on our Account, by Treaſon and Murther: Theſe People value themſelves upon the Name by which they pretend to be diſtinguiſhed, (viz) Chriſtians; and the King of France is called the moſt Chriſtian King; as if he was more a Chriſtian, or a better Man than other Kings; but this Affair has ſullied his Face, and black⯑ened his Character in ſuch a Manner, as all the other idolatrous Nations in the World would abhor: and let them ſay what they will, it ſeems to me that theſe aſſaſſinating Princi⯑ples are not allowed, at leaſt not ſo much, if at all, by any People in the World, but theſe Chriſtians. In the Name of Mahomet let them have the Praiſe of it; let them be the only People in the World who deal in ſecret Mur⯑ther.
As to the King of France, Men may call him the moſt Chriſtian King as long as they pleaſe; but if he gives Encouragement to ſuch Villanies as theſe, I dare pronounce Caius Fa⯑britius, a Roman Pagan, a far better Chriſtian [229] than the moſt Chriſtian King; for he being General of the Romans, againſt Pyrrhus King of Macedon, one of the ſtouteſt Enemies the Ro⯑mans ever had; when the Macedonian Prince's Phyſician came and promiſed him to poyſon his Maſter for a Sum of Money, he not only ſcorn'd his Propoſals, but ſent him with a Letter, diſcovering his Treachery to the King, to deal with him according to his Deſerts.
This was done like a Roman; but the King of France, like thoſe who they call here Chriſtians, has not thought fit to act in ſuch a generous Manner; for Monſieur Granval, who, it was proved openly, had undertaken the Buſi⯑neſs of aſſaſſinating the King of England, had, it ſeems, been encouraged to, and employed in this horrid Work, firſt by Monſieur Louvois, the firſt Miniſter of State to the King of France, and ſince his Death by Monſieur de Barbaſieux his Son, with the Gift of Eighty Piſtols, a ſmall Piece of Gold Coin which goes here for four Ducates, and with the Promiſe of twen⯑ty Thouſand Livres per Ann. Reward when the Murther was committed.
This it ſeems has been proved in the mili⯑tary Divan, or as they call it here, the Court Martial; and the Perſon has been condemned and executed for it; even himſelf not denying the Fact.
Nor do they concern themſelves much to deny it here, or to diſown that he was em⯑ployed by the French Miniſters; for theſe are, it ſeems, above covering ſuch things from the World, not valuing the Cenſures of Men how⯑ever juſt.
There is a noble Principle in the Minds of wiſe Men, which qualifies them to ſupport the Cenſures and Reproaches of the World, and [230] to receive the vileſt Uſage with the higheſt Contempt, and this is an Attainment worthy of a good Man, and makes a Man truly great; but this is always built upon this Preliminary as a Foundation, (viz.) that the Charge is un⯑juſt, as well as indecent; that the Perſon is in⯑nocent; for no wiſe Man can bear a juſt Cen⯑ſure; if his own Heart reproaches him with the Crime, his Face is covered with Bluſhes at the Cenſure, and he ſinks under the Weight of the Reflection, as a Child does under the Stripes of his Preceptor.
To contemn juſt Cenſure is the Token of a Face hardened by Crime, grown wicked to a Degree, above being touch'd by Conſcience or Principles of Honour, and is a Token not of a very wiſe Man, but of a very wicked Man.
It is with ſome Horror I write of this par⯑ticular Circumſtance; if Kings can thus juſti⯑fie the ſurprizing their oppoſite Princes with Murther and Aſſaſſination, what need is there of making War? It is enough to revenge the Injury done by the Hands of Villains and Aſ⯑ſaſſinators, and we may leave the Kings of the Earth to kill one another, without engaging Armies of innocent People in the Quarrel.
Men of juſt Principles abhor theſe things, and indeed the King is exclaimed againſt u⯑niverſally in all Foreign Courts on this Affair. At home here, 'tis true, People dare ſay no⯑thing; ſo they caſt it all upon Monſieur Barbi⯑ſieux, and clear the King of the Scandal of it.
If this wicked Cuſtom prevails, Kings are the moſt unhappy of Men; they muſt live wrapt in Iron for the Day, and ſleep covered with Terrors in the Night; the Dagger and the Piſtol would be their daily Dread; and as it was ſaid of the firſt James King of England, [231] they would bewray Nature at the Sight of a naked Sword.
It appears upon Record, in the Hiſtories of theſe Parts of the World, that the Ance⯑ſtor of this Prince, the King of England, was murthered in the ſame Manner as has been thus attempted now; and that it was done in Conſequence of the Proſcription of his Ene⯑my the King of Spain; who publickly invited all the Men of villainous Principles, of which the Nazareens never want Examples, to murther the Prince of Orange, promiſing a Reward of a Thouſand Piſtols to the Perſon who ſhould kill him.
But the whole World blamed the King of Spain for it; even when he publiſhed the In⯑vitation to Murther, and ſeveral of the Princes, even of the King of Spain's own Party, openly proteſted againſt it; but much more after the Murther was committed, and the Murtherer confeſs'd, that it was upon the hearing of that Proclamation that he undertook it; I ſay, from that Time the King of Spain was ab⯑horr'd by all Men of Honour, as a Tyrant, a Man of Cruelty, and a Murtherer; nor did righteous Heaven proſper any of his Affairs after it.
After all, the King of England lives; the Tray⯑tor has been put to Death, and the Horror of the Fact has cemented, rather than weaken'd the Confederacy; nay, it has fill'd the Enemies of France with that Animoſity againſt her Ma⯑nagement, that it may be truly ſaid of the King, he has nothing to truſt to but the Sword; for the leaſt and weakeſt of his Enemies are deaf to all Accommodations.
Paris, 28th of the 9th Moon, of the Year 1692.
LETTER XII. To Ali, Baſſa, Chief of the Engineers, and Seraskeir of the Morea.
[232]I Am to thee like a Student in Divinity, who I have heard much of among the Nazareens, who being appointed, in one of their Tetrehs or Colleges, to read Lectures to the Scholars upon ſome of the Books of the old Prophets in the Law of Moſes, choſe the Book called the Prophet Iſaiah, containing above Sixty Chapters, and read Forty four Year upon the firſt Chapter, and did not finiſh it neither.
Thus deſigning, in my laſt Letter, to ſend thee a Lecture of Fortifications and Attacks up⯑on all the Towns or Sieges which have been the Subject of Diſcourſe here during this War; I ſpent my whole Letter upon the Town and Port of Dunkirk, and have done very little in⯑deed towards finiſhing it either; but thy ma⯑thematical Genius will ſupply the reſt.
Next to this Town, I begin with the Town of Mons, of the Siege of which I wrote former⯑ly to the Port; after thou haſt ſurveyed the Works, how regular, how large, how well ſcituated for Defence, and how well defended by a reſolute Garriſon, who fail'd in no Part of their Duty, thou wilt perhaps wonder how it came to be carried, as it were, Sword in Hand, that is to ſay, in about 18 Days af⯑ter the Trenches were opened.
But thou wilt be more fully ſatisfied when thou ſhalt obſerve ſome Marks I have made [233] in the Plan of the Siege, by which it will be ſeen, that the French began with draining the Moraſs, which lies on one Part of the Town, which the Confederates thought was impra⯑cticable, and by which Means they came dry⯑footed to the Town, on a Side where there were very ſlight Works, the Germans believing that the Place was inacceſſible on that Side.
The Siege of Namure is the moſt remarkable in this Part of the Country, of which alſo I have written particularly before: The Caſtle is a very inacceſſible thing, and is defended by its Scituation, which is not only raiſed high on the Summit of a Rock, as you will ſee by the Plan; but is ſeated in the Angle of two large Rivers, the Sambre and the Maez, like the City of Belgrade, between the Sauve and the Danube.
But the Strength of this Caſtle is doubled by a Work call'd the Cohorne Fort, which is a Royal Fortification, built by one Monſieur Cohorne, a Flemiſh Engineer, and a Lieutenant General in the Confederates Army. The Plan of this Fort will ſhew thee the Skill of the Engineer; and the gallant Defence he made in it, againſt the whole French Army, will ſhew thee his Bravery; but the Conſequence of this Fort beſt appears by telling thee, that the Ca⯑ſtle, however ſtrong in it ſelf, made very lit⯑tle Defence after the Surrender of this Fort.
The Plan of the Port of Nice and the City of Villa Franca; as alſo of the Port and Town of Roſes in Rouſillon, on the Frontiers of Spain, as they have a great Similitude to one another, and have both met with the ſame Fate, (viz.) to be attack'd by the French, during this War; ſo they will ſhew thee perfectly well, how fatal an Error it is, to leave Ports of ſuch [234] Conſequence, and ſo capable of being ren⯑der'd impregnable, ſo naked and defenceleſs, as both thoſe Places were.
This is a Miſtake the French King is never guilty of; whatever Town is taken by him, is ſure to get by the Exchange of Maſters; for he always makes it ſtronger than it was be⯑fore; and almoſt all the Frontier Places ha⯑ving been firſt or laſt in the Poſſeſſion of France, owe moſt of their Strength to his Dili⯑gence in fortifying them.
This alſo is like to be the Fate of Roſes and of Nice; for the French Engineers are at work already upon them both, and they tell us, that Nice eſpecially ſhall be made impregnable, and the Harbour be made capable of recei⯑ving the largeſt Men of War; and tho' he may do this, yet 'tis odds but in Time he comes to render this Town up to the Duke of Savoy.
The Reaſon indeed of this Difference be⯑tween the Towns poſſeſs'd by France, and thoſe poſſeſs'd by other Princes, is chiefly this, that the latter want Money, and the King of France always abounds; that the latter, when they have Money, care not to lay it out on ſuch things; and the other ſpares no Expence to make Places ſtrong; believing it, as it often times appears to be, the beſt Money he can lay out.
I cannot but think the Frontiers of the Grand Seignior's Dominions deficient on this very Article, how elſe could the effeminate Muſcovites have reduc'd ſo important a Town as that of Aſoph on the Paulus Meotis? Had the King of France been poſſeſs'd of ſuch a Fortreſs, it would have been made as terrible as Dunkirk, and it would never have been in the Power of any Enemy, much leſs a contempti⯑ble [235] Nation, of whom it uſually was a Say⯑ing at the Port, that they neither knew how to make Peace or War.
I doubt not thou art forward enough to regulate theſe Matters, and had the Royal imperial Mandate iſſued out to thee, A⯑ſoph would long ago have been a Place as impregnable as any of the King of France's Ports are, to none of which the Confederates have been yet able to approach, through the whole Series of the War, no not ſince they have boaſted of their Superiority at Sea.
Nor is our Lord the Grand Seignior, whoſe Name I mention with Reverence, bowing my Head to the Ground, the Brightneſs of the up⯑per Regions of Light be on his Head; I ſay, our mighty Emperor, the Lord of the World, is not unwilling to allow the Expence of ne⯑ceſſary Fortifications to ſtrengthen the Towns expoſed to his Enemies; but it has been the Negligence or Covetouſneſs of the Viziers, to whom the Emperor has committed the Charge of thoſe things.
Vigilant Ali, thou art always awake to the Intereſt of thy Maſter, and to the Glory of his Empire, extended from the Eaſt to the Weſt Seas. I know that nothing eſcapes thy Obſervation. I conjure thee by the Duſt of happy Icharrah, thy Predeceſſor, whoſe Dwelling is in Paradiſe; by the Bones of thy great Grandfather Ibrahim, who was principal Engineer to Solyman the magnificent, at the famous Sieges of Rhodes and Maltha; by the brazen Gates of Mecca, and the invincible Turrets of Medina, let not the Hint I am now going to give thee be forgot⯑ten, neither take it in evil Part from me, who am anxious for the Glory of our invincible Lord Achmet, Emperor of the World.
[236] Take it not in evil Part that I ask this important Queſtion, why is not Belgrade, which is now fallen into the Hands of thy Lord, why, I ſay, is it not made the moſt invinci⯑ble Place on Earth?
Thou knoweſt it is not, and that it has all the Advantages by Scituation which can be deſired; two mighty Rivers waſh its Walls with their furious Currents, (viz) the Sauve and the Danube; the Angle where they join is wholly taken up with the Town and Caſtle, which are thereby utterly inacceſſible on two Sides of three; had the King of France this im⯑portant Place, his Engineers, in ſpight of the hardeſt Rocks, the higheſt Mountains, the moſt impenetrable Parts of the Earth, would long ago have brought the Sauve to have en⯑tirely ſurrounded the Town, and to have em⯑braced it with its divided Stream, equally deep, navigable, and rapid like the other Part.
Infinite Baſtions, Cavaliers, Parapets, Lines, Courtins, Tenails, Ravelines, Counterſcarps, Motes, covered Ways, Horn-works, Crown⯑works, Lunettes, Retrenchments, Redoubts, &c. ſhould have ere now ſo ſurrounded the Town, as not to make it poſſible for any Army to attack it without the certain Ruin of their Infantry.
When it was laſt taken, the Works were, ge⯑nerally ſpeaking, entirely demoliſhed by the Blaſt of Powder, which blew it up: Why ſhould not all the Plan of the Place have received a new Face, and why not make it ſtrong enough to be worthy the Name of the Bulwark of the Ottoman Empire?
Flatter not thy ſelf that the Power of thy Lord is ſo great, that it will never ſuffer any Revolution, or that the victorious Vizier can [237] never meet with any Foil; theſe things are influenced by the ſecret deſtinated Appoint⯑ments of him that guides thee and I, and eve⯑ry Head that bears the Charge of a Soul; and albeit that what is thus appointed ſhall not be revers'd, yet ſuch Agency as that of gi⯑ving a Stop to the Enemies of Mahomet, by the Aſſiſtance of humane Power, is always al⯑lowed to be beſtowed on the Faithful; and the Aids of Art to ſupport us in the Defence of the Dominions of our Emperor was always al⯑lowed not as lawful only, but expedient at all Times, leaving the Iſſues of things to God and Mahomet.
Rouze up thy ſelf, thou Man of Knowledge, and apply thy ſelf to ſtrengthen this Fron⯑tier, ſurround it with innumerable Works, ſpare no Coſt or Labour to make it a Terror of the Nazareen Empire, extend it to ſuch Li⯑mits that its Garriſon may be an Army, and that to inveſt it may require 200000 Men.
Draw round it a treble Counterſcarp, I know the Scituation will allow it; for the inmoſt Works are high as a Mountain, and will overlook ſeven Deſcents below it.
The two Heights of Orwar next the River Sauve, will require a double Crown-work to ſurround them, with a Parapet high as a Ca⯑vallier, if it ſhould be attack'd; and ſuppoſe it ſhould be carried Sword in Hand, it is im⯑poſſible an Enemy can make a Lodgment in it, the Troops which ſhall be poſted in the Moun⯑tain, will pour in ſuch Floods of livid Fire of Shot, of Grenadoes, &c. that nothing can ſup⯑port it.
On the Side next the Danube, the Hill Ibrahim, Baſſa, readily guides thy Hand to erect a Royal Fort; under its Protection no Ships from the [238] Danube can batter it, the Rock defending its Flanks; the ſame Rock affording at the ſame Time a natural Line for 100 Pieces of Cannon, to cut off even the Navigation of the Danube, and ſend to the Bottom the ſtrongeſt Veſſels which ſhall attempt to lie open to it.
Glorious Ali, why is not this City made the Bulwark of the Ottoman Empire? Depend up⯑on it, as the Arms of the victorious Kuprioli have conquered this Fortreſs, ſo the Nazareens will loſe no Opportunity of recovering it; and if once they are Maſters of it again, they will not fail to make it the ſtrongeſt Fortreſs in the World.
Then ſhall the Blood of the Faithful, which it ſhall coſt to recover it from the Infidels, be laid to their Charge who neglected ſtrengthen⯑ing it while it was in their Hands.
Paris, 8th of the 10th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
LETTER XII. To the Kaimacham.
Note. This Letter ſhould have been printed in page 157, Book II. and Letter XII. in the ſame Book, ſhould have been placed here.
[239]WOnder not that I follow ſo ſoon my laſt Expreſs with another Letter almoſt upon the ſame Subject: The King of France is certainly the moſt politick Prince in the World; he knew not only what was concluded againſt him at the Hague, in the great Congreſs of Princes, which I mentioned in my laſt, and which met there the Beginning of the laſt Moon; but he knew the Reputation that il⯑luſtrious Appearance of Princes would give to the confederated Arms, if they had leiſure given them to go on as they began, and there⯑fore, to give ſome ſudden Coup de Eclat in the Infancy of their Alliance, was not only the beſt way to weaken and diſconcert them, but alſo to leſſen the Reputation of a Body, monſtrous like Hydra, and compoſed of many Heads as well as many Members.
However, he lay ſtill till the Prince of O⯑range had broken up his Congreſs, and was gone to his Palace of Loo, a Houſe of Pleaſure in, the Dutch Gueldre, where he deſign'd to paſs the Time till the Seaſon for taking the Field ſhould call him away.
But he was ſcarce gotten thither, when Ex⯑preſſes, in the Heels of one another, brought [240] him Word, that the French were making Prepara⯑tions, in all their Frontier-Garriſons, for ſome great Enterprize; and that tho' the Seaſon for Armies to take the Field was not yet, by two Moons at leaſt, yet it was certain the French would march very quickly.
This alarmed the Prince, who was him⯑ſelf perfectly vigilant, and as able to judge of the Deſigns of the Enemy as any Offi⯑cer in his Army. The Hague, which but a few Days before was throng'd with Princes, General-Officers, and Colonels of the Army, was, on a ſudden, an abandon'd deſolate Place, compared to what it was before, the Governors of Towns and Provinces, the Generals, the Officers, were all flown to their reſpective Commands, as if they had been driven away with a Storm of Wind.
Nor was it without Cauſe; for in about ten Days after the firſt Alarm, they found the French, whoſe Motions are the ſwifteſt of any Nation in the World, were actually in the Field with 60000 Men, and in leſs than Five Days more, in Spight of the Severity of a terrible Seaſon, Difficulty of impaſſable Roads, and of all the Inconveniencies of a Winter-Siege, they had inveſted the City of Mons, the Capital of Hainault, in the Spaniſh Low Countries. This was the 14th Day of the third Moon.
This Place is not only conſiderable in its ſelf, as it is a very ſtrong Frontier; but alſo as it ſecures a ſpacious Country, which will be at the Diſpoſal of the French, if they ſucceed in their Deſign; it is environed on every Side with good Fortifications, except on that Side which is between the Gates of Bruſſels and Aeh, where there is only a bare Wall, ſecured by a large and deep Moraſs; ſo that 'tis impoſſible [241] to be approach'd that Way: But they ſay the Deſign of the French is to drain the Moraſs, which being done, the Town will be eaſily taken; and to that Purpoſe, as impoſſible as the Deſign ſeems to be, yet they have got to⯑gether Twenty Thouſand Pioneers, from all the Frontiers, which they have ſet to work, under the Protection of an Army of Sixty Thouſand Men. The Garriſon is ſaid to con⯑ſiſt of Seven Thouſand well diſciplined Sol⯑diers, of which the greateſt Part are Germans; and beſides them there is a great Number of the Townſmen, well exerciſed in Arms, who have promiſed to make a vigorous Reſiſtance, all under the Command of the Prince of Bergues, who pretended to hold it out to the ut⯑moſt; nevertheleſs France made this Buſineſs a Point of Honour, and there could be no Queſti⯑on but they will put as fair for it as poſſible; the King, the Dauphine, moſt of the Mare⯑ſchals of France, and all the beſt Generals of the Kingdom, were there to ſee the general Aſſault; to which Purpoſe they have drawn out of Germany all their beſt Men; in a Word, it may be ſaid, that the whole Power of France is going to fall upon that poor City.
The Prince of Orange came immediately back from Loo, having ſtaid there but two Nights; Expreſſes flew like Poſts riding on a Whirlwind to all the Confederate-Princes for Help, and all the Troops near Hand were or⯑dered to the general Rendezvous.
But alas! what ſignified Troops in Brandex⯑burgh, the Land of Heſſia, or other remote Countries, to an Army in full March, and a Town already inveſted with Ten Thouſand Horſe. The French, ſecure of the Succeſs, puſh⯑ed the Siege with the utmoſt Vigour; and to [242] encourage the Soldiers, by the Preſence of ſo illuſtrious a Leader, the King himſelf reſolved to command the Siege; he arrived in the Camp the 21ſt of the third Moon, viſited the Poſts himſelf, had an Officer killed with a Cannon-Shot juſt at his Elbow, and ſaw the Trenches opened before the Place, in his own Preſence, on the 24th, and on the 8th of this Moon the Town capitulated.
The King of England drew together all the Troops which were within Reach, and en⯑camped at Hall, not far from the French Camp; but he never could get above 34000 Men to⯑gether.
The Town made a very vigorous Defence, and the Garriſon were reduced to 2400 Men; but the Fury of the French could not be with⯑ſtood, who, with a numerous Artillery, beat down all the Defences of the Place, and followed it with ſuch continued Attacks, not valuing the Lives of their Men, that it was impoſſible to hold out.
The Town having capitulated, the French have put 10000 Foot and 4000 Horſe into it, as a Garriſon, and are retir'd into Quarters, having thus cut their Enemies out Work e⯑nough, in the Morning of the Campaign, to keep them employed perhaps all the reſt of the Time.
As the King, by this ſudden Blow, has been before hand with the Confederates, ſo he lets them ſee that by entering the Fields, ſo be⯑fore the uſual Time, he will be always before them, and that their Confederacy will have no Effect ſo long as they march every Coun⯑try Troops back to their own Limits for Winter-Quarters.
[243] But the King of France has not contented himſelf with this Advantage; for on the Side of Piedmont he has done juſt the ſame thing, taking from the Duke of Savoy the City of Nice and the Town of Villa Franca, the prin⯑cipal Port that Prince had on the Side of the Mediterranean Sea.
This Action was carried on with all that Secreſie and Celerity which is peculiar to the French Conduct, and in which they are a Pat⯑tern to all that would proſper in great Un⯑dertakings: Monſieur Catinat, a vigilant and fortunate General, commanded the Expediti⯑on; they began to draw the Troops together at Thoulon, and the general Rendezvouz was be⯑tween that Place and Grace, a Town on the River Vaar; they were all at the Place the 22d of February; but the March being difficult, they could not ſit down before the Town till the 13th of March, which, however, was ſo early in the Year, that no Troops but thoſe of France, who conquer all kinds of Difficulties, could pretend to take the Field.
This City of Nice is ſurrounded with Forts, Pa⯑lanques, and Fortifications, at a Diſtance from it, and on the particular Places which muſt be paſſ⯑ed to come at it; as firſt, Villa Franca, a Town about a League from Nice; ſecondly, the Fort, called the Caſtle of Villa Franca; thirdly, the Fort of St. Hoſpitio; fourthly, the Fort of Mont⯑alban, then the City of Nice; and laſtly, the Citadel; all theſe Places were fortified, and moſt of them, eſpecially the Caſtle of Villa Franca and the Fort of Montalban; yet by the 26th, in the Morning, the French had maſter'd them all, and ſat down before the Citadel of Nice, having brought alſo a Squadron of Men [244] of War to block up the Port by Sea, that no Relief might get in.
In a Word, Nice had the Fate of Belgrade; for a Bomb falling into a Magazine of Powder, blew it up with three other Magazines, killed 700 of the Garriſon, demoliſhed the beſt Part of the Fortifications, and frighted the Go⯑vernour and his remaining Part of the Garri⯑ſon into an immediate Surrender.
Thus this King makes himſelf a Terror to the World; the Duke of Savoy is in a fair Way to be ruined, and they ſay is deſirous to make his Peace; whether that be true or no, Time will diſcover; but 'tis certain, if he does not, or is not immediately aſſiſted in a power⯑ful manner by the Emperor, his Deſtruction is not far off; for the King of France reſelves to give Monſieur Catinat 50000 Men to reduce him at once, and make quick work of him; on the other hand, Monſieur the Duke of Orleans, the King's Brother, whoſe Daughter the Duke of Savoy has married, has ſent an Expreſs to Tu⯑rin, to inform his Son-in-Law of the Dangers that attend him, and to adviſe him to take ſpee⯑dy Meaſures to accommodate his Affairs with the King, offering his good Offices, at the ſame Time, to diſpoſe his Majeſty to his Intereſt; but it ſeems the Duke is not ſo apprehenſive as others are, or has ſome ſecret Dependences which they are not informed of.
However, the King of France has, by theſe two Actions, ſo anticipated the Glory of the next Campaign, that his Enemies have no⯑thing to do but to try if they can regain in the Summer what he has taken from them in the Spring, and he has nothing to do but to act upon the Defenſive, if he pleaſes, till they are diſpers'd again, and then they may [245] expect him to fall upon them again juſt as before.
I need not lay theſe things before thee as a Pattern, the Succeſs of the Ottoman Affairs againſt the Infidel Nations manifeſt that the Grand Vizier wants no Experience, Vigilance, Coun⯑cil for contriving, or Vigour for Execution of his glorious Attempts; may Glory and Vertue encreaſe his Fame, and may the Sultan our Lord, the inexhauſtible Source of Magnifi⯑cence and Luſtre, lift up his Head above the Kings of the Earth, crowned with inconceiva⯑ble Glory, and the Light of an Hundred Thouſand Conſtellations.
Paris, 12th of the 5th Moon, of the Year 1691.
LETTER XIII. To Mahomed Elmaken, Student in Hiſtory in Trapezond.
IF there is any thing to be gathered from outward Appearances, the Deſolations Na⯑ture works upon her ſelf with her own Hands muſt be Tokens of the Anger of God upon the Nations; Nature is never lunatick, Non compos mentis, or ſo out of her Wits, as in the Frenzy to lay violent Hands upon her ſelf: If the Author of Nature does not lay his irre⯑ſiſtible [246] Commands upon her to do ſo, for the Puniſhment of wicked Men.
Certain it is, that in violent Tempeſts, Hur⯑ricans, or Tournadoes, Eruptions of Fire and Water, Earthquakes, and the like, Nature ſeems Felo de ſe, ſhe appears armed againſt her ſelf, tearing her own Bowels, defacing her own beautiful Countenance, and, in a Word, acting all the Parts of a Man, who being de⯑mented by the Fury of a Diſeaſe, a Fever, or the like, lays violent Hands upon himſelf.
This has been a Year terrible in the Nazaren Nations for theſe things, and particularly for Earthquakes, of which there are ſome very af⯑frighting Inſtances this Year. In Holland, France, Germany, and Great Britain; as near as can be gather⯑ed, the whole Body of the Earth felt a Jogg or two at the very ſame Moment of Time, which, tho' it did no harm, yet it put all theſe Parts of the World into a moſt terrible Conſternati⯑on.
But in America, they tell us dreadful Sto⯑ries; for Example, that in the Empire of Mexico, three and twenty Villages are over⯑whelm'd, with great Part of the Inhabitants, and a great Town called Truxillo, almoſt quite demoliſhed; that in Peru, a great Mountain ſunk down into a plain Country, and a great Hill roſe up out of a Lake.
But the moſt affrighting Story of all is, that of the Iſland of Jamaica, ſcituated in the Gulph of Mexico, and now a Colony of the Engliſh, who formerly took it from the Spaniards; the principal Town or Port of this Iſland was called Port-Royal, and of that Town the prin⯑cipal Part was called the Point, being a Neck of Land running out into the Water like a [247] Peir; this had upon it very fair Buildings, and the principal Merchants of the Iſland reſided there.
It was in the Middle of the Day, or rather a lit⯑tle before Noon, when, by a furious Earthquake, one whole Side of that Neck of Land I mention⯑ed, which they called the Point, ſunk by a ſudden and violent Earthquake, and the Build⯑ings having then no Foundation, ſlid all down into the Sea; ſo that above 2000 People were immediately ſwallowed up, with their Habita⯑tions, Goods, and Effects.
The Calamity of this Country is not to be expreſs'd; for in the other Part of the Iſland, where the Dwellings were not ſwallow⯑ed up, the Earth for ſeveral Days moved ſo violently, that the People could not ſtand up⯑on it, even in the very Fields, but lying down, roll'd with it up and down the Earth like Veſſels on the Sea, and you may be ſure they were all the while in the utmoſt Horror and Diſtraction, expecting every Moment to be ſwallowed up alive.
Certainly the Conſternation muſt be in⯑expreſſible among the miſerable Inhabi⯑tants; for it was a Calamity which they had never felt before in the Place: And ſince I am ſpeaking of Earthquakes, things which ve⯑ry rarely happen among the righteous Nations; it is not improper to give thee a brief hiſtori⯑cal Account of ſome of the moſt remarkable Earthquakes which have happened in theſe Nazaren Parts of the World, where they are more frequent than in any other Places.
'Tis about Two Thouſand and Sixty ſix Years ago that there happened one in Achaia, which almoſt utterly deſtroyed it; and which [248] was attended with Inundations, which in the very Heart of Corinth delug'd the Cities of He⯑lice and Buris, of which Ovid makes mention in the 15th Book of his Metamorphoſis.
The laſt Year of the Two Hundred and Seventieth Olympiad, the moſt Part of the Build⯑ings of Tyre and Sidon were overturn'd, and an infinite Number of People buried under their Ruines. The third Year of the 181 Olym⯑piad, Rome was ſhaken for three Days and three Nights together, and D rrachium was levell'd with the Ground, together with ſeveral Cities of Campania; nay, in our own Country I have read in the holy Writings of Aaiada, that in the Reign of Bajazet II. the mighty and moſt invincible Emperor, there was an Earthquake at Conſtantinople, that laſted forty Days; and that during all that Time there was not an Hour paſt but the City ſuffer'd extraordinary Shocks; ſo that the Grand Vizier, by the Grand Seignior's Command, employed Fore⯑ſcore Thouſand Workmen to repair the City, till by the Prayers of the Faithful, Reſt was obtained.
In the Year 1180, of the Nazaren Account, an Earthquake ruined a great Part of the City of Naples; that of Arian, a ſmaller City, was ſwallowed up of the Sea, and ſeveral other Towns utterly overthrown in that Part of Italy called Calabria. In the Year 1456. there aroſe upon the Sea of Ancona, together with a [249] thick gloomy Cloud that extended above two Miles, a Tempeſt of Wind, Water, Fire, Eightning, and Thunder, which piercing to the moſt deep Abyſſes of the Sea, forc'd up the Waves with a moſt dreadful Fury, and carried all before it upon the Land. This af⯑terwards cauſed, as the Writers here teſtify, ſo dreadful an Earthquake, that the Kingdom of Naples was in a Manner quite ruined, and all Italy carried the diſmal Marks of it; a Million of Houſes, Caſtles, and Palaces were buried in their own Ruine; above thirty thouſand Peo⯑ple were cruſh'd to Pieces by their Weight, and a huge Mountain was overturn'd into the Lake de la Guarde, in the Milaneſe. Joſeph Acoſta re⯑lates, that in Peru, the Year 1581 there happened an Earthquake which removed the City of Angua⯑quim two Leagues from the Place where it ſtood, without demoliſhing it, in Regard the Scitu⯑ation of the whole Country was changed. And every Body has heard of the Earthquake which happened among the Mountains of the Alps, in a Place called the Valtoline, in the Year 1660. by the Violence of which a great Mountain near Bigorre, ſunk down into the Earth, and was covered over with the Water of a Lake hard by; but the greateſt and moſt dreadful Earthquake was that which divided. America, from Africa and Europe; for we read in Plato's Timaeus, that they talked in his Time of an Iſland near the Pillars of Hercules that was call'd Atlantis, bigger than Europe and Africa both together, which, by a horrible Earthquake and a Deluge of twenty four Days, was ſwal⯑lowed up and covered with the Sea, and ne⯑ver ſeen ſince, 500 Millions of People being deſtroyed with it; and that the Sea, which [250] ſwallowed it up, has from thence been called the Atlantick Ocean to this Day.
Some of the Ancients among theſe People have been of Opinion, that the Earth was a great Animal, and that the Shivering, occa⯑ſioned by ſome Diſtemper not unlike that of an Ague-Fit, was the Cauſe of its trembling. Father Bourhours, one of their Prieſts here, but an Author of Fame among them, ſpeaks many pretty things upon this Fancy, in his Diſcourſe of Eugenius and Ariſtus, upon the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea.
The greateſt of the Heathen Philoſopher s accuſed the Stars of theſe Diſorders upon the Earth, and ſome of them expoſtulated with the Gods very earneſtly on this Account; but to ſpeak one Word of the Cauſes of them in general, I ſay that there are two which are na⯑tural, and may very rationally be accounted for, and it is moſt profitable to ſpeak of ſuch, ra⯑ther than of imaginary Cauſes, 1. that the ſub⯑terranean Fires and Winds are the firſt Cauſe; the Bowels of the Earth are full of bituminous Matter, ſulphurous, and nitrous Particles, Salt-Petre, and the like; and when it happens that one Stone, by ſecret Operation, falling upon another, ſtrikes Fire by Colliſion, or that Air penetrates in unuſual Quantities, thoſe combuſtible Matters being kindled, and the Winds blowing up the Flames, they cauſe moſt terrible Overturnings of the Earth, unleſs they find Outlets, as in Etna, Veſuvius, and other Mountains, whoſe opening Tops give Vent to the Flame. The ſecond natural Cauſe which I obſerve, proceeds from the Water that is under the Earth, which undermining the Foundations that ſupport the ſubterranean [251] Vaults, which extend themſelves for ſeveral Leagues together in ſeveral Parts. Thoſe Vaults, deprived of their uſual Prop, and over⯑preſs'd by their own Weight, ſhrink down, and all of a ſudden impetuouſly puſhing for⯑ward, the Air and Water encloſed in the Earth, give the upper Parts thoſe violent and boiſtrous Jolts, which quickly overturn the weaker Structures of humane Art, which muſt of Neceſſity give way to thoſe more than gi⯑gantick Impetuoſities that rend and ſhatter the more ſolid Frame of Nature it ſelf.
Grave Mahomed, thou, who haſt ſearched the moſt retired Parts of Nature, art fully inſtru⯑cted in theſe things; may that Power which uſes theſe moſt furious Diſtortings of Nature as Weapons or Scourges in his Hand, to correct Infidels, preſerve the Faithful in Safe⯑ty, that the Muſſulman's Empire may be the Epitome of Eden, and be the Retreat of the Univerſe, whither the People may flee from the Deluges of Life, and enjoy the Tranquilli⯑ty of the Bleſſed.
Paris, 10th of the 9th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
LETTER XIV. To Simeon Ben. Habbakkuk, a Jew at Salonica.
[252]I Have juſt written at large to thy old Friend and mine Elmakem at Trapezond, with an Account of a very terrible Earthquake, which, they ſay, has happened at the Iſland of Jamai⯑ca, in the Gulph of Mexico, belonging to the Engliſh Nazarens.
It might be agreeable to thee to give thee an Account of the Particular, of this terrible thing; but thou art too familiarly acquainted with ſuch things in the Country where thou liveſt, to need any Information from me, one Circumſtance only I cannot omit, becauſe it re⯑lates to the People whom thou belongeſt to.
The Earthquake there, as the Relations which come from England, and alſo others from the French Colonies in thoſe Parts, particu⯑larly at Cuba, Martinico, and the French Part of Hiſpaniola, give an Account was very terrible; and that in particular that after the firſt Shock, which overthrew the capital Town of the Iſland, for ſeveral Days the Earth rolled up and down like the Waves of the Sea, that in ſundry Places great Chaſma's appeared, the Earth parting, and leaving ſeveral Openings, gaping dreadfully to a frightful Depth.
That the poor People amaz'd and terrified to the laſt Extremity, lying in the open Fields, expected to be ſwallowed up every Moment, [253] and that ſome were even frighted to Death, anticipating Death it ſelf with the Apprehen⯑ſions of it, and confirming that juſt Notion, that the Fear of any Evil is greater than the Evil it ſelf, like as the Deſire of any Good is far greater than the Poſſeſſion.
I need not ſpend Time to inform thee of that, who haſt too juſt Notions, and too large a Portion of Judgment not to know, that what is preſent affects the Senſes in a quite differing manner from what is to come; what is preſent to us is ſeen in its genuine Form, but what is diſtant and repreſented only by the Paſſions, as by Fear or Deſire, is mag⯑nified to an infinite Degree, as thoſe Paſſions get the Victory over our Reaſon.
But what Apprehenſions of Death, or ra⯑ther of the World after Death produced the Effect I am going to relate to thee, that I know not, and leave to thee; but the Fact is thus, I am aſſured that the Jews, for there are a great many Families of thy Nation in that Iſland, I ſay the Jews, in the Extremity of the Terror they were in, upon Occaſion of this Earthquake, called upon Jeſus the Son of Mary to ſave them.
I have no Room to queſtion the Truth of the Fact; becauſe divers Jews here have not only heard of it, but do approve and juſti⯑fie the Relation.
If the Muſſulmans, who acknowledge Jeſus to be the Meſſiah, and that he was a Prophet ſer from God, as we acknowledge Mahomet alſo to be, had in ſuch a Calamity called up⯑on any of the Prophets, and upon Jeſus alſo to aſſiſt them in that Extremity, it might have been ſaid, it was becauſe we do believe him to have been a juſt Man, and that he was [254] ordained of God to be one of the ſix great Maſters of the Law of God, an Oracle of Truth, and one of the Inſtructors of Men. Certain it is we give a juſt Hiſtory from God how that he has cauſed the Truth and the Doctrines of Righteouſneſs to be inſtituted by ſix Oracles, (viz) the Oracle of Adam, hand⯑ed on by oral Miniſtration to the Deluge; the Oracle of Noah, forming the Inſtitutions of divine Worſhip to the renewed World; the Oracle of Abraham, whoſe Preaching and Inſtitutions was received by all his numerous Poſterity, who were Founders of many Nati⯑ons, and from whoſe Bowels our Anceſtor Iſhmael is deſcended; the Oracle of Moſes, whoſe Law was preſcribed to your Nation on⯑ly; the Oracle of Jeſus, whoſe Inſtitutions, howbeit they are profeſs'd by his Followers, have yet ſuffered ſo many Corruptions, Inter⯑pretations, and Addition of humane Inventi⯑ons, that the pure Profeſſors of his Law are very rarely found, and very difficult among ſo many Profeſſors to be known; and the Oracle of Mahomet, whoſe Light and Empire is ſpread over three Parts in four of the diſco⯑vered World.
But how inconſiſtent muſt it be for thy Na⯑tion, who have condemn'd this Jeſus as an Impoſtor, and would, as we believe, without Queſtion, have put him to Death, had not God took him; I ſay, how inconſiſtent muſt it be with that Hatred of him which they profeſs'd, to call upon him in their Trouble; wherefore, O Simeon, conſider and judge of theſe things with righteous Judgment; for if God has owned the ſaid Jeſus to be his Prophet, and you continue to deſpiſe him, you ought to take this for a Judgment from Heaven upon your Infidelity, [255] that the Jews were brought, by his inviſible Power, in the Extremity of their Terror, to recognize the Meſſias in the Perſon of that Jeſus whom you had intentionally at leaſt murthered before.
Be wiſe then, and ceaſe to adhere to the Oracle of Moſes, and the Talmudic Syſtems of thy miſguided Rabbies, ſeeing other Oracles have ſucceeded by the Appointment of God, every one exceeding each other in Purity and Excellence, as the Oracle of Moſes likewiſe, in his Days, excelled all thoſe which were be⯑fore him.
Paris, 8th of the 10th Moon, of the Year, 1692.
A Continuation of LETTERS written by a Spye at Paris. BOOK IV.
[257]LETTER I. To the Selictar-Aga, or chief Sword-Bearer.
I Was ordered by Iſuff Baſſa Reis Eff'endi, in caſe of his being gone a Journey to Bagdat, to negotiate a Peace with the Perſians, as I find he is, to write to thee what I had purpoſed to ſay of the Affairs of theſe Parts of the World; it is always of Importance for the principal Secretaries, prime Miniſters, Stateſ⯑men, and Managers in the Court of our illu⯑ſtrious Maſter, to know the minuteſt Matters relating to Government, to Peace, and to War; how much more then the important [258] Affairs in the Court of the greateſt King in theſe Parts of the World, whoſe Actions none can imitate, whoſe Glory is only outſhin'd by the Mirror of ſuperior Glory, the Luſtre of the ſublime, the ever great and reſplendent Grand Seignior, whoſe Days be happy, and his riſing every Morning victorious?
If one may gueſs by the encreaſing Power of the King of France, by his Vigilance and Appli⯑cation to the Buſineſs, as well of War as of Government; if one may calculate from the immenſe Treaſures he lays up, the Numbers of his Armies, the Vigor of his Councils, the Experience and Bravery of his Generals, the early Motion of his Troops, and from the Pro⯑greſ [...] of his Arms the laſt Year, it would inti⯑mate that this muſt be a Year of Wonders.
It is true, that the King of England is a re⯑ſplendent Star, encreaſing in Magnitude; a Prince, whoſe martial Genius fills the World with Expectations, gives Vigor and Spirit to the Soldiery, is the Life of the Confederacy, and is not to be diſcouraged by the greateſt Repulſes; but ſtill he amaſſes Troops, raiſes new Armies, encreaſes the Numbers of his Confederates, and cauſes every Day new Ene⯑mies to riſe up to the King of France.
But the King of France bullies them all, and appears equal to their greateſt Deſigns, ſupe⯑rior to them in Numbers, and above all, ſu⯑perior in the exquiſite Adminiſtration of all his Affairs, as well Civil as Military
Men always believed the King of France would outdo the ancient Giants in the deſpe⯑rate Efforts of the preſent War; nay, conſider⯑ing who he has to engage with, it muſt be ſo, or he muſt fall under the Weight of ſo ma⯑ny Enemies; but it was thought alſo that his [259] Treaſure would fail him before his Troops, and that he muſt be at laſt exhauſted and en⯑feebled that way.
But he diſappoints them all that way too; for he finds ſuch ways to raiſe Money, and that in ſuch immenſe Quantity, that 'tis almoſt incredible; his Enemies boaſt that he raiſes it with Difficulty, which indeed is true; but what is that to their Purpoſe? ſeeing difficult or not difficult, he does raiſe the Money. Indeed ſuch is his Skill to direct his Demands of Mo⯑ney, and his abſolute Power to enforce thoſe Demands, that his Officers will tear it out of the Bowels of the People, ſo long as there is any Silver in the Kingdom.
When I look on the Application of this Court to raiſe Money, how intenſe upon it, and how abſolutely neceſſary it is to them to have it; I have wondred they have not thought of empting the wonderful Lake of Thoulouſe. This is a great ſtanding Pool of Water near the City of Thoulouſe, into which, they tell us, that the ancient Gauls, after they had ſack'd the Temple of Delphos, threw an Hundred and Ten Thouſand Pound Weight of Gold, and five Millions of Pounds Weight of Silver, on its being ſuggeſted that it was ſa⯑crilegious Wealth, and that the Gods were an⯑gry with them. 'Tis true, that Cepio, the Roman Conſul, got up a great deal of it ſome Ages after⯑wards, and carried it away; but a modern Geo⯑grapher of this Place tells us, there is a great deal ſtill left, which the People of Thoulouſe would fain have been fingering, but that they were ſtill frighted with Devils and Monſters of all kinds; now the King of France, who has ſo many Dragoons, that fear neither God nor the Devil, might eaſily make himſelf Maſter [260] of it; or if this failed, one would think that all the ſacred Reliques in France ſhould turn to a vaſt Account; he had better ſell them than ſqueeze out the very Heart-Blood of his Subjects; there's half St. Peter's Beard at Poitiers, would be worth to him half a Million of Money; and the Shrines of the Apoſtles at St. Stephens in Thoulouſe, would ſuffice to furniſh him for ſeven Years together. But this by the way.
The King of France has not only very ex⯑quiſite Methods of raiſing Money, but the Oeconomy of his Government is ſuch, that when it is raiſed, it is always applied to the proper Uſes; we never hear of Embezzlements and Miſapplication among his Finnanciers or Treaſurers; and by this punctual Management of his Treaſure, he has this Advantage, that his Troops are always in the Field before his Enemies, let them make the utmoſt Speed they can.
This he threatens them with on all Hands this Year, and tho' I am now writing to thee but in the ſecond Moon, we ſee already his Cavalry new mounted, his Houſhold Troops new clothed, his Recruits diſtributed, and moſt of his Armies in a Condition to march, while ſome of the Confederates are little more than got home into their Winter-Quar⯑ters; and I am miſtaken if we do not ſee him give them ſome conſiderable Blow before they can get into the Field.
Every Year he encreaſes his Troops, and it is ſaid that this Year he adds ſixty Thouſand Men to his Armies, beſides a prodigious Num⯑ber wanting to recruit his old Regiments; ex⯑pect therefore I ſhall in a little while ſend the News of ſome Coup de Eclat on this Side.
[261] Fail not alſo to communicate to the Grand Vizier, that the French reſolve to puſh the Emperor ſo vigorouſly on the Rhine, that he may expect few Troops will be ſpared to go to Hungary this Summer; and the Germans talk already of bringing Six Thouſand Horſe away from the hereditary Countries, which is the ſame thing as from Hungary.
Thou knoweſt, wiſe and penetrating Comman⯑der, what Advantage the happy Port ever made of the inteſtine Broils of the Nazarens, the ve⯑ry firſt Riſe of the Ottoman Name deriv'd from the Weakneſs of the Chriſtian Princes, and that Weakneſs from their being divided one againſt another.: Wiſdom riſes upon the Ruines of Folly, in all Ages and Places in the World, whether Perſonal or National.
Let the Ottoman Glory ſtill riſe; and while the Hands of Infidels and Idolaters are thus lifted up againſt one another, let the Faith⯑ful embrace the Occaſion, and advance the Muſſulman's Empire, till it ſpread the Face of the German Dominions, and ſtrike Terror into the Heart of this great Emperor of the French, who at preſent bids Defiance to the World, and can never be effectually reduced till the Queſtion lies between him and the glorious Emperor of the World.
Paris, 5th of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER II. To the Grand Mufti.
[262]I Once gave a brief Recapitulation of the Hiſtory of Earthquakes to thy holy Slave Elmakem at Trapezond; my Letter was occaſion'd by looking back with Horror and Regret on the Convulſions of Nature, which I have lately met with of that kind, particularly ſome re⯑markable and dreadful Caſualties which have happened in theſe few Years time in theſe Parts of the World.
Here is now a new and moſt dreadful Re⯑turn of this particular kind happened in Ita⯑ly, and the Iſland of Sicily. I intimated in my Letter to Elmakem how theſe kinds of God's Judgments ſeem peculiar to theſe Countries: Thou wilt ſay ſo too when thou ſhall hear the following Story, which is juſt now come to Hand: It was the Ninth of the Firſt Moon, about Four of the Clock in the Morning, that a terrible Farthquake was felt at the City of Meſſina in Sicily: The Protection of Mahomet be upon every true Muſſulman; for certainly the like of this Earthquake was never heard of; eſpecially in ſome of the moſt dreadful Parts of it, of which ſuch undoubted Authorities are brought, that there is no Room to queſtion the Truth. Take the Heads of it as follows, (viz.) At firſt it did no Damage, only that it ſhook the whole City in a moſt frightful Manner, and terrified the People moſt ſtrangely: the greateſt Part of them fled to the Fields, the [263] reſt run to the Moſchs, to make their Pray⯑ers; however, in about three Hours it went off for that Time: But the third Day after, it returned with ſuch Fury, that the whole City was terribly ſhatter'd, the Violence of the Shock in a Moment overturn'd Four and Twenty Palaces, and endanger'd all the reſt of the Buildings; all the People throng'd to the Dome, that is the chief Moſch, where the Arch⯑biſhop preached, and gave that provoking In⯑ſult upon the One God, called ABSOLUTI⯑ON; as did alſo, ſuch is their Deluſion here, a great Number of their Dervices, diſpers'd for that Purpoſe into all the Quarters of the City. After this every Body thought of no⯑thing elſe but eſcaping from the Danger, by re⯑tiring into the Country; thoſe who could ſet up Tents were ſafe from the Injuries of the Wea⯑ther: But many of the others were deſtroyed; the Air being all on a Flame by Reaſon of a moſt terrible Thunder and continual Flaſhes of Lightning: But this is but the leaſt Part of this Story; for notwithſtanding the great Damages done to this City, it was no⯑thing to what many others received; the Towns of Faormina, Maſeal, Madica, the Cities of Agouſta, Catanea, Syracuſe, Carlentino, and ſeveral other conſiderable Cities, Towns, and Provinces, are utterly ruined. Agouſta is become a meer Lake, by Reaſon of a Rupture which the Sea made into that Part where the Houſes ſtood, while at the ſame Time the Lightning flaſhing into the Fortreſs of the City, blew it up into the Air. Catanea was utterly overturned, and Six⯑teen Thouſand Perſons were buried under the Ruins of the great Moſch only; the 18th and 19th, two freſh Jolts gave new Alarms, but with⯑out Damage. Nor is the News from Palermo leſs [264] ſurpriſing; but I have not yet the Particulars; all that is known at preſent is, that the Palace Royal is quite overturn'd, and the Vice-Roy had much a-do to eſcape to the Galleys; it may be truly ſaid, that Sicily is utterly laid waſte, as alſo the lower Calabria, being a Country in the Southermoſt Part of the Kingdom of Naples. 'Tis thought that above a Hundred Thouſand Perſons are deſtroyed in this diſmal Calamity, beſides above Twen⯑ty Thouſand wounded
With this I muſt inform thee a little of the Wickedneſs of the audacious Prieſts in that Country on this Occaſion in particular, (viz.) that as Meſſina received leſs Damage than the other Cities, and for that the People in that Country are very ſuperſtitious, the Monks, who under⯑ſtand how to make their Advantages of the Simplicity of the Country-People, ſpread a⯑broad a Report at the Time of the Earth⯑quake, that the bleſſed Virgin, ſo they call Mary the Mother of the Prophet Jeſus, had revealed to a young Girl of Nine Years of Age in that Ci⯑ty, who was her particular Favourite, that by Means of her Interceſſion ſhe had obtain⯑ed that the City of Meſſina, which is under her Protection, ſhould not be deſtroyed in the common Calamity with the reſt, and this has cauſed a Thouſand idolatrous Extravagances among them, in Gratitude to this Woman; they have dreſt up her Effigie or Image in all the Moſchs, deck'd with Jewels of an ineſti⯑mable Value; they put a Crown upon her Head, and impiouſly call her Queen of Heaven; and all the City, old and young, flow into the Temples to ſay their Prayers to her.
Allow me, tranſcendent Mirror of Piety, Image of the divine Prophet, allow me to [265] expreſs my Abhorrence of ſuch execrable Ido⯑latry, blaſpheming the ineffable Glory of the One great God, who has ſaid, before me only ſhall Men worſhip.
I frequently talk to them of this Woman Mary, and grant to them ſhe was highly ho⯑noured in being the Mother of their Prophet; but I challenge them to ſhew me one Word in all the Inſtitutions, even of their Prophet himſelf, directing his Diſciples to worſhip her, or empowering her to any Part of the Office of an Interceſſor in Heaven, much leſs crown⯑ing her as a Queen, who was her ſelf a poor humble Wife to a mean, and a laborious Me⯑chanick; but they grow angry, and croſs them⯑ſelves, as if they ſaw the Devil when I talk thus, and calling me Hugonot, tell me, if I was in Italy, I ſhould be ſent to the Inquiſition; ſo I talk of ſomething elſe.
But to return to the Story: The Citizens of Catanea found, to their Coſt, the Impotence of the like Church-Pageantry; for tho' the Dervices there, brought forth the Image of St. Agatha, another old Woman, who they have made an Idol of too, and who they call Patroneſs of that City, and that many Thou⯑ſand of the poor frighted People fled after her to the great Moſque or Cathedral, grovel⯑ling on the Ground on their Hands and Knees to their Saint; yet they were all involv'd in the general Deſtruction; for the whole Cathedral being tranſvers'd by the Earthquake, the poor Votaries, with their Saint, were buried in the Ruines of that very Church they fled to for Safety. It is ſaid no leſs than 8000 People, chiefly Women, Children, and Prieſts, periſh⯑ed in that one Mo [...]que.
[266] There is not ſo much as one Edifice left ſtanding in that whole City; infinite Num⯑bers of People are maimed and bruiſed, be⯑ſides thoſe who are kill'd, and very few eſca⯑ped but ſuch as got into the Fields; for as for the Sea, it retreated above two Miles from them by the firſt riſing of the Earth.
Immortal Prince of the Prieſts of Mahomet, fill all the faithful Muſſulmans with a juſt Contempt of the Idolatry of Infidels; for which, no doubt, theſe Strokes of the Anger of the great Alla, the God of Thunder, is fallen up⯑on them.
Paris, 20th of the 1ſt Moon, of the Year, 1693.
LETTER III. To Haſſan El Abmenzai, Steward to the Sultanneſs Alfaraiza.
IT is the Sum of humane Miſery to have no Body to communicate our Joys and Griefs with: The Heart is not able to con⯑tain its own Exceſſes, but they will break out; and if we have not a Friend to unburthen the Soul to, it will diſcover its Burthen in every Line of the Countenance.
Old Nathan the Jew, furniſh'd me with an Equivalent for this Violence of the Mind, [267] which was a kind of a Charm, repeating a cer⯑tain Number of Words in (a Corruption of) the Syriac Tongue, and then to tell my whole Story with my Face towards the Sun, as if I were talking to a particular Friend.
But all theſe things have appeared empty Shadows to me, and my Heart has been ready to burſt for theſe thirteen Moons paſt, with the violent Agitations of Joy and Deſpair, re⯑volving in their Turns, equally ſtrong and equally unſupportable.
It was next to impoſſible for me to conceal the Tranſports of my Soul, when I had, by three ſeveral Expreſſes from the Port, the moſt comforting agreeable News, that the Grand Seignior, the Lord of benign and heavenly Council, the merciful Rewarder of his faith⯑ful Slaves, had heard my repeated Prayers, and had granted me licence to return to the Graves of my Fathers, and to cloſe an Age of Miſery and Retirement with the Conſolation of the Faithful, (viz.) to die at the Feet of our great Prophet, kiſſing the Steps of his Tomb, and the Duſt of the Feet of ten Millions of Pilgrims.
This happy News was ſeconded by ano⯑ther no leſs agreeable, from the Reis Effendi, wherein he congratulates my compleating my Deſires, and gives me the Name of my Suc⯑ceſſor, viz.) Ali Mezzawar of Damaſcas, my old Friend and Acquaintance, who has for many Years reſided, for the Service of the illuſtrious Port, among the reconciled Rebels of Algier.
At the ſame time that this happy News made glad my Heart, I received Letters from Ali himſelf, to whom a Chaioux had been ſent, with Orders to him to repair to Paris, intimating how readily he would obey [268] thoſe Orders, and that he was juſt taking Ship for Marſeilles, in order to come to Paris.
Judge you, my Friend, how ſurprizing all theſe good Tidings were to a Soul ready al⯑moſt to fly out of its Priſon at the firſt Ac⯑count of it, and who had lived eleven Moons in the moſt perfect State of Satisfaction that it was poſſible for me to repreſent to my ſelf in the World, inſomuch that I fed, as it were, upon the Air of Expectation, with a Mind ſa⯑tisfied even to a Surfeit of Contentment.
Nay, as if Fate intended to ſport with my Misfortunes, and I was ſtill to be made more miſerable than any Man was before me, I was ſtill lifted up higher, to add to the Weight of my Fall, and to daſh me utterly in pieces by the Force of it. In a Word, my Deliverer arriv'd, and I received a Letter from him, da⯑ted at Marſeilles, where he landed, aſſuring me that he loſt no Time to come forward, and promiſed himſelf a ſingular Pleaſure in diſ⯑miſſing me, and ſetting me at full Liberty for my Return.
Is it poſſible that all this could be an Ignis fatuus, to enſnare my Mind, and plunge me in the deepeſt Deſpair; was there any thing now but the ſingle Hazard of Mortality between me and my Deliverance? who would not have looked upon himſelf as a Freeman, and have begun to truſs up his Baggage to depart?
But ſee the Product of ſurprizing Decrees, the next Letter I received was from Chalons, where my dear Friend was taken ſick, and ſent an Expreſs, a faithful Meſſenger, to deſire me to come to him thither, for that he was dange⯑rouſly ill.
It was with a Surprize of Grief, that I re⯑ceived this Account, and immediately I poſt⯑ed [269] to Chalons; but it was with an inexpreſſible Sorrow, that when I came to him he had but juſt Life left in him enough to know me, and being not able to ſpeak, expired in my Arms.
Thus all my Comforts are blaſted at once, and the Hopes I had entertained of being ſee free from the diconſolate Circumſtances I am in, are entirely cut off.
It was with great Secrecy that I cauſed his Body to be waſhed with clean Water, and having hired a Carriage, which they call here a Hearſe, I embalmed the Corps, and cauſed it to be put into a Coffin of Lead, and went away with it as travelling for Paris.
When I came upon the Road to a Place where the Ways parted, ſloaping one towards the Right, and the other towards the Left, I diſcharged the Hearſe and its Attendance, ha⯑ving told them, that another Hearſe was to meet me there, and ſo ſetting the Coffin upon the Ground, they went their Way. Here, with a juſt Solemnity of Tears, I buried my deceaſed Friend, laying the Coffin on one Side with his Face towards the ſacred Repoſitory at Mecca, that he may awake again with his Eyes direct⯑ly againſt the golden Gate at the Entrance in⯑to Paradiſe.
And now I am a diſconſolate Mourner in⯑deed; condole with me, my Friend Haſſan, and deliver the Letter here incloſed to the Reis Effendi, that I may obtain another Succeſſor, and may not die here among Mahomet's Ene⯑mies, and my Duſt be blended with that of Infidels, Enemies to Mahomet, Blaſphemers and Idolaters.
Think of Mahmut, O you my Friends, who have the Joy of being ſurrounded with the Tem⯑ples of the Faithful, and who ſay your Prayers [270] in their juſt Courſes, to the great Prophet, and to the great One God, the common Father of all the true Muſſulmans; think what it is to be excluded from the Society of the Bleſ⯑ſed, and left to ſtarve here with the Hunger of diſappointed Expectations.
Paris, 5th Day of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER IV. To the Mufti.
THESE Nazarens are the moſt addicted to Fiction and Forgery of any People that ever I met with; it is a received Cu⯑ſtom among them, that whenever they have to do with any Sect or Opinion of People, differing from their own, the firſt thing they go about is, to repreſent them as monſtrous and unnatural, either in Perſon or in Princi⯑ple, or perhaps in both; dreſſing them up in ridiculous Shapes, and impoſing a Thouſand Stories about them upon the Credulity and Ignorance of the Vulgar, that they may en⯑tertain immoveable Prejudices and Averſions againſt the Perſons and Principles they pro⯑feſs.
It would amaze thee, illuſtrious Prince of Wiſdom, to hear what abſurd romantick Tales, what imaginary Hiſtories, and what innumera⯑ble forged Stories, they tell of our ſublime [271] Prophet Mahomet; in what Colours they repre⯑ſent him, and the ſacred Inſtitutions of our Law, which we are ſatisfied were handed from Heaven to us by his Miniſtration.
What fabulous Miracles they muſter up to be pretended by him; how he uſed Sorcery and Witchcraft, and feigned the Inſpiration of the Spirit of God by the Help of a Pidgeon; how his Tomb, in which is his Coffin, hangs ſuſpend⯑ed in the Air between Heaven and Earth; and what ſtrange Inſpirations and Agitations he was repreſented by to his Followers; all which the true Muſſulmans diſown, and take no Notice of.
We have a famous Inſtance of this juſt now among themſelves in the Court of their horri⯑ble Inquiſition, where they dreſs the People up whom they determine to the Flames, in Coats painted all over with Devils and tor⯑menting Spirits, to fill the Minds of the People with Horror and Deteſtation at the poor Vi⯑ctims; determining them to be Enemies to God and his Church, hating and abhorring them as ſuch, without enquiring into any thing of which they are accuſed.
There is another Example of their Injuſtice in the Story of Father Molinos, a Dervice of great Fame among them, and who they call the Quietiſt; becauſe he placed the Sum of Religion in the ſecret Contemplations of the great One God, and declared againſt the Pa⯑geantry of Worſhip with which the Nazarens abound.
I cou'd not doubt but thou wouldſt be plea⯑ſed with ſome Account of this extraordinary Man, of his Principles, and of his End, which has been in the Priſons of the Inquiſition, where he was condemn'd to remain during [272] Life; his Name was Michael de Molinos, a Spa⯑niard by Birth, and of a very good Family and Fortune
He betook himſelf to ſtudy from his Youth, wrote ſeveral Books before he commenc'd a Dervice or Prieſt. In the Year 1625. he pub⯑liſh'd one of theſe Books under the Title of the ſpiritual Guide, which won him the Eſteem of ſeveral Cardinals, or ſuch as afterwards were made Cardinals; as the Cardinals Coloredo, At⯑tieri, Petrucii, (the laſt of which Molinos call'd his Tomotheus) Caſſanata, Azolini, and Carpegna, together with Cardinal d'Eſtrees, who, of all the reſt, was he who moſt familiarly viſited him, and ſhew'd him moſt Affection, and Ten⯑derneſs; but at laſt betrayed him. This Book he wrote argues very ſtrenuouſly againſt Pen⯑nances, Mortifications, Viſions, Extaſies, vocal Prayers, the Abuſes of Confeſſion, and the Inſipidneſs of Catholick Sermons and Books; and, in a Word, againſt all their eccleſiaſtick Frippery, by which they carry on the Cheat of their Re⯑ligion at Rome among the People, and from whence they ſpread the Fraud over the World.
The next Year Cardinal Odeſchalchi being created Pope, under the Name of Innocent XI. was no ſooner inſtall'd, but he gave apparent Marks of his Friendſhip to Molinos, by open Familiarity with him, lodging him in the Va⯑tican, and converſing with him on Affairs of the greateſt Conſequence, which acquir'd him the Reſpect of all Men; and his Method was ſo applauded at Rome, that except the Jeſuits, the moſt Part of the Confeſſors followed it, and cauſed their Penitents to quit their Roſa⯑ries, and betake themſelves to mental Prayers, and a contemplative Life. Cardinal d'Eſtrees [273] alſo, that he might contribute to the Propa⯑gation of this Doctrine, cauſed to be tranſla⯑ted out of French into Italian a certain Book, entitul'd, An eaſie way to raiſe a Soul to Contem⯑plation; and at the ſame Time Father Petruci? publiſh'd ſeveral Letters, and ſome Treatiſes upon the ſame Subject. If ever there was any real Danger that the Nazarens ſhould return to the firſt Principles of their Prophet Jeſus, and worſhip God in the Spirit; if ever the Fraud of Popes and Cardinals was in a way to be effectually overthrown; in a Word, if ever the Popes and popiſh Tribe were like to turn Hu⯑gonots, now was the Time; but the Jeſuits, who were too cunning not to ſee the Dan⯑ger, and to ward off the Blow, finding the new Doctrine of Molinos get Ground, and that all People forſook the Confeſſionals, thought it Time to lay about them; and therefore taking the Alarm, in behalf of Religion, they firſt branded Molinos for a Heretick, and accuſed him for denying the Trinity, ſo they call their Doctrine of three Perſons or as we call it, of three Gods; maliciouſly inferring, that his Maxims tended to the deſtroying the Humanity of their Prophet Jeſus; they likewiſe insinuated, that he was an Enemy to Prayer, becauſe he affirmed, that the Perfection of the Soul [...]iſted not in ſpeaking, nor in thinking of God, but in the lo⯑ving him after an extraordinary Manner▪ They accuſed him that he made all Chriſtians in⯑different, becauſe he adds, that Men ought not to diſturb themſelves when they fall into any Tranſ⯑greſſion; but to make their Advantage of [...] This was occaſioned by a Prayer which he calls a Prayer of Quietude, and the Maxim they called Hereſie, is now called Quietiſm. Theſe Accu⯑ſations, [274] and ſome others, made ſuch a Noiſe, that the Inquiſition took Cognizance of 'em; but the Office for that Time found nothing blame-worthy in Molinos, or in his Doctrine; beſides, the Pope gave a Biſhoprick to Father Petrucii, who was one of Molinos's moſt zea⯑lous Diſciples. This put the Jeſuits almoſt out of their Wits; ſo that they cauſed a Re⯑port to be whiſper'd about, that the Biſhop being a Spainard, he might as well be of the Race of the Jews; but this did not hinder the Num⯑ber of the Quietiſts from encreaſing every Day.
However, as I ſaid above, the Cardinal de Eſtrees influenced, it ſeems, from hence; for the Jeſuits have all the Power here in France, betray⯑ed him, and from his greateſt Friend, became his Accuſer and Enemy, and left not till he got him into the Priſons of the Inquiſition, where he ended his Days; for it is no eaſie thing for any Man to get out of ſuch Hands, when he is once abandon'd of his Protectors, let his Quality be what it will, or his Inno⯑cence ever ſo clear.
I think this Man was brought to the En⯑trance of Truth, and had he been enlightened by the Beams of Churuth, and the bleſſed Viſion of Alluzared, the Angel of Paradiſe; had he been guided ſo, as to come into the Society of the Faith⯑ful, he would have been a juſt and a wiſe Man, qualified for the immortal Contemplations of Ha⯑ [...]imut, and the Plains of Illumination; but as he was ſo near the Truth, it could not be expect⯑ed that he ſhould eſcape the Perſecutions of the Sons of Error.
Enlightened Guide to immortal Truth, bleſs the Eyes of thoſe, who, ſearching after ſublime Contemplation, are raiſed above the Enjoy⯑ments [275] of Life, and give themſelves up to the Enquiry after exalted Wiſdom.
Paris, 4th of the 2d Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER V. To the Grand Vizier.
THE Devil muſt certainly deal with the French Kings Generals, whether the French King deals with the Devil or no, that I cannot tell. It is true, his new great General, the Duke of Luxemberg, of whom I am now to ſpeak, has been charg'd with it, and many Ac⯑counts have been made publick about his be⯑ing a Sorcerer, that he was invulnerable, and that the Devil had engaged to keep him free from Sword and Gun for a certain Term of Years.
I do not affirm theſe things; but as it is cer⯑tainly true, that the Nazarens have ſome Peo⯑ple among them ſo abandon'd of Heaven, as to enter into ſecret Compacts with Hell, what Wonder if thoſe, who are already deluded into Infidelity, ſhould be capable of the Extremes of all Deluſions, and outdo thoſe Nations in Wickedneſs who never heard of a divine Law, or a ſovereign divine Being.
[276] But to return to the Duke of Luxemberg, they do not indeed ſtick to ſay here, that he is a Witch or Wizard, and that he has a ſecret in⯑fernal Correſpondence; but they do not ſay that he is any forwarder for that to expoſe him⯑ſelf to Sword or Gun, or to venture his Fleſh farther than other Generals when he comes to Action.
But he does the greateſt things in the Field, and is ſo much maſter of Fortune, that the amaz'd People ſtand and look on with Sur⯑prize, and ſay, he deals with the Devil. He has now given the greateſt Blow to the Con⯑federates that ever they have yet received, and, contrary to the Expectations of all the World, has firſt drawn the confederate Army into that irrecoverable Overſight of dividing their Army, and then forcing them to fight with an Inequality of Forces.
The King of England, who is now very juſt⯑ly eſteemed the greateſt General the Confede⯑rates have, has been always forward to bring the French to a Battle; eager to fight, but vigi⯑lant not to be taken at an Advantage; but however vigilant, he was, the Duke, has over⯑reached him: The two Armies lay encamp'd upon the little Mehaign, a River on that Side of the Netherlands next to Namure, their Numbers about 70000 Men on a Side, not much odds on one Side or other.
The French General having taken Huy before the Confederates could come up to relieve it, made evident Shews of attacking the City of Liege, where there was a Garriſon; but as the Place was large, and not capable of Defence, the King of England ſent away, in ſeveral Detach⯑ments, about 16 Battallions of Men, with Orders to encamp under the Cannon of the Town, and [277] fortifie themſelves, which they did ſo ſtrong⯑ly as not to be attack'd, but in the Forms of a Siege: The Duke made ſhew of falling up⯑on them with his whole Army, and in the mean time the Mareſchal d'Harcourt lay with a Body of 11000 Men as a flying Camp, poſted at a Diſtance from the Army towards Huy; and this obliged the King of England alſo to make another ſtrong Detachment to watch his Motions.
Theſe Detachments reduced the Confederate Army to about 52000 Men; the D. of Luxemberg taking hold of this Advantage faces about with his whole Army, at the ſame Time giving ſecret Or⯑ders to the Mareſ. d'Harcourt to decamp with all poſſible Secrecy with his Cavalry only, which were 32 Squadrons, and join him, which he perform'd ſo well, as to come up in the Heat of the Battle, while the other Body ſent to obſerve him knew nothing of his March.
Thus every thing conſpir'd to give the French the Advantage: The confederate Army, tho' inferior in Number, was compoſed of ſome of the choiceſt Troops in thoſe Parts of the World, pick'd ſelect Regiments out of all the Nations concern'd, and led on by the greateſt Generals they had, ſuch as the Prince of Orange, whom the World now calls King of England, tho' we do not here give him that Title; a Prince whoſe Courage and Gal⯑lantry they ſpeak very well of here, tho' they hate his Perſon; alſo the Elector of Bavaria was there, and a World of Princes and Noblemen of all the Nations concern'd in the War.
They had about half a Day's Notice of the Battle, and ſome blam'd the King that he did not retreat, but in Truth he had not Time; for the French would have been upon him be⯑fore [278] it had been poſſible to have carried off his Cannon and Baggage, and would have put all in Confuſion; ſo he reſolved to fight.
Nothing more ſurpriz'd the French, than to find, that when they view'd the Confederate-Army over Night, they ſaw them drawn up in Battalia in the open Field; but in the Morning, when the Fight was to begin, found them entrench'd up to the Teeth, with a re⯑gular Parapet in Front, and in a Poſture not to be attack'd without infinite Diſadvantage.
Then it was that the Duke was adviſed to retire, and give it over; but he was gone too far to retreat with Honour, and reſolved to attack them coſt what it would.
Never was a more terrible Fight; 'tis in vain to deſcribe it to thee, it would take up a Book, not a Letter. The Attacks were ſo fu⯑rious, the Defence ſo reſolute and obſtinate, that nothing that is humane can be ſuppoſed to do more; the French found every Avenue ſo guarded, every Regiment ſo well poſted, ſeconded and ſupported, that they ſaw it im⯑poſſible to penetrate any where but in one Village, and there the Flower of the Confede⯑rate-Troops were poſted; ſo that the Reſiſtance was terrible.
They attack'd this Village with ſuch Fury, that they drove out or cut in pieces all the Troops poſted there; but in a Moment freſh Troops attack'd them again, and drove them out with the ſame Fury and Slaughter.
Judge, illuſtrious Ali, thou who haſt ſeen the moſt bloody Attacks, and the moſt obſti⯑nate Defences at Bude, Belgrade, and all the other great Actions of the War in Hungary, where thou ſo often haſt repell'd the Fury of the Germans, to their Confuſion; judge what [279] Slaughter muſt be the Conſequence of taking and loſing this Village three times in this Manner in the Space of about five Hours.
At laſt the Duke of Luxemberg putting the Sum of the whole Battle upon this one Action, came on the third Time, and carried the Vil⯑lage, ſuccouring his Troops ſo well, and ſup⯑porting them with ſuch Numbers, that they could not be diſlodg'd; and when the King of England would have attack'd them again, he found ſome of his beſt Troops ſo diſcouraged by the Danger of the Service, that they did not do their Duty, nay, as it is ſaid, refuſed to march.
Upon breaking in here, the Duke of Bavaria preſs'd the King to give it over, who was him⯑ſelf leading up his own Guards, Engliſh and Dutch, to drive the French back; but the Duke aſſuring the King that the French had entered ſo many Troops that it was impoſſible to re⯑move them, prevailed on him, with much Difficulty, to make a Retreat before the Troops were puſh'd into Diſorder; upon which the King immediately ordered the left Wing of his Army to draw off, and with his uſual Preſence of Mind made a deſperate Stand in the Rear till they were quite clear off the Field of Battle.
But his Right had not ſuch good luck; for the French having driven them from their Poſts, and having form'd themſelves in two Lines within the Entrenchments, no ſooner ſaw them begin their Retreat, but they attack'd them with ſuch Vigour, that they put them into the utmoſt Confuſion; eſpecially the Cavalry, who coming to a little River, which was in their Rear, called the Geet, and the Bridges not be⯑ing able to receive them, they tumbled into [280] it one over another, that tho' there was ſcarce Water enough to drown them, they were ra⯑ther ſtifled in the Mud with the Weight of one another, than drowned in the Water.
Several whole Squadrons ſeeing the Conſe⯑quence of attempting to paſs the River, choſe rather to face about and charge again; but there being nothing but Deſperation in ſuch an Attempt, they were all cut in pieces.
In ſhort, the French have an entire Victory; they have taken 76 Pieces of Cannon, 8 Mor⯑tars, above a Hundred Colours, Standards, and Kettle-Drums, with all their Carriages, Am⯑munition, and Baggage, five General Officers, 200 other Officers, and 2000 Soldiers; and we are told that the Enemy has left 12000 Men kill'd on the Field of Battle, beſides the wound⯑ed, which are at leaſt as many.
This Victory is ſo much the more glorious to France, becauſe the Confederates lay ſo much Streſs upon the Goodneſs of the Troops, and the Conduct of the King of England, that they thought it impoſſible they ſhould be bea⯑ten; but that Confidence has often times been the Ruin of great Armies.
It is true, the Loſs of Men is exceeding great in the French Army, and eſpecially a⯑mong the Officers, of whom they have loſt abundance, and a great many even of the King's own Blood are wounded; for the ter⯑rible Conflict in the Village, and the Manner in which they carried on the Attack, was ſuch, that their Loſs of Men muſt be very great.
They own here the Loſs of 5286 Men kill⯑ed and wounded; but others ſpeak of three Times that Number.
[281] Let the Infidels fight, and tear one another to Pieces, that the Faithful may triumph over them; but Peace be in the illuſtrious Port for ever.
Paris, 10th of the 8th Moon, of the Year, 1693.
LETTER VI. To the Selictar Aga, or Chief Sword-Bearer to the Sultan Achmet, Lord of the illuſtrious among Men, Prince of the Kings of the three Corners of the Earth.
THERE is not a more empty and inſig⯑nificant Pageantry on Earth than this the Nazarens make ſuch a Noiſe about the World with, (viz.) about Orders of Knight⯑hood.
Old Sultan Saladine, the happy Leader of the victorious Muſſulman, expoſed the Nazaren Knights to the laſt Degree of Ridicule and Laughter. In the Account of his glorious Vi⯑ctories over the enthuſiaſtick Crowds, rather than Armies, of thoſe Fools that pretended to [282] fight for the Sepulchre of Jeſus, had ſeveral of theſe ſort of People Priſoners in his Ar⯑mies, who cauſed them to be led about in Chains, with all their Trumpery, their Croſſes, their Caps, their Mantles and Saſhes, and after⯑wards hang'd them; they carried always ſuch a ridiculous Weight of Trophies and Badges of one ſort or another, as render'd them more like Porters, bearing a vaſt Burthen on their Backs, than Men prepared to buckle with an Adver⯑ſary.
One of theſe, a Prince by Birth, and of a Sovereign Title, was taken by one of the Sul⯑tan's Dwarfs, and for the Honour of the pig⯑my Soldier, Saladine cauſed him to lead his Priſoner by a Halter tied about his Neck through the Saracen Camp; in a Word, they were at laſt a Shame to their own People, and have been with good Reaſon wholly extirpated, except a ſorry Remain of them at the Iſland of Maltha, where they fled after the immortal So⯑lyman, the magnificent Emperor of the Muſſul⯑mans, drove them from the Iſle of Rhodes.
Here, (viz) at Maltha, they live by Rapin, Piracy, and Mock-Piety, and carry on the Cheat of their Knighthood among thoſe that pleaſe to be cheated; but at preſent their Re⯑putation is very low.
But however, the firſt Contrivers of theſe honorary Trifles have ſunk, the thing it ſelf re⯑mains; and the Nazarens are ſo fond of it, that there is now ſcarce a Nation without what they call their Order of Knighthood; the King of Spain and the Emperor have that of the golden Fleece, the King of England the Garter, and the King of France a blaſphemous Order, called Knights of the Holy Ghoſt. I could ſay much of the Impiety of it, if I were one of thoſe [283] who believe the Divinity of the Holy Ghoſt; but that is not to the Caſe before me.
The Order of the Garter, which is that of the King of England, is a merry Inſtitution, and ſounds well enough, being conceived in a Frolick of one of their King's, dancing with a Lady, who drop'd a blue Ribband from her Leg, which they call a Garter, which the amo⯑rous King took up, and wore over his Shoulder; which blue Ribband is, to this Day, the chief Orna⯑ment of the Order; this laſt Month it was ſent as a mighty Piece of Honour to the Elector of Saxony, who received the gawdy Triſle with wonderful Acknowledgments, and all poſſible Ceremony, wearing the blue Ribband above his Cloaths wherever he goes.
The like Compliment the King of Spain has made to Prince Lewis of Baden, of the Order of the golden Fleece; and that great Warriour walks about with the Image of a dead Sheep hanging about his Neck. One would think theſe People were mad, that upon every Whim⯑ſie make the meaneſt Animals the Trophy of Honour to them, as in their Heraldry, another of their ſumptuary Whimſies, one carries a Goat's Head for his Device, another a Bunch of Hops; and an eminent Family in England, I have heard, give three Owles for their Em⯑blem or Coat of Diſtinction, which Bird they nevertheleſs eſteem as the moſt contemptible. Another great Family here ſhews a Crab, and another yet greater, a Ladder, to ſay nothing of their Veneration to a Croſs, which is to them the higheſt of all Enſigns, tho' it be no⯑thing leſs or more than a Gibbet or a Wheel, is (viz) an Engine of Horror and Death.
But to go back to the Order of the dead She [...]; for ſo it ought to be called. I ſhall give thee [284] from their Hiſtories a Summary of its Antiqui⯑ty and Inſtitution, and that in few Words, and leave the ridiculous Part to thy wiſer Ob⯑ſervation.
The Order of the golden Fleece was inſtitu⯑ted at Bruges by Philip the good, Duke of Burgundy, in the Year 1429. who commanded that all who were admitted into this Order ſhould carry, in a Collar compoſed of Steel, flint Stones, and St. Andrew's Croſſes, the Repreſentation of a Sheep; the Spaniards generally believe that this Order was inſtituted in Honour of the holy Virgin and St. Andrew, by Reaſon of an Appa⯑rition of an Angel that appeared to a certain Countryman, and gave him a Fleece of Gold, commanding him withal to raiſe Forces under that Standard, and ſo exſpel the Moors out of Spain. Others believe it to have been inſtitu⯑ted in Memory of the great Gain which the Dukes of Burgundy got by Wool. Others, in Remembrance of Gidcon's Fleece, who, with Three Hundred Men, defeated the whole Ar⯑my of the Midianites: The Chymiſts will have it to be a chymical Myſtery, in Imitation of the famous golden Fleece of the Ancients, which the moſt Refined in that Art ſay was no more than the Secret of their Elixir written in Parch⯑ment. Others pretend, that it owes the In⯑ſtitution of it to the fiſhing for Gold in ſome Rivers of Spain, at which Time they uſed to fling a Sheep's Fleece into the Water, and after it had lain a little while, draw it up again, and picked out the Grains of Gold that ſtuck to the Wool, which was practis'd formerly by the Inhabitants of Calchis, who by that Means became ſo rich, that they drew the covetous Argonauts to invade them and make themſelves Maſters of their Wealth; but they who ima⯑gine [285] that all theſe Orders owe their Originals to the Gallantries of Princes, affirm, that it was in Memory of a Lady's Combings, whoſe Hair was extreamly white, and with whom Philip the good was paſſionately in Love; however it were, it is a very ancient and honourable Or⯑der, in Regard that the King of Spain not only wears it himſelf, but preſents it to Foreign Princes: The Habit of the Order is a Coat of Cloth of Silver, a Mantle of Crimſon Velvet, and a Hood of Violet colour'd Velvet.
Happy the inſpired Genius of the Faithful, who, deſpiſing this taffety Glory, eſtabliſh their Names on the Baſis of Virtue, and make themſelves truly great by their own heroick Actions, leaving the Praiſe of their Deeds to the Trophies and Garlands of the inlighten'd Train of Beauties in the Garden of Pleaſure, who deſpiſe the Enſigns of temporary Honour, expecting a ſublimer Fame among the Millions of Heroes, whoſe Blood has raiſed the Muſſul⯑mans Empire above the Songs or the Tongues of Men; and whoſe Merit ſeeming to lie in the Duſt of Oblivion, ſhall riſe like a Comet, re⯑ſound in Glory, and enlighten with its Luſtre the Vallies of Beauty in the Garden of Pleaſure.
Paris, the 15th of 6th Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER VII. To Muſtapha Oſman, a Dervice of Adrianople, his Friend.
[286]HERE is ſuch a Tale of Nazaren Super⯑ſtition told here juſt now as thou haſt not heard of, I believe, in many Years; and as I dare affirm, may challenge all the Follies of the blindeſt Ages of Paganiſm in the World to ſhew any thing like it.
Thou art no Stranger to the Manner of the Nazaren's Devotion, having lived among them ſo long at Vienna, where they are as devout, that is, as ſuperſtitious as any where; among the reſt of their Fopperies, thou knoweſt they make Allazehiah, or conſecrate a little Bit of Wafer, or Bread, which they perſuade the People to believe; mark, I do not ſay they believe it themſelves, I ſay they perſuade the People to believe that this Piece of Bread is turned, by the Croſſings and Mutterings of Words which they uſe over it, into the Subſtance, the very Body, Bones, Blood and Fleſh of the Son of Mary, who they worſhip and call their Saviour.
In a Word, I ſpeak it with Horror, they call this conſecrated Wafer the real God that made them and the whole Globe of Heaven and Earth; and this Trifle of their own ma⯑king they adore, as if Jeſus the Son of Mary were really there. Were this Jeſus, who they call their Prophet, to come down from the Manſions of Paradiſe, where he is ſurrounded [287] with Glory inconceivable, with the four mighty Prophets that went before him, and where we believe our great Prophet ſhines in unſufferable Light with him; I ſay, were he to deſcend hither, and ſee what a paltry De⯑mi-God they ſubſtitute in his Place, and what Adoration they pay to it in his ſtead, he would certainly ſcourge this Idol out of his Worſhip, and out of the Moſchs of his Worſhippers, as he did the Pawn-Brokers out of the Temple at Jeruſalem.
But to return to the Biggotry of the Naza⯑rens. It was near a City called Bruges in Flan⯑ders, where the Scene I am to repreſent to thee was laid: A certain ſacrilegious Wretch, who had, thou mayeſt be ſure, leſs Venerati⯑on for the Son of Mary than for the golden Pix, ſo they call the Veſſel in which theſe con⯑ſecrated Gods are placed, and left upon the Altar in their Moſchs; or if not ſo, did not perhaps believe the Truth of the Prieſts Allega⯑tions, (viz.) that God was laid up in the little Gold Box upon the Altar; I ſay, this Thief ha⯑ving more Mind to the Gold, than Veneration for the thing repoſited, broke into the Moſch in the Night, and ſtole it away.
The City, thou mayeſt imagine, was in a great Uproar upon the Diſcovery of ſuch a dreadful Crime; the Moſch or Church was in⯑terdicted for 60 Days, and ſhut up, being eſteemed unclean after a Wretch ſo impious had ſet his Foot in it. The Gates of the City were immediately ſhut, as if a Murtherer had been to be ſearch'd for; and the ſtrict Enquiry was ſuch, that it was impoſſible the Criminal could eſcape.
When he was apprehended, the main thing which was enquired of was, what he had [288] done with the Deity, as they eſteemed it to be, which the Man, not without torturing to Extremity, at length confeſs'd he had thrown into a Houſe of Office
This was received with the utmoſt Amaze⯑ment and Surprize; the Criminal was put to Death with moſt exquiſite Torment, being broken alive upon the Wheel, after his Fleſh had been firſt torn with burning Pinchers.
But that which is behind is more ſtrange ſtill; for no ſooner was it known where the Wretch had caſt the Hoſt, ſo they call the conſecrated Wafer I have named to thee; but the People flock'd Day and Night to the un⯑clean Place, to ſay their Prayers to the Idol, ſwallowed up in Excrement; they continued this ſtinking Devotion with ſuch Zeal, that the fineſt Ladies were not aſhamed to be ſeen kneel⯑ing in that naſty Place, and crowding one another almoſt to Death to get in; nay, if any one had fallen in; for it was a deep Vault, I believe they would have eſteemed it merito⯑rious of Heaven; nor would they have ſuffer⯑ed the Filth to have been wiped off of their Clothes, leaſt any Part of the holy Article ſhould have been mingled with it.
In a Word, the whole City concerned them⯑ſelves in the thing, and to expiate the Of⯑fence which was committed within their Walls, they cauſed the Vault, full of Filth as it was, to be arched over, and a Chappel to be built there, which is actually done, and thither the biggotted Citizens go to ſay their Prayers Morning and Evening.
Righteous Oſman, view the Enthuſiaſm of blinded Zeal in theſe Infidels, with a juſt Ab⯑horrence, and rejoice in paying a more pure Devotion to the great One God in the Moſchs [289] of the Faithful; ſurely the Nazarens have for⯑gotten the Inſtitutes of their great Prophet, wherein he taught them a more reaſonable Ser⯑vice, and are worſhiping a worſe God than ever the Egyptians did.
But nothing is more true, than that Ignorance accompanying Devotion will lead Men to do the meaneſt, vile and loathſome things, if they are but once perſwaded it is meritorious, as theſe Nazarens believe: If ever theſe People are accepted by their great Prophet upon the Me⯑rit of theſe Devotions, Jeſus, the Son of Mary, muſt be a meaner Perſon than even we, the Followers of Mahomet, believ'd him to be.
Paris, 10th of the 4th Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER VIII. To Muley Hamet Mahomozzi, an Egyptian at Medina, a Maſter in the Study of Magic.
THOU knoweſt, old Friend Muley, that I always condemned the Art thou haſt ſo many Years made thy Study; that I thought it an unperforming romancing Piece of Froth; that I recommended to thee rather the Study of Antiquity and Hiſtory, and to reſtore to the World the firſt Ages of the Arabs, and the migh⯑ty Wars and magnanimous Deeds of our Ance⯑ſtors the Saracens; the founding their glorious Empire, ſince devolved upon the invincible Sultan, our glorious Emperor, upon whoſe Head be Ten Thouſand Years of Joy in the bright Paths of Paradiſe.
[290] Otherwiſe I recommended to thy capable Genius the Study of Aſtronomy, the Search into the Motions, Magnitude, Diſtance, Re⯑volutions, and Eclypſes of all the heavenly Bodies; but to turn Sorcerer and Magician in thy old Age, and to have all thoſe illuminated Parts which formed thy Genius, and made thee capable of mounting thy Thoughts up to Heaven; I ſay, to have theſe all ſink down to Hell; and inſtead of ranging through the ſhining Mazes of Light in the Summits of Paradiſe, be groping continually in the Dark⯑neſs of Tophet, where you can have no Light but that of the infernal Pit, no Oracle but that of the Arch-Devil Beelzebub, and in which thy higheſt Qualification or Acquire⯑ment muſt be that of bringing evil Tidings to the World; this is an unaccountable Folly.
But I found thee obſtinate and unperſua⯑dable, ſo I left thee to go on till old Age and Experience ſhould bring thee to ſee thy ſelf in the wrong, and that all the wonderful Pretences thou haſt made to the Knowledge of hidden things, amount to no more than the Tale of a roaſted Horſe.
And now after thirty Years Study, and all the Searches thou haſt made into the dark Regions of Horror; after all thy Acquaintance with the Inhabitants of the Air, and with the World of Spirits; here's a Device among the Nazarens, that, I dare ſay, has outdone thee in all that thou haſt not only arrived to thy ſelf, but in all that thou haſt ever heard of that any one elſe arriv'd to; nay, I much que⯑ſtion whether the Prince of evil Spirits him⯑ſelf, were he permitted to aſſume humane Shape, could act the like amazing things as this Man has done.
[291] It is a Religieuſe, or a Student, as he calls himſelf, of the City of Leon, who carries about with him a ſhaking Rod: I fancy it ſometimes to be juſt ſuch another as that miraculous Rod which Moſes carried in his Hand when he ſtretched it out to bring Plagues and Deſolati⯑on upon thy Forefathers the Egyptians. This Prieſt, by the Means of this Rod or Wand, diſcovers Treaſon, Conſpiracies, Murther, and Robbery; finds out loſt Treaſure, forgotten Land; marks ſecret Adulteries; and, in a Word, detects all ſorts of Fraud, Lying, and malicious, falſe Accuſations.
It was preſently ſaid this Man dealt with the Devil, and they talk'd of burning him for a Wizard or Familiar; but he confound⯑ed them with asking, whether it was the De⯑vil's Buſineſs to detect Crimes, or to prompt Men to Crimes; to do good, or to do evil; intimating, that his Rod was qualified to ex⯑poſe Wickedneſs, diſcover all ſorts of Villa⯑nies, and bring Offenders to Juſtice; but had no Power to prompt or encourage any thing that was evil. And this ſaved the Man from Cenſure.
There is no more doubt of the Truth of his Performance, than there is poſſibility of gueſ⯑ſing by what Means it is performed; he is now in this City, where he does Wonders, and the World is aſtoniſh'd at him. Monſieur, the King's Brother, hid a great Parcel of Money in his Garden, and ſunk a Steel-Box with ſome Jewels in a Fountain of Water; but the ſhaking Wand diſcovered both immediate⯑ly. The Princeſs of Conde diſcovered by it a Servant who had ſtollen ſeveral Pieces of Plate from her Toilette, particularly two large Sil⯑ver Candleſticks, tho' the Robbery had been [292] committed almoſt three Years before. It is impoſſible to queſtion the Truth of the Stories they tell of this Man, and his wondrous Rod, unleſs one would doubt the whole City, and believe every one you meet a Party to the Fraud.
For my Part, I know not what to think of this Man; for as above, there is no denying the Facts he performs, ſo there is no reſolving how he performs it.
I know the Southſayers and Diviners of the Eaſt, the wiſe Men of thy Country, and the Magicians of Perſia, uſed a Wand in all their Performances of this Nature; alſo we find in many ancient Writings, that the Scythians, the Sarmatians, and the Thracians, and many other Nations, uſed Divinations and Sorceries by Twigs and Rods, in the ſame or like Manner as this Leontine does.
The Goths alſo retain'd this Cuſtom; whe⯑ther they received it from the ancient Scythians or not, I know not; but I find it crept in among the Huns, and perhaps march'd round through thoſe deſolate Parts of the World which are now call'd Muſcovy, into Laponia and the North, where nothing is more certain than that they raiſe Storms and Calms, and cauſe the Winds to blow this Way or that, as the Mariners pleaſe or pay them, and that they do it by croſſing little Switches or Wands in wild and irregular Motions to thoſe Quarters from whence they will have it blow.
This Rabdomantick Art, or divining by Rods, I thought had been dropt out of the World, but they aſſure me here, that when Guſtavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, made War in Germany, the Swediſh Soldiers would, with Rods, find out the Treaſure which the Monks hid in [293] their Churches and Convents, in Vaults and Places under Ground, where nothing but ſuch an Art could do it.
For my Part, I have ſo little Faith in theſe things, that I cannot give the Credit to it that others do; tho' at the ſame Time I muſt con⯑feſs I cannot detect any Falacy yet in it; tho' ſometimes I begin to think there muſt be ſome Legerdemain in it, which no Body could yet find out, but which would, in Time, diſ⯑cover it ſelf, as ſuch things generally do: The reſt I muſt leave to Time. But I dare ſay thou wilt confeſs thou art outdone by this Man, and perhaps will ſay it is impoſſible to be true; but for that there is no Room for Queſtion; becauſe there is no Argument a⯑gainſt Demonſtration.
Paris, 20th of the 4th Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER IX. To the Kaimacham.
THE good Fortune of the King of France is now indeed returned; and tho' he did not make the Advantage of the Spring, as he uſually did, and undertook nothing early, yet the Succeſſes which have flow'd in upon him ſince, have abundantly made him amends. In Flanders, he has gain'd the moſt glorious Victo⯑ry that ever he yet obtained in all his Reign; of which I have given thee a full Account; but as if this was not enough, the Succeſſes of his Armies have been on every Side equal to it, in Proportion to the Forces engaged.
[294] While the Armies in Flanders were preparing for that glorious Action, the Duke de Lorge paſ⯑ſed the Rhine in Germany, ravaged the Frontiers of the Empire with as much Fury as ever a Hoord of Tartars made an Inroad into Poland, only that they did not covet ſo much the ſweep⯑ing away of the People; for they do not ſell Slaves in theſe Countries, except ſuch as are brought from Africk, who they call Negroes.
In this Ravage they reſolved to attack the City of Hidleberg, the Capital of one of the Ele⯑ctors of the Nazaren Empire, which they did: They puſh'd the Siege with ſuch Fury on one Hand, and the Place was ſo ill defended on the other, that they took both the City and the Ca⯑ſtle in a very few Days.
In taking this Caſtle, they were Maſters of one of the fineſt Palaces in all theſe Parts of the World, the Seat of the Elector Palatine; the Buildings, the Furniture, the Paintings in⯑imitably fine and ineſtimably rich; all which the Mareſchal de Lorge cauſed firſt to be plun⯑der'd by his Soldiers, and then burnt down to the Ground; for which all the World blamed him, and ſpoke of the Mareſchal with great Tokens of Abhorrence.
But they tell us the Mareſchal had expreſs Orders from the King his Maſter for what he did; and the Reaſon they give for that is ſtill a greater Satyr upon the King, (viz) that he ordered the Caſtle and fine Palace at Heidleberg to be demoliſhed; becauſe it was the only Palace in the World that exceeded his new Houſe at Verſailles.
If this were true, I ſay, it was a great Satyr on the Pride and Oſtentation of the King of France.
On the other Hand, the Baſeneſs of the Go⯑vernour, [295] who ſo ill defended this City, has been treated with that juſt Diſgrace which ſuch a Piece of vile Cowardice well deſerves, and of which I ſend thee a particular Ac⯑count, that thou mayeſt preſent to the Divan a Precedent commendable and very fit to be u⯑ſed upon ſuch Officers, as being entruſted with Places of Importance, fail in their Duty, or baſely give up the Fortreſſes of the Empire of the Faithful into the Hands of the Enemy.
The Governour of Heidleberg was the Baron Heideſdorf, a Major-General of the Emperor's Armies, a Franconian by Birth, of a good Fa⯑mily, one of the Knights of the Teutonick Or⯑der, and till now he was thought to have been a very good Officer; but his Cowardice and Surprize was proved plainly on a full Hearing before a Court Martial, and his Sentence was very ſevere; for they ſentenc'd him to be be⯑headed, after being degraded of all his Ho⯑nours, which was done with the utmoſt Diſgrace.
The Execution was in this Form, (viz) He was carried to the Houſe of the Teutonick Order, which is in Hailbrun, where he was clad in the Robes of one of the Knights, and then having both his Collar and his Croſs ta⯑ken from him, they ſtruck him twice upon the Face with it; then the youngeſt Knight, taking him by the Arm, thruſt him out of the Houſe, and gave him two Kicks at the Door that leads into the Street. Nor was this all, but he was carried in a Tumbrel by the common Hangman to the Prince of Baden's Camp, and after he had been a Spectacle to all the Army drawn up in Battalia on Purpoſe, he was lead up to a Scaffold, where he was to have loſt his Head, as the Sentence imported; but as the Executioner was preparing to do his Du⯑ty, [296] there came a Reprieve, which gave him his Life, at the Interceſſion of the Teutonick Order, but ſtill more Diſgrace: for after the Hangman had girt his Sword about him, he took it from him again immediately, broke it in two, and gave him three Slaps with the flat Side of the Blade upon his Face. At the End of this ignominious Execution, he was decla⯑red baniſh'd out of the Circles of Suabia, Fran⯑conia, the upper Rhine, and Auſtria; to which Purpoſe the Hangman carried him in his Tum⯑brel beyond the Neckar, and there left him; where, as ſome Letters ſay, the Country-Peo⯑ple, much more his Friends than they who begg'd his Life on ſuch ſhameful Terms, in a few Days after, knock'd him on the Head; ſome ſay he requeſted a Bo [...]r, that is, a Coun⯑try-Fellow, to do him that Office, as of Kind⯑neſs, that he might not live to ſee his Diſgrace.
Heroick Prince of the immortal Spahis, thou art well able to judge how much more agree⯑able Death muſt be to a Man of Honour than ſuch Uſage; and after all, they ſay the Baron was a Man of as much perſonal Bravery as any Man, and had diſtinguiſh'd himſelf with great Advantage upon many Occaſions; however, being overpowered now with great Numbers, and ſeeing no Relief at hand, he unhappily mis⯑behav'd at laſt.
It is neceſſary ſometimes too to let the Weight of all fall upon one Head, to excuſe others; for after all, they alledge that due Care was not taken to repair the Fortifications of the Place, or to give him a Body of Men able to have made a good Defence.
Happy the invincible Empire of the Muſſul⯑mans, where it never was known that any Governour, Aga, or Baſſa, in the numerous [297] Armies of the Grand Seignior, being entruſted with the Defence of any fortified Town, be⯑tray'd it to the Unbelievers; let the Nazarens teſtifie for us, and let it be ſpoken openly, what Characters they give here to the Honour of our Baſſa's, Governours of Buda, Newhauſel, Gran, Caniſia, great Waradin, and Belgrade; and to the Blood thoſe Sieges or Blockades have coſt the Unbelievers before they got them, or any of them, into their Hands.
In this the Empire of our immortal Sultan is truly invincible, (viz) that nothing falls out of the Hands of his Slaves, the Leaders of his mighty Armies, but with all the Reſiſtance and Defence that Honour and an inviolable Fideli⯑ty to their Maſter calls for from them.
I remember the glorious Defence thou ma⯑deſt at the firſt Siege of Buda, made famous un⯑der thy Government by the Bones the Naza⯑rens left in Heaps under the Walls; for which inimitable Conduct thou art ſtill honoured a⯑mong thy Enemies, and advanced worthily to the Favour and Cabinet of the greateſt Empe⯑ror in the World.
Paris, 11th of the 5th Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER X. To the Captain Baſſa.
IN my laſt to thee, I gave an Account of a terrible Blow given to the French Naval Power by the Britiſh and Dutch in the great Battle at Sea, and the burning their Ships after⯑wards [298] in their own Harbour, thou mayeſt now ſee the Reverſe.
Certainly what the French want in Force, they make up in Policy and in Vigilance: it was true that the French, though their Dili⯑gence in repairing their Navy was beyond all that the World thought poſſible, were not able to fight the Engliſh and Dutch Fleet joined together, who were no leſs than 80 Men of War of the Line; yet by their Vigilance and Dexterity in taking hold of the Advantage of⯑fer'd them, they have given the Confederates a terrible Blow at Sea; and had not the Confede⯑rates been very fortunate, even in this Diſaſter, the Blow had been much greater.
The Engliſh and Dutch, whoſe Trade is their Wealth, and the Fountain of their Strength, eſpecially at Sea, had prepared a mighty Fleet of Merchant-Ships bound to Portugal, Spain, and the Levant, and to the auguſt Port alſo, (the Receptacle of Nations) richly freighted with all ſorts of Wealth, and rich Com⯑modities, proper for thoſe Parts.
This great Fleet contained above 400 Sail, and the grand Navy being ready to ſail, it was thought convenient to take the Advantage of their Convoy as far as they could be had, which was to the Mouth of the Bay of Biſ⯑cay. Here the ſaid united grand Navy left the Merchants to proceed on their ſeveral Voy⯑ages, and left them about thirty Men of War to be their Convoy.
It was in an ill Hour the grand Fleet left them, the 10th of June; for the vigilant French, who watch'd for ſuch a deſirable Booty, and well knew where they would part, ſailed about 4 Days before them from the Coaſt of France with 50 Men of War, and waited for them in [299] Legos Bay, and on the Coaſt of Portugal and Spain, about Cape St. Vincent, which they call here the Southward Cape.
About the 23d they took a ſmall French Bark, who told them there was 18 French Men of War in Legos Bay; but the Engliſh having 30 Men of War, thought of a Booty rather than a Battle on that Account. On the 26th they began to diſcover ſome French Ships of War, being at that Time about Cape St. Vin⯑cent, and the next Day in the Morning they plainly perceived the whole French Fleet, to their great Surprize, and even Amazement. The Engliſh Admiral with 22 Men of War, diſcovering plainly the ſuperior Strength of the French, ſhifted his Courſe weſtward, and ha⯑ving ſome Advantage of the Wind, made all the Sail they could, giving a Signal to the Merchant-Ships and to the Dutch Men of War to follow: Among the Merchant-Ships there was the greateſt Conſternation, imaginable every one cried out to his Fellow, we are all undone.
The French not regarding ſo much the Men of War, fell in among the Merchant-Men, who, every one endeavour'd to ſhift for them⯑ſelves the beſt they could; and the Fleet be⯑ing ſo very great, many got away; however, above Threeſcore and Six Sail were taken or burnt, moſt of them richly laden; two Dutch Men of War, after an obſtinare Fight, were taken; four Engliſh Merchant-Ships immenſly rich, bound to the happy Port, were ſunk by the French after they were entered the Harbour of Gibraltar, and a Dutch Ship burnt.
In a Word, tho' it was next to miraculous that the French got no more Booty, yet the Loſs to the Engliſh and Dutch amounts to many [300] Millions of Livres, and the Conſternation through⯑out thoſe trading Nations is inexpreſſible.
The Dutch loſt three Sultanas taken, and two burnt; the Engliſh two, and a Store Ship, be⯑ſides the Merchant-Ships.
This Action has reviv'd the Courage, and re⯑ſtor'd the Credit of the French Seamen, who, it was ſaid, were very much diſpirited at the laſt Year's Misfortune, and at the manifeſt Superi⯑ority of the Confederate Fleets: The Loſs of the Confederates in Ships and in Goods is eſteemed at 25 Millions of Livres, and the French ſay, that now they are even with the En⯑gliſh for the burning their Men of War at La-Hogue.
The very ſame Hour almoſt that this News makes glad the People of France, they are re⯑joycing alſo on the Accounts of accumulated Vi⯑ctories over their Enemies on all Sides: on the Rhine they have puſh'd the Germans far into the Empire, defeated ſeveral of their Bodies, rai⯑ſed infinite Contributions upon the Circles, diſmantled their Towns, and ravaged the Country.
In Catalonia, the French Army and Navy has carried Roſes by a ſhort Siege of eight Days by Sea and Land, and has ravaged the Country far and wide even to the Gates of Barcelona, which it is ſaid they will alſo beſiege.
Invincible Captain of a Thouſand Sultanas, chief Admiral of the Armadas of the Faithful, thou knoweſt what it is to gain Victories, as well as to rejoice in them; the Triumphs of the French Nation are faint Emblems of the glorious Conqueſts of our invincible Emperor, in the Days when the Kingdoms of the World fell faſter into their Hands than Towns do here into the Hands of France.
[301] May Victories continue ſtill to crown the Head of thy immortal Maſter, till, ſurround⯑ed with inimitable Glory, he aſcends to Para⯑diſe in the Arms of our great Prophet Mahomet, there to enjoy the Treaſures of Peace in the Company of Omar, Ekir, and Alibeker the bleſ⯑ſed, and ſhine like the Sun in the Strength of inexpreſſible Glory.
Paris, 17th of the 8th Moon, of the Year 1693.
LETTER XI. To the Grand Vizier.
I Am deſtin'd to write of nothing but Victo⯑ries for this whole Year; if France goes on thus a little longer, Lewis XIV. and the bright Scepter of the invincible Race of Ottoman the glorious, whoſe Days be many, and his People proſperous, will meet on the Banks of Danubius, and ſhare the Empire of the World between them.
I have thrice already written of the Victories of the French by Land and Sea: The taking of Cities and Towns, and a vaſt Extent of Domi⯑nions depending on them, are things too mean to engage a Pen which has the Wonders of this Reign to deſcribe: France has crown'd the Campaign with another compleat Victory, and that over the Enemy of all the reſt which moſt moved his Choler.
It had been a Mortification almoſt inſupport⯑able to the French Court, to find the little D of Savoy, a Prince, who, the King, could, at another [302] Time have cruſh'd with one of his Fingers, inſult him while his Hands were, as it were, tied by the Struggles he had with more ſignificant E⯑nemies. The Mareſchal Catinat complained, in his Letters to the King, that while the Mare⯑ſchal de Luxemburgh had ſtill 135000 Men in Flanders, even after the Confederates were de⯑feated at Landen, the Duke de Lorge 70000 Men on the Rhine, and no Enemy to fight with, and the Duke de Noailles 22000 in Catalonia, while the Spaniards durſt not look him in the Face, he only (Catinat) ſhould be left with a handful of Men, as if condemn'd to the Miſery of ſeeing his Majeſty affronted by the Savoyard, without Power to reſiſt; and concludes his Letter with earneſt Entreaties for Succours, or that the King would give him leave with 4000 Horſe (that were with him, and that were made deſperate with ſeeing the Ruine of their Country) to break into the Enemy's Armies, and die as be⯑came them with their Swords in their Hands.
At length the King gave Ear to the Mareſchal's Importunities, and ordered the Duke de Lorge to make a Detachment of 12000 Men from Alſace, to march to Italy, among which were the Gens d' Arms, and other Troops of the Houſehold; and at the ſame Time, the Campaign being over in Catalonia, the Duke de Noailles was ordered to detach 4000 Foot and 2000 Horſe from that Side; and tho' the March was long, yet both thoſe Detachments, together with 4000 Men from Provence, joined Monſieur Catinat almoſt together, and came in ſo good time, that he had an Opportunity to enter Piedmont juſt as the Duke of Savoy, grown haughty by his Succeſs, pre⯑tended to bombard Pignerol.
The Duke hearing of the March of the French, drew off, and retreated to cover Turin, which [303] the Mareſchal Catinat made him believe he would attack, and the two Armies met in the great Plain of Marſaglia, about five Leagues from Turin.
The Mareſchal, an old Soldier, who knew his Army was now equal at leaſt in Number, and ſuperior in Cavalry to the Savoyard, and whoſe Troops were ſufficiently provoked by the Ravages which the Germans and Spaniſh Troops in particular had made the Year before in France; for which they waited an Occaſion to pay them home; I ſay, the Mareſchal and his whole Army breathing nothing but Revenge, made no Stop, but as ſoon as they came up with their Enemies, let them ſee they muſt fight for it, and acrordingly lying but one Night in Reach of the Duke's Army, the next Morning he marched in full Battalia directly to their Camp, and fell upon them with ſuch Fury, that no⯑thing could withſtand them.
It was obſerv'd, that the Cavalry in the French left Wing and the Infantry in the main Battle charg'd their Enemy Sword in Hand without firing a Gun; the Foot with their Handjars ſcrew'd on the Muzzles of their Pieces, a Me⯑thod never practiſed before, coming up to the Teeth of the Milaneſe Troops, overturn'd all that ſtood in their Way; ſo that receiving their firſt Fire, and not firing at all themſelves, the Enemies were cut in pieces before they had time to charge their Muskets a ſecond time.
In ſhort, this daring Courage of the King of France's Troops, diſpiritted the Duke of Savoy's Troops to that Degree, that they could no where ſtand their Ground before the French; their Ar⯑my is quite broken, above 9000 kill'd on the Spot, 2000 taken Priſoners, 34 Pieces of Cannon, all their Baggage, and 106 Colours and Standards taken by the French.
[304] Invincible Prince of Generals, the Particu⯑lars of this Battle will aſſure thee how eaſily the German Cavalry are to be conquered: Not the Curiaſſers themſelves, of whom ſuch terrible things have been ſaid, tho' arm'd and barb'd Man and Horſe, were able to reſiſt the French Gens d' Arms and Light Horſe; who deſpiſing Ar⯑mour, and neglecting their Carabines, charg'd naked into the Line of the German Horſe, and by the dextrous Management of their Horſes, and an invincible daring Courage, broke them in an inſtant, and cut them in pieces with their Swords only.
Glory attend the Armies of the illuſtrious re⯑ſplendent Emperor of the World, led by thy experienc'd and victorious Hand. Theſe Victo⯑ries of the French will make way for thy Con⯑queſts, and the Nazaren Emperor ſhall no more be able to ſtand before thee, being obliged to call off his Armies to defend his imperial Pa⯑lace from the conquering French, who, if no ſudden and unexpected Accident intervene, will ſoon make the Walls of Vienna tremble.
While I am writing this to thee, News is come from the Duke of Luxemburgh, that he has convinc'd the World that the Victory he obtain⯑ed at Landen was compleat, by his beſieging Char⯑leroy in the Face of the King of England's Army, who pretended to be recruited again, but did not think fit to try their Hands in another Bat⯑tle. The Town held out but 26 Days after the Trenches were open'd, and is ſurrender'd, which makes the Victories of the French this Year be no leſs than 13 in Number.
Paris, 12th of the 10th Moon, of the Year 1693.
- Citation Suggestion for this Object
- TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3454 A continuation of Letters written by a Turkish spy at Paris Giving an impartial account to the divan at Constantinople of the most remarkable transactions of Europe continued from the year 1687. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-582D-0